none with the battle fleet [illustration: _courtesy of collier's weekly_ in the straits of magellan] with the battle fleet cruise of the sixteen battleships of the united states atlantic fleet from hampton roads to the golden gate december, -may, by franklin matthews illustrated by henry reuterdahl (courtesy of collier's weekly) b. w. huebsch new york copyright by b. w. huebsch st printing, october, d printing, december, d printing, february, to rear admiral richard wainwright, u.s.n., (captain of the u.s.s. louisiana on the atlantic fleet's cruise to the pacific) an able officer and a gentleman contents chapter page i. from hampton roads to trinidad ii. christmas with the fleet iii. trinidad to rio de janeiro iv. neptune ahoy! v. brazil's enthusiastic welcome vi. national salutes at sea vii. punta arenas, the world's jumping-off place viii. through magellan strait ix. in and out of valparaiso harbor x. peru's warm-hearted greeting xi. target shooting at magdalena bay xii. routine of a battleship xiii. social life on an american man-o'-war xiv. end and lessons of the cruise to the pacific introductory on december , , there sailed from hampton roads, bound for san francisco, a fleet of sixteen american battleships, the most powerful collection of warships ever assembled under the american flag and about to undertake the longest cruise that any fleet of any nation had ever made. it was ordered to make this journey of about , miles by president roosevelt, commander-in-chief of the navy by virtue of his office, for reasons which he did not deem wise to make public fully and which up to this writing have not been revealed. in his annual message submitted to congress a few days before the fleet sailed the president designated the fleet, still known officially as the u. s. atlantic fleet, as the battle fleet. rear admiral robley d. evans was in command of the fleet, of the first squadron and of the first division of the first squadron. the ships of his division were the connecticut, (captain h. osterhaus), kansas (captain c. e. vreeland), vermont (captain w. p. potter) and louisiana (captain richard wainwright). the ships of the second division of the first squadron were commanded by rear admiral william h. emory and were the georgia (captain h. mccrea), new jersey (captain w. h. h. southerland), rhode island (captain j. b. murdock) and virginia (captain s. schroeder). the second squadron of the fleet and its third division were commanded by rear admiral charles m. thomas, and the ships of his division were the minnesota (captain j. hubbard), ohio (captain c. w. bartlett), missouri (captain g. a. merriam) and the maine (captain g. b. harber). the ships of the fourth division were commanded by rear admiral charles s. sperry, and his ships were the alabama (captain t. e. dew. veeder), illinois (captain j. m. bowyer), kearsarge (captain h. hutchins) and kentucky (captain w. c. cowles). there were about , men on the ships and the value of the vessels and stores was about $ , , . the following compilation shows where the fleet stopped, how long each stay was and the distance travelled. sailed from hampton roads, va., december , . arrived port of spain, december , ; sailed december , ; , . knots; time days hours. arrived rio de janeiro, january , ; sailed january , ; , knots; time, days hours. arrived possession bar, chile, january , ; sailed february , ; , knots; time, days. arrived punta arenas, chile, february , ; sailed february , ; knots; time, hours. arrived callao, peru, february , ; sailed february , ; , knots; time, days hours. arrived magdalena bay, mexico, march , ; sailed april , ; , knots; time, days hours. arrived san diego, cal., april , ; sailed april , ; knots; time, days hours. arrived san pedro, cal., april , ; sailed april , ; knots; time, hours. arrived santa barbara, cal., april , ; sailed april , ; knots; time, hours. arrived monterey, cal., may , ; sailed may , ; knots; time, hours. arrived santa cruz, cal., may , ; sailed may , ; knots; time, hours. arrived san francisco lightship, may , ; sailed may , ; knots; time, hours. arrived san francisco, cal., may , ; knots; time, hours. total knots, , . actual time of cruising, days hours. the departure of the fleet excited intense interest throughout the civilized world. its progress was watched with eagerness at home and abroad. the letters printed herewith record what took place on this momentous journey, and they constitute practically a chronological story of the cruise. every word of them was passed upon by duly appointed naval officers with the fleet. their accuracy therefore must be unquestioned. they were written for the sun of new york and they were printed originally by that newspaper and its clients simultaneously throughout the country. they are reproduced by the special permission of the sun printing and publishing association and in response to a large number of written and oral requests that a permanent record be made of the cruise and its incidents. the author takes pleasure in making acknowledgment of the kindly co-operation of lieut. f. taylor evans of the louisiana in the preparation of the letters and in the elimination of technical naval errors through his watchful supervision. the author is also under obligations to very many officers of the fleet, especially to lieutenant commander c. t. jewell, navigator of the louisiana, for suggestions and for assistance in gathering information, as well as for the cordiality with which he and the other correspondents, all of whom were sent with the fleet by special direction of the president, were received on the ships. f. m. new york, july , . with the battle fleet chapter i from hampton roads to trinidad run of the battleships down to the west indies--the "sweet sixteen" quick to get down to business after the sentiment of the good-by--formation of the fleet--difficulties of maintaining the proper distances--naval routine--gospel of neatness-- neptune's preparations for celebrating the crossing of the line--arrival at trinidad. _on board u.s.s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet,_ trinidad, dec. . "i call 'em 'sweet sixteen', sir," said the bos'n's mate to the sun correspondent as admiral evans in the flagship connecticut led the battle fleet past the capes of the chesapeake out to sea just before noon on december and the gentle swells lifted and lowered the bows of one ship after another to nod their own farewells to the mayflower at anchor near the tail of the horseshoe. the officers and men had stood at attention to receive the good-by and godspeed of the president, and they had thundered their farewells to him from the throats of the -pounder barkers that spat fire and snorted out great puffs of smoke, but when each ship began to find herself she too made her good-by as only a dignified ship could make it, taking no orders from admiral or captain as to when and how often she should bow to the ship that carried the president. a stiff northwest wind seized hold of the great streamers of smoke that poured over the tops of smoke-pipes, and as these streamers frayed themselves out against the blue sky and the bright sun the breeze seemed to lift them toward the southeastern heavens, where some power wove them together to pull the ships along and give them a fine sendoff. all of monday and tuesday whoever it was in the kingdom of old boreas that was doing the tugging on the ships made a good job of it, for practically every vessel in the fleet had to check speed constantly. admiral evans had his own notions as to the way a great fleet should set sail on a prolonged voyage, and his commanding officers got down to business in a jiffy. all acted as if sending a fleet of sixteen battleships on a , mile cruise were a mere matter of ordinary routine. the officers of the deck on all the ships were concerned chiefly about keeping their proper distances, the navigators were taking bearings and already getting ready for figuring out latitudes and longitudes, the executive officers were going about to see that everything was in proper order for routine at sea and the captains were mostly on the bridges casting their eyes about and keeping their ears open, alert to correct any move that might mar the performance of their ships in the fleet formation. below decks in engine and fire rooms, and in all the other of the scores of places where men watch and work in a warship, routine was established quickly. it was all very businesslike. every ship was doing the same thing at the same time. true, the fleet had started for san francisco, but that was a mere detail, so little has the matter of destination to do with perfecting drill on a warship. [illustration: _copyright by pictorial news co._ the fleet leaving hampton roads] getting away from hampton roads may have sent a lump into many a man's throat, but not one showed it. on every ship the band was playing the usual good-by medley composed of "home, sweet home," "the girl i left behind me" and "auld lang syne." the middle part of the medley brought thumping of many feet on the deck, but there was silence and stern looks ahead when the beginning and end were reached, over and over again. a staff officer on the louisiana showed the attitude of the naval man. he had told his wife and family exactly where to go in a remote but conspicuous place on the ramparts of old fort monroe so that he could distinguish them easily with his glass. he had told them he would be on the after bridge. when the ship came near the station of his family he stole far out on the bridge, fixed his glass on the family group and waved and waved his handkerchief. the answer came quickly and the flashes seemed to be wigwags, such as a naval officer's wife might be expected to know. the officer stood it for about two minutes. then he pulled himself together sharply, turned and walked away. he walked over to a group of his mates. "did you make out your people, jones?" asked one of them who had noted what was going on. "i believe they were over there somewhere in the crowd," was the reply with an apparently unconcerned smile. he had finished with that side of his existence. from now on he knew no family; his duty was to his flag and ship. what was that signal at the forward truck? had anybody made it out? his heartstrings were out of sight and he was thankful they were. the business side of the start was another story. orders had been issued to steam in exact column, that is, one ship directly behind its leader at a distance of yards from masthead to masthead. steam was up; engines, steering gear, annunciators, and all the rest of the modern contrivances had been tested; boats hoisted in and gangways unrigged, and then came the flagship signal to get under way. how the men did step around and the anchor engines tug! the division officer watched until the anchor was clear of the mud, when he reported it to the executive officer, who takes a ship in and out of port. finally the anchor was sighted, the "all ready" signal made, the engines began to throb and the ships turned on their heels and got under way. it was a pretty manoeuvre in the crowded roads with the swift tide sweeping the ships seaward. in the chains the leadsman was swinging his plummet and calling out such things as "by the mark seven," "by the deep six," "by the quarter less six," while the ships slowly paraded down the bay. the channel was so shallow that the ships stirred up the mud and some of it got into the machinery, and there were hot bearings that were cooled down with the hose. it would not do to falter or make a blunder of any kind, for the president was looking on and no excuses would be tolerated. it was a far different story from the old days. the old sloop of war jamestown lay in the roads, and if the fleet could have stopped to listen she would have spun a yarn on how they used to leave port. she would have remarked upon the change. when she set sail capstan bars would be shipped and all that part of the ship's company manning the bars would bring the anchor chain "up and down, sir," as the officer in charge of the fo'c's'le would report. the captain and first luff (the executive officer who "had to have the ship working like a chronometer, no thanks if he did and his hide scorched by his superiors if he didn't") would stand on the quarter block on the weather side and the navigator and officer of the deck on the lee side. then would come the sharp commands, "aloft light yardmen!" "aloft topmen!" "aloft lower yardmen!" "lay out!" "let fall!" and a cloud of snowy canvas would drop loose and limp. then would come the commands, "topsail sheets and halyards!" "to'gallant sheets and halyards!" "set taut!" "haul away!" with the shrill sound of the bos'n's whistle to the tramp of hundreds of feet. when a band was on board there would be a martial air. if not the officer would shout "stamp and go!" and this noise with the feet meant so much extra pulling, and the good ship was soon on her course. sometimes a chanty would be sung instead of the "stamp and go," and when the ship was bound for rio, just as this fleet is, one could hear the light hearted, and the heavy hearted ones too, singing a refrain that the men of this fleet might well have sung if the days of the chanty had not gone to limbo: heave away for rio! heave away for rio! my bonny young girl, my head's in a whirl, for i'm bound for the rio grande. the old days have gone, but many a bluejacket's head (bluejacket, mind you; not jackie, for many of uncle sam's tars and sea dogs don't like that term) was in a whirl over some bonny young girl, as witness the hundreds of letters that were sent ashore on the mail orderly's last trip. and so the ships passed out to sea. the matter of fact officers occasionally cast their eyes about and when they had time to give expression to their feelings about all that one would hear from them would be: "mighty fine, sight, this. wonder what they're doing back there? distance seems wrong. better get up his position pennant or the admiral may get after him. what's that? we're fifty yards too close? give her three revolutions slower. only twenty-five now? give her only one slower. get her distance now? standard speed." and the signals to the engine room would quit jangling for a time while the captain or officer of the deck looked around again and repeated: "mighty fine sight, this!" it all depends on the way you look at it. you couldn't see much going down the chesapeake bay channel. there was a turn or two, but the smoke of the saluting obscured things and it was not until the ships headed out to sea and the connecticut was past the whistling buoy, which also seemed to want to have a share in the sendoff, that it was possible to get a satisfactory look at the entire fleet that stretched away for more than three miles. then came a signal for open order. the admiral's ship went right on. the next following bore out to port and the next to starboard. then the ships paired off to port and starboard, making two lines, each a quarter of a point off the flagship, which had a lane to itself in the centre, giving the admiral and his staff on the after bridge a view of all. perhaps the formation may be understood better by the average reader by saying that it was a wing and wing formation. signals were passing along the line constantly and semaphores were throwing their arms about as if they were manikins performing for the amusement of the , men afloat. it was pretty to see a mass of flags fall to the deck simultaneously from time to time. it was impressive to see the flag of the country fluttering from the gaffs of mainmasts. it was fine to see the ships keeping in line. the commanding officers might refer to the spectacle as a mighty fine sight, but the few civilians with the fleet shared the sentiment of a tar who sidled up to the sun man and said: "this makes you proud of your country. you know already that the country is big and great and all that, but when you see it reduced to this kind of business on the ocean you are sure your country is great. none but a great country could produce such a sight as this. i'm glad i've had the chance to see it." in single file for two hours the ships kept on their course. they were like so many indians on a jaunt. each ship stood for sovereignty. each stood for brute strength. each stood for the development of science and skill. each stood for an impressive expression of patriotism. in that fleet of sixteen ships there seemed to be concentrated, according to some of those who looked at them, the entire power of the united states for good or evil. when it came to estimating the brute strength of the fleet it grew bewildering. the mathematicians got busy. they figured out that there were nearly , guns of various kinds on the entire fleet and they talked about the weight of projectiles and charges and then got down to muzzle velocity in foot seconds and muzzle energy in foot tons and a lot of other terms that would make a landlubber's head dizzy. they told how the average muzzle velocity of those guns was , feet a second and that a -inch gun's energy was equal to raising , tons a foot, while that of a -inch gun, with which these ships are all armed, could lift, by the power of one discharge, , tons a foot. then they got to figuring out how much all the guns could lift and how swift the things they shoot could go. this ran the figures up into the millions of foot tons just for one discharge. when some one tried to figure out how many millions upon millions of foot tons could be raised if all the projectiles in the fleet were fired--the exact number of the thousands upon thousands of these projectiles it would not be prudent even to indicate--why, an amateur at figures, the simple addition, subtraction, multiplication and division man, got a headache. then the figure sharps got after the engine power, and they tried to show if one ship had something like , horse-power, more or less, what the combined ships must have and what could be done with it on land--that is, how many railroad trains, each a mile long, could be pulled so many thousands of miles; how many bridges like those across the east river they could pull down with just one tug at them; how many cities such power could light; how many great factories and mills could be run with that power, and even how much goods could be made out of it--well, after that the amateur began to wonder if he could add up two and two. after that it was figured out that the displacement in tons for the entire fleet was more than a quarter of a million, and the weight of a lot of other heavy things in the world was estimated. by this time the amateur was clear flabbergasted, and all he could say, landlubber that he is and will be until neptune has him ducked, was that if the fleet did displace , tons of water the ocean didn't show any signs of it and uncle sam would have to try many, many thousands of times if he expected to get the better of old neptune by displacing water. after the mathematical sharps had finished, what are known as the word painters and grainers became busy. some of the word painters compared the long file of ships to a line of gray geese in a long follow-your-leader flight to the south for a warmer clime. the ships did look gray at times, according to the atmospheric conditions, but the gray geese analogy was voted not a success because geese haven't things sticking up in the middle of their backs resembling the smoke-pipes of battleships. besides, geese do not give out black or any other kind of smoke. the painters got out their vocabulary of magnificent, awe inspiring, formidable demons of war, bulldogs of the sea, peace compellers and all that string and began to weave them all together, and it was voted all right and probably appropriate, but it was said that these did not hit quite the right note. that was that this fleet was going out for business of a different kind from that which any other american fleet had undertaken. the business in hand was the moulding of sixteen battleship units into one battle fleet unit, not sixteen times stronger than one unit, but with the strength increased in something like geometrical ratio. the problem, therefore, was to make this fleet a unit, not like a chain, strong only as its weakest link, but like a rope, far stronger than the multiplied strength of its various strands. charles h. cramp, the veteran shipbuilder, nearly ten years ago pointed out in a paper read at the annual meeting of naval men and marine engineers in new york city that the greatest training need of the united states navy was what he called battleship seamanship. that meant not navigation merely, but the synchronizing of one battleship to others, the tuning up, so to speak, the team work, to use a football analogy, in sailing, manoeuvring, shooting--all pulling together. two hours after clearing the capes admiral evans gave the signal for one of his favorite cruising formations, that is, in columns of fours. the four divisions of the fleet drew up in parallel lines with an admiral at the head of each line. the five starred white flag, called the five of clubs, was run up at the fore truck of the connecticut to indicate that that ship was the guard ship. the lines were run at intervals of , yards, and the ships of each division, still in wing and wing fashion, were at distances of yards. to be strictly naval you must call the space between two lines of ships interval and the space between two individual ships in line distance. well, after the ships were spread out they covered an area of more than two square miles, and then one began to realize what all these ships meant. the circle of twelve or fourteen miles that hemmed them in and that expanded in front and contracted in the rear seemed practically filled with them. distances were kept fairly well and the ships plodded along in the smooth sea nodding their approval of what was going on. it was this problem of distance that kept the officers of the decks busy. when you think that each of these ships represented a weight of from , to , tons more or less, and that you had to move that ship at the rate of knots an hour and keep it within yards of a ship in front of you; when you consider how some ships move a trifle of an inch faster than another ship at the same number of propeller revolutions; when you think that one of the propellers of your own ship will do more work than the other at the same number of revolutions, and that this will throw you out of your course and make you steer badly if you don't correct it; when you think that your leader may vary in his speed; when you think of all this, you can begin to understand the problem of those officers on the bridge to keep the ships in line and at proper distances. it took some time for each ship to determine how many revolutions were necessary to produce ten knots speed, according to the standard of the flagship. for example, the louisiana's experts figured on sixty-seven revolutions. it was too much, for after an hour or two it was found that sixty-five would do the work. some of the ships were between two numbers. all the time each ship was gaining or losing a trifle and this had to be corrected every minute or two. on each ship a young midshipman stood on the bridge beside the officer on watch looking through a little instrument of bars and glasses and wheels graduated to a scale of figures and called a stadimeter. he reduced the truckline and the waterline of the flagship to some mathematical basis involving triangulation--what's the use of trying to explain it? no one but a mathematician could understand it--and then he would say, " yards, sir," or perhaps the figures would be or , or what not, and the officer of the deck would have to signal to the engine room to slow down or go faster. it was to be watchful every minute of the hour. the midshipman often had to report distances every fifteen or twenty seconds and the corrections of speed were going on every two or three minutes. when you got more than forty yards out of the way you had to fly a triangular pennant of white with red border and this was set down against your ship on the flagship, and that you didn't like, if you were the responsible officer. and so the first day at sea wore on and the sun went down with a glow of gold in the west that seemed like a benediction. just as it sank below the horizon the pink rays that were gathering reflected themselves on the starboard sides of the white ships and gave them a touch of color. lights on the main truck on the foremast and at the stern and at the sides appeared instantly, and it was night-time on the fleet. the black smoke rose straight in the air, other lights began to twinkle and soon, in the glow of the twilight and the gleam of the lights on the vessels themselves and the illumination of the moon close to the full, the ships took on an aspect such as lower new york assumes early in the evening of mid-winter days when office buildings are lighted. when the smoke smudged the sky or clouded the moon, however, it was like a city of factories and it was decided that there was just one expression that would give some idea of its beauty. it was this: "spotless town afloat." zest was added to the day's sendoff and work when the officers were gathered in the wardroom at dinner and a wireless telegram of good wishes from the mayflower, received a short time before, was read. there were cheers for the president, especially on the louisiana, which is called the president's ship because he sailed on her to panama, and hundreds of the officers and crew feel that they know him personally. "good for the president!" shouted one of the officers in the waist of the table. "so say we all," responded a man on the other side, "but i wish he had told us where we are going." that man didn't have to wait long, for soon there was sent into the wardroom of every ship a message signalled from the flagship which said that after a brief stay on the pacific coast the fleet would come home by way of suez. this is what admiral evans signalled: unofficial signal. u. s. s. connecticut, december th, . the president authorizes the commander-in-chief to inform the officers and men that after a short stay on the pacific coast it is the president's intention to have the fleet return to the atlantic coast by way of the mediterranean. every man jumped at that news; every one wished his wife or sweetheart could know it at once. one of the puzzles about the fleet was settled. there is no room in this first letter of the long cruise to go into detail about the thousand and one things--incidents, ceremonies and drills--that make up the routine and life on the warship. these will come afterward in other forms. one might tell how the men on guard at the side lights at night sing out after a bell is tapped: "port light burning bright," "starboard light burning bright," how "the o'clock light is out, sir" report is made and received; how they "put the shirts on" the gun muzzles and mainmast; how the call to dinner to the officers is done on the louisiana with a fife and drum, "rolling roast beef," they used to call it, and probably, do yet in the british navy, only the tune is different in ours, for it is "yankee doodle"; how "sweethearts and wives "are toasted once a week; how "make it eight bells" is said; how scores of these things, many of them well known, are done and why. let it go for the present. if there is one thing that impresses the civilian even more than the ceremonies or the peculiar routine of a warship it is the cleanliness of things. this applies as much to the men as it does to the remotest nook and cranny in the darkest and deepest part of the ship. the officer would take you into some corner where you had to bend your back and almost go on your hands and knees and show you that it was as clean as the most exposed parts of his bailiwick. the fleet had not been out two days before the executive officer issued an order about cleanliness. the men were cautioned to keep themselves and their clothes clean on penalty of going on the scrubbing list. it did not mean that there were men on board who were slack in this respect, but there were a lot of youngsters who had never been to sea before and they needed to be broken in. what the scrubbing list is was well explained by an old time sailor on board. he said: "man-o'-war cleanliness is different from any other that i know. i distinguish it from all other kinds because it is the most searching and far reaching thing of the kind in the world. "it really begins on the inside of a man, at his soul, although i am sorry to say you can't always see the effect of it there, and it works its way out to his skin, clothing and surroundings. all must be immaculately clean, and this habit is so thoroughly ingrained in the men that to maintain it they will even commit crime. "i mean just what i say. let me give you an instance: "in one of the old ships in which i sailed fresh water--it was the case of all of 'em, sir--fresh water was a scarce article even to drink. no fresh water could be had to wash our clothes. salt water does not clean clothing properly, no matter how you work over your duds. "so our men in the old days actually used to steal the water out of the breakers, the small casks kept in the boats at all times in case of emergency, such as shipwreck. that is what i mean by committing crime. we actually used to steal from the most important supply on the ship just for the sake of keeping ourselves clean. "for uncleanliness a man would be stripped naked and his skin scrubbed with sand and canvas--no man ever forgot it who experienced that--and sometimes with ki-yar brushes, by two husky bos'n's mates. all hands soon got the habit of being clean." there was much interest on the ships as to how the wireless telephone would work out. the system has been in operation only a few months and is largely in the experimental and almost the infantile stage. all of the battleships are equipped with the apparatus and there was no doubt about it, you could talk to any ship in the fleet from any other and at times the sounds of the voice were as clear as through an ordinary telephone. at times they weren't, and there was a division of opinion among the officers as to the real value of the invention. as is the case with the wireless telegraph only one ship of a fleet can use the telephone at one time. while one ship is talking to another all the other ships must keep out of it and even the ship to which the message is being sent must keep still and not break in. the receiver must wait until the sender has got all through with what he has to say and then he can talk back. the sending and receiving machines use part of the apparatus of the wireless telegraph outfit. if an attempt is made to use the telegraph while the telephone is in use the telephone goes out of commission at once because it is absolutely drowned out. the telegraph apparatus uses so much greater power that it is like a loud voice overwhelming a soft one. the operator at the telephone would sound a signal with some sort of a buzzer that had the wail of a lost cat in its voice and then he would put a little megaphone into the mouthpiece of the telephone and would say, sharp and clear: "minnesota! minnesota! minnesota! this is the louisiana! this is the louisiana! this is the louisiana! we have a press message for you to send to the beach. we have a press message for you to send to the beach. do you hear us? do you hear us? minnesota! minnesota! this is the louisiana! go ahead! go ahead!" sometimes the message would fail. sometimes the wireless, one kind or the other, would be working on other ships. sometimes the answer would come at once and the operator would write down the reply and hand it over to you. when connection would be established fully the operator instead of reading off your press message would click it off by a telegraph key to the minnesota's operator. that was to make sure that he would get it correctly. peculiarly spelled words employed in cabling could not be made out by the ordinary operator and it was taking chances to spell them out with the voice, and hence they were sent with the key, the operation really being a combination of the wireless telephone and telegraph, yet not at all complicated in practical operation. everyone of the electrical experts with the fleet is convinced that the wireless telephone is going to be of value. most of them have talked with it clearly for distances of at least twenty miles. one difficulty is in keeping it tuned up because the wireless telegraph apparatus is also on board. some of the experts seemed to think that one service dropped in efficiency if the other was kept keyed up to its best. all were confident that as soon as certain difficulties were overcome, difficulties no more serious, they said, than the ordinary telephone encountered in the beginning, the apparatus would be workable as readily as a telephone on land. give it time, was the way the situation was summed up. speaking about wireless telegraph, have you heard the latest wrinkle in it, the most up to date use of it? of course you haven't. it remained for the voyage of this fleet to disclose it. three days out, every ship got wireless messages from father neptune warning it to be ready to receive him on crossing the line. the message was genuine because it was posted up and a copy sent to the executive officer as soon as it was received. an orderly brought it to him with an unusually stiff salute while the wardroom was at mess. it served notice on all "landlubbers, pollywogs and sea lawyers" that they must be initiated and it appointed one fore topmast as "official representative of his most gracious majesty neptune rex, ruler of the royal domain." it called for a meeting of the "faithful subjects" to arrange for the ceremonies of his visit. the meeting on the louisiana was held in no. casemate, on the port side of the gun deck aft. the proceedings were secret, but it was soon known that royal policemen, royal barbers, royal judges, royal counsel and a lot of other royal functionaries were appointed. the word went through the ship that the ceremonies were to be pretty strenuous; that no one who had not crossed the equator would escape. to show how serious this was here is a copy of one of neptune's messages and the order that followed its reception: notice. the following wireless was received at p.m., december , : _fore topmast, official representative on board the good ship louisiana of his majesty neptune rex, ruler of the royal domain._ at the time the thomas w. lawson turned turtle many of my trusted police were on board, and as a result they were more or less injured and all of the regulation uniforms carried by them were lost. therefore it will be necessary for me to designate many of my royal subjects on board the good ship represented by you to act in their stead, and you are authorized to make the selection from among the most faithful of those who belong to the royal realm. in making the appointments you will consider their qualifications as to severity, alertness, seadogness, their knowledge as to the interior plans of the ship and their ability to follow the trail of any landlubber, pollywog or sea lawyer who endeavors to escape the initiation as prescribed by me. you will report to me by wireless the names of the subjects selected, the position assigned and the proficiency of each in order that i may forward their commission at once. you will have the regulation uniforms made up at once and will carry out all orders in this connection. your majesty, neptune rex, ruler of the royal domain. general order no. . in view of the above i have this day, the th of december, , selected from among the royal subjects on board the good ship louisiana the trusted police as directed by his majesty, and those selected have been notified of their appointment, all of whom have accepted. the attention of all the royal subjects is invited to paragraph x, article viix, regulations of the royal realm, relative to police duty and to the punishments prescribed for those who fail to perform their duty properly and to the landlubber, pollywog or sea lawyer who tries to avoid the initiation as prescribed by his majesty. as noted in the wireless message from his majesty many of the uniforms were lost, the trusted police selected will at once visit his majesty's tailor, the sailmaker's mate, and be measured for the uniform to protect him from the crabs, eels and sharks. fore top, o. r. h. m. n. r. two days later this wireless was received and an order issued complying with directions: notice. the following wireless was received at a. m., december : _fore topmast, official representative of his majesty neptune rex, ruler of the royal domain, on board the good ship louisiana._ it has been reported to me by a member of my secret police on board of the good ship on which you are my representative that there are several landlubbers, pollywogs and sea lawyers who intend to escape the initiation as prescribed by me by stowing themselves away; of course this is folly on their part, as there is not a hole or corner on board the good ship louisiana that my faithful police and subjects are not familiar with, and it is therefore impossible for any one to avoid escaping the royal initiation. those who do try to escape the initiation in this manner will of course be apprehended, and when brought before me on the day of the ceremonies they will not soon forget the trick they endeavored to play on the royal realm, and the dose they get will be more severe than any i have as yet prescribed. referring to the secret code of the royal realm, the following landlubbers, pollywogs and sea lawyers have been reported to me as mentioned above: gabnokto, thnruowk, mawjtrqmorptzs, wqquopbchr and ybxquotrdhgle. you will therefore at once issue orders to the chief of police to attend to these crabs and to put his best men on their trail, and if the above is true they will so report to me upon my arrival on board. your majesty, neptune rex, ruler of the royal domain. general order no. . this is to inform the members of the royal realm on board the good ship louisiana that i have this day issued orders to the chief of police to place five of his best men on the trail of the men as mentioned in his majesty's wireless and whom you will all know by referring to the royal secret code which you have in your possession. you will also keep track of these animals and report to me any out of the way move which they should make. you will also be on the lookout for any other of these who happen to be on board, and should they make a false move i will make a special report to his majesty with recommendations which will cover all defects. fore top, official representative of his majesty. after one day's steaming in four columns the fleet was deployed into two columns. for one day the speed was increased to knots. the little tender yankton, which is to be used as the admiral's yacht in port and for short journeys and which has been running with the fleet off the starboard side of the flagship, was sent on ahead to get a good start. one day's steaming at knots brought her back to us and then the fleet resumed the slower speed. the weather was fine throughout. when the trade wind belt was encountered about miles north of st. thomas the ships pitched a good deal, but there was little rolling. sea legs had been acquired by that time and few on board were incapacitated. there was a squall now and then in the caribbean with a dash of rain for five or ten minutes, but that was nothing. on friday, december , the missouri was detached from the fleet to take a sailor sick with peritonitis to san juan, and later that night the illinois was sent to culebra with a sailor who had pneumonia. of course both could have been treated on board ship, but admiral evans thought that it would be more humane to give these men the best treatment that could be had on shore and so did not hesitate. two great warships were sent away from the fleet formation, all for the comfort of two men. the ships joined the fleet again late on saturday. there were only one or two slight mishaps to ship machinery reported on the journey down, really nothing worthy of note, a pump or something of that kind being out of order. the fleet went along in splendid style. three days out the intervals and distances were almost perfect at all hours of the day and night. the voyage soon became a double procession of warships, with just the ordinary routine going on. on sunday, december , the first death on the fleet was reported. it was that of robert e. pipes, an ordinary seaman on the alabama, enlisted at dallas, tex., in august last. he died of spinal meningitis. nothing was known of the death on the fleet until eight bells were sounded at p.m. admiral evans had gone ahead of the fleet at noon to make a four or six hour test of the new fuel called briquettes, and his ship was out of sight. admiral thomas on the minnesota was in command. his ship was leading the second squadron, , yards to port. the men on watch saw the national colors being raised on the mainmast. there was a scurry on every ship to get up the colors. every one wondered whether land or a ship had been sighted. slowly the colors went up and then down to half mast. all colors on the other ships went to half mast. the order for half speed was given and then came a signal to stop. the rails of the ships were crowded at once. up and down the columns the men looked and then it was seen that the quarterdeck of the alabama was crowded. the order had been given there: "all hands aft to bury the dead!" the captain read the burial service. an opening in the lines of the men on the lee side was made and pipes's body, sewed in a hammock and weighted with shot, was slipped gently over the side. it made very little splash. three volleys were fired by the marines, taps were sounded, the colors were run up to the gaff on the mainmast on all the ships and standard speed was ordered again as the flags came down. the ceremony occupied exactly nine minutes and admiral thomas sent a wireless telegram to admiral evans notifying him of what had been done. the burial cast a gloom for a few minutes on all the ships. much to the regret of many officers and men, admiral evans took the virgin instead of the anegada passage into the caribbean and then headed straight for trinidad. many had hoped that he would sail along the chain of islands and that they might catch a glimpse at least of martinique and some of the other historic places. but business is business on a fleet as well as on shore. coal must be saved, and the way to go to a place is to go on the shortest possible line consistent with safety. so it was that on monday, december , trinidad, just off the venezuelan coast, came in sight, the ships entered the dragon's mouth into the gulf of paria and swung around the point and anchored in the roadstead off port of spain just before sunset. the first leg of the journey was over. it was merely the warming up stage. to-morrow will be christmas. a bunch of mistletoe is already hanging in the louisiana's wardroom. some of the ships brought their christmas trees and greens along. there'll be sports of all kinds--boxing, rowing by officers and men, athletic contests on ship--good cheer generally. just fancy a christmas with the thermometer at degrees! chapter ii. christmas with the fleet gay day on the battleships off port of spain--"peace on earth" the motto on the big guns--officers' reception on the minnesota-- boat races and athletic sports for the crew--how the fleet charged into port--men on their good behavior--official visits--coaling coaling day. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet_, port of spain, trinidad, dec. . the officers of the battleship minnesota gave a reception christmas day on board their ship to all the officers of the other ships. the visitors were received at the gangway by the officer of the deck, who had the usual side boys stationed there for the guests to pass by. the visitors were first presented to capt. hubbard, after which they paid their respects to admiral thomas. then, turning around on the beautifully decorated deck, they saw depending from the great -inch guns of the after turret a board festooned with greens, and on it painted in large letters: "peace on earth; good will to men!" the first effect on the visitor was to startle him. what place was there on a warship, whose primary purpose is destruction, for such a motto and in such a place? some of the more thoughtless visitors thought it was satire, or perhaps a naval man's idea of a grim joke. those who thought it a mockery, a satire or a joke were never more mistaken. the sentiment was made the most prominent decoration on the ship in all sincerity. scores of naval officers pointed to it with pride and said it exemplified truly the spirit of the american navy. all declared that if there was one thing more than any other which american naval officers and all true americans wished for it was world-wide peace and brotherly love. it was declared that no better place outside a christian church could be found for its display than on an american warship. many an officer said he hoped it would always be prominent on our warships at the christmas season. certainly good will to man was exemplified at the christmas celebration on this fleet. it was the most impressive christmas festival that the nine civilians with the fleet ever saw. here was a city of , , exclusively of men, some rough, some refined, some educated, some illiterate, some christian, some with no religion, celebrating the season of good cheer on sixteen battleships in a foreign port five miles from shore. port of spain might as well have been , miles away, so far as its influence was concerned. more than one-half of the american navy was holding its christmas festival in its own way, with none else to look on. from first to last its spirit was kindly; from colors in the morning until the last serenading party, gliding over the smooth water in a floating city that had a venetian aspect, singing songs to the accompaniment of guitars and mandolins, disappeared at midnight, the celebration was in absolute keeping with the sentiment of the day. all was merry and all were merry. perhaps a song sung by the vermont's officers who were towed about the fleet at night in a sailing launch as they called on every warship best reveals the tone of the occasion. they came to the louisiana on their last call just before midnight. they allowed none of the louisiana's officers who had gone to bed to dress, and pajamas were almost as common as dress clothes in the company that assembled in the wardroom. when the visitors were going away the last song which came across the water, a song which they sang as they came up the gangway strumming their instruments and lifting up their voices, was this: merry christmas! merry christmas! we're happy and well; here comes the vermont, say, don't we look swell? we're a highrolling, a lob-e-dob crew, merry christmas! merry christmas! merry christmas to you! probably that lob-e-dob crew sang that song two hundred times that night. it was adapted from a new naval academy song. it has a merry tune and the jingle and the swing of it was infectious. the crew was highrolling only in a naval sense, the rolling wave sense, and in five minutes after they first sang the song to their hosts the hosts were joining in with them. it meant merry christmas to everybody. certainly this fleet had one. for two days boating parties had gone to the heavily wooded shores of this beautiful island and had brought in greens for christmas. they were mostly palms and bamboo, with trailing vines in profusion. when darkness came on christmas eve the work of decoration began. late into the night some of the men toiled. when daylight came every ship was dressed in greens. from truck to water line, on signal yards, rigging, turrets, gangways, there were branches of trees and festoons of vines. inside the ships the wardrooms and cabins were elaborately decorated. every wardroom had its christmas tree and around it were grouped gifts for all. no one was overlooked. christmas boxes, brought from home with orders not to be unsealed until christmas day, were broken open in every part of the ship. then came a day of visiting, of sports--rowing in the morning, athletics aboard ship in the afternoon and boxing in the evening--of the big reception on the minnesota and of the merriest kind of dinner parties with the distribution of santa claus gifts in the evening. the gifts were mostly trinkets, but they had hits and grinds in them, and the presentation elicited shouts of laughter. although the matter of rank was not ignored, apparently the high and low officers, from admiral and captain down to midshipman, were seated on the good fellowship basis and as equals. the fourth ward at the foot of the table went out of business for one night. the middies and ensigns could burst into song when they chose, and if any one forgot to say sir no one thought it strange. here on the louisiana ten minutes after we sat down to dinner came an instance of the feeling that makes the whole world kin on christmas. the youngsters had been singing the louisiana song, the chorus of which runs thus: lou, lou, i love you; i love you, that's true; don't sigh, don't cry, i'll see you in the morning; dream, dream, dream of me and i'll dream of you, my louisiana, louisiana lou. capt. wainwright had been toying with a tin whistle which he had pulled from a bonbon. stealthily he put it to his lips and blew it loud, and then that eye of his, which has the piercing power of a -inch shell, grew bright with the light of geniality and kindness that lie deep set and yet overflowing behind it, and he was a youngster, too. the fourth ward men might sing "louisiana lou," but he was willing to show that he could blow a tin whistle when the occasion demanded it. one might fill columns with the songs that were sung. there is room for the chorus of just one more. the game is for about one-half of the company to sing the chorus and just before the finish the others shout an interrogatory of astonishment at the top of their voices. the chorus runs: dreamin', dreamin', dreamin' of dat happy lan,' where rivers ob beer aboun', where big gin rickeys fill de air and highballs roll on de groun'. _great shout_: what! highballs roll on de groun'. _melody_: yas, highballs roll on de groun'. the merriment on the louisiana was not exceptional. it was a mere copy of what was going on in sixteen wardrooms. every ship was sure it had the merriest dinner and the merriest time all around in the fleet, and that was true strictly. the bluejackets had their own fun, and they yielded to none in their belief that they had the best time of all. of course they were right. look at this menu that uncle sam provided for their dinner: cream of celery soup roast turkey roast ham sage dressing giblet gravy cranberry sauce mashed potatoes lima beans peach pie mixed nuts raisins coffee. and here is the music that bandmaster cariana provided: march "the man behind the gun" _sousa_ overture "the bridal rose" _lavaller_ waltz "i see thee again" _estrada_ selection "woodland" _luders_ habanera "escamilla" _redla_ star spangled banner. and didn't the first class men have liberty to go ashore? didn't they come back loaded down with souvenir postal cards, baskets of fruit, parrots and monkeys? and wasn't every man of them able to toe a seam as he answered to his name on the liberty list? if there was a suspicion of a rolling gait in two or three couldn't they lay it to the heat? certain it was that not one of them had drunk any of that stuff down here that they call biograph whiskey, the kind that makes you see moving pictures, for the only moving pictures that any of them saw that night were the dozen sparring matches and two wrestling contests on the quarter deck, where the bluejackets were piled high on high under the awning clear up over the turret to the after bridge--as packed a house for the space as caruso ever sang to. and didn't john eglit, the louisiana's american champion naval boxer, who knocked out the english champion, leans of the good hope, last may, take on a man from another ship and promise only to tap him and not knock him out, so that the boys could admire him and cheer him? eglit is a master at arms, a ship policeman at other times, and it isn't safe to say things to him, even flattering things, but here the boys could cheer him and he couldn't answer back. and didn't the officers sit close to the ropes just where president roosevelt sat on his trip to panama? and didn't midshipman mckittrick, the recent champion boxer of the naval academy, referee the bouts? and didn't midshipman brainerd, the well known oarsman of the naval academy not long ago, act as time keeper? and it made no sort of difference to him that he sat next to a negro coal passer! and then didn't the men who didn't have liberty have comic athletic sports in the afternoon? you bet they did! "spud" races, obstacle races, sack races, three-legged and wheelbarrow races; lemon races, where the contestants held a lemon in a spoon between their teeth and the first man that crossed the line in the running won; shoe races, where a man's shoes were tied in a bag and shaken up and he had to open the bag after a run and then put them on and lace them up, the winner to be the first man reporting to the referee. it was all fun and the bullies shouted themselves hoarse over it. what matter if a dozen men reported at the sick call the next morning with feet so sore that they could hardly walk from the running in bare feet on the hard decks? oh, yes, the bluejackets had the best time of all! and then there was rowing in the morning. you who have seen the poughkeepsie and new london contests may think you have seen great rowing spectacles, and so you have, but you want to see rowing contests in a fleet of , jack tars to know what enthusiasm is. the men lined the rails, turrets, bridges, masts and tops and danced and yelled like comanches as the crews passed down the line of ships. they yelled just as loud when fourteen officers' crews contested. a pretty incident occurred after this race. there had been great rivalry between the officers of the vermont and the louisiana. each thought it would win. neither did, the louisiana coming in fourth and the vermont fifth. the vermont crew immediately rowed to the louisiana and the two crews in their rowing clothes sat in the wardroom and passed the bowl around. when the vermont's men went home the entire crew of the louisiana gathered at the rail and cheered. the vermont men tossed their oars and then the crew sang their merry christmas song, the first of the or more times that it was heard by the fleet. the reception on the minnesota was also memorable. henry reuterdahl, the artist, who was with the fleet to make pictures of it, had carte blanche in the matter of decorations. the "peace on earth" emblem was his idea. he canopied the wardroom with flags. he put up shells and revolvers and cutlasses and other implements of war in effective places and he mingled the bunting in color and arrangement so deftly that the naval men were astonished over it. old friends in the fleet gave greetings. it was brought out in one of the conversations that rear admiral evans, the commander-in-chief of the fleet, was the only man in the fleet who fought in the civil war. and it was also revealed that he was in the greatest pageant of warships that ever left hampton roads before this one. that was in december, , almost forty-two years to the day that the present fleet left. that fleet went out to capture fort fisher, where admiral evans was wounded and where, with a revolver, he prevented a surgeon from cutting off his right leg. there were , men in that fleet, about the same number as in this. there were sixty naval vessels and the rest were ninety transports under command of gen. b. f. butler. admiral porter was the naval officer in charge. it took the fleet from o'clock in the morning until after in the afternoon to pass cape henry. this fleet did it in two hours. when admiral evans was asked about it he said that the little tender yankton, which goes with this fleet for use on ceremonious or other useful occasions, could have whipped that entire fleet of itself. its modern small guns-- -inch ones--could shoot so far that it could lie completely out of the range of any of the guns on that fleet and simply bombard the vessels to pieces. but to return to trinidad. the venezuelan coast had been in sight for an hour on monday, december , before trinidad was made out a little after noon. a haze obscured things on shore. gradually a dark lump on the horizon took shape, then it assumed color, a deep green, and then on the highest point, something like feet above the sea, a white needle pierced the haze in the sky. it was the lighthouse that points the way to the four entrances into the gulf of paria from the caribbean, called the dragon's mouths. the lighthouse was a visible sign of the care of british for shipping. it is said to be one of the best in any of england's colonial possessions. admiral evans headed his ships toward the narrow entrance to the east of the main one. it is called boca de navios, one of the many reminders of the old spanish days before england swept down through these waters. the admiral had ordered his ships in single file of the open order or wing and wing formation. approaching more closely he ordered exact column, one directly behind another, at a distance of yards. when within three miles of the entrance he veered off to take the large passage to the west, boca grande. then he made a sharp turn after he had cleared the entrance to the gulf. for some time he stood in toward the shore. then came another turn to the south, and then followed what admiral evans said afterward was one of the finest naval sights he had ever witnessed. orders had been signalled for the four ships of the first division of the fleet to turn to the east and come up the bay of port of spain in parallel formation. the other divisions were ordered to follow the same plan when they arrived in position. here was a long line of warships that had been turning and twisting around headlands and in muddy waters, going in single file, as if headed for the serpent's mouth, the other entrance to the gulf of paria. a flag fluttered from the connecticut's signal yards. at once the first four ships turned at right angles. you could have run a tape line across the bows of the connecticut to the louisiana and found the kansas and vermont exactly on the mark. the change in the course came so suddenly that it made even naval men jump. like four chariot horses the ships stood in as if on a battle charge. port of spain could just be made out on the beach eight miles away. the ships were pointed directly for it, and if they had intended to bombard it they could scarcely have been more aggressive looking in the way they swung into that bay. the second division kept on in the lead of the single file of ships until they reached places directly behind the ships of the first division. then they made a dramatic swing also. the third and fourth division in turn did the same thing. the fleet was then in four columns headed directly for the beautiful little port with its shallow harbor. as long as standard speed of knots was maintained the four leading vessels kept on a line that was as well dressed as a squad of fours in a military company. for two miles this formation kept up. then half speed was signalled. the vermont and kansas being new in fleet evolutions and not yet being standardized completely as to speed revolutions, did not keep the line so well, but admiral evans was not displeased and said they did very well. the vermont fell back nearly half a length by the time slow speed was ordered and the engines were stopped finally. the signal to come to anchor was hoisted and when it went up sixteen mud hooks splashed into the bay simultaneously. before it had been slowed down the louisiana had received its second special commendation for smart manoeuvring from the admiral. "well done, louisiana," the flags on the admiral's bridge said for all the rest of the fleet to see, and capt. wainwright and his officers took it modestly. the louisiana had been the only ship in the fleet to receive this signal and this was the second time it had come. long before the fleet had come to anchor it was noticed that the torpedo flotilla, which had started from hampton roads about two weeks before the fleet, was in the harbor. mishaps to the lawrence had brought the flotilla back that morning after it had gone eighty miles on the leg to paria. the mishaps were not very serious, but it was better to make repairs in a port than at sea and so lieut. cone, in charge, had come back. the supply ships and colliers were also in port. in a few minutes the full significance of all these ships became known. here was a sight that no other foreign port in the world had ever seen. twenty-nine ships were flying the american flag at once. there were really thirty-one connected with the navy, directly and indirectly, in port, but two of the colliers flew foreign flags. far in toward the city, however, were three more vessels flying our flag, one a brigantine, another a small steamship, and another a little vessel that plies up the orinoco. so thirty-two specimens of old glory fluttered in the breeze just before the sun went down. the anchorage admiral evans selected was fully five miles from "the beach," as the naval man puts it. no ships can go directly to the landing places in port of spain and only small ones can approach within half a mile. as soon as the anchors were down the admiral signalled that no one was to go ashore until he had gone the next morning to pay his official respects to sir henry m. jackson, k. c. m. g., the governor-general. it was nearly o'clock that night when the health officer gave pratique, much to the relief of some ships, because there had been a few cases of measles and some other diseases that are classed as contagious, but great care had been taken in the matters of isolation and disinfecting. indeed, every patient in the fleet was convalescent. it was a relief to admiral evans also to learn that there had not been a case of yellow fever in trinidad for six weeks. accordingly he gave orders to allow liberty to all the first class men in the fleet. the next morning admirals evans, thomas, sperry and emory went ashore to pay their respects to the governor-general. he had sent carriages with a guard of honor to escort them to the government house. port of spain is not a saluting port, because no english garrison is kept here, and therefore no guns boomed on arrival. admiral evans exhibited great tact and showed the nicest regard for the situation when he asked governor-general jackson to return his call that afternoon at the queen's park hotel. the governor and the admiral are old friends. the governor is not strong, having returned recently from london, where he underwent a surgical operation. a journey of five miles out to the ships in the blazing sun, admiral evans thought, would be too much for him and the governor appreciated thoroughly the admiral's solicitude for his health. soon the officers and liberty men began to come ashore. trinidad is no new place to many officers. it lies at the foot of a splendid range of the st. anne mountains and it is heavy with the odors of tropical verdure. it has been called the most attractive of all british west indian colonies. its streets are kept beautifully, its negro constabulary are efficient and polite. its schools are fine. those who had never visited the place were delighted with its appearance, its balconied houses, its abundance of flowers and vines creeping over walls and up the sides of houses, its great department stores, which send the heads of departments to paris and london every year to get the latest in fashions; its motley population of english, spanish, french and the thousands of hindu coolies that are brought over here under contract to work on the plantations. hindu beggars were on the streets and hindu women, well gowned and clean as an american warship, were in evidence. some wore rings in their noses and the more prosperous had their arms bejewelled up to the elbows with silver bracelets and other trinkets. but let the truth be known! trinidad didn't warm up to the fleet at all. it regarded it with apparent indifference. officially nothing could have been more cordial than its reception. popularly port of spain didn't seem to give a hang, except the fruit vendors, especially the alligator pear men, and the merchants who had things to sell. about three american flags flew over shops. american fleets have been welcomed here before with lawn parties and dances and great receptions. there was one reception at the constabulary barracks, and very cordial it was too, but the town didn't even take the trouble to come down to the waterfront to gaze over the water and see what sixteen battleships looked like in the distance. the ships may have been too far out. or perhaps it was because the races were to come on during the last three days stay of the fleet. it was hardly the climate, because that never interfered with enthusiasm over an american fleet before, notably when admiral sampson dropped in here in . let it all go with the statement that on shore every one seemed glad to greet the americans, even if the town seemed cold. some of the officers renewed old acquaintances socially and several parties of friends visited the ships. one young officer came back with a story that pleased the fleet. he met a charming young english woman who said that she had travelled a good deal and had been in new york only three months ago. the young officer perked up at once. "i suppose you saw the great white way in new york?" he asked. "oh, yes, indeed," was the innocent reply. "mother and i went to see it one sunday morning." "it _is_ beautiful," said the officer. "very," was the response. some of the visitors historically inclined recalled that columbus visited this place and named it in honor of the trinity; others that sir walter raleigh had made this his headquarters for a long time; still others that cortez took leave of velasquez here when he started out on his conquest of mexico. the commercially inclined went to visit the famous and malodorous pitch lake, from which raleigh smeared his ships and which supplies a large part of the asphalt for american use. others were glad to learn that they have struck oil here and that it is expected that this island will soon become the chief centre for a great british oil industry. but there were those in the fleet who didn't care for columbus or raleigh or cortez or asphalt or oil. one was an old bos'n's mate. he was down here in the late ' s on the old sloop saratoga. he had a yarn to spin and it was brought out by the fact that on the day of the fleet's arrival two men from one of the torpedo flotilla had drifted away from their vessel without oars and had been carried out of sight before their absence was noticed. it was feared that they had been lost in the gulf, but the rough water calmed at night and they drifted ashore and came back at daylight the next morning. the bos'n's mate told how a party of apprentices and three marines started out from the saratoga in a sailing cutter one fine morning to go to pitch lake. they had not gone more than four miles before a heavy sea came up and a great gust capsized the cutter. there were many sharks in the water and three of the party were either drowned or eaten by sharks. the others clambered on the overturned boat and were helpless, as the craft was drifting out to sea. then it was that one of those men in the navy who can no more help showing bravery when it is demanded than they can help breathing, arose to the situation. he was shorty allen, an apprentice, and he declared that he would try to swim ashore to get help. the others told him he must not do it, but shorty just laughed at them. they said the sharks would get him and that it was madness to try it. again shorty said he would go. they would all be lost, he said, if they got no help and it was better that one man should lose his life than a dozen. nothing could change shorty's determination. he threw off his clothes and leaped into the sea. his companions watched him buffeting the waves for an hour or so and then he was lost to view. the sharks hung about the overturned boat and probably that fact saved shorty. he reached land in four or five hours thoroughly exhausted. after a rest on the beach he hunted up some fishermen, whom he induced to go after his shipmates. they were all rescued and regained the saratoga the next morning. "i tell ye, boys," said the bos'n's mate, "i have a likin' for this place. i was one of that party and shorty saved my life here. i don't know where shorty is now. he was commended for his bravery. he said it didn't amount to nothing, modest like. i don't know whether he's alive. if he's dead, god rest his soul!" the chief incident of the stay of the fleet in this port, aside from the exchange of official courtesies, was the coaling of the ships. that is the dirtiest work that can be done about any ship, and to an american warship in its white dress it seems almost like profanation. it's a task that the navy has learned how to do with despatch and one might almost say with neatness. at daybreak the next morning after the arrival of the fleet the colliers steamed up slowly to the sides of the ships of the first division. all had been made ready for them. tackle and coal bags and shovels and running trucks had been prepared while the ships were making port. all hands turned to. one section from each division of each ship was sent into the hold of the collier. four such sections were employed in the collier at once. the coaling bags, each capable of holding pounds, were thrown over and then the dust began to fly. all the ventilating machinery of the ship had been stopped and canvas had covered all the openings so that as little of the dust as possible could find its way into any other place than the bunkers. the chutes to the bunkers were all open. the marines and the men of the powder division were on the turrets and other places to expedite things. down in the coal bunkers the engineer division were put at stowing the coal away smoothly and evenly. the bunkers on such occasions in the tropics are veritable black holes and the men have to be relieved frequently. jack makes the best of a bad job, and coaling ship illustrates this. the men got out their old coal stowing clothes that once were white and theoretically still are white. some of them got old discarded marine helmets for headgear. some tied handkerchiefs around their heads, the brighter the color the better. some had no head covering. some rolled up the leg of one trouser just for the fun of the thing. some wore socks over their shoes--anything to make things lively and get that coal in at the rate of tons an hour. the bags were filled, attached to the whip--as the derrick hoist is called--and swung up to the deck. there the bags were seized and those intended for stowage on the side next to the collier were dumped quickly. those intended for the other side of the ship were placed on little trucks and pulled across the deck and then dumped. it was lively work, step and go, and laughter and good cheer enlivened the task. the ship's band was placed on the after bridge, where it played quicksteps and jigs and made the men run and heave and shovel and toss as if coaling ship was the greatest fun in the world. the decks were sanded so that the dust would mingle with the sand and not grime the woodwork. after the coaling was over the gear was stowed away first. then the men washed away the dirt from their hands and around their mouths, noses and eyes and all turned to, baboonlike in appearance, to clean ship. sides were washed down and decks scrubbed. in two or three hours no one would have known that the ship had been in a black dirt storm. then the men scrubbed their clothes and finally they scrubbed themselves, got into clean clothes and the task was over. four days were occupied with this work for the fleet. the last ship to be coaled was the maine, for that ship is the greatest coal eater in the fleet. she was reserved to the last, so that she would have the largest supply possible on board for the , mile run to rio. the maine was coaled on saturday and it depended upon the alertness with which it was done whether the fleet was to sail for rio at sunset on saturday or sunday. the supply ships had little to do in this port because the ships were not in need of much provisioning. most of the ships took meat from the "beef ships," as the sailors call the supply vessels, but it was only in limited quantities. the torpedo flotilla got under way on christmas morning. the bluejackets were sorry to see it go on that day, for they knew they were going to have fun and wished their mates on the flotilla could also join in the merriment. the yankton and panther, the latter a repair ship, sailed two days later. the supply ships culgoa and glacier were kept to go along with the fleet because they can steam easily at the rate of knots. up to the last day of the stay in port liberty parties were going ashore from the ships every day. to the credit of jack let it be said that he conducted himself with the dignity that becomes the true american man-o'-war's man. of course he patronized the saloons. now and then one would stagger a little on coming to his ship. there were no rows, and the authorities had no complaints to make of unruly behavior. before each party went ashore the executive officer on each ship read to them the order of admiral evans allowing them liberty to the fullest extent in keeping with discipline and warning them to be on their good behavior. the admiral said that if any unhappy incident occurred ashore he would be obliged to stop all liberty. the men heeded the warning. they visited the shops, bought postal cards by the thousands, patronized jewelry stores, got all the pets they wanted, swaggered through the middle of the streets and gave port of spain such a coloring in local aspect as it had never seen before. three or four baseball games were played on the great park's green. the one great stunt the bluejackets enjoyed most was to hire a hack by the hour and ride around the streets. they wrangled with the cabbies about fares, paid out their good money--it was payday on the ships the day before they arrived--and growled as true sailormen should growl when they got english money in change for their own gold and american notes. trinidad is a place where prices are quoted mostly in dollars and cents, and yet the medium of exchange is pounds, shillings and pence. most of the shops take american money at its face value. the shopkeepers were alive to the situation and they made money from the call at their port. they were accommodating and profited by it. hundreds of panama hats were purchased. they were bought by men who would not think of purchasing such hats at home because of the high prices. the american hatters, therefore, have lost little by the transactions except the sale of ordinary straw hats in the summer time for two or three years. the races in the great oval in front of the queen's park hotel were the chief social event of the stay. thousands attended them and the yankee propensity to bet made its effect felt. some of the boys were a little slow in grasping the details of the mutual pool system. a few of them won money, but most of them didn't. there were all sorts of gambling devices, wheels and cards and the like, in operation near the betting ring, and it was like throwing your money away to go against them. but jack didn't mind that. one of the bluejackets from the ohio said he was going to bet all he had in the hope of beating the "blooming british," because some of the english bluejackets once had difficulty in pronouncing the word ohio. they said the name of the ohio was "ho and a haich and a blooming ," and they didn't know what to call a ship named o h and . the american bluejacket will not try to get revenge again, for he lost. after the races the queen's park hotel was jammed for the rest of the day and evening. patrons of the bar were lined up six deep. it was as difficult to get a table on the veranda, or even inside, as it is to get one on new year's eve in new york. all the rest of trinidad goes to sleep with the chickens except the queen's park hotel, and that also has an early bedtime on ordinary occasions, but the presence of american officers and the races combined made it break the ben franklin rule of early to bed. and so the visit to trinidad wore away. the fleet was really glad to leave. most of the visitors growled and said they'd be glad never to return, but all the same every one who has once been here in the winter and experienced the delightful climate and picturesque surroundings will be glad to see it once again. the motto of the fleet now is: "heave away for rio." neptune will board us on the way. chapter iii trinidad to rio janeiro how the battleship fleet greeted the new year at sea--good will fore and aft--beautiful spectacle of a searchlight drill with ninety-six lights--crews on the whole glad to get away from port of spain despite official cordiality--the culgoa and the catamaran--missouri's man overboard--the sleepy brigantine. _on board u.s.s. louisiana, u.s. battle fleet_, rio janeiro, january, . it is not exceeding the limits of strict accuracy to assert that there was not a man on admiral evans's fleet who was not glad to leave trinidad. the statement must not be taken as reflecting in the least upon the officials of the place. no greetings to a fleet of foreign warships could have been more cordial and sincere than those given by governor-general jackson and his assistants. there was no reserve about it. it was genuine and from the heart. but the trinidad people did not wake up. half a dozen merchants flew american flags above their shops, perhaps fifty persons all told came out to visit the ships, the clubs were thrown open to officers and now and then some of the residents might drive or stroll down to the waterfront to take a look at the fleet. there were two reasons for this apparent indifference. one was that the ships were anchored fully five miles from town. it was like anchoring a fleet of vessels at tompkinsville and expecting the citizens of manhattan to flock to the battery to gaze at them or hire small boats to go down to see them. a more powerful reason was that the christmas horse races were on. that meant three days of closing the shops at noon, three days of betting, three days of sharpening wits to contest with three card monte men, roulette men, wheel of fortune men; three days when the most prosperous of the large hindu population, in all their picturesque garb, women with rings in noses, bracelets on arms and legs, brilliant hued gowns, and men in their turbans and one garment of a sheet made into coat and trousers--came into town; three days when the society of the place imitated the epsom and derby customs and drove into the inner enclosure with their drags and other turnouts, and had luncheons and visits; three evenings of promenading and dining at the queen's park hotel. how could any one expect the people to get enthusiastic over an american fleet under such conditions? the people had talked for weeks, they said, over the arrival of the fleet, but straightway when it was announced that the races would be held at the same time--well, how can any person attend to two important things at one and the same time? didn't one of the daily morning newspapers give a quarter of a column of space to the fleet on the second day after its arrival? talk about enterprise in journalism! trinidad is the place to go to see a specimen of it. admiral evans expected to sail at o'clock on sunday morning, december , but there was some delay in coaling and he did not get away until p. m. the night before sailing the flagship signalled this message to the entire fleet, to be published on each ship the next day: the commander-in-chief takes pleasure in communicating to the officers and men of the fleet the following extract from a letter just received from the governor of trinidad: "i would ask to be allowed to offer my congratulations on the good behavior of your men on leave. a residence of seven years in gibraltar, which is a rendezvous of the fleets of the world, has given me some experience of jack ashore, and i can assert that your men have established a reputation which would be hard to equal and impossible to beat." the commander-in-chief wishes to express his gratification that the conduct of the men has been such as to merit the words quoted above. that farewell banquet was fine. every officer and man on the fleet appreciated its kindly and sincere tone and every man was ready to vote gov. jackson a brick. there was just one comment made throughout the fleet, and it might as well be set out here, with no intention of raking over the ashes of the past offensively. that comment was: "there is nothing of swettenham about jackson. he's all right!" the letter from gov. jackson sustains what has been said at the beginning of this letter; the official welcome was cordial, sincere and without reserve. the trip to rio was marked by two celebrations, new year's day and the visit of neptune on crossing the line. one should not think, because these letters record considerable hilarity on three occasions--christmas and the other two--all within two weeks, that such is the normal condition on an american warship. these celebrations happened all about the same time--that is all. the prevailing condition on a warship is anything but hilarity, as will be revealed later in these letters. new year's, like christmas, was a general holiday for the fleet. there were quarters in the morning as usual, but after that there was no work and the smoking lamp was lighted all day. extra things at dinners were provided. as was general on shore, the new year was welcomed with due ceremony and celebrations on the ships. as soon as it was night on december it was evident that something would be doing by midnight. there was no concerted programme. about p. m. the officers began to drift one by one, into the wardroom. it was a very decorous assemblage. its members began to tell stories. now and then a song would start up, and all would join in. a fruit cake made by a fond mother at home was brought out. in some way the eggnog cups seemed to steal out on a side table. then came a mixture that touched the spot and unloosened the vocal powers. it wasn't long before the "coast of the high barbaree," "avast! belay! we're off for baffin's bay," and other songs were being rolled out to the swaying, dipping of the ship in the swells that the strong eastern trades were booming up against the port side. naval academy songs were shouted. one officer thoughtlessly sat in the barber's chair in the rear of the wardroom. a great rush was made for him and he was tousled and rumpled and pulled and hauled. he squirmed out of the grasp of his tormentors and then the "coast of the high barbaree," with "blow high, blow low," was rolled out again. soon it became evident that a new year's song must be sung. the christmas song of the vermont, with the highrolling, lob-e-dob swing in it, was taken as a model and there were a few minutes for adaptation to the louisiana. when it had been rehearsed properly, it was decided to send a special new year's greeting to the vermont's wardroom, because the officers of that ship had made a christmas serenading call on all the ships on christmas night in trinidad. one of the vermont's officers is dr. f. m. furlong. his mates on christmas day had nominated him for president and so informed the louisiana's wardroom when they reached this ship. he was made to make a speech of acceptance and in apparent seriousness he grew eloquent over his chances and his platform. the new years greeting from the louisiana to the vermont was something like this: "the louisiana's wardroom sends happy new year greetings to the vermont's wardroom and pledges the solid w. c. t. u. vote to dr. furlong. back districts, from the grassy slopes of the green mountains to the saccharine depths of the pelican canebrakes, all heard from. we're happy and well. happy new year! happy new year! happy new year to you!" the greeting was sent to the bridge to be flung into the air on the illuminated semaphore signals at five minutes to midnight. then came the final rehearsals of the new year song, and just as the signals were sending the greeting to the vermont a dozen lusty officers stole up to the quarterdeck and sang their song softly to see if it was all right. then they climbed on the upper deck, stepped quietly along the gangway to the forward bridge. they were as silent as indians. one of them had a great christmas palm branch fully twelve feet long. one by one they sneaked up the port ladders and stowed themselves far out on the port side of the bridge. all was quiet until eight bells was struck and then eight bells more for the new year. a great burst of song startled the officer of the deck just as the last letter of the message to the vermont had been flashed. the song was: happy new year! happy new year! we're happy and well. here's to the lo'siana and don't she look swell! we're a highrolling, rollicking crew; happy new year! happy new year! happy new year to you! the great palm branch was swung around to the danger of utter disarrangement of engine room signals, and the officer of the deck growled out something about a lot of wild indians. a high flinging dance followed on the bridge, with the happy new year song shouted twenty times or more. "get out of here!" ordered the bridge officer. "all right; we'll serenade the captain!" shouted the merry crew. down to the lower bridge, where the captain has his emergency quarters while at sea, they went. the captain got a good dose of noise, but being a discreet man he said never a word. there was a rumor that he wasn't inside at all and that, knowing what to do on certain occasions, he had decided to remain in his private rooms below, where not even unofficial knowledge of any high jinks could reach his ears. then the procession started for the quarterdeck, and leaning far over the rails on the starboard side with the stiff trade wind blowing the sound from the megaphoned throats of the singers, happy new year's greetings were sung to the georgia, yards back and to starboard. that ship heard it easily. then came a procession through the louisiana. the members of the crew were slung in their hammocks, but numerous noises of catcalls and horns and shouts told that no one was asleep. at every section of every division on every deck the sailors were greeted with song. they sat up and cheered. it was fine to have a party of officers come around and wish you a happy new year. every mess of the ship received a call. when the warrant officers' mess was reached there was a brilliant display of pajamas and--well, in print one musn't go into particulars too fully. regulations must be obeyed strictly even when you're having a good time. all the regulations were obeyed--several times, and then some--in that big roundup. didn't the bos'n sing: bad luck to the day i wandered away. and then go into the forty-seven verses about life on the "old colorado"? didn't the electrical gunner join with the chief engineer in giving down the twenty-seven bells song? didn't the carpenter dance a highland fling? didn't the scholarly warrant machinist from the boston tech. twang a banjo and set the pace for the "old new york" and the "dear old broadway" songs? and then didn't someone remark that "dear old kim" hadn't been seen in all the parading that night? a rush was made for kim's room but it was barricaded. "come out, kim!" was the order. "not on your life," was the response. and then, for revenge, didn't the crowd sing a song about kim? every man who knows anything about the united states navy knows kim, the genial paymaster's clerk, who sits in the junior officer's mess to keep the youngsters in proper submission, and who has trained a generation of officers in things naval; kim, who has sailed the high seas in the united states navy for a quarter of a century and knows so much about the ships and officers that he wouldn't dare to tell it all and ought to be made an admiral for his knowledge and his discretion; kim, who has to salute many a man with a star on his sleeve and some of them with two stars, the minute he sees them, and then can call them bill and jim and tom in private; kim, the best beloved, all around good fellow on the ship; yes, everybody knows kim. it isn't necessary to print the full name of this obliging, hard working autocrat of the paymaster's office. this is the song that greeted him: everybody works but dear old kim, he sits 'round all day, feet upon the table, smoking his henry clay; young pay pays out money, old pay takes it in; everybody works on this ship but dear old kim. howls of glee from warrant officers, from petty officers, from hundreds of hammocks greeted the song. kim chuckled but wouldn't come out. finally the siege could be resisted no longer and out came kim in full regulation pajamas and the din was terrific. it was a dance all around and some more strictly regulation things to drink. happy new year was sung for the d time and then came a further inspection of the ship. wasn't it time for the dinner for new year's day to be tested in the cook's galley? wasn't there as fine a specimen of the genus turkey as graced any board in the united states all ready to be tested? and wasn't it tested until nothing but the rack was left? the fire rooms had to be visited and down slippery ladders with the machinery chugging and rolling and plunging the piratical crew stole. where men were sweating in front of furnace doors in watertight compartments the greeting was sung and the words "happy new year" were chalked on furnace doors. perhaps the engines lost a revolution or two, or the steam slowed off just a bit and the officer of the deck wondered why he was unable to keep his position of , yards from the flagship exactly, but what did it matter? and when the rounds were all completed and the pirates assembled in the wardroom for their final song and final--well, never mind that--didn't a messenger from the bridge come down with a signalled message from the vermont with a toast that was being offered in the vermont's wardroom: here's to you, louisiana, here's to you, our jovial friends? every ship was having a celebration something like that. it's impossible to give the details because when a big fleet is going along at the rate of ten knots an hour and fighting a mean amazon current as well, and the semaphores and other signals are being kept busy with official messages it isn't exactly good form for newspaper landlubbers to ask to be allowed to inquire what was done on the other ships, matters which, even if told unofficially, would not look exactly attractive all written out in a signal book, because you can't put much fun in a signal book entry. there must have been a good deal of the happy-go-lucky spirit on some of the ships, for on two or three of them the rollickers got at the siren whistles and blew them. that is something that might prove serious to a fleet sailing as this is, because the blowing of siren whistles, except at a certain hour of the day, when all the whistles are tested--they call the noise the loosening of the dogs of war--means grave danger and it is time to act at once. but new year's came in happily all around and when the fun was over the one thought of the rollickers was that within a week neptune would come aboard and after that there would be a long dry spell. when quarters were sounded a little after o'clock on new year's morning all hands appeared. the usual formality marked the occasion. the captain came up and looked precisely as if his ship had been as quiet as a grave all night; the executive officer answered salutes with an incisive manner, as each officer approached and reported his division "all present or accounted for"; the members of the crew gave no hint that they had seen any officer roaming about the ship only a few hours before in a free and easy manner violating all ordinary traditions of a naval officer's dignity. and as for the warrant officers, when they saluted and gave you an icy stare, as if they might have met you somewhere once upon a time but really had quite forgotten your name, you felt relieved and glad that those two or three red streaks on your left eye ball had escaped general notice, and then it was that you felt like writing an apostrophe to discipline in the american navy. of the trip itself to rio--the mere sailing of it--there is not much to record. it was done in squadron formation--two lines of warships, with the supply ships glacier and culgoa bringing up the rear midway between the lines. for six days off the upper part of south america there was quite a heavy swell and a strong amazon current that retarded the progress of the ships to some extent. one day the swells were so heavy as to make the sea moderately rough. every ship in the fleet buried its nose under the water constantly and sometimes the seas would slip up the sloping fronts of the turrets and splash their spray against the bridges. the sun was bright, and as these seas would come over the bow and spread their aprons of water over the forward parts of the ships the colors would change from blue to green, with white fringes, and then the sun would arch rainbows over the boiling torrents that would run from the sides as the ships rose to the tops of the waves. the sea was tossing and tumbling far out to the horizon circle, and as the ships dipped and rose they seemed like veritable warhorses of the sea rearing and plunging in royal sport. it was a beautiful spectacle, and it lasted all of one day. soon after rounding the far eastern corner of south america there came a little comedy. the illinois had dropped out of column formation to adjust some trifling disarrangement of machinery and some one on her thought he saw a raft to the eastward with two men clinging to it. those in charge were evidently new to this coast and did not recall that fishermen of the amazon region often sail to miles out to sea in the small catamarans that look more like logs or rafts than fishing vessels. a signal was sent to the culgoa. the fleet had no information at this time as to why the culgoa suddenly dropped out of column and headed to the east and then to the north until she was nearly hull-down. soon it became known that she was bent on a rescue and the correspondents got out their note books and began to prepare to make much of the incident. after two hours the culgoa was back in her place with what seemed to be a sheepish look to those familiar with the situation. she had found two men on a raft--that is to say, on a catamaran--and they were fishing and seemed content with their station in life and especially honored because a naval vessel of the united states had gone out of her way to greet them. the intention was all right and good form did not permit the bantering of any humorous personalities on the situation. three nights out from rio admiral evans ordered the first searchlight practice for the fleet. let it be understood that there are certain things which a correspondent may not send from this fleet or even reveal afterward. they relate especially to tactical things, the things that may give information or some hint of information of importance to other nations. all navies have searchlights, however, and what will be said here of the drill will be of that nature familiar to every naval man and no more. it was merely a warming up, so to speak, of searchlight work, just a test to see if all the apparatus was in good condition. the drill was to begin at exactly o'clock. long before that time every searchlight had been uncovered and connected up and all eyes were waiting for the connecticut to begin the flashing. just as eight bells were struck, when not more than half a dozen lights were visible on each ship of the fleet, a great beam of white shot out across the starboard of the connecticut. instantly ninety-six beams like it darted into the air and the ocean for something like a square mile became illuminated as though the full glory of the heavens had descended upon it. you who have seen coney island lighted up on a summer's night may form some idea of the scene if you can concentrate in your imagination the lights down there turned into a hundred great shafts, sweeping, dancing, swinging, soaring into space, each light with the sheen of a full moon brought right down within the grasp of a man who turned a cylinder about as he pleased and said to the rays go here and go there. it was like a new world sprung into existence before your very eyes. something of the meaning of the power of a fleet of warships was revealed to you. it was merely a small part of this power, just a trifle of the strength of warships put on display because it could be tested in no other way. each ship had six of these lights. the rules do not permit the rays of one ship to be displayed upon another because it imperils navigation for one thing, and there are also other naval reasons. it required some skill to avoid lighting up your neighbor ship. as soon as the lights were turned on the men managing them began to swing and twist them, now fast, now slowly, about each ship. when the rays struck the water, say, about yards away from a ship and each light was turned slowly around the vessel, it was as if so many sprites of the sea were dancing about like children around a may pole. then a beam would go scampering away as if it had the concentrated velocity of a hundred -inch shots. then there would come a period of helter-skelter playing of the lights until a slow movement of searching on the waters was in progress. each ship looked as if it were a thousand legged spider, each leg made up of a ray of light. sometimes the lights of a ship would be interlaced; again they would be centered on some spot far out in the water. the rolling crests of the swells would be whitened with the gleam of thousands of diamonds. the reflection of the light beams made bands of purple and deep green upon the water. the stars lost their brightness. it was as if the yankee ships had reached out and stolen a good share of the strength of the sun--which actually was the case from the standpoint of science--had stored it in their holds and then had sprung it at night, just to show what could be done in the way of robbing the powers of darkness of their evil aspect. for half an hour the thrilling exhibition continued and just as you were preparing to throw up your hat and give three cheers for uncle sam and his navy an officer brought you back to you feet with the quiet remark: "why, that isn't a patch compared with the real thing! this was just a sort of tuning up process, no more to be compared with the real thing than the tuning of a piano is to be compared with a paderewski performance." you thought him a little strong in his analogy until of a sudden all the lights went out and there were sixteen battleships quietly sailing along a sea as smooth as long island sound in the summer time, with only regulation lights showing, distances kept perfectly and nothing to indicate that there had been anything out of the ordinary in a sedate and peaceful passage from one port to another. an unexpected use of the searchlights followed about thirty hours after this first display. it was : o'clock of the second morning after when the unforeseen happened. a gun on the missouri boomed out. it was the signal for a man overboard. at once the life buoys were cast off from the ship, their lights burning brightly, and the missouri and the entire eight ships of the second squadron, running parallel with the squadron that admiral evans was leading, burst into a blaze of light. in two minutes the entire fleet was stopped. boats were lowered from the missouri, the illinois and kearsarge following. the searchlights were thrown upon the water and upon the boats, showing the men at work rowing about and searching for the lost man. it made a brilliant scene in the dead of night. carefully and systematically the boats were rowed about for half an hour. then, when it was evident that if a man had fallen overboard he had been lost, perhaps by striking a propeller or being hit by some other part of the ship, recalls were given and the boats returned to the ships and the squadron proceeded. at that time the missouri signalled that she was not sure she had lost a man, but a sentry had thought he had seen one fall overboard. later the facts came out. the alarm was given by a man who had a sailor's nightmare. no one was found missing at roll call the next morning and every one felt so sheepish that no formal report was made. a few hours previous, at : in the evening, one of the perils of navigation--especially for the other fellow was brought home vividly to the fleet. a barkentine with a dim light was sighted about yards to the west of admiral evans's squadron. the vessel was going north. probably the man on watch had gone to sleep. he suddenly awoke and before the officer of the deck on the louisiana could recover from his amazement he headed straight for that vessel, the fourth ship in the squadron. it was soon plain that the barkentine would clear the stern of the louisiana and would become a menace to the georgia, the following ship. the officer of the deck of the georgia had to sheer off and this made the officer of the deck of the rhode island sheer also. the barkentine went right between the louisiana and the georgia. by that time the officer of the sailing vessel had got a lot of lights out and apparently was in a state of complete obfustication. he had never seen so many lights at sea in such a limited space in his life. clearing the first squadron he came into full view of another over to the east. there he was, all mixed up in a fleet of warships going at the rate of ten knots an hour. he became rattled again and turned to go outside the line of the first squadron, which he had just pierced. he came near hitting the virginia, but finally got away safely. it was a hair raising episode. "that's what i call dancing a virginia reel at sea by boats," said one officer after the incident was closed. "it seems to me," said another, "to show that not only does a kind providence usually watch over a drunken man on shore, but seems to guard men at sea who go to sleep on watch." it was a miraculous escape for the barkentine, threading her way in and out of a fleet of warships proceeding at fair speed and only yards apart. no skipper would have dared take such chances in the daytime and in full control of his craft. the officers of the fleet breathed a sigh of relief to think that they didn't have to record against this cruise the running down of a vessel at sea with the consequent probable loss of life. and so the voyage went on placidly with the usual drills and daily ceremonies until cape frio, some sixty miles east of rio, was sighted and then there came the journey along the coast, the entrance into the magnificent harbor, the splash of the mud hooks and the feeling that one-third of the voyage to san francisco was over, and the fleet was shaking itself down into a smooth working condition better and better with every day at sea. chapter iv neptune ahoy! weird nautical doings on crossing the line--officers, sailors and newspaper man pass traditional initiation--ocean monarch and his gay spouse amphitrite pick the ship president roosevelt once sailed on for their visit--rest of the fleet only thought he was on board--court physicians and ducking bears--paternal messages from the flagship--sons of admiral evans and capt. osterhaus made real sailormen--a great sight. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet_, rio janeiro, jan. . neptunus rex! long live the king! neptune, the only king who never dies, had the biggest job of his career on monday, january , in the year of our lord and the year of , or , and something since noah set up a sea calendar and headed for mount ararat. more than , officers and men of the united states navy, practically one-half of its membership, crossed the equator at longitude ° ' w., and of those fully , had to be initiated into the "solemn mysteries of the ancient order of the deep." like the man who tried the rheumatism cures, every one of the landlubbers, pollywogs and sea lawyers was "done good." it was the proudest day that neptunus rex ever experienced. he said so himself, and he put on great airs and strutted about with the dignity and pomp that befit his majestic rule as he declared that he was the only king, by all the mermaids, sea serpents, whales, sharks, dolphins, skates, eels, suckers, lobsters, crabs, pollywogs and jellyfish, who could ever take possession of the united states navy. and by the selfsame creatures of the deep he swore solemnly that none but he and uncle sam should ever have the right to boss that navy. whereat the duly initiated members of his royal domain cheered him lustily and declared everlasting allegiance. to get right down to business, let it be said at once that it was a spectacle worth travelling tens of thousands of miles to see. it was the most elaborate, painstaking, well planned, rip snorting initiation of the kind ever produced. for be it known that neptune does not recognize as a thirty-third degree member of his domain any one who has not crossed the line on a warship. neptune, not having the attribute of omnipresence, was able to visit only one of the ships of this fleet. that ship was the louisiana. of course, every other ship will make the claim that he visited that vessel, but the fact is that he honored the louisiana alone with his personal presence and had to send representatives to the other ships. he said he came to the louisiana because he had heard she was the most famous ship of the fleet, president roosevelt having made a trip close to his royal domain in her. he therefore selected her for his visit and he ordered that a special honorary certificate of membership in his realm be sent to the president and mrs. roosevelt. the preparations for neptune's visit began formally on december , three days out from hampton roads, when "fore top, the official representative of his majesty neptunus rex," received a wireless message to organize the members of the royal domain on the ship and prepare for the initiation ceremonies. thereafter every day while the ship was at sea mysterious proclamations were posted at the scuttlebutt (the drinking tank) telling the landlubbers, pollywogs and sea lawyers of the terrible things that would happen to them when they crossed the line. dire penalties were provided for any who might try to hide, and long extracts from the revised statutes were posted prescribing the punishments to be inflicted upon the willing and the unwilling. there was decided uneasiness among the youngsters on board--and it should be remembered that most of the crew of the ship are just above or below , having come almost green to the vessel from the training station at newport--when a proclamation was posted containing this notification to fore top: "there has been ordered supplied to you upon arrival at port of spain, trinidad, gallons of coal tar, gallons of varnish, pounds of sulphur, sets of razors complete, brushes, sets of fine rib saws, surgical knives, large meat axes and pairs of handcuffs." orders were also given for sharpening the claws and appetites of the royal bears and warnings issued lest any one of the uninitiated should speak disrespectfully of neptune's subjects. a day or so later came orders prescribing the height of the ducking chairs. these chairs were to be so high that four flipflaps would be turned by the victims before hitting the water in the royal tanks. six powerful electrical batteries were also ordered for use. the bears were not to have any food for fifty-seven hours preceding the crossing of the line. other proclamations provided for towing recalcitrants in the sea from the hawse pipes for from five minutes to four hours, according to the degree of the offence of the victim. marvellous yarns were spun at all mess tables of the severity of the initiation, all of which got on the nerves of the youngsters, and the crew was in a state of semi-trepidation as the day of the crossing approached. then came a glimmer of fun, for one day there came a "scuttlebuttic, telephonic, atmospheric" communication in which after more warnings that there would be no escape this was said: "i understand that there is a newspaper man on board, and if such is the case you will report to me at once, as there is a special provision in the regulations of the ceremonies of initiation of the royal realm for such animals." many were the grins among the crew that greeted the sun man that day, and some of them ventured respectfully to salute him and ask him if he had seen the message and had noticed that orders were also issued "to the royal doctors to have their pills and goggle water mixed in accordance with the regulations and the barbers to use the proper per cent. of coal tar, oil, molasses and india ink for their lather." the next day neptune ordered his subjects to "do stunts" with the newspaper man. printers' ink was to be used in his lather so as "to give him a dose of his own medicine." a special oven was to be constructed to roast him, and then he would know how it felt himself. general order no. of fore top told the barbers to mix mucilage with the printer's ink and to prepare the oven, and the officers and crew were now in broad grins as they greeted the sun man and informed him that he was going to get his all right. then came "brainstorms" from his majesty telling how the policemen were to act, ordering that their "clubs be stuffed with grate bars" and such, and providing how the hair should be clipped. forthwith it was remarkable how dozens of men rushed to to the ship's real barbers and had their hair clipped close. "i ain't goin' to have none of that coal tar and grease in mine," said a frightened signal boy. a windsail was made to supply air to the officers' quarters, and the messenger boy of the executive officer came to him and asked him if it was true that the members of the crew were to be shot down that canvas tube. so the proclamations grew in number and with them increased the power of the yarns. the royal electrician was ordered to test the batteries and the royal boatswain was told to prepare his towlines and co-operate with the royal diver to see that the towing was done properly, and finally came the last message from neptune on the day before the line was reached. it approved all that had been done. old nep. howled with joy because the bears were hungry, the knives and razors were sharpened, the lather had been mixed just right, the electric batteries were sizzling, the drop into the tanks had been put up to thirty-eight feet, and he wound up with this sentiment: "god help the poor rookies!" [illustration: _courtesy of collier's weekly_ neptune ahoy!] whereupon fore top issued this final order: general order no. . all loyal subjects will at once make their final reports to me in detail. report to me the names of the pollywogs, landlubbers and sea lawyers whose names have been entered on the books for severe punishment. good-by and good luck to the poor rookies who will come under your notice to-morrow! deal in a befitting manner with them all. see to it especially that the newspaper man gets his. fore top, o r. o. h. m. g. m. n. r. r. r. d. the names of about a dozen well known sea lawyers of the ship were posted immediately upon the scuttlebutt and the newspaper man "got his" later. that afternoon capt. wainwright and his executive officer, mr. eberle, being sticklers for the preservation of as many of the old time naval and sea traditions in modern warships as possible, took official notice of what was going on and this order was published to the ship: u. s. s. louisiana, at sea, lat. '- ' n., long. - w., january , . order. . official notification has been received that his majesty, neptunus rex, will visit this ship in state at a.m. on the th day of january, . . his majesty will be received with due ceremony at the time appointed. at : a. m. the divisions will be called to quarters, after which "all hands will be called to muster" to receive his majesty in a manner befitting his high rank. the boatswain and eight boys will attend the side. when his majesty reaches the quarterdeck the officers and crew will salute, the band will play a march and the royal standard of neptune will be hoisted at the main. . after the official reception the royal ceremonies of initiation will begin. . all ceremonies will be conducted in an orderly manner, in keeping with the time honored traditions of the naval service. e. w. eberle, lieutenant-commander, u. s. navy, executive officer. approved: r. wainwright, captain u. s. navy, commanding. at a general muster of the crew that sunday morning each man who had not crossed the line--and a complete list had been prepared of them--received this subpoena as he was dismissed from the deck: you landlubber, pollywog and sea lawyer: you are hereby notified that the good ship louisiana, on which you are serving, will to-morrow enter the domain of which i am the ruler. as no landlubber, pollywog or sea lawyer can enter my domain or become one of my royal subjects unless he undergoes the initiation as prescribed by me, you will when the ceremonies commence present yourself for the initiation, and if you show that you are worthy you will become a member of my royal realm and be subject to my orders in all seas on which you may be. if you do not present yourself for this initiation and i am required to despatch members of my staff to bring you before me by force i will deal severely with you. his majesty, neptune rex, ruler of the royal domain. of the odd persons on the louisiana only about had ever crossed the line. the proportion was about the same on all the other ships of the fleet, so it is a fair estimate that , men were waiting the arrival of neptune. a wireless message was sent to the louisiana that his majesty's secretary and orderly would come on board on the evening of january to make the final preparations for the ruler's visit the next morning. the call for hammocks was sounded about : o'clock that evening and while the men were aft the officer of the deck, ensign n. w. post heard a pistol shot across the bows of the ship followed by: "ship ahoy!" "aye, aye, sir," said the officer of the deck, giving the accepted greeting for an officer. "what ship is that? where are you from and whither are you bound?" came the voice. "the u. s. s. louisiana, from hampton roads, bound through the domains of his majesty neptune rex for the pacific ocean," shouted post through a megaphone. "heave to; i want to come aboard!" "aye, aye, sir. come aboard." thereupon the ship was hove to theoretically and two men in fantastic dress popped over the starboard bow and made their way aft. mr. eberle, the executive officer, had been notified that neptune's secretary, main top bowline, was on board, and went forward to receive him. capt. wainwright was notified and appeared on the quarter deck. soon, with the bugles sounding attention, main top bowline and his orderly emerged through the superstructure with mr. eberle. the secretary and assistant were in full dress, their swallowtails of bright red chintz accentuated by enormous negro minstrel collars and by ties of pink that flowed out to their shoulders. they carried full dress cocked hats of navy regulation pattern. their faces were indian red with various splashes of paint that suggested mermaids and sea serpents. main top bowline had a pair of binoculars made from black beer bottles which were capped by the rubber pieces that fit the eyes on the sighting apparatus of the guns. mr. eberle presented the secretary to the captain, while the officers and dozens of the crew gathered around. the secretary said that neptune would come aboard at a. m. the next day and would be prepared to take possession of the ship and exercise due authority. he complimented the captain on the appearance of his "fine ship," said that neptune would visit the louisiana only because it had once carried his "distinguished colleague, the president," and he expressed the hope that the captain and the crew would extend the proper honors. capt. wainwright straightened himself to his full height and said: "mr. secretary, main top bowline: it gives me great pleasure to welcome you to this ship and to receive the notification of the contemplated visit to-morrow of his majesty neptunus rex. i beg of you to convey to him the expression of my highest esteem and to say to him that we shall pay him the distinguished honors that belong to his rank, and shall obey gladly all his august commands. if you will now proceed with me to my cabin we will discuss there the details of the ceremony." then the captain and the visitors disappeared down the captain's gangway and a bottle of champagne was opened and the health of neptune toasted. the captain told main top bowline that he had been a member of neptune's domain for thirty-eight years but had not met main top bowline before. main top said he had been in his majesty's service only fifteen years. full particulars of mr. roosevelt's trip on the louisiana were requested to be reported to neptune and then the secretary left and called on the wardroom. he served subpoenas himself on the officers and asked especially for the newspaper man. he said that neptune had been misrepresented so often in print and that it was so seldom that he ever found a reporter on a real ship of the line that he was bound to tell the newspaper man to be prepared for the worst. then the visitors were escorted forward and they disappeared, after ordering this message sent to admiral evans: _the commander-in-chief, u. s. atlantic fleet._ by virtue of the authority invested in me by his majesty, neptunus rex, ruler of the royal domain, i have to inform you that i have this night boarded the good ship louisiana for the purpose of informing the commanding officer that he has entered the domain ruled by his majesty and that he has a cargo of landlubbers, pollywogs and sea lawyers on board whom it will be necessary to initiate into the royal realm before he can pass through, and as such his most gracious majesty will to-morrow morning board the good ship louisiana and carry out the ceremonies as prescribed by the regulations of the royal realm. his majesty wishes me to convey his compliments to you and to state that he is pleased to have you with him once more in his royal domain, although it has been some time since he has been able to greet you personally. main top bowline, secretary of his most gracious majesty, neptune rex, ruler of the royal domain. admiral evans signalled back his thanks for the greeting, sent his compliments to neptune and expressed the hope that neptune and his party would have a "royal good time on the louisiana." the next morning everybody was up bright and early. word was sent throughout the ship to wear no arms at quarters. every man put on his cleanest uniform. quarters was sounded and the men assembled at their usual stations. the officers emerged one by, one from the superstructure and reported to the executive officer that their divisions were all present or accounted for. then came the bugle for general muster on the quarter deck. all hands were marched aft and the officers took their proper stations with a large space vacant about the captain and a passageway from the superstructure. miss sally ann, the trinidad monkey, was allowed to come along to see the fun. she perched on one of the -inch guns and flirted her tail about like an angry cat. a wait of several minutes followed after mr. eberle had gone forward to receive neptune. this was due, it was reported afterward unofficially, to getting amphitrite, neptune's wife, up the gangways with all her toggery in good condition. not being used to skirts, it was quite a job. at the entrance to the deck eight side boys and the boatswain's mates were stationed. suddenly a great blast from the bugles announced the approach. then the shrill boatswains' whistles smote the ears and sally ann set up an awful screeching. the word "salute!" rang out and every man stood at attention while neptune and his wife preceded by two pages stepped on the quarter deck. at that moment a monster red flag, eighteen feet by twelve, with a white sea serpent on it that would have made any chinese dragon run to cover, was raised to the main, the band struck up neptune's march and his majesty and consort and their court of fifty-two persons in stately step trod the deck to greet capt. wainwright. neptune swung his trident proudly, and as he came to a full stop he said: "sir:--i have come to-day to your ship to exercise the full command that pertains to the rule of my domain. i have come to initiate the landlubbers and pollywogs on this vessel. you will relinquish command to me and i expect that full honors will be paid to my rank. i am honoring this ship of the fleet especially because my distinguished friend and colleague, the president of the country from which you come, once used this ship on a near approach to my dominions. i am informed that he would be here to-day in person if the cares of state did not prevent. i am told he is here in spirit. i shall order, therefore, a special honorary certificate of membership for him. [aside, "can't some of you keep that damned monkey from screeching so much?"] i shall now proceed to your cabin, after which the ceremonies of the royal initiations will proceed." capt. wainwright bowed profoundly and the irreverent in the crew set up a howl of laughter as they saw the makeup of neptune and his party. neptune and amphitrite and the two pages went below with the captain. the others remained on deck. there were the two secretaries that had come aboard the night before and next to them were two royal doctors, in long swallowtails and with tall hats that looked like the headgear of corean high priests, only there were skulls and crossbones on them for ornament. the doctors carried dress suit cases. one was labelled "dr. flip" and the other "dr. flap." the cases contained the surgical instruments and medicines. then came the royal counsellors with enormous law books. the lawyers wore the wigs of english practitioners and long black robes. two "high cops," in chintz, followed and then there was a large squad of policemen each with a badge numbered , with stuffed clubs, followed by the barbers, a dozen black bears and a lot of retainers. neptune himself wore a scarlet robe with sea serpents embroidered on it and with a golden hemp fringe all around the edges. his face and legs and arms were stained a beautiful mahogany color. a great beard of yellow rope hung down over his fat belly. amphitrite was in white. she wore a sea green flat hat and carried a black cat done up in baby's clothes. that cat stayed with her for two hours without moving. "my!" said one of the ordinary seamen who had cruised many a time along the bowery, "don't she look just as if she came straight from the bowery and hester street? how are ye, amph?" a clout on the head by a mate made him "shorten his chin sail." before neptune reappeared dr. flip went up to dr. wentworth, the ship's surgeon, to pay his professional respects. dr. flip said he was of the old school and a graduate of the "royal college of the doldrums, class of umpdy-umpdy-ump-ump." he was strong, he said, on the use of leeches and bleeding. dr. wentworth tactfully admitted that the old school had its merits. then came neptune on deck again and the party, followed by officers and men, went to the fo'c'sle deck for the initiation. neptune mounted his throne on a platform. two tanks had been erected between that and the forward turret. the bears slipped over the sides as the retainers filled the tanks with water. drs. flip and flap unloaded their saws, knives, teeth extractors and many bottles of vile looking medicine. the lawyers opened their books to certain paragraphs of the "revised statutes," chiefly paragraph - - ; the barbers sharpened their enormous razors, "made in yarmany"; the policemen drew up in line, the orderlies rolled up the barrel of lather, made of oatmeal and water, and another barrel of "tonic," to be used in enormous squirt guns. it was neptune's "dope" for the unruly. then neptune, with a flourish of his trident and settling his gilt crown well back on his head, as amphitrite nestled to his side, asked if all preparations had been completed. "yes, your majesty," replied main top bowline. "then let the initiations proceed. bring forward as the first victim that newspaper man. he shall have special attention," was the command. the sun man mounted the steps to the howls of persons. dr. flip sounded his lungs, examined his teeth, felt his arms and legs, made him wiggle his fingers and then said: "your majesty, a very bad case. 'e's got a ingrowin' brain!" "what do you prescribe?" "well, your majesty, we have here medicines for the cure of spavin, sore throat, consumption, chilblains, diphtheria, eczema, measles, neuralgia, heartburn--" "never mind the rest," said the king. "what is the treatment?" "the same for all, sire," was the response. "a good shave, an injection in the arm of my 'dope' [composed of molasses and water] some powder on his head and a ducking in the briny seas." "very good!" replied his majesty. then the trouble began. a pill as big as a horse chestnut and made of bread crusts was forced down the victim's throat. the squirt gun hit him full in the face, a lotion was rubbed in his hair and then he was forced into the chair and shaved. a question was asked of him, and as he opened his mouth to reply a great paint brush of lather was thrust into it. then came the order to pull out the plug from the chair and drop him over backwards into the tank. well, that flight and that ducking! here descriptive powers fail the sun's correspondent. it can be described best in the words of herman melville, in his story of "white jacket," relating to a cruise he made in around the horn in the united states frigate, united states, when he went into the water in another way. "time seemed to stand still and all the worlds poised on their poles as i fell. i was conscious at length of a swift flinging motion of my limbs. a thunder-boom sounded in my ears. my soul seemed flying from my mouth. some current seemed hurrying me away. in a trance i yielded and sank down deeper with a glide. purple and pathless was the deep calm now around me, flecked by summer lightnings in an azure afar. "then an agonizing revulsion came over me as i felt myself sinking. next moment the force of my fall was expended and there i hung vibrating in the deep. what wild sounds then rang in my ear? one was a soft moaning, as of low waves on the beach, the other wild and heartlessly jubilant, as of the sea in the height of a tempest. the life and death poise soon passed, and then i felt myself slowly ascending and caught a dim glimmering of light. quicker and quicker i mounted, till at last i bounded up like a buoy and my whole head was bathed in the blessed air." that was just as it was and when the sun man escaped from the tank he was greeted with more applause and cheering than he had ever received in his life. the first initiation on the louisiana was over. then came a roll call of the officers. they had to produce certificates or pay tribute. the crew was assembled in long lines. one by one they went up the ladders. drs. flip and flap received them. elaborate examinations were made of their condition. "my, my, sire!" dr. flip would shout. "'e's got valvular contraction of the eyelids!" "what is the remedy?" neptune would ask. "my usual treatment, sire," would be the response. then would come a dose of dope, a rub of hair oil, a shave and a toss over into the tank to the hungry bears. souse, souse, souse again would follow, and when the victim came to the surface each time he would send up a stream of water from his mouth that resembled the spouting of a whale. those who were waiting for their duckings would shout with the members of neptune's party. officers crowded to the front of the bridge and the midshipman who was using the stadimeter to get the proper distance in formation had the hardest day of his life trying to keep his eye on the flagship. "pass 'em up quick!" shouted neptune. dr. flip would diagnose a case as "fatty degeneration of the shinbone, sire," and the usual remedy would be prescribed. over the victim went into the tank. dr. flip would then announce a case: "palpitation of the hair, sire. you can see for yourself how it is shaking." "let him have the prescribed treatment," was the order. dr. flip then announced a case of "folderols in the right ear, sire." "soak it to him good!" was the command. dr. flip then had a case of "tickdullerous." similar treatment. all diseases looked alike to neptune. "bunions!" was the next report of dr. flip. "poultice his hair good. it draws 'em up. then saw off his leg at the knee," was the remedy prescribed for the bunion ailment. dr. flip brought out the saws with vile looking teeth. the two doctors sawed away. "by cracky! sire, i can't cut it off," reported dr. flip. "give him an extra dousing!" ordered his majesty. dr. flip next reported a case of toothache. "what do the revised statutes say?" asked neptune. "beg pardon," said dr. flip, "that is in the pharmacopoeia." "well, what does the farm--whatever it is--say?" roared neptune. "gargle, sire," said dr. flip; "the fumes kill the pain." the victim got the gargle treatment. "mullygrubs in his back, sire," was the next from dr. flip. a lambasting with stuffed clubs was the extra treatment for that, in addition to the ducking. then came a strange case, that of a youngster who spends his spare time on board studying mathematics in the hope of getting higher in the service. dr. flip went over him with great care. he got out bottles and pills and saws and bandages and plasters. the crowd could see that it was a most serious case. dr. flap was called in consultation. the books were produced and the symptoms were pondered over with many grave shakes of the head. at last dr. flip made the right diagnosis. "'e's got the hypotenuse rampant," he shouted. "my, my! i am astonished that a surgeon of the established reputation of dr. wentworth of the united states navy, sire, should let all these ailments that we have here to-day escape 'im, sire," shouted dr. flip. "send for dr. wentworth!" roared neptune. dr. wentworth came. he told neptune that he had been a royal subject of his for more than twenty years. nep softened a bit at that, and then said he was glad to see him again, but how about these strange ailments? why had he not cured them? dr. wentworth is a man of tact, great tact, and he explained that the ailments occurred nowhere else than in neptune's domain and, therefore, he thought it was best to have them treated by neptune's own specialists who were familiar with the newest developments and the best treatment. while the initiations were going on neptune ordered this message semaphored to admiral evans, the commander in chief: _admiral r. d. evans, u. s. atlantic fleet._ i am happy to inform you that your son and the son of the captain of your noble flagship have this day declared their allegiance as my loyal subjects. neptune rex. lieuts. f. t. evans and h. w. osterhaus are attached to the louisiana and occasionally they have to take a good deal of chaffing and no favors when an "unofficial message" from "father" comes over the signals. this was the reply that neptune received from the flagship: _neptune rex:_ we are delighted that our sons are at last real sailors. they have served a long time. soak 'em, boys! evans and osterhaus. young evans and young osterhaus were soaked all right. the initiation ceremonies were kept boiling all the time. occasionally a sea lawyer, one with an established reputation as such among the crew, would come up. he was asked if he wanted to argue his case. not one of them did. "give it to him good," neptune would shout. and they did. the rest of the crew understood the significance of the extra ducking and howls of glee resulted. the sea lawyers usually had to be helped out of the tank. now and then a man would lose his temper when he got into the tank. small mercy for him! he would drag a bear under the water with him. forthwith half a dozen bears would go to the rescue of their companion, and in the rescue that man who had dragged the bear under would think he was going to kingdom come before he got a breath of air. oh, it didn't pay to be fresh in that salt water! the ceremonies were half over when there came the unforeseen. a victim came up with a peculiar glitter in his eye. dr. flip saw it and diagnosed the case as "extremis mortuis of the right optic." the diagnosis was correct, for, catching dr. flip in a favorable position, the victim toppled dr. flip over into the tank himself. "flip is taking a flap!" shouted the crowd. the bears fell on dr. flip, thinking he was a new arrival, and he got such a sousing as few who preceded him had received. he lost his glasses, but when he clambered back upon the platform he called out: "next case!" as if nothing unusual had happened. long before the initiation was over the policemen had roused the excitement of sally ann, who was perched in the rigging over the bridge, watching the strange performance, as they ran about the ship chasing culprits who tried to escape. each succeeding arrest stirred her up more and more, and she shrieked out her grief in unearthly yells. one of the bluejackets had to gather her in his arms and stroke her head and talk soothingly to her before she would be comforted. another thing that pleased neptune and the bluejackets was the appearance of an enormous gull, a "goney bird," they called it, that hovered over the initiation ceremonies for more than an hour, turning and twisting its head and giving out strange calls. where the bird came from no one saw. the ship was miles out to sea. no other bird of the kind was in sight. it was the sailor's omen of good luck. when the bird alighted in the rigging a cheer went up. that sealed the matter of good luck and then the bird flew off to the other ships and watched the ceremonies there. so hour after hour the initiation went on until the last man had been rounded up and neptune pronounced the day's work well done. he sent this signal to admiral evans: _the commander-in-chief, u. s. atlantic fleet._ i have to inform the commander-in-chief that i have completed the ceremonies on board the good ship louisiana, will haul down my standard and take my departure. the commander-in-chief will accept my best wishes for himself, officers and men of the united states atlantic fleet for a most pleasant voyage, and may all the royal subjects meet again. neptunus rex, ruler of the royal domain. neptune then retreated into the fo'c'sle for refreshment and remained there until darkness came. then a barrel filled with oakum and oil and tar was set on fire and put afloat. it sailed away in the night. it was "neptune's boat," and he was going back to his royal domains. after he had gone certificates duly signed and embellished with mermaids and sea urchins and starfish and ropes, with an octopus for a background and a picture of neptune rising from the sea at the top and with the ship's seal affixed to bits of red, white and blue ribbon, were presented to all hands. never again will a man who can show one of them have to take a dousing and barbering with suitable medical treatment on crossing the line. the certificates read: domain of neptunus rex, ruler of the raging main. _to all sailors, wherever ye may be, and to all mermaids, sea serpents, whales, sharks, porpoises, dolphins, skates, eels, suckers, lobsters, crabs, pollywogs and other living things of the sea._ greeting: know ye that on this th day of january, , in latitude , and longitude °, ', w., there appeared within the limits of our royal domain the u. s. s. louisiana, bound southward for the straits of magellan and pacific ports. be it remembered that the vessel and officers and crew thereof have been inspected and passed on by ourself and our royal staff. and be it known: by all ye sailors, marines, landlubbers and others who may be honored by his presence that john doe having been found worthy to be numbered as one of our trusty shellbacks, has been gathered to our fold and duly initiated into the solemn mysteries of the ancient order of the deep. be it further understood: that by virtue of the power invested in me i do hereby command all my subjects to show due honor and respect to him whenever he may enter our realm. disobey this order under penalty of our royal displeasure. given under our hand and seal this sixth day of january, . neptunus rex. davy jones, his majesty's scribe. [seal of the louisiana.] [illustration: neptune's initiation on the louisiana's fo'c'sle] chapter v brazil's enthusiastic welcome never before did american ships have such a welcome--the visit a continual exchange of prisoners made by friendship--americans found it easy to sail into this bay of all delights, but very hard to sail out--jack had a fine time ashore and behaved properly--more than , of him on liberty at one time-- official welcome sincere, and that of the people from the heart--vice admiral's salutes greeted evans. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet_, rio janeiro, jan. . in describing the arrival, reception and stay of the american fleet in this port, the impulse is almost irresistible to use superlatives. there can be no error of judgment or of taste in employing the comparative degree, for strict accuracy compels the assertion that never was an american fleet greeted more cordially and never entertained more elaborately in a foreign port than in this port, the "bay of all beauties," and in this city, fast becoming the paris of the western hemisphere. the greetings were unmistakably of the heart. they were far more than official expressions of esteem. it was our old familiar friend of the north, the vox populi, that spoke, and no levity is intended when that expression is used. the people acclaimed the fleet and that aspect was so overwhelming, so constant, so omnipresent that it dwarfed everything else. no foreign port and no american port ever saw so many american bluejackets ashore in ten days; no foreign port ever opened its arms more freely to american sailors of high and low degree. the reception of the fleet was a decided surprise. the officers were confident that the welcome would be cordial, that the expressions of politeness customary on such occasions would ring true, that the entertainments would be in keeping with the situation. no one doubted that brazil would do the handsome thing. it was expected that the officials would exert themselves to say pleasing things and provide receptions and dinners, and would exchange calls and observe punctiliously all the niceties that international courtesy demands. but no one expected what might be called strictly an uprising of the people, and the bestowal of that fiction of official receptions in a foreign port, known as the freedom of the city, in such a manner as to turn fiction into fact. it seemed to be true and undoubtedly was true that the americans captured rio, took it by storm, if you please; it did not seem to be true but was true that rio captured the americans from admirals down to coal passers. from the hour of arrival to the hour of departure it was a constant, an incessant exchange of friendship's prisoners. without this the american fleet could never have sailed away, and the fears expressed in the united states when the fleet left on its cruise that it might never come back as a unit or in parts would have been realized. it was easy as a matter of seamanship to sail into rio harbor. it was as hard a job as any american admiral ever tackled, as a matter of parting with friends, to sail out. any american president who may order a fleet of battleships into this harbor in the future should take that matter into serious consideration. the americans do not want to lose their battleships. prudence requires caution hereafter in running risks with brazilian hospitality. it was about o'clock on sunday morning, january , when the fleet passed cape frio, seventy-five miles to the east of rio. far back on the hills is a signal station. it used the international code and the flags that snapped in the breeze said: "welcome, american fleet!" "sounds pretty good," said a signal officer. then came the yankton, which had been sent on ahead to meet admiral evans and inform him of the plans for anchoring and receptions and the like. just before noon three brazilian warships were observed about a dozen miles out from rio. on they came and bugles were sounded and rails manned and salutes exchanged. one, two, three, and so on, went the guns of the brazilian cruiser that led the two torpedo boats. one by one the reports were counted carefully, as is always the case on a warship. thirteen were boomed out and then came another and another and then a stop. it was a vice-admiral's salute. instantly the query ran through the fleet: has admiral evans been promoted? the wiseacres were not deceived. they said that the brazilians reasoned that the commander-in-chief of any fleet the size of this should be a vice-admiral, and that the brazilians were taking no chances in not being sufficiently polite to cover any contingency. soon the mountains immediately surrounding the beautiful harbor came into view. a dozen steam launches had ventured outside. then came the careful evolutions of getting into exact column for entering the harbor. the day was beautiful, old sugar loaf and corcovado and all the other peaks seemed to be standing up with the dignity of stiff salutes, and then came a peep into the narrow entrance of the harbor. the place was alive with small boats. the signal stations were all aflutter with welcome flags. slowly the connecticut led the way and, when just beyond old fort santa cruz on the eastern side, boomed a salute to the port. from a little rock all smoothed off and fairly polished, given up entirely to a fort, villegagnon, came the answering salute. instantly the whistles of hundreds of craft were set loose and tied down. no american has ever heard such a shrieking of vessels except at the international yacht races off sandy hook. the noise at sandy hook was greater because the number of boats about was greater; that's the only reason. how-de-do and welcome came from big and little craft all loaded down with people in their sunday best, if they have such things down here. parenthetically it may be remarked that judging from the way the women dress for street wear every day is sunday with them in the matter of clothes. there were half a dozen boat crews out in eight-oared barges. launches, rowboats, steamers, ferryboats, sailing craft of all kinds were just inside the harbor entrance. soon magnificent botafoga bay unfolded itself with that wonderfully beautiful long reach of avenue, bairo-mar, running four miles in a crescent from the heart of the city toward sugar loaf, all set out in artistic landscape treatment. it was black with the people. then the fleet approached the city proper. with a glass one could make out that the hills, the houses, the waterfront were black with the people. as vice-admiral maurity afterward said in a speech: "the whole of the population of rio, of all ages, chiefly belonging to the fair sex, could not avoid going out of their houses to crowd the neighborhoods of the harbor, the hills and islands around it, and all other points of view from the city of rio and the nictheroy's side, in order to greet the passage of the american fleet and to better appreciate the interesting display of her manoeuvres." moreover, the population had been waiting there practically for two days. the fleet was scheduled to come in on saturday. all of saturday and far into the night tens of thousands had waited upon the hills and waterfronts. they were back, we were told, early on sunday morning and they blackened and whitened the entire city. the american officers were almost dumfounded. what does it all mean, was the general inquiry. on steamed the connecticut, and it was discovered that there was a german cruiser, the bremen, in the harbor. more salutes! by the way, it may be remarked that admiral evans got the rear admiral's salute inside the harbor, the proper one that his two-starred flag requires. he got another vice-admiral's salute--and many persons thought it was a delicate hint to the united states--when the italian cruiser puglia came in a day or two later and gave him fifteen guns. when the ships anchored in four lines opposite the central part of the city, the brazilian ships, about a dozen of them, were anchored inside. pratique was granted within half an hour of the time of the anchoring, which required some slow manoeuvring in order to reach the exact positions. no official calls were made that night because it was well after o'clock when the last anchor was down, and it was sunday. the populace thronged the waterfront, in some places ten deep, until after dark, and then the brazilian ships illuminated in honor of the fleet. fireworks were set off from the hilltops. still the people stayed on the waterfront. up to midnight they could be seen in thousands. they were there when daylight came; if not the same ones, then a fresh relay. from that day on until the ships left there never was an hour when the waterfront, especially of the city proper, was not thronged with the people looking at the ships. the far famed bay of rio! what shall be said about it? travellers and guide books have told of its beauties without ceasing. every well-informed person knows that it is regarded as the finest in the world, that even naples is dwarfed in these descriptions in comparison. it is worth while to recount its glories again, especially as it revealed itself to naval men. the writer knows of no better naval twist to give to such a description than was written by herman melville, who entered this bay on the united states frigate united states way back in , and who has described the scene in his fascinating book "white jacket." nature is still the same. old sugar loaf, the liberty capped corcovado, literally the hunchback, the organ mountains and all the other peaks still rear their heads as they did then and encircle rio. here is what melville wrote from a naval standpoint: "talk not of bahia de todos os santos, the bay of all saints, for though that be a glorious haven, yet rio is the bay of all rivers, the bay of all delights, the bay of all beauties. from circumjacent hillsides untiring summer hangs perpetually in terraces of vivid verdure, and embossed with old mosses convent and castle nestle in valley and glen. "all around deep inlets run into the green mountain land, and overhung with wild highlands more resemble loch katrine than lake leman, yet here in rio both the loch and the lake are but two wild flowers in a prospect that is almost unlimited. for behold, far away and away stretches the broad blue of the water to yonder soft swelling hills of light green, backed by the purple pinnacles and pipes of the grand organ mountains fitly so-called, for in thunder time they roll cannonades down the bay, drowning the blended bass of all the cathedrals in rio. "archipelago rio, ere noah on old ararat anchored his ark, there lay anchored in you all these green rocky isles i now see, but god did not build on you, isles, those long lines of batteries, nor did our blessed saviour stand godfather at the christening of you, you frowning fortress of santa cruz, though named in honor of himself, the divine prince of peace. "amphitheatrical rio! in your broad expanse might be held the resurrection and judgment day of the whole world's men-o'-war, represented by the flagships of fleets--the flagships of the phoenician armed galleys of tyre and sidon; of king solomon's annual squadrons that sailed to ophir, whence in aftertimes, perhaps, sailed the acapulco fleets of the spaniards, with golden ingots for ballasting; the flagships of all the greek and persian craft that exchanged the warhug at salamis; of all the roman and egyptian galleys that, eaglelike, with blood dripping prows, beaked each other at actium; of all the danish keels of the vikings; of all the mosquito craft of abba thule, king of the pelaws, when he went to vanquish artinsall; of all the venetian, genoese and papal fleets that came to shock at lepanto; of both horns of the spanish armada; of the portuguese squadron that under the gallant gama chastised the moors and discovered the moluccas; of all the dutch navies led by van tromp and sunk by admiral hawke; of the forty-seven french and spanish sail-of-the-line that for three months essayed to batter down gibraltar; of all nelson's seventy-fours that thunderbolted off st. vincent's, at the nile, copenhagen and trafalgar; of all the frigate merchantmen of the east india company; of perry's war brigs, sloops and schooners that scattered the british armament on lake erie; of all the barbary corsairs captured by bainbridge; of the war canoes of polynesian kings, tamma-hammaha and pomare--ay, one and all, with commodore noah for their lord high admiral, in this abounding bay of rio might all come to anchor and swing round in concert to the first of the flood. "rio is a small mediterranean, and what was fabled of the entrance to that sea, in rio is partly made true, for here at the mouth stands one of hercules's pillars, the sugar loaf mountain, , feet high, inclining over a little like the leaning tower of pisa. at its base crouch like mastiffs the batteries of josé and theodosia, while opposite you are menaced by a rock bounded fort. the channel between--the sole inlet to the bay--seems but a biscuit's toss over, you see naught of the landlocked sea within until fairly in the strait. but then what a sight is beheld! diversified as the harbor of constantinople, but a thousandfold grander. when the neversink (the frigate united states) swept in word was passed, 'aloft, topmen! and furl t'-gallant sails and royals!' at the sound i sprang into the rigging and was soon at my perch. how i hung over that main royal yard in a rapture! high in air, poised over that magnificent bay, a new world to my ravished eyes. i felt like the foremost of a flight of angels new lighted upon earth from some star in the milky way." few men on this fleet felt the rapture that melville described so poetically, but every one felt a thrill. had melville lived to more recent times he might have included the fleet of farragut and porter, of the austrians and italians, of the russians and japanese, of the spanish, in that mighty roll call of the ressurrection of fleets of the world, for surely there is room for all. for twenty miles up there is deep water in the bay, and hiding places too among the islands, one for every day in the year, that stud the waters. santa cruz and all the other forts melville mentions are still there and a dozen more besides, most of them inside the harbor, built, as one grim fighter on the american fleet said, more for use against domestic than foreign foes. the very situation of those forts spells out fear of revolution, but that's another matter. the next morning after arrival came the unfolding of rio to the visitors. even those who had visited the place before had shaken their heads solemnly about it. the scenery all about is grand, they said, wonderful, but the city itself--well, hands were raised in deprecation, nostrils dilated, followed by a sad shake of heads. didn't the guide books tell you it was a foul, ill smelling place? wasn't it a matter of course that the city would be reeking with yellow fever in this its midsummer time? the officials told the fleet officers that there was no yellow fever in the place. polite expressions of surprise with surreptitious nudges behind the back! they said that the city had been transformed in the last four years, was well paved and beautified and they expressed the hope that the americans would like it. more expressions of polite surprise and assurances that the city always was attractive, with more nudges behind the back. and then when the officials went back to shore didn't the officers make a dive for the ships' libraries and read facts, real facts, mind you, about the place? didn't w. e. curtis write this about rio: "viewed from the deck of a ship in the harbor the city of rio looks like a fragment of fairyland--a cluster of alabaster castles decorated with vines; but the illusion is instantly dispelled upon landing, for the streets are narrow, damp, dirty, reeking with repulsive odors and filled with vermin covered beggars and wolfish looking dogs. there is now and then a lovely little spot where nature has displayed her beauties unhindered and the environs of the city are filled with the luxury of tropical vegetation; but there are only a few fine residences, a few pleasant promenades, and a few clusters of regal palms which look down upon the filth and squalor of the town with dainty indifference. the palm is the peacock of trees. nothing can degrade it, and the filth in which it often grows only serves to heighten its beauty. the pavements are of the roughest cobblestone; the streets are so narrow that scarcely a breath of air can enter them, and the sunshine cannot reach the pools of filth that steam and fester in the gutters, breeding plagues." there are half a dozen descriptions such as that, some of them as recent as . oh, yes, the americans knew what kind of a city they were going to see. hadn't some of them been here before? didn't some of the surgeons on the fleet shake their heads gravely when it was signalled from the flagship that there would be general liberty? what did the americans find? this is part of what the americans saw; it would take pages to tell it all: they saw one of the cleanest and best paved cities in the world. new york in the waring days never had cleaner streets. there was not a foul smell in evidence. there was even no west street or south street odor along the waterfront. where the streets were not of asphalt they were of wood. there were no beggars on the highways; at any rate the sun's correspondent did not see one, and he spent hours ashore every day. the old part of town still has its narrow streets, the chief of which, ouvridor, is about half as wide as nassau street and which no vehicles are permitted to enter. but the great surprise of all was the magnificent central avenue, built within the last four years right through the heart of the city from north to south, just as napoleon built highways in paris, connecting at the south with the great sweeping shore boulevards, where the beautiful monroe palace stands. this new avenue rivals anything that paris can show. it is about feet wide, with sidewalks fifteen feet broad. in the centre are lofty lights on artistic poles, each group set in a little isle of safety filled with flowers and grasses and plants. the architecture along the avenue is harmonious throughout. the effect is imposing and makes a new yorker think. but those sidewalks! it is mighty fortunate for new york that she has none like them. if she had, the psychopathic ward in bellevue would have to be enlarged ten times over for the patrons of the great white way. they are big mosaics, composed of small pieces of black and white granite. the black pieces are used for ornamentation. every block has a different design. some have zigzags, others curves and curlycues, others dragons and starfish (at least they resemble such), others swing here and there; others are straight, until you feel that all you need is a brass band to make you march; others take you in swoops this way and that; arrows and daggers point themselves at you; bouquets in stone attract you until you almost feel that you want to stoop to get a whiff; but the predominant feeling is that the designs were sunk for sailors to roll back to the ship on, heaving to occasionally for bearings; or for intoxicated men to take another tack in the hope of finding a shorter way. one of the bluejackets hit this particular "beach" one afternoon after he had been drinking too much. he stopped short and called to his mate, a few feet away: "bill, come here! take me away! what do i see? look at 'em! snakes? yes, they are snakes! i got 'em! hit that big feller on the head! it's the brig fer me when i get back. take me away, bill! think o' the disgrace o' gettin' the jimjams in a foreign port. bowery booze fer me after this! take me away, bill! 'tain't snakes? honest? jes' sidewalk? 'ray for brazil!" then the bluejacket got on his knees and felt to make sure it was "jes' sidewalk" while a crowd of brazilians gathered around and some of them thought yankee sailors either had queer ways of investigation or of making their devotions under the effect of libations and smiled, and in portuguese told bill and tom they were good fellows. as one went to the south on this central avenue he came upon the nearly finished municipal theatre, one of the handsomest playhouses in the world and probably the largest in the western hemisphere. then came the new public library and other federal and municipal buildings that are being erected back of old castello hill, where the first settlers squatted, and the remains of their huddled manner of living still present themselves to the eye. and then one came to the white renaissance pile, the strikingly beautiful monroe palace, named after our own monroe, whose famous doctrine is woven into the woof and warp of the brazilian institutions. the building is segregated and is at the very gate of the great boulevard system fronting on the bay. it is conspicuous from the harbor. brazil's flag--the green field, representing luxuriant vegetation; the yellow diamond, representing the gold and other mineral wealth; the broad, banded globe of blue in the centre, representing the dominion of brazil, with one star above the equator for its single state in the northern hemisphere, and other stars in the south portraying the southern states, and also the famous constellation of the southern cross at a certain significant date in the year--the brazilian flag flew from the dome and on each corner were large american flags. this palace is where the pan-american congress met, where secretary root made a profound impression in his address. next to roosevelt the name of root is foremost on the lips of brazilians. his visit made the deepest impression here. it is still talked of, even on the highways. that visit, the monroe palace and the visit of this fleet are bound to be felt for years in the expressions of genuine international friendship of various kinds which will be made between the two great republics of the north and south. then one saw the boulevard system. again one must repress himself. it is safe to say that no city in the world has anything like it, that no avenue or highway is more beautiful and imposing. one might combine the beauties of the waterfront of naples and nice or of any spot in the riviera with those of the shore drive of new york's narrows and riverside drive and lafayette boulevard in new york, and still they could not compare with this beautifully ornamented stretch of boulevard that curves about the bright blue bay. illuminated with thousands of lights at night the effect from the harbor is that of a long crescent of diamonds flashing upon the forehead of the bay. no one who has ever seen this highway of miles with its palatial dwellings fronting upon it and set back against the hills can ever forget it. it wasn't here when melville wrote, but truly it makes the city amphitheatrical rio! then the americans began to wander about the city. the narrow streets in the business district are like those of havana and many other cities of people of latin descent. through this part of town run little mule propelled tramways with the narrow rails so close to the sidewalks that when the tram is crowded to the side steps there is danger of sweeping the passengers off by passing pedestrians. the visitors saw the cafés, real cafés, where the principal drink is coffee, "strong as the devil, as black as ink, as hot as hell and as sweet as love." some of the americans liked the coffee, but the wise ones confined their drinking to limeades. then the visitors saw the many crowded cinematograph shows, the crowded shops, the powdered, and what americans would call overdressed women, the panorama of the highways, the newsboys, the hundreds of lottery shops. but above all else they noted the clean condition of things. they asked if it was a sudden spurt of cleanliness and were told that it was not. they asked how about these new streets and the extensive, harmonious and comprehensive building that is going on. it was declared to be part of a broad policy that has been in progress for four or five years, part of a plan to make rio one of the most beautiful cities in the world, a plan to make it fit the magnificent surroundings which nature has provided for it. american opinion was all summed up in this general expression: "as handsome a city as i ever saw." [illustration: _courtesy of collier's weekly_ at anchor at rio de janeiro] it was when the bluejackets went ashore that the americans began to realize what brazil's welcome really meant. the boys landed with a whoop and began to scatter. sailorlike some of them headed for the saloons, but the people expected that and were surprised that more of them didn't fall by the wayside. most of the men, however, went in for rational enjoyment. they crowded the post card emporiums, they bought fruit and trinkets, they piled on the tramways and went any old place so long as it was somewhere. they filled the streets, the cinematograph places. yes, they hired automobiles and rode about like nabobs to the astonishment of the natives, who must have wondered at the princely wages the united states paid its men. they went to the best restaurants and hotels. everywhere they were welcomed. "english spoken here" was a frequent sign. they were even allowed to loll on the grass of the many beautiful parks, an act that costs a native a fine of from five to fifteen milreis. they were respectful to all, but they had a commanding way about them that took. they owned the town; they knew it, but did not attempt to take the slightest advantage of it. as the days went by and one saw the behavior of these bluejackets his american heart was filled with pride over them. they were clean, intelligent, manly, open, as fine a brand of sailor as ever wore a uniform, obeyed an order or sported their money lavishly in a foreign port. the first thing that greeted the eye of every man who landed at the beautiful park that used to be an eyesore in the central part of the waterfront was a big sign reading: "information bureau for american seamen." it was an information bureau, a real one. it was the most useful kind of a welcome ever provided in a foreign port for the sailors of any people. the american and english residents, aided by those of other countries, had been busy preparing for weeks for the visit of jack ashore. every safeguard, every assistance that was possible to make his liberty comfortable, profitable, enjoyable was looked after. it took hard cash to do it, but the money was raised and it amounted to thousands of dollars. in the first place, the ferry company to nictheroy set apart a large room in its commodious new building. counters were put up for information booths, postal card booths, exchange of money, sale of various kinds of tickets for things with guides by the score and attendants anxious to answer all kinds of questions. men and women worked there from twelve to fourteen hours a day for ten days in the stifling heat, all eager to be of assistance to jack ashore. a pamphlet was provided giving a map of the city and displaying all the chief places of interest. full information was printed about everything that a man bent on rational enjoyment could desire. the pamphlets told all about transportation, about the places to see, about postage and the many general and special excursions that had been planned. jack soon found it out and he rushed there in throngs. he found long tables in the room with free writing paper, ink, pens, mucilage, and down he sat to write to sweetheart or wife. then he went to change his money. here he struck a snag. a dollar is worth , reis. one of the sailors got a $ note changed. he received in exchange , reis. he was astonished. "here, fellers!" he shouted, "i got , reis for $ . gee, whiz! me for wall street! when kin i get a steamer home, mister? holy moses! i've got rich and i didn't know it." jack found out quickly that he wasn't rich, for rio is just now fairly oppressed with enormously high prices, due, it is said, to paying heavy taxes for all the improvements that have been going on. he found that he had to pay reis for an ordinary postage stamp, reis for a glass of limeade, about reis for a handkerchief or a collar, and as for a bottle of beer, that was good for a thousand reis or so, and the money began to melt quickly. but what did jack care? it was an automobile for him, or something equally expensive. what's the use of being an american man-o'-war's man if you can't act like a millionaire for an hour or so in a foreign port? when the money was changed jack found out the full value of these self-sacrificing men and women who had done so much for his comfort. he got a fair exchange for his money and wasn't robbed. this committee had provided him with guides to all sorts of places free of charge, had made up excursion parties all over the city and the surrounding country, had provided rubbernecks--and how jack did grin when he saw the familiar things--carriages, special trams and what not; had provided for the sale of meal tickets, the best postal cards, had co-operated with the police to look for stragglers. well, jack smiled and smiled, and he knew he was in the hands of his friends. the prefect of the city, gen. souza aguiar, was chairman of the committee, and all the leading americans and englishmen joined in. especially active was the acting consul-general of the united states, j. j. slechta, and myron a. clark, the y. m. c. a. secretary. the y. m. c. a. here is affiliated with the sands street branch in brooklyn. the placards told jack all about it, and the first thing he asked was if miss gould had helped to pay the expenses. he was told that she had not, because she had probably not been informed about it. he answered invariably: "betch'r sweet life she would if she'd known about it. 'ray for helen gould!" here is a summary of what work was done for our sailors by this bureau in ten days: eight thousand sheets of paper and , envelopes provided free of charge, , guides to the city printed and circulated, about , postage stamps sold, nearly , meal tickets sold, , special excursions provided, these in addition to the many general excursions; about $ , exchanged at the lowest possible rates, about , post cards sold, about , automobile trips arranged. so jack and all the others of the fleet went sightseeing. they went to petropolis, the summer capital, with its temperate climate, in the tropics, and only twenty-two miles away, up back of the organ mountains. you climb the heights on a cog railroad, just as you climb pike's peak, and you see the magnificent views of valleys, the bay, the ravines and gulches that would do credit to the rocky mountains. jack and his mates went to corcovado in throngs, starting on trolleys that crossed the famous old aqueduct back of the hills right in the city and climbed on and up around the city for miles with scarce a hundred feet of straight track. then they took the steep cog railroad, and after a time found themselves poised on the peak , feet above the city, with this place of , inhabitants and its bay and the sea all spread out before them in probably the most fascinating panorama that the world presents. they visited the wonderful botanical garden, with its magnificent avenue of royal palms and its flower beds, its trees, its ferns, a truly royal place. one of the young officers told what he thought of this garden when he said: "when i get married i am going to come down here and march up that mile of palms for the aisle in god's church. it will be the finest setting for the finest bride in the world. the newspapers needn't take the trouble to mention the bridegroom's name. that of the bride linked with the majestic aisle will be sufficient." and so one might go on and on into raptures and extravagant expressions. the people's gracious mood matched their city and the visitors were simply overwhelmed with hospitality on every side. the sailors grew to the situation. day by day there were fewer signs of too much drinking. occasionally a man or two would overstep the bounds, but the authorities saw to it that the americans handled their own men in that condition. only one incident marred the visit, and it was a pity that any mention of it was cabled to the united states. after that had been done it was necessary to send the truth and correct misapprehension. it was on the first night of liberty. it was merely a saloon brawl. a native negro had a row with another and threw a bottle at him. the second dodged it and the bottle struck one of our seamen at a table and hurt him. he got after the negro, who escaped. back the negro came with a razor and fell upon the first bluejacket he saw. several of the best petty officers on one of the ships jumped in to quell the disturbance. the rabble thought they jumped in to fight. stones were thrown and three of the peacemakers were hurt. the local police didn't size up the situation and were slow to act. they arrested the negro, but let him go. after that they said it was a deplorable blunder. liberty was recalled at once and marines were sent ashore, but it was soon over, and the next morning at the request of the authorities , men were sent ashore instead of , daily as had been planned. the men were warned to conduct themselves properly, and to the everlasting credit of our american seamen it must be said they heeded the caution well. an illustration of what might have been occurred on the night of sunday, january . rival political clubs were parading about town carrying banners and flags and also giving cheers of "vivan los americanos!" they invited a lot of bluejackets to join them. not knowing what the parades meant, good natured jack of course would go along. about twenty of them joined each of two processions and had the distinction of carrying the flags and hurrahing every other step. it was great fun. the naval officers on shore heard of what was going on and dashed up in automobiles. the brazilians would not let their dear friends go and the officers had a hard time to get the men free. they at once obeyed instructions to scatter, and said they were simply having a good time with their new friends. ten minutes later those two parades minus the bluejackets came into a collision and there was quite severe rioting, with stone throwing and the use of knives and bludgeons. had the bluejackets remained innocently with the parades they would have been in the thick of it and terrible reports would probably have been cabled to the united states of our sailors mixing in political affairs, probably instigating revolution and being most awful rioters. it was a narrow escape to get them away in time. by the end of the week so completely had good feeling been established that from , to , men were sent ashore on sunday. it was the largest liberty party of american sailors ever known. new york never saw so many of our men ashore at one time. it made one proud of his country and its men to see that party ashore. there were not twenty cases of drunkenness when the boys came home. nothing could have been more cordial and warmhearted, more lavish, than the entertainments given in the name of the brazilian government. the one regret was that admiral evans, because of an attack of his recurrent malady, rheumatism, was unable to take part in them personally. admiral thomas took his place admirably. the tone of all the official greetings was that of undisguised friendship. president penna made it manifest on the first day when he met the officers at petropolis. then vice-admiral cordovil maurity voiced it in english on the top of corcovado the next day, and perhaps it is well to give his speech in full. here it is as translated for the americans: ladies, his excellency vice-admiral the minister of marine, gallant admirals, captains and officers of the navy of the u. s. a., gentlemen: in my character of admiral of the brazilian navy, chief of the general staff and commander-in-chief of the fleet, as well as with the authority of an old sailor, who knows the rules of military and diplomatic pragmatic, i feel very happy in this moment, to speak to you, american sailors, in the name of my government, of the brazilian people and of my comrades of the national navy, in order to salute and give the hearty welcome to admiral r. evans, the commander-in-chief, admirals charles sperry, charles thomas and william emory, the captains, officers and crews of the powerful north american fleet that entered the day before yesterday in the harbour of rio. i beg then to avail myself of this fine opportunity, when we are just gathered at the summit of corcovado, at metres above the level of the sea, to present the warmest demonstration of sympathy and friendship towards our brothers of the great navy of the united states of america, as a general and sincere greeting spontaneously born from the core of the brazilian's hearts. the real proof of this true assertion of mine you have just met during the solemn occasion of the triumphal entrance of your brilliant fleet, the most efficient naval strength, up to the present, that has ever been seen crossing this side of the atlantic ocean and getting into waters of the bay of guanabara. indeed, it was such an important naval scene, such a splendid maritime spectacle, that the whole of the population in rio, of all ages, chiefly belonging to the fair sex could not avoid going out their houses to crowd the neighbourhoods of the harbour, the hills and islands around it, and all other points of view from the city of rio and the nictheroy side, in order to greet the passage of the american fleet and to better appreciate the interesting display of her manoeuvres. so, i may assure you, gentlemen, with my experience of a sea man, that the splendor of the scenery just alluded to, in combination with the singular and natural beauties of the bay of guanabara, in which you were fraternally received with open arms, by the mild people all classes of our society, was of the sort of those fairy things impossible to be described, written or spoken about. yes, gentlemen, the peaceful commission of your fleet waving the star spangled banner of the great republic of the united states of america around this continent of ours and training the crews of her men-of-war across the largest and deepest oceans, is certainly an act of very right naval policy, chiefly on the behalf of order and discipline of industry, labor and trade, of diplomacy and fraternal comity, and, at last, it means an exchange of civilisation amongst the peoples of the several countries of the young, immense and futurous continent of both americas. therefore, i raise my cup for the health and prosperity of the sister navy of the united states of america, one of the mightiest and more illustrious of the world, whose sacred emblem in command and perfect sisterhood with ours, let god grant may float side by side--ever for ever and ever--for the benefit of universal peace and general comfort of mankind. president penna again made the welcome plain when he said at his luncheon the day following to the admirals and several captains at petropolis: the warm and fraternal welcome which the people of the capital of the republic have given to the american fleet which is now visiting us ought to prove how deep and sincere the sympathy and friendship which the brazilian nation feels for its great and prosperous sister of north america. these are no fleeting or transitory sentiments, since they date from the hour of our birth as a nation and are ever growing in strength. every day the bonds of friendship and of trade between the two nations are drawn closer. when the south american peoples proclaimed their independence, at that moment so fraught with misgivings and uncertainty as to the future, the young american republic gave them strength by solemnly declaring the intangible unity of the peoples of the new world through the declaration of their great president monroe, whose name figures in history with brilliance as a statesman of great perception and of rare political foresight. the long and difficult voyage of the powerful fleet which to-day is the guest of brazil, necessitating as it does the doubling of the american continent, is a fresh and splendid evidence of the unequalled vigor and the extraordinary energy of the great power which is a friend of brazil. with an expression of ardent and sincere wishes for the fortunate continuation of the voyage of the friendly fleet i drink to the glorious american navy, to the prosperity of the republic of the united states of america and to the personal happiness of its eminent chief, that great statesman, president roosevelt. the minister of foreign affairs added to all this in the great banquet given to the officers later in the monroe palace when, after offering a toast to president roosevelt, he said: the ancient sympathies between the american and brazilian navies, added to by these deeds of war, could not fail to be augmented, until the point they have attained by the beneficial force of the increasing approximation between the two friendly peoples. in norfolk and washington last year the unequivocal demonstrations made to our officers, which the american government so expressly associated itself with, caused the brazilian gratitude and indebtedness; and it is to-day with the greatest satisfaction that in the entertainments promoted by the brazilian government, by our navy, and by our society the people of rio de janeiro welcome the american sailors with the same spontaneous enthusiasm with which they saluted, in his memorable passage by this country, the eminent propagandist of peace and of continental concord, mr. root. brazil is grateful for the visit of her northern friends, arrived here in these powerful men of war, which, according to the fine expression of president roosevelt, are messengers of friendship and good will, commissioned to celebrate with us the long continued and never to be broken amity and mutual helpfulness of the two great republics. i invite my countrymen here present to unite with me in the name of the brazilian nation and its government in a toast to the gallant american navy, an example of skill and military discipline, a model of devotion to their country, and a formidable guardian of the immense prestige of the great republic, the pride of the continent. the same thing was iterated and reiterated in hundreds of private dinner parties. it received its most vociferous expression on january at a smoker given to the officers of the fleet at the park fluminense, an outdoor music hall with a mere roof covering and a stage, set in a garden. it was like the outdoor suburban amusement places in which st. louis and other of our western cities abound. four bands of the ships were massed at the entrance to the pavilion. an immense american shield was lighted with electricity. the flags of brazil and england and the united states were entwined. the place was reserved exclusively for american officers and their hosts. they had an unusually good vaudeville show and in the intervals our combined band played. beer and cigars were served, and soon things began to warm up. when a medley of patriotic american airs was played the cheers began to rise. they could have been heard for blocks. soon annapolis songs and yells and shouts were being given. in the intermissions the place fairly rocked with the songs and yells of old days. men who had been tablemates for months shook hands with one another as if they had just met after a prolonged separation. speeches were going on at a dozen places at once. then came the close. our bands first played the brazilian national hymn. what a job that is will be told later. a great outburst of cheers followed after every man had ceased to stand at attention. the brazilians were beside themselves with joy. then came "god save the king!" every one could sing that, and while standing at attention a mighty chorus of song rolled out. more frantic cheering! then came "the star spangled banner." profound silence was observed to the last note. when the salute was finished a cyclone roar followed. men jumped on chairs and yelled and yelled. hats went into the air. the brazilians and english could not be contained. a score of men were on tables, each trying to take command of the occasion, each calling for three cheers for this person and that, for this country and that. none heard the others, but it was a grand acclaim of good fellowship and intense patriotism. one little brazilian called for three cheers for president roosevelt. the sun man heard him because he was only two feet away. the cheers rolled out and the brazilian thought he had taken the place by storm, and was as happy as a child, but the cheers were simply a part of all that was going up and meant for everybody and everything in the way of international friendship. it was a night that stirred one. and so the visit wore on, and it was a pretty tired crowd of guests and hosts before the finish came. probably the weariest men on the ships were the bandmasters who struggled through the bars of the brazilian national hymn. no disrespect is meant, but those americans who are clamoring for a new national hymn ought to hear what the brazilians have to put up with and then rest themselves content for all time with what we have. in the first place the brazilian hymn is so long that when you are playing it as a brazilian warship passes the brazilian gets out of hearing and almost out of sight before you finish. after a few struggles with the music the orders were given on some ships to shorten up if the other ship was out of hearing and save the wind of the players. then too it is queer music. it goes hippety hop--it seems a combination of waltz and march, of anthem and jig. it may be music, but the writer of this is frank to say that the japanese national hymn, with its weird swoops and dives, curls and twists, seems like a gliding strauss waltz compared with the brazilian hymn. one of the bandmasters on the fleet complained that his men could not play it properly. "musish no-a good," he said. "no italian musish players. all come from kalamazoo, bah!" the brazilians had hard struggles with the names of our warships. minnesota, louisiana and such were all right, but connecticut staggered them. they made almost as bad as a mess of it as when they pronounced the name of the high life club here or the light and power company. the brazilian name for the high life club is higgie leaffie cloob. that of the light and power concern is liggety poor companee. let it go at that. the reader must imagine how they pronounced connecticut, for it can't be put down on paper. the departure of the fleet bids fair to be even more spectacular than the one at hampton roads, only the powder and smoke, and the blare of the bands and all the rest of the show will be in honor of another president than our own. when the last gun has boomed it will mean not only good-by to president penna and brazil, but it will be the blackthroated response of , american sailors to rio. the guns will declare rio to be not only the city of all delights but the city of all hospitality. chapter vi national salutes at sea unique meeting of united states and argentine ships miles from land--grand naval spectacle--high honors for admiral evans and cordial greetings for all his men--fine display of seamanship on south american vessels--picturesque incidents of the voyage from rio to the most southern city in the world-- nature put on mourning as the farewells were said and signalled at brazil's capital--the man-o'-war mail from home. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet_, punta arenas, chile, jan. . the passage of the battle fleet from rio to this the southernmost city of the world was marked by a marine spectacle unprecedented, so far as any one in this fleet can recall, in naval annals. a squadron of the argentine navy came out hundreds of miles to greet our ships, and probably for the first time in the history of navies national salutes were fired upon the high seas. squadrons and fleets have passed one another before time and time again, and honors have been exchanged, the flags of flag officers have been saluted, but after these courtesies have been finished they have gone their separate ways, all official proprieties having been observed. but this greeting was so unusual that admiral evans set a new naval fashion, and after his flag had been saluted--seventeen guns, by the way; the number increases on the way around, and if the warships keep it up, each one giving the rear admiral more and more guns, he will soon be an admiral of the fleet in the thundered judgment of other nations, no matter what action congress may take--he ordered the salute of twenty-one guns for the argentines. the argentine ships gave full justification, for they had manned the rails on approaching our ships, an honor paid ordinarily only to the head of a nation. admiral evans met this unusual compliment by choosing to regard it as an honor to our nation, not a personal matter, and he fired twenty-one guns, to which the argentine flagship responded at once. in addition to those honors the crews of the various ships cheered one another as they passed. it was all different from the accepted rule of fleets or squadrons in passing and it left a fine feeling. "i never saw sentiment carried so far in all my naval experience," said one man who will soon have the right to hoist a two-starred rear admiral's flag. "perhaps it was unusual, but it was impressive; it was impressive." our fleet had no sooner reached rio than admiral evans was informed that the argentine ships would come out from buenos ayres to greet him on the way to punta arenas. three days before sailing inquiries were made as to his probable course and the hour when he would be off the mouth of the river plata. the information was cabled duly and our fleet held itself in readiness to do the proper and handsome thing for this unusual occasion. saturday, january , was almost a wonder day at sea. the air, which had been accumulating a chill under cloudy skies and an eastern wind, became balmy and the sea was as smooth as a pond. the sky remained overcast and the fleet had been running for three days practically by dead reckoning. late on saturday night the fleet overtook the tender yankton and the "beef boats," glacier and culgoa. they were ordered to take their places with the fleet and when everybody except those on watch went to sleep it was expected that the three smaller craft would be in their places in the morning. but the wise weather sharps who know this region sniffed the air and said: "weather breeder!" sure enough at daybreak a heavy sea began rolling across from the southern coast of africa and the wind began to blow. before o'clock the ships were plunging and making heavy weather of it. on the log books it was set down as a moderate gale. the waves sometimes were twenty-five feet high. the ships with quarter decks cut down were smothered with spray and solid water from time to time. the ships rolled very little--never in the strongest gale have the ships of the connecticut class at least had their tables racks in place--but they yawed and dipped, as all ships in heavy weather are expected to do. the yankton and culgoa were not in sight. the weather had been too much for the little yankton and she was ordered to slow down and the culgoa was told to stand by her. the air was thick with rain squalls and mist and a more miserable day could hardly be imagined. the morning wore on and nothing was heard from the argentine ships. "guess the sea was too much for them," was the general comment. according to our reckoning we had passed the thirty-fifth parallel of latitude, right off the plata, just before noon. we were also in the proper longitude, but all was thick, and the general supposition was that the argentine fleet had met our torpedo flotilla, which was more than a day ahead of us, and had escorted that into the plata. it was just about o'clock in the afternoon when a wireless message was received from the culgoa saying that the argentine ships were asking him by wireless for our longitude and latitude. the figures were sent back promptly. their figures were also given and some error was made in transmission. it was figured that they were something like miles to the south and a little to the west of us. the weather began to moderate and then the opinion was that if they steered straight for us we ought to meet them about o'clock that sunday evening. but about o'clock there came another message from the culgoa, saying they were about five miles from that ship and going southwest, the same course as ours. it was a surprise. admiral evans also received by wireless through the culgoa this message of greeting from admiral oliva, in command of the argentine ships: jan. , , p.m. _to rear admiral evans_: the commander of the san martin division of the argentine navy salutes rear admiral evans, his officers and men, and transmits to him the position of the argentine division ordered to meet him as by dead reckoning latitude ° ' s., longitude ° ' w. hipolito oliva. to this greeting admiral evans sent this response: jan. , , : p.m. _to rear admiral oliva_: rear admiral evans thanks the chief of the argentine division for his courtesy and begs that he will transmit to the argentine government his thanks for sending a naval division to meet the united states fleet. evans. then came another surprise. the culgoa told us that the argentine ships were steaming at the rate of fourteen and a half knots and were only fifteen knots away. "fourteen and a half knots, eh!" was the open eyed and arch browed comment. "wonder how long they can keep that up! pretty smart that for a south american squadron!" the sun burst out from the clouds half an hour before sunset and the navigators got satisfactory observations and it was possible to send back our exact position. the argentines had been groping around for us up to that time and the best they could do was to find the culgoa and the yankton. the long twilight of the high latitude in midsummer followed, but just after o'clock the connecticut sent a signal to the fleet and immediately shot its after searchlight high in the heavens. it caught the clouds miles and miles back, a brilliant beam. then came another signal to the fleet and instantly the after searchlights of all sixteen ships were combined in a monstrous shaft of light that cleft a path gleaming with the brilliance of a comet's tail through the lowering clouds. it vibrated and pulsated with the glow of an aurora borealis and every quiver and dart seemed to say to the argentines: "here we are! here we are! follow this and you'll find us. we're only going ten knots an hour. you'll soon catch up. hurry along; we'll be glad to see you." for twenty minutes that extract of the sun bored into the clouds behind, showing the way. it was a veritable pillar of fire by night. the combined smoke of all the smokepipes of the fleet would have made a pretty good pillar of cloud by day had it been clear, but it was too late for that now. shortly before o'clock, well astern, the faint light of a ship could be made out with the naked eye. the quartermaster on the bridge said there were four lights. word was sent to the captain--the usual rule when any vessel is sighted--and the news spread about, and soon dozens of men were straining their eyes to see the four lights. by a little after o'clock all had become so plain that it was said the ships were within five miles. they came a little nearer and then slowed down for the night, keeping the same speed as our ships. when daylight came on monday, january , one of the fairest days nature ever provided, with a crisp southwest breeze, corresponding to the northwest breeze with us, every breath of it a tonic, the argentine ships were about three miles astern of us. shortly before o'clock admiral evans ordered a double evolution. the fleet was in four divisions abreast, an admiral leading each division. the second and fourth divisions were slowed down, and then by an oblique movement two squadrons were formed. these again were shifted into one column of sixteen ships proceeding wing and wing. the colors were hoisted at the gaff and the argentines showed their beautiful blue and white ensigns. soon the argentines were observed to put on more speed. the naval day begins at o'clock in the morning. no greetings would be passed before that time. the argentine ships kept creeping up, and when the first passed the kentucky, the last ship in our column, to starboard, it was seen that her rails were manned. the argentine ships were in war color, dark olive green. their crews were in white. our crews had been shifted to blue in the chilly blow of the day before, but our ships were white. up along the line came the argentines. every ship had received a signal to pay the usual honors. marine guards were drawn up, the crews were at attention, the bands on our ships played the argentine national hymn and the bands on the four argentine vessels played ours. sixty-four times the national air of each country was played as the argentines slowly forged ahead. many of the officers had got out the naval books to recognize the ships of the visitors, as they might be called. most of the officers made them out correctly. they were two armored cruisers of the cristobal colon class and two protected cruisers. they were the san martin, buenos ayres, pueyrredon and de julio, and they made a smart show, each having a bone in her teeth. they were at intervals of , yards, and they kept the intervals as accurately as american ships would have done, and that is saying a great deal, as any one can testify who has seen this fleet sweep into a foreign harbor. the san martin had passed the louisiana and vermont and was abreast of the kansas and just behind the connecticut, and about a thousand yards to the westward, when up went the american ensign. it was a beautiful new flag, and the bright sun lit up its folds gloriously. the ensign could scarcely have looked better upon old ironsides. then a gun barked out the first detonation of the salute. one by one the guns were counted. thirteen roared out. then came another flash and report. "hello! they're going to follow the brazilians' example and give admiral evans a vice-admiral's salute," was the comment. fifteen guns sounded and then came another flash and boom. then there was another and then they stopped. well! the americans were surprised. an admiral's salute! "they do things in their own way down here," was the comment, and to this was added invariably: "wish it was really true," for it must be recorded here in a spirit of accuracy that there is not an officer or sailor or marine on this fleet who, if he had his way, would not make admiral evans not only a vice but a full admiral. it is the honest opinion of this fleet that he deserves to be at least a vice-admiral. the men in the fleet do not think it becoming to have the commander-in-chief fly a rear admiral's flag, a sight that would not be seen in any other navy. the connecticut responded to the salute gun for gun, as was quite proper as naval things go. the salute from the san martin had scarcely ceased before the men on the argentine ships broke into cheering, and well they might, for they were looking upon a naval spectacle such as few other navies have ever seen. the san martin crept up beside the connecticut, forged ahead and then the connecticut with the argentine ensign at the main fired the usual salute to the flag of another country upon the high seas. it made the men familiar with the etiquette of salutes jump. it was thrilling to them. the san martin answered quickly and the exchange of courtesies with guns and bands and manning of rails was ended. but not all the exchange was over. the wireless keys were ticking now and this message came from admiral oliva to admiral evans: jan. , , : a.m. _to rear admiral evans_: having completed the honorable duty with which i am charged by my government, i am about to part company for buenos ayres, and it would give me great pleasure to transmit any despatches for admiral evans. oliva. admiral evans sent this reply: jan. , , : a.m. _to rear admiral oliva_: the commander-in-chief thanks you and the argentine government most heartily for the graceful honor done his fleet. he will thank you to transmit to washington upon your arrival in port that we are all well and proceeding to our destination in the pacific. he wishes you a pleasant cruise. evans. a further exchange of good wishes for pleasant trips followed. then the argentine ships sheered off. they did it most politely. although their destination was more than miles to the rear, they turned a right oblique, the movement being done in a way that excited the admiration of the americans, and went off in the same general direction in which our fleet was travelling. "don't want to turn their backs on us!" was the explanation given. in toward the coast they went, and not until they were nearly hull down did they turn about and head for home. it was a pretty compliment from most polite men on extremely smart ships. "that's a real navy!" said the americans, "even if it is small!" coming, as the exchange of greetings did, upon the first bright day after the departure of our fleet from rio amid gloom and other depressing surroundings, it warmed up the hearts of those on the fleet and the cheers for the argentine republic and her navy were genuine expressions of good will. all that day and the day following the high seas greeting of the argentines, the ocean was remarkable for its placidity. it was about as boisterous as the heaving billows of famous cheesequake creek under a hot summer sun. on the night of the second day of this there came indications of a change. the sea lumped itself a little, the wind changed and on the following morning, wednesday, january , there came the first experience with fog on this voyage. the ships had been manoeuvred into a different formation from that on the way to rio. the four vessels of the first division were abreast at yards interval, with the flagship as right guide. the three other divisions followed each at , yards distance, the flagship of each division acting as right guide and directly behind the connecticut. it was a very open formation and seemed to fill the entire circle of the horizon. along about o'clock in the morning a fog bank was noticed directly ahead. the temperature had risen about degrees. the day was clear but a blanket of mist hung over the water. there was no time, even had there been any inclination to do so on the flagship, to order the fleet into exact column and put over the towing spars, whereby each ship can tell when it is exactly yards astern of its predecessor. orders were given to turn on searchlights in case the ships were obscured from one another. it wasn't long before each ship was cut off from the rest. then came the turning on of searchlights. one naturally would think that this would be almost farcical when the sun was shining, but not so. those bright little suns could be seen on the ships near by, gleaming through the mist, when the outlines of a ship only yards away could not be made out. you could keep your distance easily in this way. you knew where your nearest neighbor was, and often you could make out the position of two or three of your neighbors. the lights looked like reflections of the sun in a mirror, only slightly obscured. you can see that, you know, any time a looking glass is used in daylight, as many a small boy has found out when he plays pranks. the glare from the ships was truly a beacon in the gloom, and it made you feel comfortable as you thought of the dangers of navigating those immense ships in close proximity in a treacherous fog. sometimes the fog would lift and you could get a view of the ships of your own division. occasionally the ships of the division behind you would be revealed in the same way. then would come another thick bank and you would be shut out from the rest of the world, and then you would take particular notice of the signalling by whistles. each ship would sound its own letter by the toots which made the number corresponding to its letter. this is the way it would go: connecticut--letter f--toot, toot--toot, toot--toot, toot--t-o-o-t! kansas--letter s--toot, toot--t-o-o-t--toot, toot. vermont--letter r--toot, toot--t-o-o-t--t-o-o-t. louisiana--letter w--t-o-o-t--t-o-o-t--toot, toot--t-o-o-t. the connecticut would sound her signal. then across the line could be heard the signal of the kansas, and then the vermont would sound hers and then the louisiana would get busy. after a short interval the whistling would be repeated. this and the searchlights made it possible to keep the line well fixed. the quartermasters were taking special pains to steer the exact course that had been set. you saw how nicely it all worked out when the fog lifted, and there would be the leading ships almost exactly in line, ploughing their ways to the southwest, just as if there had been no interception of vision. one glimpse of this really fine work reassured you at once and you began to think that a fleet of warships all huddled close together in a thick fog was not in the unsafe predicament you had fancied it to be. about noon the fog lifted entirely as the sun burned it away. one evening later there was about twenty minutes of fog, but that was the end of this kind of experience on the atlantic coast. for five days before cape virgin was sighted at the eastern end of the strait of magellan the change in the temperature became marked. the thermometer went down to the fifties. the air became bracing. gradually all white was eliminated from the uniforms. you put on your overcoat and sweater when you went on the bridge to stay. you slept under a blanket at night. then you closed your port. you rubbed your fingers together to warm them up in the morning. preparations were made for turning on steam. only the cranks took a cold shower bath in the morning. the men showed the change from the enervating climate of the tropics to the bracing one of the lower temperate zone by their sprightly movements. all hands felt good, as the saying is. we had gone from the beginning of winter at home, with the snowstorms, into the oppressive heat of the equator, and now we were back in the weather conditions of the nova scotia coast in midsummer, only the cold winds were from the south off the antarctic ice, instead of from the frozen north, as at home. things do get turned around in this southern hemisphere, sure enough. it was strange to see the moon curving itself from east to west in the northern sky. we have already crossed the line of the sun and that is beginning to steal off to the north, although it is almost directly overhead at meridian. you see new stars--such bright ones!--with the beautiful southern cross as the most conspicuous constellation, just now in such a position that it has its top turned toward the eastern horizon as if to point toward jerusalem. the winds come from an unusual direction and you soon become so mixed that you are not sure whether a clear, brilliant sunset with a dry air is an augury for clear weather on the morrow. cape virgin's fine headland came in sight on friday morning, january . it was thought desirable to swing ships before the strait was entered, and then it was too late to try to make the run through the eastern part of the strait to punta arenas, about miles, with the first and second narrows, that day, and so we anchored for the night in possession bay, a great open sheet of water, with the patagonian mountains to the north. early this morning we started on the first leg of the picturesque passage that magellan first revealed to the world, and this afternoon came to anchor here. the departure of our fleet from rio was dramatic rather than spectacular. nature took a hand in the snapping of the heartstrings and scolded and wept copiously. it was precisely as if an overwrought woman had been keeping a smiling face up to the last moment before the parting with some one close to her heart whom she might never see again and then giving way to hysterical weeping and even lamentations, her face turned away after one look and covered with a veil except for an occasional peep until the loved one was out of sight. the morning had been blistering hot. shore leaves had expired at o'clock, all were aboard except those sent ashore to look out for any stragglers that had not reported and the mail orderlies who took off the last missives. by o'clock the seams in the decks of the ships were exuding pitch. president penna of brazil was expected to come down the bay soon after noon to call upon admiral thomas on the minnesota. about : one of those delightful sea breezes that make the summer afternoons in rio not only tolerable but even attractive sprang up and every one was happy. just before noon it was observed that a few fog banks with darkening edges were being swept in over the tops of sugar loaf and corcovado. it was soon a little lowery in the southern horizon. then the word was passed that the presidential yacht was approaching. at a signal from the flagship the long lines of flags used to dress ship were swayed aloft and all the american battleships, the brazilian ships, the italian cruiser and the german cruiser in port suddenly were alive with snapping pennants from bows to taffrails. the american ensign was at the fore and the brazilian ensign at the main of our ships. the saluting signal came and the -inch guns on the ships roared out a welcome of twenty-one guns on each vessel to the president. slowly the yacht approached the fleet and began to encircle it, passing first on the side opposite from rio. the louisiana was the first ship to be passed. the rail was manned with men with locked arms, the band played the brazilian national air, the officers stood at salute. then the virginia was passed and the same greeting was repeated. down around the line the yacht went until it drew up near the minnesota on the opposite side. a launch steamed off to get the president. as he approached the minnesota gave him twenty-one more guns. then the fleet gave itself up to final preparations for departure. twenty minutes later the minnesota fired another salute to mark the president's leavetaking. he went to the brazilian cruiser, benjamin constant, which, with the rest of the brazilian ships, sixteen in number, was to escort the american fleet out of the harbor. by that time the clouds had begun to descend from the hills, the wind to blow in gusts and a few raindrops to fall. it was seen that the waterfront was black with people. then sharp dashes of rain swept over the city and hid it from view. the clouds fell upon the shore in great fog banks. the president by this time had gone to fort villegagnon, the naval station in the harbor half a mile from the beautiful flamingo boulevard and beach. the starting signal for the american fleet was given precisely at o'clock. anchors were aweigh on the minute. the harbor was so thick and black that one could scarcely see , yards. with the black smoke of the funnels of the ships being swept down upon the water an inky darkness spread itself over everything, and often it was with difficulty that the ship ahead at yards could be made out clearly. as one ship after another swung in toward villegagnon and thundered her twenty-one good-by guns the rain descended in sheets. if the president was reviewing the fleet no one on board could see him. rio was wiped out. the thunder peals from sugar loaf and corcovado at times outroared those of the guns. nature was saluting in angry tones. she seemed indignant that the fleet was going away and made no bones about saying it. from 'way back on the north where the majestic organ mountains nearly pierce the clouds there came the roar of protest. the mountain-encircled city was surely giving way to hysteria. sackcloth and ashes were in evidence, the furiously driving fog clouds being the sackcloth and the soot from smoke of funnels and powder blasts being the ashes. half the ships had passed villegagnon when the rain became a patter suddenly and the veil was lifted from rio. the waterfront was still black. the people had stood there for nearly an hour in a driving rain. their fluttering handkerchiefs could be seen plainly. more and more the clouds lifted and once or twice old corcovado and sugar loaf peeped out as if for a final look. then they hid their faces. soon the entire american fleet could be made out in the murky atmosphere. at last the line became clear. directly behind it came the line of brazilian ships. they added their salutes to the noise of the day in passing villegagnon, but nature had ceased to cry out; the thunder was over. down at the harbor entrance were launches, rowboats, sailing craft, ferryboats, yachts and several ocean-going liners, all loaded down with people. dozens of them went outside with the fleet and rolled and tossed about while their occupants waved and shouted good-bys. some of the little craft ran close to the ships in the hope of saying a frantic last good-by to the american friends they had made at private dinner parties and receptions. a mist soon settled upon the water and finally blotted the harbor entrance from view. the brazilian ships following were made out from time to time. the good-by was over and every one was glad. it was entirely different from the hampton roads departure. there was a president present at each place, but there were twice as many ships roaring out salutes at rio. there were twenty times as many people on shore. nature smiled at hampton roads; nature not only sulked but made a pitiable exhibition of her uncontrolled anger and grief at rio. the fresh breezes crinkled out the flags and made them beautiful at hampton roads; the driving gusts tore ensigns to ribbons at rio and made a prolonged job of mending bunting on all the ships. when darkness was beginning to fall and speed cones had been lowered and masthead and other lights had been turned on a steamship was noticed coming out of the mist behind the fleet. she was alive with bunting and ran straight toward the middle of the fleet. close at hand she began a great tooting of the whistle. she was one of the ocean-going vessels that had been chartered for the good-by, and she had run nearly twenty-five miles in the thick weather for a final glimpse and farewell shriek. rio certainly hated to let the fleet go. hospitality such as the brazilians showed was never experienced by an american fleet, or probably any other nation's, before. it is likely to pass down as one of the brightest spots in our naval annals. the farewell had a double side. the emotions of the americans were divided for the reason that the mail had just arrived that morning--the first mail from home in six weeks. letters from loved ones took the thoughts away from rio for an hour or two, and then came the parting with the memory of those back in the states freshened by the missives that had come--well, naval officers don't show it when they are blue, but that night you couldn't find three men in the louisiana's wardroom--the same was probably true of the other ships--and if you made a trip around the ship, far out in some sheltered place where the rain gusts did not fall and the wind did not blow, you would find some fellow sitting looking blankly out in the darkness. when you gave him a greeting you got a low growl for an answer and you passed on. the ordinary civilian can scarcely appreciate what it means to a warship to get mail. officers and men talk about it for days. the departure of the fleet from rio was set for december , but it was seen that it meant that the mail from new york would probably be missed by one day. the fleet was all agog as to whether admiral evans would remain over one day or would leave a collier to bring the mail on. when it was learned that the official receptions and good-bys would require another day in port there was rejoicing. "we'll get the mail!" was on every one's lips. soon word was passed that the steamship byron, bringing it, had reached bahia. then came the announcement that she would reach rio between and p. m. on january . the time came and no mail ship. then came , and o'clock, and no steamship had been reported passing in. long faces were everywhere. just before o'clock the next morning the lookout reported the byron passing in. word was passed around and many an officer tumbled out of his bunk to catch a sight of the vessel that had letters from home on her. the bluejackets were already at work, but they stopped long enough with the others to give greeting to the ship. "the mail has come! the mail has come! the mail has come!" you heard it everywhere. even the bugles seemed to sound it out. good cheer was on all sides. soon it was learned that the ship had been passed by the quarantine officer. then came a race for her with launches. more than twenty of these boats, counting those from auxiliaries as well as battleships, began a race to reach her. the engineers hit 'er up and the coxswains steered as straight as they could. over the rollicking waves the little craft plunged and rolled and every snort they gave seemed to say: "the mail has come. we're after it. we'll soon be back. the mail has come!" the launches clustered about the ship like an eager crowd of boys scrambling for pennies. they had to be straightened out. the bags had been arranged on deck and then there came a stream of men passing them down. there was an average of twenty bags to each ship. as fast as each launch got its load it dashed back at full speed to its ship. the bags were hurried up the sides and fairly ripped open. half a dozen men were set at sorting out the letters and papers. in less than two hours after the byron had anchored hundreds of men were going about with a contented but far away look upon their faces. "oh, yes, thank you," was a general remark. "they're all well and they had a pleasant christmas. your people all right, too? that's good. 'twas nice to hear from home, wasn't it? wonder when we'll get the next one?" there are many stock questions asked on board of a man-o'-war. in time of conflict the chief one is: "wonder where we'll catch the enemy?" in time of peace the chief one seems to be: "wonder where we'll get the mail?" to a passenger on one of these ships that seems to be the most important question to be asked and answered. speculation as to the time of reaching port, of remaining in port, of departing, of the length of the cruise, as to the routine or even unusual work to be accomplished--all these seem to be of minor importance to the question as to when the mail will come. the american man-o'-warsman surely does love his home and people. "god's country and god's people!" is the way he puts it. apparently what he cares for most in all the world is mail from god's country and god's people. but there will be no mail for the ships here at punta. there used to be a hidden post office in the straits for sailormen. it was where the indians could not find it. letters and papers were left there to be mailed and reading matter was dropped behind for another vessel to pick up. it is said that never was that strange mail box trifled with and never robbed. but all that was years ago. now there is a modern city of something like , people here, with a chilean post office to see that things are managed properly; but the mails are irregular, for they still depend for their despatch more or less on the irregular calls of steamers. of course there are certain vessels which make regular trips, but these are few and far between, and you never know when you mail a letter here how long it will be before it reaches its destination. if you don't find the old sea post office here there is one thing you do find, and it exists nowhere else in the world. did you ever hear about the willywaws? no? well, you see 'em here when the season's right. did you ever see a hobgoblin? no? well, a willywaw isn't a hobgoblin. neither is it anything like a willy-boy. any one who knows what willywaws are knows they are a thousand times worse. well, what is a willywaw? we'll save that for another article. you see there might not be much else to write about. chapter vii punta arenas the world's jumping-off place pleasant and busy life in city of perpetual winter--wealthy and well ruled--millions made in wool, mutton and furs--one splendid mansion amid many corrugated iron buildings--famine in postal cards--jack on horseback--officers found more fun in social gatherings than out in the wilds--surreptitious traffic of a free port. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet_, punta arenas, feb. . punta arenas is known commonly as the jumping-off place of the earth. the generally accepted meaning of that characterization is that it is not only the southernmost settlement of any size of civilized people in the world, but that it is the most forlorn, dreary, desolate place that any one could find in which to live. indeed, before this fleet arrived here it is probable that not one person in a hundred in the united states knew where punta arenas was, and those who had some vague idea about it had an impression that it is one of those reformed penal colonies where the driftwood of humanity huddle together, tolerate one another because they are birds of a feather and eke out a miserable existence in trafficking with indians, herding sheep, looting wrecks and spending their spare time in low ceilinged saloons gulping down liquor that would put knockout drops to shame. well, it simply isn't true! punta arenas is a lively city of , residents, one of the best governed in the world, with all modern improvements except trolley cars, half a dozen millionaires and scores of men worth $ , or more, with one residence at least that would hold its own more than favorably with the residences on madison avenue in the murray hill part of new york, with excellent schools, with a "society" that knows as well as any on earth how to wear paris gowns and to give entertainments as finished in all the delicate niceties as could be found in any capital. punta arenas isn't pretty in any sense and even the well-to-do are content to live in one-story houses with corrugated iron roofs, but it is a hustling, busy place where every comfort and luxury can be secured, and it has a pronounced twentieth century air about it. it resembles strongly a western kansas or nebraska town. its climate is always cool but never seriously cold. the lowest recorded temperature in this place, which corresponds in latitude to labrador in the northern hemisphere, is degrees fahrenheit above zero. the highest is . why, there are two four-in-hands and one french automobile, this in a town, mind you, where there are no roads out in the country and no place except the town streets in which to drive! any one who has seen these smart turnouts is justified in dropping into slang far enough to say that is going some! there was good reason for a preconceived unfavorable opinion of punta arenas. recently there have been several flattering accounts published of the town and its life, but they have not received a wide circulation. such accounts as were in the books of travel, with probably one exception, were repellant. here is what william e. curtis said in , in his book entitled "the capitals of south america," and dedicated to chester alan arthur: "it [punta arenas] belongs to chile and was formerly a penal colony; but one look at it is enough to convince the most incredulous that whoever located it did not intend the convict's life to be a happy one. it lies on a long spit that stretches out into the strait, and the english call it sandy point, but a better name would be cape desolation. convicts are sent there no longer, but some of those who were sent thither when chile kept the seeds and harvests of her revolutions, still remain there. there used to be a military guard there but that was withdrawn during the war with peru and all the prisoners who would consent to enter the army got a ticket of leave. the governor resides in what was once the barracks and horses are kept in a stockade. hunger, decay and dreariness are inscribed upon everything--on the faces of the men as well as on the houses they live in--and the people look as discouraging as the mud. "they say it rains in punta arenas every day. that is a mistake--sometimes it snows. another misrepresentation is the published announcement that ships passing the strait always touch there. doubtless they desire to, and it is one of the delusions of the owners that they do; but as the wind never ceases except for a few hours at a time, and the bay on which the place is located is shallow, it is only about once a week or so that a boat can land, because of the violent surf. "the town is interesting because it is the only settlement in patagonia and of course the only one in the strait. it is about , miles from the southernmost town on the west coast of south america to the first port on the eastern coast--a voyage which ordinarily requires fifteen days; and as punta arenas is about the middle of the way it possesses some attractions. spread out in the mud are houses, more or less, which shelter from the ceaseless storms a community of or , people, representing all sorts and conditions of men from the primeval type to the pure caucasian--convicts, traders, fugitives, wrecked seamen, deserters from all the navies in the world, chinamen, negroes, poles, italians, sandwich islanders, wandering jews and human driftwood of every tongue and clime cast up by the sea and absorbed in a community scarcely one of which would be willing to tell why he came there or would stay if he could get away. it is said that in punta arenas an interpreter for every language known to the modern world can be found, but although the place belongs to chile, english is most generally spoken." all that may have been true in those days, except about the rain, the wind, the shallow harbor and the impossibility of landing in a boat more than once a week and several other items. here is what frank g. carpenter said in in his book on south america, and it is the most favorable of any of the books dealing with punta arenas: "the city has been cut out of the woods, and as we enter it we are reminded of the frontier settlements of our wooded northwest. its houses are scattered along wide streets with many recurring gaps and here and there a stray stump. the streets are a mass of black mud through which huge oxen drag heavy carts by yokes fastened to their horns. at one place the sidewalk is of concrete, at another it is of wood, and a little further on it is of mud. many of the houses are built of sheets of corrugated iron, their walls wrinkled up like a washboard, and all have roofs of this material. a few are painted, but nearly all are of the galvanized, slaty color of the metal as it comes from the factory. "there is plenty of building space, but when you ask the price of vacant lots you find that property is high. what in the united states would be a $ shanty is here worth $ , and a good business corner will sell for several thousands of dollars. "punta arenas has one residence which would be considered a mansion in washington city. this house, however, is the only one of its kind in punta arenas. most of the dwellings are one-story structures which in the united states could be built for from $ to $ , . many of the poorer houses are occupied by rich men; indeed, punta arenas has as many rich men as any frontier town of its size. it has thirty-three men each of whom owns or controls from , to , , acres of land. each has tens of thousands of sheep, and the wool clip of some of these sheep farmers is worth more than the annual salary of the president of the united states. "the citizens of punta arenas come from all parts of the world. some of the richest people are russians; others are scotchmen who have come from the falkland islands to engage in sheep farming; among them also are treacherous spaniards, smooth-tongued argentines and hard-looking brigands from chile. the lower classes are chiefly shepherds and seamen, and among them are as many rough characters as are to be found in our mining camps of the west." that extract caused you to be more interested in the place, but still the reference to rough characters made you feel that if you were going ashore it would be better to leave your money on the ship and not go alone. when the fleet came in sight of the town all the glasses in each ship that could be spared were in constant use. you saw a gathering of dwellings, almost entirely one-story structures and all of a slate color. there was one tower in the centre of the place. the town stretched for nearly a mile and a half along a sloping hill, nearly flat in the foreground, and it extended back in a straggling way for about three-quarters of a mile. back of the town on rising ground was a belt of burned timber, bleak and forbidding, and then came the sharp rise of the ground into a low range of mountains, eight or ten miles away and about , or , feet high, with patches of snow here and there in sheltered nooks. "quite a town, that!" was the general comment. the harbor contained a dozen or fifteen steamships, coasters and tugs and was alive with chilean flags. fully one-half of the buildings, many of them mere shacks, had the chilean flag above them. the red, white and blue color gave bright relief to the sombre appearance of the town. that display of bunting warmed up the americans some. anchor was cast soon after noon and by o'clock the first men were ashore. the glad hand was stretched out to them. the visitors were surprised at the place. they found shops where everything that one could wish was to be purchased. if you wanted your fountain pen fixed all the parts necessary were to be obtained. if you wanted kodak supplies there they were. if you desired paint, brass tubes, fine olives, dog biscuit, rare wines, high grade cigars, a theatrical performance, a suit of clothes made to order, fresh meat or fish, fresh milk, diamonds, hunting supplies, books, hardware--well, everything that a reasonable person could wish was to be had at moderate prices, except furs. the furs were there by the bale, and they too were cheap when you considered the prices you would have to pay for the same product in the united states, but they were not cheap for punta arenas. prices were advanced per cent. on furs as soon as the first man from the fleet got ashore. the first thing that struck the eye as the launches swung into the long landing pier was an enormous sign painted on the sea-wall saying: +------------------------+ | special prices for the | | american fleet! | +------------------------+ it was the strict truth, especially as to furs. fox skin rugs that had been selling for $ went to $ . guanaco skins that had been $ went up to $ . seal skins that were $ went to $ . the only way to get the lower prices was to get some resident of the town to purchase for you on the pretext that he wanted to make a gift of the furs. then you paid him and you got furs nearer their real punta arenas value. the visitors found the city laid out in squares with the wide streets in the central part of the town paved with rubble. the curbs are marked with heavy wooden timbers and most of the walks are narrow and covered with gravel. probably one-third of the buildings in the central part of town have concrete sidewalks in front of them. the visitors also found the place well policed with men in long cloaks and swords, bad looking men to go up against, but men who soon had orders, apparently, to go into the back streets and disappear. at any rate they were seldom seen in the heart of the city after jack got ashore, and it was whispered openly that the authorities had told them to "go into the bosky" and let the americans do their own policing. this was done and the best of order prevailed during the fleet's stay. the visitors also found a fine water supply brought from far back in the mountains, an excellent fire department and the streets sewered and clean. electric lighting was the common mode of illumination in the shops and scores of dwellings. most surprising among the little things to be observed was that practically every dwelling had an electric bell at the front door. galvanized iron was the predominant material for dwellings and some stores. the reason was soon apparent. the fire regulations do not permit the erection of wooden buildings in the city--up to date, you see--and stone and good bricks have to be brought in. rough bricks are made here, but those of a better quality have to be imported. they will be made here in time doubtless, but the town has been too busy making money in wool, exporting mutton and selling furs to start up manufactories for building material for home consumption strictly. corrugated iron is the easiest and cheapest to get and the fashion of having a residence of that material has been so well established that even a rich man takes it as a matter of course that he must live in one. as one wandered further into the town he found a central plaza with a band stand in it, the western frontage occupied with the governor's residence and the catholic church; the northern side the site of a residence that made the visitor gape with astonishment to find so really handsome a building in such a place, the office and general wholesale store of moritz braun, the american consular agent here, and the shop of josé menendez of buenos ayres and punta arenas, the richest man in all this region. on the eastern side of the plaza were two banks, shops, clubs and a dwelling or two. the southern side bordered on a vacant square sold recently for $ , . the plaza was quite impressive in its pretensions. as one wandered further he observed that the city was treeless, that there was a little railroad on one of the wide streets to the north which leads to the coal mine in the hills about seven miles from town, that there were few gardens and flowers. occasionally one could see a patch of radishes or potatoes or lettuce growing in a yard, but most of the yards were bare, with a wood pile--wood is cheap here--as its chief ornament. a small white pink was about the only flower that was grown freely out of doors. in hundreds of windows, however, there were house plants, largely geraniums, in bloom. street scenes occupied one's attention immediately. the most common would be drays pulled by fine oxen with the yokes about their horns. better looking animals are not to be found anywhere in the united states. all the dray work is done by these carts. there are hundreds of them in town. the next thing to catch the eye was the fine horses. a gaucho clad in gay colors would ride through the streets occasionally with the easy swing of one of our cowboys and he had a picturesque getup that would fit a circus parade at home. you noted that when they tied horses they simply hobbled their forefeet. few women were to be observed on the streets. many of them wore black mantillas for headdress. now and then a smart carriage with a coachman in livery would go dashing by. again one would see a pony cart with children under a nurse's care in it. then one's eyes would open as he saw a fine coach drawn by four horses swing along. it made the visitor smile a little to see a big bag of potatoes tied up behind the coach, like a trunk in the racks of stages in some of our western towns, but you must expect crudities of some kind in the jumping-off place. then would come the governor's carriage, correct as to livery and all the other appointments befitting his station. the signs were all in spanish, of course. saloons were found all over. the entire aspect of things, however, was one of our far western towns that had struck it rich and was in that stage where the wealthy men are still residents of the place, actually proud to acknowledge that they have come up from humble beginnings, content to live where they have made their money and in humble dwellings, and are not yet ready to advance upon new york and build palaces that blare out to the world that they are among the newly rich and want all mankind to know it. after you had wandered about a bit you came back into the plaza for a look at the one fine residence of the city. it belongs to mrs. sara braun valenzuela, wife of vice-admiral de valenzuela of the chilean navy. she is one of several children of the braun family of which moritz braun is now the head. the family's life has been spent here, for their parents came here as immigrants from russia more than thirty-five years ago. the daughter sara married a man named nogueira, who, with the rest of the braun family, prospered and grew rich in herding sheep and keeping store. as they prospered they improved themselves mentally and acquired finish in social matters. to the credit of the family it must be said that each of its members speaks freely of his or her rise in the world, and you must smile a little at the twinkle in their eyes as these accomplished linguists, well-equipped business people, familiar with finance, stock speculation, trading, correct social usages, say: "you know our people came here as immigrants, very poor, and had to make their way in the world, just as many of the ancestors of the rich in your own country did. by the way, i believe that the founder of the astor family started out in life peddling furs and then selling them in a store. of course, one has to start in life as best he can. we sold furs, of course, but the sheep and wool industry gave us our opportunity. however, one should be modest about his belongings. this is our home and here we shall probably stay. we are of the town and have no aspirations except to do our share in advancing the place and to be good citizens." several years ago señor nogueira died, leaving his wife a millionaire. she decided to have more of the physical comforts and she built the fine house in which she dwells. building materials and workmen were brought from buenos ayres, and the result was a house that would do credit to any city in the world. its glass covered porch and its conservatory give it the appearance of the home of one who not only appreciates luxury but has a love of flowers and good taste in furnishings. four years ago mrs. nogueira, still a young woman comparatively, married admiral de valenzuela. the admiral's duties keep him away for the most part, but his wife remains, content to dwell where the rest of her family reside and where she can look after her immense business interests. she owns a good part of the town and has an enormous income for a woman in south america. her house cost about $ , to build. the furnishings cost well into the tens of thousands and the combined result is to make it one of the most comfortable, luxurious and complete dwelling places to be found anywhere. one sight of it was sufficient to make the observer stop short and admire. it was so unexpected, you see, after you had been wandering about in a city of corrugated iron dwellings. there are half a dozen other rather pretentious places in the town. mr. braun's house and lot cost him about $ , , and there are two or three places that would be worth probably from $ , to $ , in the states. otherwise the rich are content to dwell as if they were in moderate circumstances. you wandered about the plaza some more and soon found yourself in the rooms of the magellanos, or the english club, well fitted up establishments, with smoking rooms, reading rooms, reception rooms and billiard rooms. these clubs are small compared with those in new york, but they are complete as far as they go and are really pleasant loafing places. then perhaps you went across the plaza to look at the mission catholic church. as you went down the side street you noticed an entrance to what seemed to be the parish house and a school. some one told you that in there was a museum of natural history that was really unusual. in you went, and you met father marabini, urbane, gentle, cordial and a scholar, a lover of nature, under whose supervision a small but most valuable collection of birds, fishes, reptiles, animals and geological specimens has been gathered together. when many of the animals found in patagonia and tierra del fuego have been destroyed and wiped out under the pressure of civilization, like our buffaloes and the seals, all this country and the lovers of natural history everywhere, to say nothing of the devotees of science, will be grateful to this humble dominican monk for his labor and patience of years. in addition to natural history father marabini has gone into anthropology to some extent. his collection along that line has yet to be enlarged, but you find weapons, hunting and fishing implements, canoes, specimens of clothing of indians, photographs of the aborigines, now fast disappearing. chief mulato, the last of the high grade patagonian indians, died only recently of smallpox. the fuegan indians, described as the canoe indians and the lowest form of humanity on earth, are also going. speed will have to be made to get a complete anthropological collection of these people. in the natural history collection you see specimens of the albatross, the largest bird that flies; the condor, all the fowl of the region, the deer, guanacoes, otter, seals and other fur bearing animals; you also see geological specimens bearing on the mineral wealth of the country and also specimens devoted to pure geology. you see the pottery and the metal working of the natives. you can spend hours there with father marabini and you leave him with regret and respect. his museum is one that would make a most creditable showing in new york's museum of natural history. you wander out to the north and you soon find a large building surrounded by a high fence. you learn it is the charity hospital, with accommodations for thirty-five patients, a boon to this far off land. the late dr. nicholas senn made a visit to this hospital late last summer and commended it highly. he prided himself on having visited the most northern hospital in the world at hammerfest, norway, in , and the most southern last year. he declared this one to be "a credit to the young city and a refuge for the homeless sick and injured in this hospitable and remote part of the world." so the visitor found this a well equipped, modern city with the residents rosy in their cheeks, cheerful and contented with their lot in life. they said that sometimes it grew a little monotonous, but never dreary. most of the year they have theatricals, and just now they have a more or less permanent company. a good many of those on the fleet went to the vaudeville show and said they found it very good indeed. it was not until mr. braun, our consular agent, gave a reception to the fleet that the full power of punta arenas to do the handsome and correct thing was revealed. the guests entered a home modern in every respect. they found a great hall whose floor was covered with rugs, a large room behind that as big as a private saloon in paris, a magnificent dining room with panelled ceiling, a superbly furnished drawing room and side rooms used for smoking or retiring rooms. there did not seem to be a door on all the first floor. it is a house of large floor dimensions rather than of elevation, and the first floor was like a palace rather than a mere dwelling. the appointments--table furnishings, beautiful candelabra, glassware, punch bowls (there were half a dozen of them), dainty little tables spread with confections and the main dining room table elaborately set and decked out--were such as only great wealth could provide. and the company! of course the naval officers were in full dress with all their gilt fixings and white gloves, but every other man there, and there were dozens, was as correctly garbed in evening dress as at any fifth avenue reception. the number of handsomely gowned women was a surprise. there were probably fifty in costumes that were distinctly parisian. the one comment was: "where did they get these fine looking women?" you didn't see them on the streets and you were astonished that there was so much society in the place. you heard all languages spoken and you might imagine you were in paris. when the band struck up it was with a quadrille. you were pleased perhaps to see the old dances--quadrilles, lanciers, schottisches, the old waltzes--danced. you see, the new kind of glides, two steps, walk arounds, fancy steps they call dancing nowadays--and perhaps it is dancing--hasn't struck punta arenas yet. surely in that respect the town was behind the times. it couldn't do the hippety-hoppety steps and the slides and glides. poor old fashioned punta arenas! the brilliant scenes at mr. braun's home were duplicated two nights later at the governor's ball. this reception was a display in keeping with the wealth of the place. there was no vulgarity, no crudeness, no little amusing sidelights that showed that the town had just arrived in a social way. it was plain that punta arenas knew how to entertain. scores of naval officers said that they never saw entertainments in washington in better taste. after all this you began to investigate what it meant. there was one answer to the question--wool and sheep. when you hunted for statistics you got them from an official whose business it is to collect them. you found that last november the population of the place was , and of the territory , . in the population of the territory was , and the town only , . it was a pretty raw town then. you found that in the number of sheep in the magellan territory was , , and that thirty years ago it was less than , . you learned that the industry was started through the falkland islanders, miles to the eastward, where the scotch missionaries got rich quick and were not averse to worshipping mammon to some extent. you learned that the number of tons of wool exported last year was , , that the number of refrigerated sheep exported last year was , and that this year it would probably be , . you learned that the imports of the town were nearly $ , , a year and the exports nearly $ , , . you found that there was a coal mine in operation close by, producing about , tons a year, chiefly for local use. the coal is of the lignite variety and disintegrates rapidly. it is improving as the shaft sinks deeper, and the owners hope soon to have coal that they can sell to steamships. that will help punta arenas a good deal. you learned that there are three daily newspapers here, each giving cable news. indeed, we heard of the assassination of king carlos here as quickly as the rest of the civilized world. you were even surprised to find that there is one tri-weekly newspaper in english and you get a copy and read the list of guests at mr. braun's reception, quite up to date with the society news. you learned that punta arenas had been connected with the rest of the world since december, , when the overland telegraph was put through to buenos ayres. you learned that there was gold in all the hills near by; that four dredges were engaged in mining over in fireland, as they call tierra del fuego here, and one in a gulch just back of the town. some progress has been made with this mining and there are americans and men from the transvaal engaged in the industry. a lot of money has been put into it, but the expense of getting the gold is still too high to make the proposition attractive to the general public and so one need not look for a gold rush here for some time. you learned that there was copper mining in many places, but that the difficulty in getting transportation by water from the remote places high up the mountains where such mines are is such as to eat up most of the profits. you learned that about per cent. of the population is foreign, ranking as follows as to numbers: austrian, german, french, english, spanish, scandinavian and american. the prosperity of the town you then realized depended upon sheep and furs, chiefly sheep. you found four immense ranching companies doing business here and you got the annual report of the largest one, the exploration society of tierra del fuego. it has , , shares, owned mostly by valparaiso and santiago people, but punta arenas has , shares, of which mr. braun owns , . this company owns , , acres of land and its wool clip is nearly , , pounds. last year it had , sheep, , cattle and , horses on its property. its capital is $ , , and last year it paid nearly per cent. in dividends. it has its property divided into five big ranches. altogether its real estate holdings are as big as the state of delaware and nearly one-half as large as the state of connecticut. that isn't very large compared with the entire territory of tierra del fuego, because that land is as big as the state of new york, but it is pretty big doings as sheep ranches go. australia and argentina can make a slightly better showing in the production of wool, but, as the punta arenas people say, this country is still young in the business. you began to wonder how the sheep could thrive in this terribly cold and barren region and you were surprised to be told that really it wasn't very cold here. you hunted that matter up for yourself and you found that father marabini had been keeping a well equipped meteorological establishment for fifteen years and you got the printed records. you found that the average temperature for february, the warmest month in the year, was . fahrenheit, . centigrade; that the highest temperature for fifteen years was degrees ( . centigrade), and that the lowest recorded in summer in all that time was . ( . centigrade). that made you shiver some. then you looked for the lowest winter records. you found them in july. the lowest recorded temperature for that month is degrees above zero (- . centigrade), and the highest degrees ( . centigrade). you found that the average temperature for the three summer months in fifteen years was . ( . centigrade), and the average for the winter months was ( . centigrade). few places in the temperate zone can show a variation of temperature of only sixteen degrees between winter and summer. the temperature record and the rich grasses on the plains told the story of sheep farming here. there isn't much snow. now and then there is a fall of from two to three feet, but for the most part the snowfalls are only a few inches in depth. the greatest climatic drawback is the searching winds. these winds blow hardest in summer and give a decided chill to the air. the fleet was here in the best season of the year. on two days out of the six it was comfortable to wear light overcoats. the temperature was something like our april weather. occasionally it rained for a few minutes, but four of the days were absolutely clear. we came in when there was a high wind and a drop in the temperature and we feared that the stay would be most uncomfortable. it was anything but that from a climatic standpoint. so goes the statement quoted early in this article, that it doesn't rain every day in the year in punta arenas because some days it snows. the value of the other statement that the bay is shallow is shown by the fact that if the port hadn't been crowded the fleet would have anchored within half a mile of the city. as it was, it anchored about a mile out and the water was so deep that three of the battleships had to move in a quarter of a mile because there is a limit to the length of anchor chains. as to the impossibility of landing more than once a week, it may be said that there never was an hour when the launches could not land. once or twice the wind came up and the little craft tossed about a bit, but that happens in any port. so goes another of the many informing things that have been said incorrectly about this much abused and misunderstood place. after learning something about the business of the place the inquirer naturally turned to the form of government. he learned that it was a place without politics because it has no suffrage. the governor and three alcaldes, with a consulting board of paid city officials, run things. the alcaldes are representative men. one represents the foreign interests especially. they pass rules and ordinances which are approved or disapproved by what would be called in santiago the colonial office. these laws are rarely disapproved. the alcaldes are wise in their generation. they do not adopt unpopular measures. public opinion is so strong that any alcalde who got to cutting up and attempting boss rule would find himself so cut off from the rest of the people with whom he must live and do business that he would feel as if he had been banished. there is a movement to make the territory a province with political powers of its own, but it is being fought vigorously. "we are so well governed," said a resident of ten years to the sun man, "that we do not need a change. we can put the responsibility right on the one man in our present situation. nothing goes wrong and our taxes amount to about $ on $ , in a year. real estate and live stock are about the only things taxed." well governed as punta arenas is it is curious to note how certain customs in municipal government exist the world over. did you notice that police official who just went by? well, he keeps his carriage and private coachman and his people dress well, and his home is above the average in its pretensions. his salary? oh, about $ , a year. you see they can't pay high police salaries in a town of , and only about fifty policemen. but there are certain resorts which sailormen and others support in all remote places of any size, and the authorities somehow seem not to observe them too closely--well, there's no need to go into the matter further. some things, however, are a little different in punta arenas from other places, because it is one of the few large free ports in the world. you can import anything duty free. chile had to adopt this plan to build the place up. even ocean freight is high to this far off place. argentina had to make several of its neighboring ports free in consequence of the advantages of punta arenas, and so you have about five free ports down in this neck of the woods. some curious effects have followed, the most interesting of which is that punta arenas is one of the greatest centres of smuggling in the world. you will not get any of its merchants to admit it openly. for instance, it is said that there are more havana cigars imported into punta arenas than into all the rest of chile put together. they are not consumed here. they go somewhere. punta arenas does not begin to use all the millions of goods imported. a little figuring would show that. the outside population in the territory, amounting to about , , could not take care of the rest after the wants of punta arenas are satisfied. why, there are no less than twenty-two coasting steamers engaged in trade from here, to say nothing about scores of sloops and schooners darting in and out among the islands and channels that run far up the pacific coast. one of the merchants gave an instance of the smuggling. he said: "not long ago i had several hundred articles of limited sale consigned to me by mistake. i couldn't sell them here and didn't want to send them back. i sent some somewhere else. they sold like hot cakes. you see the price was so much lower than you could buy them before in that same city where they were sent. it is true that there is a great deal of quiet wealth here, but really you mustn't ask too many questions." an interesting sidelight was thrown on this subject when this same man was talking about the illumination of the city by the american fleet's searchlights on the night before the fleet sailed. fully seventy-five beams were thrown from the ships. they swept the town fore and aft. some of the ships concentrated their lights in one spot. five beams from our ship were centered upon the church steeple in the plaza. it made the place so light that you could read a newspaper anywhere. the entire town was in a light almost like that of midday. "i wonder that it didn't make some of our people run into holes to hide," said a citizen who knew things when he was speaking of the brilliant illumination. as is well known, punta arenas started out in life as a penal colony. it will surprise most of those who know the place and probably some of the residents themselves that it is still a penal colony legally, because the penal laws were never repealed. indeed, it is even now a place of exile. every few months some man arrives from the upper part of chile who has been banished to the place. once here he is welcome to stay or go as he pleases. these men are usually embezzlers or undesirable citizens from some other cause in small places where the machinery of justice is inadequate to fit the crime. the culprit is ordered to punta arenas. it was in that chile took possession of all this territory, wresting it from spain. she established a penal colony at once in port famine, a few miles from here. in she removed the colony to punta arenas. two years later there was mutiny of the guards, led by lieut. cambiaso. there was a good deal of slaughtering before it was quelled. in there was another similar mutiny, and then chile withdrew the guards and let punta arenas get along as a commercial place. the free port regulations followed, merchants came dropping in, fur trading became profitable and then came the sheep industry and punta arenas graduated into the really modern city it is. where it is possible to make money there you will find people these days, for the rovers of the earth are just as active as ever and neither cold nor heat, sickness nor desolation will stop the march of commerce. there are still many citizens of punta arenas who came here in the days of the penal colony. many of them were political prisoners. many were mere youths who had gone wrong. scores of them have remained and have grown up to be good citizens and solid business men, a credit to any community. still the memory of the past remains with some, as was shown when the sun man was walking along the street with a merchant and stopped to look at a finely dressed party of men and women going down to the pier to go off to the connecticut on the day of the elaborate reception on board. the men were in frock coats and tall hats and the women in beautifully fitting afternoon gowns. "that's as fine a looking group of men and women as you would see in any of our ports," said the sun man. "perhaps so," said his companion, "but one has to smile a little when one thinks of some things." "a past?" inquired the sun man. "oh, yes," was the answer, "but one shouldn't refer to that. only it does make me smile." this man hadn't received an invitation to the reception. he had a past that would bear the closest scrutiny. his point of view was responsible for the tone of his remarks. nevertheless, how many of our own frontier towns could stand inspection when it comes to investigating the careers of some of their solid citizens? here is a town which has fine free schools, where the methodist mission conducted by the rev. j. l. lewis not only has a congregation of but an english school of forty pupils; where the episcopal mission has a congregation of and a mixed school of children; a town where there is very little crime, and what there is is chiefly disorderly conduct; a place where everybody is prosperous, apparently; where life is sometimes dull, but always comfortable, with good government, and where a man can stand on his own merits as he is and not as he has been. the bluejackets enjoyed their stay here thoroughly. only the special first class men were allowed on shore; to have turned all the men of the fleet loose would have swamped the town, for there were more persons in the fleet than in the city. the men who did get shore leave made for post card shops first. in a day nearly all the best cards were gone. the supply lasted throughout the stay, but now and then you would meet a party of bluejackets hunting the town over for better specimens. so serious was this drain upon the town that the supply of postage stamps ran out on several days. it was necessary to go to the treasury vaults here to replenish the post office. the bluejackets then swamped the fur stores. many really fine specimens of furs can be secured here and at moderate prices compared to those in the united states. the bluejackets spent thousands upon thousands of dollars, and so did the officers. fox, guanaco, seal, otter, alpaca, vicuña, puma--any kind of fur that seems to be in the market, except tiger's skins, was to be found. then the plumage of birds, ostriches, swans, gulls and so on was sought out eagerly. some of the skins were fully dressed and some not, but the commonest sight in punta arenas for the six days the fleet was here was hundreds of sailors making for steam launches with great bundles of furs under their arms. many a woman in the states will have the opportunity of explaining to inquiring friends that tom or dick or bill got that fur for her right across from tierra del fuego, and many an officer will show a floor covering with something of the same satisfaction. having purchased his furs and postal cards and having taken samples of the various brands of libation, as sailor men usually do in foreign and home ports--it must be said in truth there was almost no excessive drinking because only special first class men were ashore--jack turned his attention to other things. he soon found that there were dozens of very good saddle horses in town and he promptly went horseback riding. scores of sailors could be seen galloping about the streets. amusing? yes, in a way, but not because they could not ride. many of them rode like cowboys. you see a large part of the young blood of this fleet, indeed most of it, comes right off the farms, western farms, too, and those boys know how to ride and handle horses. the people gaped at them and then took it as a matter of course that an american jack tar could do almost anything. the officers, too, had their fun ashore. in two hours after the fleet was anchored many of those off duty were seen in riding costume cantering about the streets on fine horses that the chief of police put at their disposal. an hour or two later the launches began to land roughly dressed men with rifles and bags. they were hunting parties, going right out to get foxes and pumas and all sorts of wild things in the suburbs. finally a mysterious group landed from the vermont. they had ponchos and picks and shovels and guns. "where you going?" was the inquiry on all sides. "ask connolly," was the answer. now, connolly is the famous writer of sea fiction, particularly gloucester fishing stories, the warm personal friend of the president, and he once served in the navy two months as yeoman, at mr. roosevelt's suggestion, so as to pick up local color. "going out to camp on the hills and discover gold!" was all you could get out of connolly. late the next afternoon the bedraggled party swung into town again. connolly's hand was tied up. a more trampy looking outfit never struck a town. "what's the matter?" asked the crowd surging about connolly on the pier. "oh, nothing at all," he said, and then he looked faint and sighed. then began a quest for information as to whether they found gold or shot anything, and how was connolly hurt. finally it was whispered that a tierra del fuego indian who had stealthily crossed to the mainland had shot at the party and the mauser bullet, mauser, mind you, had nipped connolly and had caused a bad flesh wound. then it was a puma that had leaped upon him and he had strangled it to death. then the story went that he had been shot accidentally by one of the party. then he had broken his fist in a fierce personal encounter with savages. all through this period of rumors and yarns all connolly could do was to nod and make a show of great nerve in not noticing the terrible pain under which he was suffering. well, there had to be an end of it, and it came out that connolly had slipped in wading a stream and in trying to keep himself from falling had put a finger out of joint. he grinned over the joke and when he was asked for details of the shooting he said: "honestly, we did see some puma tracks!" that, so far as results were concerned, was the experience of all the hunting parties. the yankton took some of the officers across to fireland, about twenty miles, one day. they got some fine birds and a fox or two and had really good sport. punta arenas not providing any hunting, the officers took to receptions for the rest of the stay. one thing that keeps impressing itself upon the patriotic observer as this fleet goes from port to port should be mentioned. it is the painful lack of the american flag on shipping. the english and german flags are seen everywhere. all over this south american country you also hear one lament from merchants. it is that there is no american line of steamships trading directly all along the coast. everywhere they tell you of the great opportunities for american goods down here. "if you americans would only find out what we want and then learn how to pack the goods and then would establish steamship lines there is immense wealth to be had in our trade. give us american steamship lines," is the burden of general comment. this is not the place for a discussion of the revival of the american merchant marine or the best methods to attain that end. the writer of this has no desire to go beyond the province of his assignment, which is to chronicle the doings of the fleet, but surely one may mention with propriety the one remark in every port that the presence of the fleet has brought forth. punta arenas was like the rest in its craving for american trade. it may be the jumping off place of the earth, but if you did have to jump off a ship and should land here you might be in far worse places, and if you had to jump off from here the fact would still remain that you might jump from more undesirable places. the american sailor men were practically unanimous in voting punta arenas all right and a tremendous surprise. chapter viii through magellan strait fog, shoal, wind and tide--most awesome scenery in the world, but not a place to anchor--start at the witching hour of p.m. on friday brought only good luck to the long line of u. s. leviathans, flanked by its torpedo flotilla--vessels wabble where the tides meet, but steady hands curb them back to the course--the willywaw--island post office and cape pilar, where no ship-wrecked seaman ever escaped. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet_, at sea, feb. . when word was cabled from chile just before admiral evans's fleet swept in and out of valparaiso harbor on february that the fleet had passed through the strait of magellan safely, there was probably a feeling of relief in washington. admiration for the successful performance of a great feat of seamanship was probably expressed generally throughout the world. the passage accomplished, it was easy to say that all along every one who had any sense knew that it would come out all right and not for one moment had there been any real cause for anxiety. of course, of course! nevertheless all the world knows there was great anxiety and even dread lest something serious might happen in navigating this most treacherous and dangerous passage in the world. even the foreign press said that it would be a supreme test of american seamanship to take a fleet of sixteen battleships, to say nothing of the auxiliaries, through those waters. it is comparatively easy to take one or two ships through the straits. two or three hundred skippers perform that task with success every year. time and again have our warships, singly and in groups of two or three, gone through with ease. but here were sixteen monster ships that had to go through in single file and within about yards of one another, with no place to anchor and without the possibility of stopping, buffeted by swift tides and currents, in danger of running into the sheer cliffs of mountains or of striking hidden rocks in fog or possibly snow. if any serious mishap had occurred there was nothing to do but go right on. you couldn't lay to in these waters. if fog hid the way you must keep on and trust to picking up headlands here and there, and you must maintain your sustained speed of ten knots, because each vessel would then know where its immediate predecessor or follower ought to be. certainly it was a difficult performance, one fraught with great danger and grave responsibility. the chief point is, however, that the fleet got through without the slightest mishap. it was done as easily as entering the harbor of new york. there was not the slightest manifestation of undue concern by any of the officers of the fleet, but it cannot be denied that every one was keyed up to his best and all were glad when the roll of the pacific was felt. when it was over all hands looked at one another and said, in the french expression, "it is to laugh." but you want to know all about it? is there an impatient call for details of this much-heralded trip of dread, a breathless demand to know how many close calls and narrow escapes there were from hitting sunken rocks, gliding against precipices, scraping the paint from the ships' sides, dodging willywaws? you want to learn how many men were nearly swept from the decks by overhanging cliffs and limbs of trees, how often icebergs choked the narrow places, how many times the treacherous fuegan indians, "the lowest form of humanity on earth," lit their fires as signals that there would be fine plunder and good eating of humans when one or more of these ships went on the rocks; whether it was true that the officers and crews went without sleep or food until all dangers were passed? well, if you guessed any or all those things you must guess again. none of 'em happened. of course the winds blew fiercely at times, but they do that every day in the year in the magellans. of course the tide rips caught the ships at certain critical places and twisted and turned them somewhat. of course the rain fell occasionally and now and then shut out from view a most beautiful glacier or snow field just when you wanted to see it most. of course the clouds obscured the mountain tops from time to time. of course the currents and tides swept through the various reaches like mill races. of course a willywaw or two came out and smote us, and of course there was fog. but if you want to know how easily the passage was made let it be said the last thirty miles of it was in a mist that thickened into a dense fog, obscuring the land on both sides completely for hours and only now and then lifting for a moment's revelation of some rock or headland. yes, the american fleet not only went through the dangerous passage, but it actually sailed through miles and miles of fog in doing so, and it was done in as smart a fashion as if the ships were on the high seas and not in the most fearsome strait in the world, intervals and speed being kept perfectly. after all, even if the men on the fleet pretended to make light of it, the performance was a fine piece of navigation. admiral evans has just reason to be proud of it and so have the american people. it couldn't have been done better. there was reason for dread. hadn't all the timid folk spoken of the terrible risks to be run? hadn't the superstitious lifted up their voices and pointed out that in the fifty-two wrecks that had occurred in the strait in, say, the last twenty years, exactly twenty-six had been of vessels beginning with the letter c? didn't we have the connecticut to lead us? and worse than that, wasn't it the chilean cruiser chacabuco which had been sent to punta arenas as a national compliment and to act as escort about half a mile in front of the connecticut? one ship beginning with c was enough, but here were two. that surely was wilful defiance of all the high signs and deep portents. and, then, didn't we start out from punta arenas on friday night at the eleventh hour? hadn't the moon just gone down, and who knows but that a darky had failed to catch a rabbit over in the graveyard on the beach yonder and so had missed having his left hind leg in his pocket (or whatever the details of that superstition are)? and so there was no adequate guarantee from escaping death and destruction. certainly it was ticklish business, a task for the ignorant or the foolhardy. but, speaking seriously, what the maritime world thinks of this region is revealed best probably by the nomenclature of the various headlands, islands, bays and capes. a study of the charts presents such names as these: desolation island, point famine, famine reach, point mercy, delusion bay, dislocation harbor, useless bay, disappointment bay, spider island, corkscrew bay and cormorant island, to say nothing of snow sound and snowy inlet. why, the very contemplation of the chart was sufficient to give a landsman the shiverees! the strait of magellan is miles long and the width varies from about a mile and a half in the narrowest part to twenty-five miles. the strait is in the form of a letter v with the right part curved down a little at the top and the left part extended above what would be the correct proportion of a well-shaped letter. the short end reaches out into the atlantic and the long end into the pacific. the short right end is barren of fine scenery, the grandeur of the hills being reserved for the long or western end. down at the point of the latter is cape froward. coming from the eastern end there is about fifteen miles of rugged scenery before you make the turn to the northwest. punta arenas, or sandy point, as the english call this hustling, modern city, is about two-thirds down the eastern side on a broad stretch of water known as broad reach. opposite is useless bay, probably so called because it is useless to go over there to find an exit from the strait. it is desirable, almost necessary in fact, to make the run through the strait in daylight. to do this you enter, say, from the east as early in the morning as possible so as to make punta arenas by night. leaving that port you start at night, about midnight. you have about forty-five miles of broad deep water with no difficulties in navigation to cape froward, which you reach by daybreak. after that you can go through the western end of the strait by daylight and reach the pacific about nightfall. the strait has half a dozen lights in it, but in time of fog or fierce snowsqualls these are of little value unless by accident you happen to pick them up. again the tide races through the strait at the rate of never less than three miles an hour and in some of the narrow places it has a speed of from five to six miles. where the tides of the atlantic and pacific meet there are cross currents and disturbances that catch even the most high-powered ship and swing it here and there, despite careful work of the helmsman. still hundreds of steamships go through safely every year and a close study of the chart revealed only three places which occasioned anxiety to the fleet officers. one of these places is sarmiento shoal that juts out into the atlantic for miles from cape virgins, the argentine headland, feet high, that marks the beginning of the eastern end. it really is no more dangerous to cross, for example, than the shoals of nantucket. the fleet came down to the shoal about noon. there is one place where there are nine fathoms of water and it has a width of only four or five miles. the task is to fix the place of crossing from bearings and then to cross it. when the exact spot was reached a fierce black cloud came up and obscured things. with it came a strong southwest wind that made things choppy. over the narrow part of the shoal the ships headed. once or twice, perhaps because the looks of the water or the lead may have given warning, the flagship made short turns. but in half an hour it was over and the fleet turned to the northwest, past dungeness light, five miles below cape virgins, and marking the real entrance to the strait, which is now under the entire jurisdiction of chile. from the mast of the chilean signal station there fluttered flags which said, in the language of the international code: "enter chilean waters; welcome distinguished american seamen; pleasant voyage." the fleet voted the sentiment all right, even if the verbiage was somewhat unusual. there was a quick run up into the broad waters of possession bay, close to the entrance of the first narrows. there are two narrows on the run to punta arenas and here is where the tide runs strongest in the strait. if the tide is against you it is better to anchor and wait for the turn. there is a good anchorage in the bay and about o'clock of the afternoon of january the mudhooks were dropped in a boiling sheet of water that in its actions resembled the lower part of chesapeake bay in a storm. at daylight the next morning the fleet was under way again with a favorable tide. the first narrows are ten miles long, two wide and have water forty fathoms deep. there was no trouble in just skimming right along. then the ships entered another big bay, philip bay, and after about twenty-five miles of deep water came to the second narrows, twelve miles long. this passage also has a swift tide, but the waterway is about three miles wide and very deep, and no one had any concern about getting through. it was as easy as rolling down hill. then came the waters of broad reach, the wide sheet of water that stretches clear down to punta arenas. at the very beginning there is one of the two really difficult places in the strait to navigate. the reach has extensive shoals. santa magdalena island, with a lighthouse on it, faces an oncoming ship and there are two channels, one to the north and the other to the south. small vessels usually take the north passage, called queen's channel, but larger ones take the other, known as new channel. there are two buoys which indicate dangerous places from tide rips and shoals. well, the fleet officers were a little nervous as they saw those tide rips. soon it became evident that the current was dangerous. it was difficult to keep exactly on the course. twice the connecticut made turns to overcome the sweeping effect of the tide and keep well clear of shoals. the long line of ships kept zigzagging here and there, but in less than half an hour all the dangers of the first leg of the strait had been passed. there was nothing but fine deep water all the way to punta arenas, where we dropped anchor about noon. all the experts of the fleet, the men who had been through not once but several times before were unanimous in declaring that the worst was over with the passage of new channel and it made every one feel good. if that was all there was to going through magellan, why on earth had there been such a big scare about it all? it didn't compare with navigating the chesapeake in a fog or a storm and it seemed farcical to make so much fuss about it. the fleet lay at punta arenas for six days, taking on coal, giving liberty and the officers going through a round of official receptions and other courtesies that made the stay one day longer than was expected because of the unusual courtesy on the part of chile in sending a cruiser down to punta arenas to greet the fleet bearing a rear admiral, our minister to chile, mr. hicks, and our consul at valparaiso. the departure of the fleet at night was set for o'clock. before that time slow-moving lights in the harbor showed that the chacabuco had changed her station to be near the head of the procession when the start was made. other lights had revealed that the six torpedo boats of our flotilla had been taking up cruising positions on the right and left flanks of the line that was to be formed. just before o'clock the signal had been made from the flagship to prepare to get under way. the ships had hove short. at the stroke of the red and white lights flashed from the flagship and they were answered from all the ships. at once anchor engines began tugging at the chains, and soon on every ship the officer in charge of the fo'c'stle sang out: "up and down, sir!" that meant that the anchor was directly under the bow of the ship and was leaving the mud, the chain being straight up and down. in a moment or two the call was: "anchor's aweigh, sir!" that meant that the ship was now swinging with the tide and bells were jangled in all the engine rooms to go ahead slowly. it was all still, only a few lights on each ship were showing and soon the harbor presented the appearance of twenty-five or more craft slowly moving in one direction as if stealing away down the broad famine reach softly so as not to disturb the slumbers of the town. but the town wasn't asleep. half the population was out to witness the departure. the thousands of electric lights showed that. as you drew away from the place it looked as if you were leaving the north shore of staten island and going up new york bay, so thick were the lights on the land. the connecticut was quite close in shore and headed toward it. she made a sharp turn, and the kansas, vermont and louisiana and the others fell in quickly. there were gaps in the line for the ships that had sought better anchorages, and these were filled in when the proper time came. gradually the line became compact and within fifteen minutes one long column of american warships was gliding southward at a speed of ten knots, the chilean flagship off the starboard bow of our flagship, all silently stealing away in the beautiful starlight night from hospitable and attractive punta arenas. the start was made as smoothly and easily as in broad daylight. there was no fuss about it. the fleet had gone about its business in a businesslike way. that business was to get through the rest of the strait in the easiest and safest manner. you went to bed at midnight leaving orders to be called at a. m. so as to come on deck and see the flagship turned toward home at cape froward, the lowest continental point of land in the world. you got out just abeam of cape san isidro, with its flashing white light, and you found yourself in the midst of rugged scenery. the sky was overcast and a strong wind, like that which churned possession bay when the fleet entered the eastern end, was blowing. bare mountains and rocks stood out in the gloom. soon the shadows began to purple the hillsides and rocks; there was visible a strip of green which you made out to be trees reaching half way up the black mountain sides. then the clouds lightened; everything stood out clearly in a gray light and you knew it was time for sunrise. the clouds broke to the east and suddenly there shot through them six great shafts of crimson light as if they were the rays of an enormous searchlight in the east, rays colored by passing through bright red glass. you stood on the bridge fascinated and almost enthralled. then you saw the edge of the snowfield of mount sarmiento far to the south. the clouds hid its brow but as they broke occasionally you could catch a glimpse now and then of a glacier gripping the mountain sides with the strength and permanence of the ages and you knew that truly you were looking at god's country, not the country of home, as most folks the world over call god's country, but one that revealed the majesty of creation. so on and on you went in the narrow channels bordered by rock-faced hills and mountains, green from the water half way up their sides. some of the mountains were entirely of stone with abrupt sheers like the sides of the precipices in the yosemite. waterfalls leaped from cliffs here and there and now and then one could see a stream rushing down the hillside, foaming and roaring, its waters madly dashing to complete obliteration in the swirling sea where the immutable laws of gravity sent them. it seemed a pity that a thing so white and pure should find an ignoble end, but the power of the sun's rays had set the forces of perpetual motion in those leaps and bounds and the same streams will dash down to the sea doubtless as long as the sun's power lasts to heat the edges of the glaciers and try to rob them of their strength. you saw great peaks and short ranges. every one had a different light upon it; every one differed from another in formation. but this is an account of navigation rather than a description of scenery. the ships went along in the slack water easily and smoothly and again you wondered at the stories of the difficulty of steaming through this wide deep strait. you passed through froward reach into english reach, and miles away, straight ahead, you saw the thornton peaks, where jerome channel cleaves a way into the large mysterious and only half explored otway waters, a body of water like one of the great lakes at home. you saw no channel ahead. as you approached these mountains it was like the turn in the hudson up in the highlands, where you seem to be headed for the rocks with no way of escape except by turning back. you knew from the chart that you were then approaching crooked reach, that runs beside the island called carlos iii. soon you saw a bend toward the left and then you stiffened yourself a little, for you knew that in less than half an hour you would be in the one dangerous place of navigation in the western half of the strait. it is necessary to make an s curve in crooked reach, something like the one in the subway at fourteenth street, only it is one six or eight miles long and not of a few hundred feet. just before you reached the line running from jerome point to the upper end of the island of carlos iii. you saw black lines in the water running from shore to shore, now only a little more than a mile apart. these lines were foam-crested and they marked the meeting place of the tides of the atlantic and the pacific. the officers had no time now to look at scenery. here was serious work. the connecticut crossed the first one and so intent were you in watching preparations to cross on your own ship that you scarcely noticed her movements. but what was the matter with the kansas, directly astern? she was swaying off to starboard violently. then she made a swoop to port. queer kind of steering it seemed! perhaps it was the connecticut that had swayed this way and that. wait a moment. soon the kansas got fairly straight with the connecticut and then the vermont took to dancing sidesteps this way and that. the helm was being shifted constantly in the endeavor to keep in the middle of the road. it was the louisiana's turn next. standing on the bridge you scarcely noticed any deviation, but when you looked at the line of ships behind you knew that the louisiana was having its troubles keeping straight and when you saw the quartermaster twisting the wheel about, now this way and now that, you knew that this ship had been doing fancy stunts far from home. then you looked at those behind. on they came, and that straight line, the pride of any one who has seen it from day to day, went zigzagging, twisting and turning, thrust here and there until it resembled the twists of a snake crawling along the ground rather than a fleet of majestic ships sailing in a straight line. once again a similar performance of the fleet occurred and you began to realize what the dangers of navigating magellan meant. you realized that with high-powered vessels such as these ships it was easy to correct the swaying of the tides and currents, but you understood what smaller ships had to contend with. we were going through at the most favorable season of the year, but you shuddered to think what it must be to be caught here in the winter, perhaps with darkness coming on, no place to anchor and a blinding snowstorm or a fog hiding the way and your steamer having hard work even to hold its own against the terrific current that might be running against you. oh, yes, then you knew what a task, a dangerous task it was to brave the perils of crooked reach and you were glad you were on a warship with strength enough to scorn nature's effort to hurl it against the rocks. you passed dangerous anson rock and you soon glided out into long reach, an arm of the strait that runs for fifty or sixty miles to the northwest almost as straight as a taut rope, and you then took up your glasses to look around. you saw the little island just off borja bay, where the famous post office of the strait was situated, a place where sailors rowed ashore to leave their letters to be mailed and their newspapers months old to be read by those who followed them. you could see the signs nailed to the trees giving the names of ships that had called, the dates and the ports to which they were bound. all that is done away with now that punta arenas looks after the mails and gives hospitable welcome to sailormen, but those signs, some of them a half century old, told tales of hardship, of shipwreck, of misery to many a man who could read what they really meant. then you began again to watch the mountains. far down snowy inlet you saw the sloping sides of mount wharton and a magnificent blue glacier sloping down its broad reaches. it had teeth all over the lower part where it had cracked under the sun's rays, but back for miles and miles, as far as the eye could reach, the blue ice extended until it hid itself in the vast snowfields of the mountain's top. you were glad that the sun's rays came out from time to time to show you a patch of the top of the mountain, for then you understood what darwin meant when he compared some of the glaciers in the strait to "a hundred frozen niagaras." you knew that you were looking at one of the greatest accessible ice patches in the world outside of the ice cap of greenland. the wind began to strengthen and black outbursts of it were seen coming toward you from time to time. then at last you began to realize what a willywaw is. it is a fierce blast that comes down from these mountains with well defined limits like the ray of a searchlight in the night. one moment you do not feel it and then you shoot into it and it tosses you about, churns up the waters, roars and barks at you and you feel that a demon from the hills is trying to tear you to pieces. half a dozen times one of these willywaws got started for the fleet and then the sun came out, the clouds broke up and the blast was dissipated. you could see it all with your eyes, you didn't have to imagine it. it was as if some big policemen had scattered a crowd that had begun to torment a procession and had said "g'wan!" it g'wanned all right. finally a big one gathered force that laughed at the policeman, and it fell upon us. with it came mist and dashes of rain. it spat in our faces. it wrapped our coats about our legs in knots. it shrieked and howled at us, and when we staggered through it it laughed at us, as if to say: "you may be a great fleet of warships, but i'm not afraid to tackle you, just like any other ship or set of ships. i have fun with every ship that goes through here, and if i don't one of my rough brothers does the business. no one who goes through here can escape a willywaw. how do you like being tousled up? ha! ha!" all that the writer of this cares to say is that willywaws are rude things, the rudest kind of things he has ever met, and he's glad that you can find them nowhere else in the world than in magellan strait. like the man who made a mistake in matrimony, he is willing to sing hereafter the old song: "once was enough for him!" when you got past that willywaw you began perhaps to speculate on the height of the mountains and you were surprised to learn that they are not high, as snow-capped mountains go; that they varied in height from , to , feet with occasionally a monster in the distance from , to , feet tall. they looked like the alps or the canadian rockies. you soon realized that it was because they rose directly from the water and there was no slope to them before they began to shoot upward, as is the case in the great mountain ranges of the earth. the fact that they were snowclad, like all the other great mountains, also made you feel as if they were as high as such elevations. as hour after hour passed you saw why it was that one writer had said that if you had taken the himalayas, the andes, the alps, and had moved them all here and had submerged them up to their necks you would get scenery like that which the strait presents. as you looked at the mountains and saw the bays here and there you began also to realize what another writer meant when he said that a hundred lake comos, lucernes and genevas could not present the lordly beauty of some of these bays and inlets. perhaps you compared the trip with that of the inland sea of japan. if you did you could only say: "this is grand; the inland sea is beautiful." and when we began to reach the end of long reach and to get into the wide open waters of sea reach and the fog shut us in completely many a person then was not altogether sorry, for he had been surfeited with it all. we went down to dinner just as the ships began to feel the pacific's swells. the wind from the northwest began to blow violently and soon after o'clock word was passed that we had passed cape pilar, where no shipwrecked mariner ever escapes, and that the fog had lifted and those on the bridge had caught a glimpse of it. there had been thirty miles of fog navigation in the strait itself. two hours later as the ship was plunging and careening in the gale--they always have a gale or extremely heavy swells at the pacific entrance to magellan--we heard that the evangelistas islands, four rugged rocks with a light on one, had been seen, and then we turned in, knowing that in an hour or so the fleet would be headed due north, every turn of the screws bringing us nearer home. on the whole, every one was glad that if the fog was to be it had shut off the view of the mountains and glaciers and bays just after it had been finest. we had seen the strait at its best and there was not a man who did not feel something of awe over it, believing as he did that he had been in sight of the grandest handiwork of the creator that the earth presents. "and god said, let there be a firmament in the midst of the waters and let it divide the waters from the waters. "and god made the firmament and divided the waters which were under the firmament from the waters which were above the firmament, and it was so." any one who has sailed through the strait of magellan can easily believe it was there that god began to divide the waters from the waters. any one also who has sailed through the strait into the heaving, tossing pacific, wrongly named for that part of the world, could realize the full significance of what was in the heart of a sailor of the midwatch who sang softly to himself as you passed him: "rocked in the cradle of the deep!" chapter ix in and out of valparaiso harbor courtesy that means cordial relations for many years--eight hundred guns proclaim peace--president montt reviews ships and congratulates by wireless--wonderful sailing of the battleships amid thick fog on the rolling pacific--formation preserved in the dark--great scene in the sunlight as the armada swept in near the shore and thundered salutations to vast throng of chileans--the animated "welcome" sign--meeting with the chicago. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet_, at sea, feb. . an act of international courtesy, unprecedented in american naval annals at least, and probably unprecedented in the world's history, occurred yesterday in the harbor of valparaiso, chile, when admiral evans sailed in and out of the harbor, saluting the port and then the president of chile in person. it was a demonstration which in not only its immediate but its far-reaching effects was worth probably more than a quarter of a century's exchange of diplomatic notes and expressions. moreover, for sundry reasons which the intelligent observer of more or less recent events can appreciate, there was no better place on the south american continent for such a remarkable performance. especially gratifying to admiral evans were the cordial messages of thanks and esteem he received by wireless. the last time he sailed away from valparaiso kind words did not follow him. thus does time and a marked advance in naval power work wonders in international affairs. the greatest honors that the fleet of any nation could pay to the head of another nation were paid to president montt. they were precisely such as the fleet paid to president roosevelt on the departure from hampton roads. they differed only in their setting. the flag of another republic was at the main. three times as many people witnessed the spectacle in valparaiso as observed it in hampton roads. the saluting was in a foreign port, girt about with lofty hills instead of the low lying and far distant shores of chesapeake bay. elaborately dressed shipping, flying the flags of half a dozen nations, added color to the scheme. a great city terraced up the mountain sides made a holiday to gaze, first in silence and then with cheers, at an armada which meant not conquest but a visible message of safety from conquest by european powers, and an assurance that not only chile but every other power in south or central america could pursue the path of commercial and intellectual development secure from the envy and avarice of other parts of the world. exhibiting that fleet to chile was like showing her a paid-up, interminable insurance policy of peace, made out in the name of all american peoples. judging from the responses it elicited chile liked the way the policy read. few harbors in the world are better adapted for such a scene. there is no deep bay, no narrow channel to choke the entrance. the harbor is simply an open roadstead of the pacific. all that admiral evans had to do was to turn to one side, sweep along the city front just outside the line of moored shipping and pass on. he was on the broad swells of the pacific again within an hour from the time he had turned in shore. it was an hour of education for chile, with a lesson in it that otherwise she could not learn in years, and at its conclusion there was such a genuine note of appreciation in the exchange of farewells that any student of the forces that work for good or evil in international affairs must have been glad that the courtesy call was made. one also could understand somewhat the feelings of admiral evans, who, after it was all over, sent this characteristic evans message to the fleet in words that every man on every ship understood thoroughly: "the commander-in-chief thanks the officers and men of the fleet for the handsome way they did the trick to-day." it was handsome and it was stirring. of course the word trick was used by the admiral only in a colloquial sense; there was no trick about it, for it was simply going a little out of the way to be nice and decent to a people who for many years had mistrusted us and had said things too. but what is the use of being a big nation if you can't be big hearted with it and show that you don't hold resentments? a thousand to one that chile's sincere friendship will be ours for many, many years to come. unusual as this cruise is, it is the unusual and unexpected that have come out from it as its salient features. the profound indifference of the people of trinidad to the fleet was unusual and something of a bump. the exuberant welcome and unrestrained hospitality of brazil was unusual. the salutes to the flags exchanged between the fleets of argentina and the united states on the high seas were unusual. the despatch of a cruiser on the part of chile to its most remote port and carrying our minister was unusual. the vice-admiral salutes given all along the line to admiral evans, whether by accident or design, were unusual. having a warship escort the fleet through almost the entire length of its coast line, as chile did, was unusual. lastly the departure from an established programme to run into the greatest harbor of another nation to fire salutes to its flag and president was unusual. from the moment that the fleet headed out into the pacific from the strait of magellan, in company with the flagship chacabuco carrying the flag of admiral simpson of the chilean navy, there was much speculation as to the kind of reception it would receive in valparaiso. the great cordiality shown by admiral simpson and the chilean authorities in punta arenas bespoke the warmest kind of a welcome. but speculation still continued, and indeed there was little else to do, for a fog settled upon the waters, which, added to the turbulent condition of the pacific, made the trip for several days one of comparative gloom. occasionally the fog would lift and you could catch a glimpse of some of the other divisions of the fleet. once after nearly twenty-four hours it vanished completely and there was a genuine ring of satisfaction over the sight it must have presented to the chacabuco far off to the westward, for there was the entire american fleet exactly in position, sailing precisely as if there had been no fog to hide the ships from one another. but everybody knew that it would be so. "that's going some; wonder what the chilean admiral thinks of that?" was heard on all sides. then the fog shut in again and for two days more the fleet ploughed on. it was in a column of divisions formation, that is, the four ships of the first division were abreast of one another and yards apart. twelve hundred yards astern the ships of the second division were in a similar formation. the third and fourth followed in the same way. sometimes the fog was so thick that on the louisiana, which was on the left flank of the first line, we couldn't see our nearest neighbor, the vermont. the connecticut, off to the right, would toot her letter on the whistle, the kansas would toot hers at once and then the vermont would sound hers, followed by the louisiana. the steering was done by compass almost entirely. occasionally we would find the vermont inching over to us and she would loom up out of the fog quite near, but her whistle would say: "give me a little more room, please; the kansas is crowding me over. when she goes back toward the flagship, or the flagship eases off a bit, i'll go back. just a little room, please!" then the louisiana would swing off and a fog bank would cut off sight of each other. then there would be another lift and it would be found that one ship was a hundred yards or so ahead of the others, or perhaps that they were exactly in line. the searchlights on the ships were thrown abeam so that for most of the time it was comparatively easy to tell where your immediate neighbor was. sometimes we could hear the ships of the other divisions whistling faintly and we wondered whether the fleet formation had been broken seriously by currents or faulty steering, but every time the fog lightened there the ships were, shifted now and then a little, but in the main exactly where they should be. then the chacabuco signalled that she intended to run into talcahuano, the chilean naval port, and would send messages of our safe passage through magellan and also notify the chilean authorities of the hour of our arrival in valparaiso. the two admirals had agreed upon o'clock on the afternoon of friday, february . the day after the chacabuco left, the air cleared. she agreed to meet us again at noon on february at a certain latitude and longitude and sure enough shortly after o'clock on the th, her smoke and that of three torpedo boats accompanying her was made out. on they came and they were abeam at exactly noon. behind them was a large passenger steamer, loaded down with folks from concepcion, chile. that ship ran close to the fleet and gave its passengers a fine view. then those in the fleet knew that chile took intense interest in the passage. it was necessary to slow to nine, then to eight and then to seven knots so as not to reach valparaiso ahead of time. the sea calmed, the sun came out and a more perfect afternoon was never witnessed on the ocean. daybreak on the morning of the th showed a lowering sky. just before o'clock the chilean coast could be made out and then the fleet made one or two turns and twists, apparently to kill a little time. admiral simpson took his place at the head of the column which had been formed and his three torpedo boats took up positions on our right flank, the side nearest to the city in the harbor, so as to protect the line from any intrusion. just before o'clock we could make out the people on the high hills south of angeles point, fittingly named for a great cemetery sloped up the hillside. the place was black with spectators. around the point we could see the puffs of a salute, given probably by one of the forts or ships to note the arrival of president montt. then we came close to angeles point. the beach was thronged. there were tents where jimcracks were being sold and double decker tram cars were loaded to the limit. it seemed as if all valparaiso had come out to that place. the glasses were turned upon fort valdivia, just beyond point angeles. it is a naval station. suddenly a midshipman discovered that there was a sign in english on one of its terraces. it said: "welcome!" "that's mighty nice to whitewash a lot of stones in that way, isn't it?" said an officer on the bridge. three minutes later the navigator sang out: "captain, that sign isn't made of stones. it's made of men!" a dozen glasses were focussed upon the sign at once. sure enough, stretched upon the terrace there lay a human sign, made up of sailors or naval cadets in white. it took three mens' length to make the height of a single letter. two men were required for the top and the bottom of the letter o. these men must not have been entirely comfortable for they lay there fully an hour, but the sign was as immobile as if it were made of stone. that compliment touched the kindly feeling of every one on the ships. it made a sensation. no one had ever seen anything like that. there was no way of answering it in kind, as you can in saluting; you could only look at it in dumb amazement and feel grateful. you were glad then that the compliment had been paid to admiral simpson of allowing him to lead the fleet in with his little cruiser--no chilean naval officer ever had such a post of honor--and all the ships took keen notice of the signal from the flagship to fire a simultaneous salute of twenty-one guns when notice should be given. as the fleet turned in the glasses revealed a large collection of ships, some of them old whalers, lying in the harbor. grand stands had been built on various eminences for the people and hundreds of white parasols showed that the fair sex was alive to the great sea-show. half an hour before the fleet approached the harbor it was noticed that a great canopy of blue sky rested over it. out where the fleet was it was still lowering. abreast of fort valdivia the fleet emerged into the sunshine and stood clearly revealed. every ship had a bright new american ensign at its gaff and foretruck. at every main there was a chilean ensign. a fresh breeze started up and blew the ensigns out proudly. nature helped dress the ships in their best. around point angeles the connecticut swept slowly and majestically. she got well inside the harbor and was almost abeam of duprat point when a set of flags fluttered to the signal yards. they said: "prepare to salute!" the flags hung there until all the answering pennants were shown and then they wavered an instant as they began to fall, and at once the sixteen battleships roared out a salvo such as no one in chile had ever heard before. the effect of the thunder was electric. the wind fortunately blew the smoke away from the ships. people on the shore were seen to jump and run. all along the shore line below fort valdivia they began to race back toward the city and harbor by the thousands. it was literally a stampede. great clouds of dust engulfed them and partly hid them from view. it made those on the ships laugh. "the town has gone out too far and now has to run back," they said. not so; a glimpse along the waterfront showed that what lieut. gherardi, commanding the little yankton, which had arrived the day before and was anchored in the harbor, all beautifully dressed, had sent by wireless early in the morning was true. gherardi said there was intense interest in the fleet and all the stores and banks had closed for the day. a clear space in front of the shipping was preserved. hundreds of launches, sailboats and rowboats were out on the water. the hills were black. the highways running down to the waterfront were filled. flags were everywhere. all valparaiso was out to see the great parade, and for a time it seemed that she was looking on in awe. then there came sounds of cheering from shore and occasionally the sound of "the star spangled banner" was heard as some band played it. in less than two minutes after the fleet had fired its salute fort valdivia responded with twenty-one guns. then three or four miles across the harbor at the other entrance puffs of smoke could be seen, showing that an army fort was giving its greeting and saying: "glad to see you!" admiral simpson sent a message to admiral evans that president montt was on the training ship gen. baquedano, clear across the harbor, near fort callao, which had fired the army salute. the fleet went into the harbor, made a slight turn and then sailed for about half a mile in a straight line close to the shipping and about a mile from shore. then it curved away again toward the harbor entrance, following the lead of the chacabuco. it now closed the entire harbor. silently it approached an anchored training ship, whose yards were manned. the ship was crowded with high governmental functionaries and their families and friends. in one corner of the bridge the president could be made out with glasses. the chilean ensign with a coat of arms on it, the president's standard, was at the main. when within yards of the baquedano the chacabuco began its salute of twenty-one guns to the flag of its president. a slight interval of silence followed and then the connecticut roared out its personal greeting to the head of another nation. as each american ship approached it fired twenty-one guns. the air was filled with smoke, but the strong breeze blew it away and set the sixteen ensigns of chile and the thirty-two of the united states all vibrating and snapping out almost as plainly as if you could hear it: "hurrah!" in solemn state the ships passed the uncovered president. he received then and there such a tribute of honor as no other president of chile ever received. he saw a collection of warships such as no other south american president, with the exception of president penna of brazil, ever saw. he had the satisfaction of witnessing a friendly tribute such as no other nation ever received from the united states. whatever was the effect upon the president and the people of chile, it thrilled those on the american warships. for a mile or two beyond the chacabuco led the fleet and then it turned and fired a salute to the american flag as it headed back to valparaiso. the connecticut answered with twenty-one guns for the chilean flag, signalled to resume the cruising speed of ten knots--and the spectacular call on the president of chile and the people of its chief seaport was over. altogether nearly guns were fired in the saluting. it was like the roar of a battle. in ten minutes after the connecticut had fired its salute to the president and before some of the american ships had begun theirs admiral evans sent this message to admiral simpson on the chacabuco: _to admiral simpson_: the commander-in-chief of the united states atlantic fleet begs that you will convey to the president of the republic in the name of himself, officers and men, their appreciation of the honor he has done them in reviewing the fleet. please add to this my personal expression of highest regard. in saying good-by to you, admiral simpson, may i express the hope that we may meet again in the future, and let me convey herein to you the sincere thanks of myself, officers and men of the atlantic fleet for the many acts of courtesy you have extended to us. we wish you good health and all success. evans. then admiral evans sent this to our minister, mr. hicks, on the chacabuco: _to minister hicks_: i beg that you will express to the president of the republic the thanks of the officers and men of the atlantic fleet for the many gracious acts of courtesy we have received from the representatives of the chilean government since reaching their coast. i am sure that the people of the united states will fully appreciate the courtesies and that they will go far toward cementing the friendship between the two nations. with expressions of highest consideration for you personally, i remain, yours sincerely, evans. in five minutes the replies were being heard in every wireless room of the american ships. this is what admiral simpson said: _to connecticut_: many thanks for your very kind message which i will convey with the greatest of pleasure to the president, and my personal thanks for your good wishes in regard to myself and officers. they join in their good wishes for admiral evans and send a hearty farewell greeting to the admiral and his officers and men and wish them all a most successful and prosperous voyage. simpson. mr. hicks said: _to admiral evans_: your message just received. i will deliver it to president montt immediately. kindest regards to you and your officers. the whole review was all that any one should ask for and i am proud of the fleet. good-by and good luck to you. hicks. then admiral simpson sent this greeting from president montt to admiral evans: _to connecticut_: the president instructs me to thank admiral evans for his very kind message and for having brought the american fleet to valparaiso and to express to him his admiration of its splendid appearance. he further requests me to express to admiral evans his sincere hopes that his health will continue to improve and his personal desire that he may arrive at his destination in perfect health. simpson. this was followed by this message from minister prato of the army and navy of chile and it pleased admiral evans immensely: _to admiral evans_: the minister of war and the navy, in the name of the republic of chile, thanks profoundly admiral evans for the delicate courtesy of his salute in valparaiso and congratulates him, the admirals, captains, officers and crews under him, for the splendid demonstration given us to-day of seeing the power and discipline of the fleet under your command. with many cordial wishes for a pleasant voyage and also for the recovery of your health at an early date, belisario prato, minister of war and the navy. to this greeting admiral evans sent the final message of the day through the yankton: _to yankton_: transmit this to the minister of war and the navy prato. the cordial welcome extended by the officials and citizens of the republic of chile has met with our deep appreciation, and i am sure that it will be a source of great gratification to the people of the united states when they learn how you have greeted us. it was a great pleasure to be reviewed by your distinguished president, and it gave me the greatest satisfaction to extend to him the same honors that were extended to the president of the united states on leaving hampton roads. hoping that my action of to-day may in some small way draw closer the bonds of friendship which unite the two great republics and thanking you most gratefully for your personal expressions, yours most sincerely, evans. it was a good day's work, and even if it did cause the fleet to lose a day in the run to callao in addition to the one lost in punta arenas in answering the courtesies of the chileans, no one begrudged the delay. the appearance of the city of valparaiso was a distinct disappointment to those on the fleet who had not seen it before. its name means a vale of paradise. was it intended as mockery? one travel writer has said that nature never meant that a city should be planted there. the hills come down so near to the water that there is room for only four or five streets parallel with it. the city is strung along the harbor for more than two miles. to find other room for itself it has to climb steep hills and build homes on terraces. the streams have made great gullies, or barrancas, in their courses to the sea, and these gulches give a disjointed appearance to the place. there seems to be no continuity about it. it is irregular, tilted here and there and most of the hills have to be overcome with steep railroads, like those which climb the hills of pittsburg or cincinnati. a line of railroad with english carriages runs along the waterfront. the railroad finds an opening, not visible from the harbor, where it may escape the girdle of the hills. there seem to be few houses around the waterfront. there was little or no color in the buildings. all seemed to be made of grayish mud. there was no visible verdure in the town. the hills were brown, as if blighted by a great drought. all was bleak and bare and dusty. the place looked barren and almost cheerless. a greater contrast to hill and mountain adorned rio de janeiro, the last large city we saw, heavy with its mantle of green, could not be imagined than this sun-baked, brown collection of dull-colored buildings constituting a great seaport. the effects of the earthquake of last year could be seen here and there with a glass. walls were broken and buildings toppled over. this added all the more to the forlorn appearance of the place, but it gave point to the exuberant welcome which its people gave to the fleet. the day before the fleet sailed into valparaiso harbor it had a little celebration, somewhat unusual on the high seas, that was strictly american. the cruiser chicago, bound for the atlantic from san francisco, met us. wireless signals had been exchanged and about o'clock in the afternoon the smoke of the chicago could be made out on the horizon. an hour later she was approaching the flagship. then she saluted the admiral's flag. every ship had been told to show passing honors. the guard was paraded, the rails manned and the band was on the quarterdeck. the fleet and the chicago almost drifted by one another. as the chicago passed down the line the band on every battleship played "the star spangled banner." when the bars were finished on the louisiana the band struck up "home, sweet home." the long homeward bound pennant of the chicago seemed to have an extra flutter in it as the notes sounded over the smooth sea. in many a man's throat there was a gulp. after the fleet had passed the chicago hove to and lay for a quarter of an hour, all its men gazing as a fond relative after another for which fate had decreed a long separation. it was a pretty ceremony, and it furnished food for naval thought. there was the first steel ship of the united states navy, the flagship of the white squadron of more than twenty years ago of which americans were so proud. she seemed a puny thing beside any one of this fleet. the earliest and the latest in modern american warship building were presented to the eye. and what an advance! still the chicago presented a smart appearance and her -inch guns, with which she holds the navy record, told that she was still useful and she could hold up her head proudly. every one was glad she was still in existence. right then and there many a young american naval officer got a better idea of the growth and strength of the navy than most of his books and his study could reveal to him. whatever may have been the motive that impelled president roosevelt to send this fleet on its long journey to the pacific--whether it was to dare japan to resent it or to serve notice on that nation to be good; whether it was for political effect on the pacific coast in the hope of rounding up delegates for some one candidate for president or electing some man united states senator; whether it was in accord with some suggestion perhaps that secretary root made in his trip to south america; whether it was simply a desire to be spectacular; whether it was a sincere belief that the navy needed just such a cruise to fit it for its best work and the pacific was as much entitled to see how it could be protected as the atlantic; whether it was for any or all of these, and all have been suggested in print--whatever it was, let this be said as to the unexpected and to some extent unforeseen advantages that have resulted: the monroe doctrine is to-day more of a living, vital thing with the nations of south america because of the cruise of this fleet than it has ever been since president monroe penned its words. chapter x peru's warm-hearted greeting gracious and artistic and inspired by cordial friendship-- sailors in the bullring--work of the matadors considered from a nautical point of view--interchange of good wishes by admiral thomas and president pardo--charms of a city that survives from the middle ages--trip , feet up the andes--remains of pizarro--journalistic compliments and official entertainments. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet_, off callao harbor, feb. . peru remembered! almost as trite as the saying that corporations have no souls, or that politics makes strange bed fellows, is another that in international affairs the friends of yesterday may be the foes of to-day, and that nations, as nations, have no memories. if it is true, peru is the rule proving exception. her gracious welcome to the american fleet, from the first acclaim of greeting to the last farewell, was marked by a sincerity that was peculiar in the exchange of international courtesies. there was reason for this. of all south american countries none is more devotedly the friend of the united states than peru. in the time of peru's direct distress, when the hell horrors of war left her plundered, sacked, pillaged, as no nation in modern times has been despoiled; when she was bereft of nearly her entire population of early manhood; when dynamite and the torch were employed in a heartless exhibition of brutality to mark as permanently as possible the pathway of a mocking conquerer; when the vandalism of victory even destroyed the trees of botanical gardens, robbed altars of decorations, cut paintings from frames to make bonfires, pillaged the savings of children, destroyed civic utilities for the sake of wanton destruction; when the conqueror struck the most terrible blow that a conqueror can strike, the violation of the sanctity of homes--and be it remembered that the women of peru are declared by all authority to be the most beautiful, proud and high spirited in the world--when all this was done, the first nation to comfort, to advise, to shield was the united states. true, once or twice the united states seemed to falter and peru almost cried out with bitterness because of it, but there was another handclasp with sincere words of real friendship back of it and peru emerged from her trial grateful and steadfast. that was a quarter of a century ago and peru said she would remember. her hospitality to the great american fleet proved that she did. she is no longer poverty stricken. she is fairly well-to-do and things are looking better all the time. she lives in comfort. she even wears colors occasionally. she has young men again and their energy is making for prosperity and advancement all around. to the american fleet peru said as plainly as could be: "i am truly glad to see you. we can't do as much for you in the way of entertainment as our hearts could wish. we can't lavish wealth upon you, but such as we have is yours, all yours. we have remembered." and so it was that peru's entertainment of the fleet was not extravagant or burdensome. it was delicate rather than effusive. it was the welcome and hospitality of high breeding. from the first gun of the cruiser bolognesi, sent miles out to sea to escort the fleet in to callao, to the last "eep! eep! eep! oorah!" on the tug that followed us furthest to sea as we left this morning every act of hospitality was in perfect taste and in a spirit utterly foreign to vulgar display. yes, peru remembered, and its effect upon the american visitors was well expressed officially by rear admiral thomas on board the connecticut on february at a dinner given in honor of president pardo when he said: "nothing has been left undone that would add to our convenience, comfort or happiness, and, permit me to say, as military men, with the instinct of organization, we have been impressed with the perfection of every detail and the artistic taste displayed at every entertainment from the time the fleet dropped anchor in callao bay to the occasion of the brilliant garden party at the exposition grounds. but most important of all, and that which has touched our hearts deeply, is the warmth and sincerity of the welcome that has been accorded to us, so patent to all. "in our fleet there are nearly six hundred officers and fourteen thousand men, and when we reach home waters and in the course of time these officers and men are dispersed throughout the forty-five states of the union, visiting their respective homes, each and every one of them will be a missionary to carry a message throughout our broad land from the atlantic to the pacific, from the canadian border to the gulf of mexico, telling of this welcome, the result of which must of necessity tend to the drawing closer and closer the ties of union between the two republics. it will be a tradition to be handed down not only to our children, but to our children's children." the admiral's speech was the fleet's answer to the formal welcome of president pardo at a dinner the republic gave to the americans on the night of washington's birthday. this translation of the president's words was placed in front of each of the guests the instant president pardo finished. admiral: the arrival at our shores of american warships has always been looked forward to with the greatest pleasure by the government of peru and her citizens, as it gives us an opportunity for showing the true friendship which exists between this country and the united states and for my countrymen to extend a cordial welcome to the american navy. were it possible our welcome would be augmented by the glorious spectacle which you present us in callao of the starry banner waving from the masts of the most powerful fleet that has ever navigated the pacific ocean, as well as by your most successful accomplishment of this difficult voyage, which demonstrates the power and discipline of the american navy, to-day universally acknowledged by the entire world. with the sincere welcome of the government and the people of peru we wish to express our admiration of the justice which has inspired president roosevelt's policy in the relations of the united states with the latin-american countries and their relations between themselves, a policy which has met with the utmost success in the recent conference at washington and assures a permanent peace in central america. a welcome to you, admirals and officers of the american fleet. peru receives you with hearty friendship and reminds you that you are on friendly strands. on this day, when your country honors the memory of george washington, the founder of its glorious independence and of its admirable form of government, i ask you to join me in the toast i propose. the prosperity of the united states, the health of its eminent president, mr. roosevelt, and that good luck may always accompany the fleet under your command. so much for the official welcome. the unofficial welcome was everywhere. it began as soon as the ships entered callao bay. there are no headlands or hills surrounding the harbor, which is practically an open roadstead. the fleet had to anchor two miles out. the harbor was crowded with all sorts of little craft laden to the danger point. every tug, every launch, all the sailboats that could be found, rowing barges, dories, two large ocean-going steamers, came out to say howdy and bearing cheering people by the thousand. some of the little craft fired national salutes with toy cannon. those that had whistles tied down the cords. one tug was crowded with young men who insisted on giving the cornell yell every time a ship passed by. as soon as anchors were cast a look shoreward revealed that tens of thousands had come to the waterfront. later when one went ashore he learned that the government had declared a holiday in honor of the arrival of the fleet and that all of callao and lima, seven miles distant, had come down to see the ships. the stores and shops were closed as if it were sunday. business was at a standstill. official visits were begun at once, but those who could get away made haste to go to lima on the modern trolley system which in addition to two railroads accommodates the traffic between the two cities. the visitor noted that callao was an ill smelling place of garish colored houses and narrow streets--a mere port of , inhabitants--and that it had many of the characteristics of some of the cities on the southern shore of the mediterranean. once out in the flat country, the visitor was reminded somewhat of the country between brooklyn and coney island. truck farms were frequent. what looked to be american corn was growing profusely side by side with banana trees and sugarcane fields. patches of good old fashioned vegetables--onions, cabbages, radishes, lettuce--were also under cultivation. large herds of fine cattle grazed on some of the fields, and in others were herded splendid flocks of sheep. it looked almost like home. the fences alone were strange. they were made of thick blocks of dried mud. the entire cultivation was dependent upon irrigation from the rimac river, the splendid mountain stream that dashes down from the andes in a torrent clear to the sea. then one came to lima itself, situated on a plain girdled by the foothills of the andes, with its low lying houses, all made of mud plastered upon bamboo reeds, with not a roof in the city that would shed water, for in lima it never rains; to lima, the one city in the western hemisphere which has preserved a large amount of the architecture of the middle ages and is rich in traditions of the past. there in this city of , people with its well paved streets, its bustling activities, its fine climate (the temperature never goes above degrees, although the city is only degrees from the equator) and attractive people the americans found plastered on every building in town a paper reproduction of the american flag with the words printed on it: "welcome to the american fleet!" peru's flag was posted by its side frequently. the government had done it. you see every person in town couldn't come up to you and tell you that he or she was glad to see you. he or she was; but it had to be told in some other way, and so these placards voiced the feeling of the people. if anything else were needed to complete the greeting it was supplied when the _diario_, the leading newspaper of lima, came out with halftone reproductions of ships, officers and the annapolis academy, a page of news in english from the united states and a formal welcome to the fleet. this welcome was unique. it is worth reproducing at length. this is what it said: every social class in our country, all the elements which make up the life of peru, have attended with sincere exhilaration to contemplate the gallant representatives of the power and greatness of the united states. these ships come after a trial of resistance which has proved the discipline, the self-denial, the moral energy, the patriotic pride of race, all those eminent faculties which beautify the spirit and elevate the personality of the great republic of the north. peru has the glory and good fortune among the nations of america to offer its hospitable strand to serve as a shelter during the short stay which their itinerary imposes on our guests. peru receives them with the affection of brothers, with the traditional and courteous nobleness of our race, with the sympathetic and respectful admiration which the example of the great and lofty north american virtues awaken in our mind. a people which has itself worked up in its own laboratory such a colossal fermentation of greatness, a people which owes everything to the efforts, to the activity, to the work, to the initiative of its men, a people which has not forsworn the splendid incentives of its ideals, and which carries within itself as a secret impulse to irradiate its spirit beyond its natural boundaries, is a people which raises in all others the warm and ample admiration which the americans have experienced in the entire course of their voyage. the powerful fleet which to-day reaches our shores, the most formidable and splendid which has stemmed the waters of this continent, does not come on a war footing or as a menace. a high sense of political prevision, the most eminent virtue of a statesman, induced president roosevelt to order the movement of the atlantic fleet to the pacific coast. the illustrious governor who carries on his shoulders the enormous responsibility of directing this great people has proved himself worthy of his post, contemplating with serenity and firmness all future eventualities, and consistent with his pacific intentions, which do not exclude designs of warlike prudence, has prepared himself by this spirited parade of force to prevent a war. no technical authority, either military or diplomatic, believes in the probability or imminence of a great war. the united states have many efficacious resources for dissolving or removing indefinitely the threatening and apocalyptic spectre of a universal conflagration such as would take place in the world, given the present aggrupations of factors. their economic strength, their marvellous industrial richness, their bullion reserves, their growing population, their formidable means of attack and defence which we contemplate to-day, all these are so many conservative encouragements which will help to check audacity and outside ambition. this welcome is presented to show how lima and the editors of the _diario_ really tried to make the americans feel at ease. of course the printed english translation failed to do full credit to the excellent castilian of the original, but there could be no mistaking the genuineness of the welcome. it was sincere all right, and no doubt there was a proud man in lima as he contemplated the mass of fine words he had piled up. as soon as the paper came out and the americans had passed the word along that it was great there was a rush to get it. the visitors stopped one another on the street corners to read it aloud and the general comment was: "fine! it makes us feel as if we were right back in brooklyn. no such language as that can be read in a newspaper in any other place in the world except brooklyn. of course we are used to such expressions as 'colossal fermentation of greatness,' 'threatening and apocalyptic spectre,' 'aggrupations of factors' and the like of that in brooklyn, but who would have imagined that we'd meet 'em so far from home?" and as if that wasn't enough to make it plain to the americans that the freedom of the place was theirs they were met at the terminal of the trolley line from callao with men who distributed a pamphlet of information got out by a firm with american names, makers and purveyors of a popular libation. the title page bore this inscription: "here's happy days to the men of the american squadron!" the inside of the pamphlet told salient facts and gave statistics about callao and lima, informed you how to get about, where to go and what to see among the "points of interest." the way it put the matter was this: "over and above a hearty welcome, here's what's worth while." it advised the visitors to give the sexton of the cathedral a tip for showing them pizarro's bones, but said: "don't tip him too much or you'll spoil the market, 'cause this isn't new york." then the pamphlet said, sundry items of advertising being eliminated: special notes.--drinks and their prices.--"swear words" and how to say them in spanish, etc. cocktail to cts. peruvian equal to cts. american. whiskey, gin, sherry ("hair ace") port (oporto) etc. all cost the same. the cocktails known here are, american, martini, whiskey, and fresas (strawberry). no! is no! just as we say it, and the harder you pronounce it the better it is understood. yes! si, pronounced "see." vaya go on, pronounced as spelt (roseveltian, excuse this). sigue no mas! (seegay no mas) drive on! corida de toros bull-fight plaza de toros bull ring toro bull torero bull fighter matador the killer, this is the man who finally does the trick. fuera toro!!! pronounced fuera toro, "put the bull out. he's no good! give us a bull that fights": ........!!........!!!........!!!!..........!!!!!. (blank spaces for american expressions if your spanish runs short or thick.) while it isn't as fast as coney island, luna park, steeplechase, nor the hippodrome, you'll move quite as "fast" if you get down into the ring. wishing you each and all a most pleasant sojourn in this "city of the kings" and a bon voyage on your journey northward. then began the exploration of lima. standing on one side of the beautiful plaza de armas is the great cathedral, which was started in and which cost $ , , , despite the fact that its walls are of mud and, as one writer has said, could be run through with a fence rail in almost any place. it was the inside decoration that cost so much, for it has rare wood carvings, and once was fairly plastered with gold and silver stolen by pizarro, "the pious old cutthroat," from the incas. you see, pizarro founded lima in , and although he was known as the "indian butcher," he began right by establishing a cathedral, and there his bones in a mummified condition rest. they are kept in a glass case and are in a crypt. an attendant takes you to the coffin, lights a candle for you to read the inscription on the case and to peer in and you get a first rate look at a mummy. pizarro undoubtedly knew his business well. he gathered in the millions upon millions that the incas had saved up for a rainy day. it was explained that pizarro had found out that it never rained where he intended to set up in lima and therefore he told the incas they really had no use for all that gold and he would take it, establish a city and give them real religion and be a missionary and all that for them. "all of which," as a bluejacket who had been reading up the history of the place said, "he done good and proper." pizarro attracted the attention of thousands of the visitors. not all were irreverent or flippant. many of them paused a long time before the mortal remains of one the greatest men in history. you felt as if you were really at a shrine. then the explorers visited other churches which took one back to the middle ages. there was the franciscan convent and church. there was the church where the remains of santa rosa, the only american woman saint, rest. then there were numerous other edifices with old doors and heavy bolts and locks, and inside some of them were decorated with what seemed to be solid sheets of gold about their pillars; churches where there were beautiful old paintings of religious subjects, churches where the tiling was brought from europe and is now almost priceless in value, churches where there were historic parchments. the visitors then went to see the senate chamber, with its carved ceiling, one of the wonders of the world in that line; brought from europe and paid for with inca treasure in . that room was used in the days of the inquisition, which lasted longer in peru than in spain and was almost as terrible. in fact in this viceregal city, the second founded in the americas by the spanish, one could see religious emblems at every turn. just outside the city on a hill overlooking the bullring is an enormous cross, probably fifty feet high. every year the society that had it erected makes a pilgrimage up that hill after a parade in the city and holds services, wherein vows to uphold the faith and lead lives of purity and honor are retaken. on a dozen other hills crosses and shrines may be seen. it is evident that peru as a nation is still devout, but if one could have seen the crowd at the san pedro church on sunday morning when the doors were opened and the beauty and high blood of lima came out from their devotions he would have been convinced that peru is really no exception to other latin american countries, and indeed most other countries, in that the women are the mainstay of the church. that beauty parade is one of the sights of lima, and the americans, officers and men, were there, side by side with the men of the city to see the show. as the visitors went about, one change, national in character, impressed itself upon them immediately. every writer on peru has commented on the fact that the headdress of the women, worn universally, is the black manta. it is said that it is a relic that has come down from the incas when they put on mourning for their great chief atahualpa. rich and poor have worn that headdress on the street for centuries. it was an established institution. well, it is going. about one-half of the women, some of them in good circumstances evidently, wore mantas on the streets, but as for the rest--well, a man has no business to write about women's hats. all that this man can say is that he never saw more dazzling specimens of flower gardens than those bobbing around over the graceful drapery with which the peruvian women adorn themselves. thus does fashion war successfully upon established custom. the peruvian woman loves a beautiful hat just as much as any other woman on earth. moreover, what is said about her surpassing beauty is true. given great beauty and the love of a hat on the part of a woman--what chance has a black manta got? the manta has got to go and is going. truly this is a world of change and there are those who will say it is one of decay, but let no one breathe that in a fashionable millinery shop in lima. then came more sightseeing. all the clubs of the city were thrown open. all the postal card shops had extra supplies. "english spoken here" was posted on the windows and doors of scores of shops. one sign that was amusing to the americans read: +-----------------------+ | american spoken here. | | buy a sewing machine. | +-----------------------+ the first formal entertainment came on the night of washington's birthday, when the officers of the fleet were the guests of the republic and the president at dinner. the banquet was given at the exposition grounds, a park where sundry exhibits of great worth from the standpoint of history, natural history, commerce, education and the like, are preserved. the dinner was in the grand hall of the main building. the decorations were almost exclusively of the colors of peru, red and white. on the stage an immense orchestra was massed and the american colors were used there for decorations. that band played as only a trained south american band can play. it was the opinion of naval officers who have dined the world over, with kings and emperors, with great welcoming committees and the like, with government guests of our own in washington and new york, that they had never attended a better managed affair than that dinner in lima. not only was the dinner perfect from an epicurean standpoint but the service matched it. every appointment was in the best taste. not the slightest detail was lacking. the american officers grew enthusiastic and when president pardo finished his address of welcome there was tremendous enthusiasm. the president, after admiral thomas had made his reply, arose and walked into a beautiful illuminated garden and there the diners met him socially and found this young man, who represents what peru has needed most for years, a commercial and not a military government, delightful and unassuming, with a grasp upon matters of statesmanship which showed that not only was he practical in his management of the country but a good deal of a scholar. pardo believes in education rather than the sword, in the development of commerce rather than in personal aggrandizement and the display of military force. then there was a garden party at minister coomb's home, a beautiful place; the garden party of the municipality at the exposition grounds, pronounced by all the naval officers as the finest thing of the kind they ever attended; the delightful ball at the national club and the excursion to the famous inca ruins of pachacamac. the officers had the eminent archæologist, dr. unhe, to explain the wonders of the temple of the sun, the other buildings and the hundreds of specimens of pottery, metal and other things recovered from the ruins at pachacamac. but with all these functions there were two others offered by the government as the chief things in the way of entertainment, a bull fight and a trip up the wonderful oroya railroad to the top of the andes mountains, the highest place in the world reached by a railroad. now, as to that bull fight. let it be said at once that in the main it was like all other bull fights, described thousands upon thousands of times. all the trappings and fittings were there. of course, the bulls had no show. they had to die, six of them. it was just as brutal as americans are wont to call such exhibitions, with the exception that no horses were allowed to be disembowelled and killed. peru up to two years ago had always fought bulls with the horse killing feature eliminated. for that reason many persons regarded her bull fighting as the best in the world. two years ago the people demanded a change and horses were gored in the style of spain's best brutality. out of respect for the americans, and by order of the president, the horse-goring feature was omitted this time. there was plenty of excitement. all three of the matadors were injured. one was tossed by the first bull three minutes after the animal had entered the ring. that settled the famous bonarillo. he went out of business. another matador, padilla, was gored in the throat by the fifth bull and for a time it was thought that he was injured mortally. the third matador was scraped up the side by the last bull as the death thrust was delivered, and largartijillo chico, the young largartijillo, just as we say young corbett, came near going to dwell with his fathers eternally. oh, yes, there was lots of excitement and agility and skill and all that, but why describe a bullfight as a bullfight? no story is older. what was peculiar about this fight was the presence of , american sailors. that's a different story. you want to know how jack saw it and what he said and thought and did. you can see bullfights any time you want to pay for them; you can't see american bluejackets at such a spectacle as the chief guests of a government, and that's what made this fight tremendously interesting. well, this one was held in the famous ring almost as old as lima. six bulls from the famous stock of rinconada de mala, the property of dr. don jesus de asin, had been provided. they were the fightiest bulls in all peru; and to make sure that they would do their best they had been teased privately beforehand. the fight, as the handbills announced, was a "grand gala," one given "in honor of the north american squadron to celebrate its happy arrival at the port of callao." well, the hospitality of the government went further, for it named the bulls in honor of the fleet. the first bull was "the gallant alfred, in honor of admiral evans"; the second, "the heroic ranger, in honor of admiral thomas"; the third, "the brave teddy, in honor of admiral emory"; the fourth, "the shufly, in honor of admiral sperry"; the fifth, "banjo, in honor of the officers of the navy"; the sixth, "yankee doodle, in honor of the sailors." could hospitality go further than that? about men from each ship and all the officers of the fleet were invited. the sailors filled two-thirds of the arena and the officers and the high society of lima filled the boxes. all had assembled on time, and then came the president to sit in the box directly opposite that of the officers of the municipality, with chairs of red plush for the box and a dais for the president, who was in evening dress. the american admirals and captains were in that grand box. the peruvian band played "the star spangled banner" and the bluejackets stood at attention and then all hands cheered. when the president came and the peruvian national hymn was played, the bluejackets gave three rousing cheers for pardo and peru. then all was ready for business. the key was tossed into the ring for the parade of the fighters, capeadores, banderilleros, matadors, the rig to pull the dead bulls out, and all that. the americans were all intense. the fighters took their stations, the mayor gave the word, a bugle blew, a door was opened and a great brown and black bull with horns, as one of the local newspapers described them, "like the spires of a steeple," bounded into the ring, took one look around and dashed madly after an aged horseman riding a beautiful iron gray pony and flaunting a red cape over his mount's flanks. there were two of these horsemen and the exhibition they gave of fine riding would have put the best cowboy or rough rider to shame. the man the bull put after was more than eighty years old and the way he twisted his pony here and there and just escaped the lunges of that bull, turning sharp angles, pulling up short, making his horse fairly leap out of the way, dodging this way and that until the bull was astonished elicited roars of applause from the bluejackets. they liked that part. then a younger man took up the same work. he was even more skilful. bullfighting was fine so far. but let bill watkins, bos'n's mate, be heard from. bill, you see, had been to these things before in his gyrations round the world, now having five stripes on his sleeve. bill gathered a group of youngsters about him and invited the sun man to come along to have a bullfight "explained proper." "you see," said bill, "these spiggoties (a sailor term applied to latin americans because they say 'me no spiggoty english') think they know all about bullfights. they doesn't, to use good grammar. you want to look at 'em from the standp'int o' seamanship an' gunn'ry. there's where you get the real benefit. why, many a middy c'n learn more 'bout seamanship an' gunn'ry here than he kin from two years on a bridge. i tell ye these bullfights oughter be in the kricklum, or whatever they call it, at annapolis." just then a bugle blew telling the mounted cape men to give way to those on foot. bonarillo, the matador, advanced with a purple lined cape "to feel the bull out." he waved the garment gracefully from side to side. the bull dashed at him. bonarillo's foot caught in the corner of the cape, the bull gathered him on his horns and agilely tossed him over one shoulder and then dashed away after another capeador. bonarillo tried to get up, but couldn't. soon he was carried out of the ring. glory was not to be his that day. bill took it all in and explained: "there ye go! ye see, that matador ought ter remembered that he was in shoal water. he thought he c'd navigate 'thout takin' soundin's or gettin' bearin's. that bull had his range all right, but his deflection was poor. when the bull got 'im under the leg with his horn that shot sure counted. the bull hoisted 'im all right, but the man who was tendin' the fall let 'im go by the run when it came to lowerin' away. there, the wreckin' tugs have got 'im! now they're carryin' 'm 'behind the breakwater. it's the drydock for cocky bonarillo, all right. mighty poor seamanship and just ordinary gunn'ry fer the bull! you see, 'twas only a pot shot." then the cape men began to wave their emblems at the bull. now and then the bull would catch one of the capes in his horns and toss it to the ground and trample on it. the men had to run for the shelters often. the bull was fresh. bill explained: "ye mustn't take too many chances in a fresh breeze. there, ye see, that fellow's let his lower stu'nsail get carried away. he didn't shorten sail soon enough. the man at the wheel let 'er luff too soon, and come to against the helm. don't never belay no sheet!" then came the signal for the banderilleros to sink their darts in the shoulders of the bull. one of them would catch the bull's attention and they would rush toward each other. the banderillero would change his course after the bull got under way and by just grazing his horns would plant the darts in his shoulders. the first man got rousing cheers. from his darts two flags unfurled. one was that of peru and the other that of the united states. it was supposed to be a pretty compliment to the americans. bill explained how the banderillero did it: "say, did y' see that feller? he stands close hauled right up to the weather mark, then he bears up and passes to leeward, with his lee rail awash. he's been whaling all right--we was eighteen months in the mozambique once, when i was whaling out of new bedford, and our iron man always took his fish like him. ye see, ye stands yer course right up to the animal, then give a rank sheer, heave, and let him go by!" the bull was now very tired. padillo, the second matador, came out, bowed to the authorities and asked the president's permission to kill the bull. he got it and it was up to him to do it. he waved his bright red cape, sheltering his sword, repeatedly in front of the bull, stepping aside just in time to escape the horns. the bull was dazed. then padillo stood about ten feet away, poised his sword to take aim and rushed on the bull. the sword did not hit the fatal spot. the thrust was a failure. bill said: "ah--he's a bum pointer! a guy what's been in training as long as he has and ain't got no better sense than to fire before he's steady on don't deserve to hold the rate. mighty poor gunn'ry that!" again the matador failed. the sword went in deep. muscular contraction, which had forced the first sword out, failed to move this one and a capeador threw his cloak over the weapon deftly and drew it out. again there was a failure to kill, but the bull was almost exhausted. he sank to his knees, got up and made one more lunge at padillo, who then sank the sword to the hilt in the proper place and all was over. there were cheers, but padillo hadn't done well. bill said: "say's he's a bum reefer and a yardarm furler. i'll bet that guy's a trimmer. ye can tell by the cut of his jib that he's in everybody's mess and nobody's watch. he's jack outside the lift when the liberty party's called away, but sick bay for him when the coal comes alongside." the second bull, ranger, gave the horsemen plenty to do. he soon had the aged horseman in difficulty. time and again the horseman, looking over his shoulder, flaunted his cape this way and that; but it was evident that the bull could not be escaped easily. all the fighters became nervous. at last the bull made a thrust that caught the beautiful iron gray pony in the flank with a deep wound. the cape men interfered at once and the horseman rode away to safety. bill had this to say: "there, that rider went wrong! the bull was after him under full sail and was yawin' 'round three or four p'ints each side o' the course and rollin' and pitchin' somethin' awful. that man on the horse, the picalilly, or whatever ye call 'im, tried to give the bull the right o' way, although, bein' close hauled, he should a-held his weather helm on 'im. however, not obeyin' the rules o' the road, he starts to give way, but at the critical moment the bull makes a yaw to port, rams the horse in the starboard quarter. the picalilly man tops his boom, stands to the eastward and tries to put his collision mat over. he should a-put his helm over the other way. poor work, poor work!" so the fight went on. padillo killed another bull, but he had three failures at thrusts before the beast sank down and died. there were hisses for him, and some of the bluejackets shouted: "take him out and put him in a minor league!" lagartijillo chico killed the third bull and did no better work. there was a diversion in this fight. a banderillero sat on a chair and made the bull charge at him. the banderillero rose just as the bull reached him, planted his darts in the animal's shoulders and leaped to one side. it was a beautiful piece of work, and the bluejackets roared their applause. bill approved the seamanship and said: "that man on the chair apparently didn't have no more chance than an ice skatin' rink in zanzibar, not to mention a hotter place, usin' a shorter and uglier word. he shifted his moorin's jest in time. it was too late to repel boarders, but he got away. fine seamanship for the man! poor work by the bull! he ran down the moorin' buoy, that was all, and splintered it all t'ell and gone. ye see the man got the right to choose position and fire at will. that's a great thing. jest remember that lesson." in the same fight one of the men took a long pole, ran straight at the bull, planted the pole directly in front of the animal and vaulted clear over him, coming down just as the bull hit the pole. in his descent the man seized the bull's tail and gave it a twist. bill was delighted. "lay aft to the braces! weather main and lee crojic braces! hard down there! lay yer maintops'l to the mast. no! by--! hard down! he's going to wear sharp 'round and bring up to windward of him! say, that feller's a sailor all right--every hair a rope yarn, every finger a fishhook and every drop of blood a drop of tar." padillo killed the fourth bull and made his usual number of failures. the fifth bull, banjo, aroused the sympathy of the crowd. he fought magnificently. he would not be tired out. it came time to kill him. padillo went after him with his cape and the bull deftly caught him, lifted him in the air, and he fell beside banjo and rolled under the animal. down went the horns to gore him. the cape men fluttered all around. padillo curled himself up in a ball. the bull stepped this way and that and then charged off after a cape man, leaving padillo unharmed but his nerve gone. he went after the bull again. he was deathly pale about the mouth. one of his legs trembled violently. deathlike stillness was over the ring. soon the bull began to tear his cape from his hands, a disgrace. once, twice, three times the bull did this. the peruvians were enraged. they cried "shame!" padillo's father, who was in the ring, tried to explain that it was a bad bull and invited the critics to come and try it themselves. almost beside himself, padillo made three rushes at the bull without taking proper aim, in the hope of catching the animal unawares and giving him a death thrust. the fourth time he gave the thrust. the bull saw him coming, did not lower his head, and just as padillo placed his sword in the neck the bull raised his head, caught padillo on his horns, one of them penetrating under the chin and entering the mouth cavity. a cry of horror went up. padillo fell but got up quickly, and with a look of mighty disgust saw the bull reel away. then, catching himself by the throat and staggering forward padillo ran to the enclosure from which the bull had entered, a distance of about twenty feet, the blood streaming from his wound. he dropped just inside the enclosure and word was passed around that bull and man had each given the other the death thrust. tragedy could not have been more complete had it been true, but padillo went to a hospital and didn't die. there were thousands of americans who said they really did feel a little sorry for the bull. bill watkins explained the poor gunn'ry of padillo. "up in the air! up in the air! come down out of the balloon! say, he's like a landsman at a -inch gun with a misfire--don't know what to do with it himself and can't give it away. take him out of the hood! give him an air gun! let him blow soap bubbles! don't fire until the gun's loaded, sonny! there, the operating lever caught him in the mush! yer better keep out of the line of fire next time!" the last bull was killed by lagartijillo. it was the same story, except that just as the matador gave the deathblow the bull hooked him along his right side and tore his clothes. he had a narrow escape. his wounds were only bruises. as the bull sank down dying fully bluejackets jumped into the ring to follow the example of two who earlier in the fight had leaped in and secured the darts in an animal's neck for momentoes. they swarmed at yankee doodle. he saw them coming and as they seized the darts rose to his feet and tried to lunge at some of them. it was too much and he fell as the men began to scatter and died at once. bill said: "fine work! he tried to repel boarders, and he done it, too! if yer ship's sinkin' and it's yer last gasp don't never fergit to repel boarders. ye kin go to glory satisfied then. they ought ter named that bull cumberland." bill explained the day's events: "ye see, the bull ain't got no chance after his ammunition is gone. he was firin' his last -inch guns when he got that padillo feller. it's a case o' destroyers and gunboats fightin' an unarmored cruiser with a short supply o' ammunition. when that gives out the cruiser is bound to go. some o' the destroyers gets put out, as bonarillo and padillo did, but there's no use in goin' t' sea unless ye got full magazines and ain't cut off from your supplies. oh, yes, there's lots o' things to learn from these bullfights!" then bill shifted his quid and joined the crowd going out. the bluejackets didn't care much for the sport. some of them left after the third fight and there was a steady stream from the ring afterward. those who remained had this one comment: "one feller got it in the neck--got the hook, all right!" the writer holds no brief for the defence of bull fighting, but he wishes to say that the exhibition, with the goring of horses left out, was no more disgusting than a prize fight between two bruisers. any contest that has the letting of blood as its chief feature may be called sport if its devotees so choose. this fight was no more brutal than shooting at bears from a safe distance and was not half so cruel as wounding a deer and allowing it to drag itself away and die in suffering. the bulls were in pain from the darts and showed it from time to time, but in their rage forgot the pain after an instant or two. giving them a thrust in the heart was no more cruel in the way of killing than it is to hang up a turkey or a chicken, cut its throat and let it bleed to death. death came almost in an instant to the bulls. the fighters risked their lives dozens of times. the bull had a fair show at them. their quick movements, hairbreadth escapes, showed that nerve and rare skill were required. compared with prize fighting where two sluggers cover themselves with blood, and when one is staggering about from exhaustion the other gives him a blow that makes him unconscious--well, the writer says unhesitatingly that he prefers the peruvian bull fight. it all depends, you see, upon the point of view. only a limited party could be the guests of the government on the oroya railroad trip. it was known as the official party. an unofficial party with an engine and a passenger car followed. this oroya railroad was started by henry meiggs, the defaulting partner of ralston in california who fled to chile, got rich and paid up his debts. in he went to peru and started this railroad. peru had money to spend then. meiggs finished the road up the mountains as far as chicla in , and then the money gave out. more than $ , , had been spent going eighty-eight miles. later the peruvian corporation finished the road to oroya, on the other side of the andes, and connections have been made with the road to the famous cerro de pasco mines, owned by mr. haggin and other american millionaires. two other branches have been built and ultimately it is planned to extend the road to the headwaters of the amazon in peru, so as to give the country on the east of the andes an outlet to the atlantic ocean for its products. the highest place on the line is galera tunnel, under mount meiggs. it is , feet high. the distance is miles from callao. there is not an inch of down grade in the climb. there are no less than fifty-seven tunnels. bridges over chasms and foaming cascades and the river rimac, whose course the road follows, are numbered by the score. for forty-seven miles it is a steady climb beside the rimac torrent in a desolate country, with the mountains red and bare. there is no rainfall in that district. then you come to where the river is hemmed in by mountain gorges, and you have to climb by means of switchbacks. up you go, tilting this way and that, beyond two layers of clouds. the sides of the mountains become green. you are now in the land of the ancient incas. abandoned terraces that lose themselves in the clouds flank scores of mountain sides. the incas raised their products there by some system of irrigation. fine specimens of trees appear, fruit orchards with chirimoyas, palta, nispero and pacay, and willow and pepper trees in abundance. the flowers begin to greet you, the heliotrope, solanaceas, spurge and cacti all around. back and forth you seesaw with massive, towering mountains above you and several lines of tracks far below you. now and then you come upon a little town thousands of feet in the air. then you reach a place where a smelter sends its blasts up in the skies, and you begin to see what supports this road. a footpath or trail climbs the ravines, and you see scores of llamas bearing their burdens and driven by the native indians. a hundred cascades, some of them with the beauty of yosemite's bridal veil leap with their spray down the sheer cliffs. the lights and shadows paint the bare rocks delicate hues, such as you cannot see even in a sunset glow. you come to the famous verrugas bridge, feet long and feet high, in its day the greatest feat of railroad engineering ever known. you are now in a belt twelve miles long where no tourist can live, for there the verrugas fever rages. it is one of those strange local diseases found occasionally in the world peculiar to a small zone and baffling to medical science. you see crucifixes all along the route. still you climb and climb and you see ragged edges of mountains above you which you know you will surmount. you come to a dead stop against the face of a mountain thousands of feet high. you back away up its side, and little by little, twisting and turning you lift yourself above another cloud layer. the air gets cold, a dash of rain comes as you pass through the clouds. at , feet high a sharp pain runs through your ears. you take several long gasps of breath and it passes away. a slight headache comes at , feet. it passes away and finally you reach the tunnel and emerge on the other side of the andes with the snow all about you and you throw a few snowballs and start back. your head begins to feel strange. at , feet it aches violently. the ache is as near like the morning-after headache as can be. in the official party not one person escaped it. half a dozen strong men became sick at the stomach and had violent attacks of vomiting. the mountain sickness was on. other men were laid out in the cars prostrate. at this stage came a complication. heavy rains had been falling below and word was telegraphed that there were four washouts and the party would have to stay in the mountains all night. the faces of the railroad officials became grave. to keep that party at the height of , feet all night might prove almost fatal to some. it was this trip which brought on the illness that ultimately killed the late dr. nicholas senn. word was sent that by care the train might descend as far as , feet. a handcar was sent on as a pilot and in the darkness and snow that train was piloted down those mountain declivities, where the least slip of the earth would have sent it hurtling down cliffs thousands of feet. the pace was only five miles an hour. the sickness did not diminish until at o'clock at night tamboraque was reached, where the unofficial party of officers which had not gone up the full height was stalled. there was one inn with four beds and ninety men to occupy them. the unofficial party was in full possession. they had organized the society of the llama, landslide chapter. they had a merry night. the official party, sick, worn out, turned in to sleep in car seats. the next morning by walking around landslides and meeting trains in the gaps the party was got down to callao. several did not get over the mountain illness for three days. it was a magnificent trip in the grandest scenery in the world, but mountain sickness, all concurred, was worse than seasickness. by way of return entertainment by the fleet a dinner was given to president pardo on the connecticut, and then a fleet reception was held on the same ship the day before sailing. this morning president pardo boarded the peruvian cruiser almirante grau and the fleet thundered out twenty-one guns on each ship in unison. the grau passed out to sea and orders were signalled from the flagship to get under way. then the fleet passed by president pardo in the best of style, each ship firing a salute as it went by. it made a fine spectacle. the honors were the same as paid to president roosevelt in hampton roads, president penna at rio and president montt at valparaiso. president pardo sent his thanks by wireless and got a fine reply of appreciation from admiral evans, and it was good-by to peru, with the sounds of cheers coming over the water and the sight of fluttering handkerchiefs from thousands; the last salute. true it was peru had remembered, and those who had called on dr. polo, the minister of foreign affairs, began to realize the significance of the fact that in his office there hangs just one picture. it is the portrait of an american statesman--james g. blaine. chapter xi target shooting at magdalena bay high tension on the fleet--effect of target shooting on man-o'-war crews--splendid advantages of magdalena bay--making the targets and clearing for action--why they are all nervous. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, battle fleet_, magdalena bay, march . when admiral evans's fleet arrived in magdalena two days ahead of schedule time there was undoubtedly a sense of relief in official circles in washington over what was practically the termination of the long cruise to the pacific, and also one of gratification because the ships, as admiral evans notified the navy department, were in better condition than when they left hampton roads and ready for any duty within an hour's notice. on the fleet there was no sense of relief over the safe and prompt arrival. that was taken as a mere matter of course. it is true every one was a little proud over the performance of the fleet and glad that it had shaken itself into a homogeneous unit and was in first class fighting condition, not as separate battleships but as a fleet. in the matter of cruising the fleet at last was as one ship and lots of useful things had been learned. [illustration: _copyright by a. dupont_ rear admiral robley d. evans] on the ships the arrival was marked by just the opposite feeling from relief and gratification. the officers and men frankly were not in a placid state of mind. all were under an intense tension. they were what might be called wrought up. what, you say, american men-o'-wars men in a nervous condition--one that actually showed itself in their work and their play? no, not in their play, for there wasn't any. well, but sea fighters nervous? not a mother's son of them would admit such a thing. preposterous! men with nerves on warships? well, perhaps not nerves as the ordinary person speaks of these anatomical cutups, but certainly something was the matter with all hands. evidences of what the cub reporter would call suppressed excitement were plenty everywhere on every ship. what was it all about? what was the matter? the answer is very simple and short: the time to begin shooting had come--that was all. but why get worked up over that, you ask? shooting is what a navy is for. of course; and in the old days real shooting was done only in time of war. the navy no longer waits for war to learn how to shoot. twice a year it has exhaustive target practice--once for what is called record and once for battle practice. record practice is at a target at exactly a known distance. every gun on every ship is fired individually at that target. battle practice is at a target that simulates in size and distance the ship of an enemy. all the guns of the ship that reach that range are fired apparently helter-skelter for a given number of minutes. the range in that case has to be found out. record practice is held to qualify gun pointers, or, as the english call it, gun layers. its purpose is to find out the best shooters in the ship and to give them practice. battle practice is to give these gun pointers an opportunity of displaying their skill in what would seem to be slam-bang work, but what is really the result of months, and even years, of scientific training of the eye and hand and of the mind in knowing just when to pull a trigger or snap a lanyard at exactly the right fraction of a second. you see, the secret of success in fighting on the sea, as it is practically in every kind of fighting, lies after all in what the western man calls "getting the drop on the other fellow." the way to get that drop on warships is to find out the men who can shoot straightest and fastest and can keep their nerve, and then be prepared to turn 'em loose when war comes. the target practice here has been of that kind, to pick out and train gun pointers. it was record practice exclusively. so far as this fleet is concerned this cruise was chiefly for this purpose. aside from mere cruising and getting shaken down the officers and men had their minds and their energies centred on shooting guns. no matter what was the reason why the fleet was sent to the pacific, the officers and men passed it by as something that concerned them only incidentally. they take their orders to go here or there with simply passing interest. they obey. their one idea, their chief work, mentally and physically, during the entire cruise has been to prepare for this target shooting. to them it was the business end of the cruise. some people think that the purpose of the cruise was to go calling internationally, to say "how d'y do?" and fire salutes, the officers to be entertained with receptions and dances and dinner speeches and the men to have liberty on shore, with a chance to get a drink of real red "likker"; some might say that the purpose was to get data as to the cruising ability of the fleet; some might say it was to get the men used to what might be called the navy habit; some might say it was to gain experience in meeting problems of warship navigation; some might say it was for other than strictly naval reasons, to make a show of strength or to satisfy a public clamor or advance a political plan. whatever ideas others may have had about the cruise, the officers and men have had only one, as a matter of business and daily toil, and that was that the cruise would have its real naval culmination in target shooting in magdalena bay. that was what it was for to the men on these ships, and from the very hour the ships said good-by at hampton roads every effort was made to get them in fighting condition as a fleet entity. the target practice was to reveal whether they had done good work in strictly naval business. to the fleet the cruise was no spectacular parade around a continent; it was to prepare to shoot in the finest naval shooting place in the world, magdalena bay. every one was glad to see magdalena bay because of this tension. it is a splendid sheet of water, in a general way about fifteen miles long and ten wide, with a narrow entrance and water just deep enough for safe manoeuvring and good anchorages everywhere. a line of sharp crested hills shuts it in from sight of the pacific. there is only one village on it, consisting of about twenty dwellings, and no commerce in its waters. the shores on the inside are flat and there is a good horizon. the warships of the world might find an anchorage here without crowding one another. it is cut off from the rest of the world, in a desolate, barren region, and was designed apparently by nature for the very purpose of modern target shooting. it seems a pity that american statesmanship years and years ago could not have had the foresight to secure it, when such a course would have been easy, for use of the navy, when a great naval station could have been built up and proper use of the place for strategical purposes could have been made certain. with a naval station on puget sound, one in san francisco and this one on magdalena bay, the entire pacific coast within our immediate sphere of action would have been within our grasp. oh, yes; it's a pity--too bad--that we do not own magdalena bay. perhaps an effort to secure it would still be a most desirable field for the exercise of statesmanship. one feels like suggesting to washington to get busy and keep busy. as soon as the fleet came to anchor there were things doing. on every ship what is known as bore sighting had to be done. that means that a telescope sight had to be inserted in the exact axis of the bore of the gun and the sighting telescopes had to be so adjusted that they were exactly in line with the centre of the gun. it had to be proved scientifically that when the sights of the gun were exactly on a bullseye with their cross wires the centre of the gun was also exactly on the same spot. every sight on every gun had to be tested and checked up, and it was tedious work. but you couldn't shoot straight without it, and it took hours and hours of most careful adjustment to make sure that all was in perfect condition. then came the laying out of the ranges. this required careful surveying. an equilateral triangle had to be laid out for each range. along one side, the base, spar buoys with flags on them had to be fixed, and buoys fixed further along at each end, so as to give a ship an opportunity of getting on the exact range in its turnings. at the apex of each triangle a great raft of thick timbers and poles on it for the targets had to be put in position. all this took time, but it was surprising how quickly the work was done. and then the targets had to be brought out. now the ship's crew had been working on those targets in spare moments for several weeks. each ship had less than fifty and more than twenty-five of them to make. the biggest targets are for the smaller guns and the smallest ones for the larger guns. the size is proportional, as the experts put it, to "the angle of fall," and the size also represents, they tell you, "the mean error of fire" of a gun. well, the angle of fall and mean error of fire may not convey a satisfactory idea to you, but you must remember that the shot of a little gun goes to its target in a high curve, while the shot of a big one goes almost horizontally. so you can see why a little gun ought to have the bigger target. it curves more, has a greater angle of fall, than a big gun has. and the mean error of fire has to do with what experience has shown that guns perfectly pointed and fired ought to do. they vary a little in their performances and the target is just large enough for every shot to hit it, if everything works absolutely perfectly. the making of the targets is a long job. great rolls of canvas were broken out of storerooms and cut into a certain number of strips of a certain length. these strips had to be sewed together, and at times certain compartments resembled the inside of a tailor shop with sewing machines buzzing and trimming and cutting going on. then the rough target had to be spread out and the edges cut off until there was just margin enough to sew it all around to a rope about an inch thick. it required hard work with stout needles and thick leather palms to put the ropes on all four sides. then came careful measurements for the black lines about two inches wide that marked the targets into squares and a great square in the centre for the bullseye. out came the paint pots. some of the targets were made black with white lines and white centres and others were left white with black lines and centres. then came the battens to which the targets were nailed so as to be stretched on the poles of the raft. ropes had to be attached in certain places for fastening the target in the exact place and at the exact height. all this work had to be exact, for the umpires measured every target to see that no ship got the slightest advantage. the targets being prepared, the next thing done on every ship was to clear for action. all stanchions, boats, ridge ropes, chests, gangways, everything movable, were taken down and the decks stripped. hatches were closed and the ship was stripped for fighting. theoretically everything wooden and not absolutely necessary to the fighting of the ship was thrown overboard. pictures were removed from bulkheads and crockery packed away so as to save breakage. so carefully was all this packing done on the louisiana that all the breakage that occurred when the big guns were fired was one water pitcher in a stateroom under the forward bridge and one pane of glass in the bridge storm shield. the articles that were removed were not really thrown overboard, but were moved to out of the way places and marked with a tag which read: "overboard." these tags furnished about the only element of fun in the entire practice. a mischievous boy, who may have been too familiar with the ship's angora goat--you know goats have a way of doing things to persons when the persons are leaning over sometimes, and do not expect anything unusual to happen--or who didn't like the way the goat refused to eat tin cans occasionally and also spurned a pot of nice fresh paint, tied one of the labels to billy's horns. billy thought it was a decoration and if he had been a jackass instead of a goat would have heehawed with the rest of the crowd. then there was a little rascal of a youngster who is always getting into trouble because of his pranks and all too often has to be summoned to the mast for his offences, where he gets regularly penalties of from five to ten hours extra duty and grins as soon as the captain's back is turned. something had to be done about him. a shipmate stole up behind him and fixed an overboard tag on his back. for hours he carried it about and was surprised to see that suddenly he had become popular, while the rest of the crew grinned and laughed and slapped their sides just as ordinary folks do on april fool day when a sedate man goes down the street with a rag pinned to his coat tail. but why should they be nervous about the shooting? well, if for three months you had been working almost day and night in the practice of loading and firing guns, had been lifting, pushing, pulling things about to represent great and small projectiles and bags of powder, and if you had been drilling so as not to make a false step or move and had been getting up team work so as to do your work in the shortest possible time, where fractions of seconds count; if you had a gun crew or were a member of one where probably one-half of the men had never heard a big gun go off before and there was danger that you would go gun shy; if for weeks and weeks you had been told to do exactly this and that and never to do that and this, and a lot of other tremendously important things had been dinned into your ears, especially matters relating to safety, and you realized that some blunder of yours might endanger not only yourself and your mates, but the ship itself; if you recalled that the navy gives a prize to the best crew on the fleet for each kind of gun fired and there is also a ship's prize for the best work of these guns, and that if you did your work well and won out there would be from $ to $ , or possibly more, for yourself and each of your mates; if you knew how one gun's crew bets it will beat its rival; if you knew how every man on every ship is intensely eager to get the naval trophy in shooting for his own ship, so that all hands can put on proper airs and say in a deprecating way: "of course we were glad to get the trophy, but it was nothing, mere nothing; why, we could beat it all to pieces in a fight, but of course we don't want to brag;" if you could see these men working overtime of their own volition in the morris tube training, the miniature target shooting that is practised daily on the ships--you'd begin to realize how a ship gets all wrought up over this target practice. the captain naturally wants his ship to come out first when you get down to the real business of a warship; the division officers want the ship to win and their own division to be first; the gun crews, with money at stake for them and with the great pride that uncle sam's sailormen have, down to the last man, to excel in any contest, are more eager, if that were possible, than the officers to get the shooting record. the result is that when the great day approaches every one is as much under a severe strain as a trained university football team approaching the great game of the season. team work has been the aim of the drills. to pretend to be cool and utterly unconcerned is the little game of byplay that is going on. as the day comes on you don't hear much levity about the ship. the time of the grouch is at hand. why, even the officers can hardly be civil to one another, and as for the men they get saying things to one another in their disputes and heat and anxiety that would make a stranger think they were dangerously near an uprising. the ordnance officer loses all his friends and the division officers glare at him and one another as if each felt sorry that the earth in general and the ship in particular was encumbered with such pitiful specimens of humanity. now and then they get to telling one another what they think of things, not meaning a word of it, and sometimes a dispute goes clear up to the captain for him to decide. he does decide it gravely, and perhaps when the disputants leave he turns away and smiles as he recalls that men are but children of larger growth, and after all he's glad to see these things come up because it shows how hard and earnestly every one is working and bending all his energies to be first. be first! be first! that's the thought of every one, and all these bickerings, sharp-tongued retorts, objections, suggestions, sullen looks--yes, even drawn faces--mean that every ounce of energy, of intensity that the men on the ship have is being expended in the task at hand. when you see all this you can understand why the men of a -inch gun's crew, for example, who think they have what they call a look-in for the navy prize elect to sleep beside their pet gun all night, just as a stable boy sleeps in the stall of his great racer who is to be out the next day for the supreme contest of the year; you can understand why some of the officers refuse to shave themselves until target practice is all over and they begin to look as if they were training to be pirates, bad and bold; every naval hoodoo is avoided; you can see why the men go over every part of the mechanism of the guns oiling, rubbing, shining, testing parts until you wonder whether the gun itself is not in a state of agitation and the molecules, which the experts gravely assert are always in a state of motion, are not racing back and forth and saying contemptuous things to one another. why some of these men never allow themselves out of sight of their gun lest something may happen to it. they pat the guns with their hands and whisper pet names to them, and tell them to do their best, and if they win why they'll put ribbons on them and point them out to every one. and, indeed, more than one gun--it would be telling to say which ones--did wear ribbon decorations and did receive embraces from a victorious crew after the shooting was over. just before the shooting begins a calm, a stillness, comes over the ship. men steady themselves with a supreme effort to keep cool, and the spirit of do or die takes possession of the ship, and as the guns go bang, bang and boom, boom you'd think these officers and men had done nothing else all their lives but shoot off projectiles and it was as much a matter of course with them as getting their breakfasts. all hands are now smiling and good cheer pervades every compartment, and it's "that's fine, bill!" "hit 'em again!" "sock it to 'em!" "soak 'er!" "you're doin' great!" "never mind, that's only one miss!" "bully boy!" and when the target is brought on board between the runs to be repaired for use again you can understand why the men crowd around it while the umpires examine the rents to see if they made any mistake in their decisions and you can also enter into the feelings of some young fellow who has done the shooting at it and has to repair it, as he looks at it and sees only three hits, for example, out of five shots, while he fairly moans: "i'll never get over this as long as i live. i thought i was on the target and don't see how i missed it." and you can also enter into the feelings of pride and exultation of another youngster as he mends his target with every shot a hit and done in the fastest time ever known, while his mates slap him on the back and say: "great work, bob! great work!" and when he finishes his mending and catches the eye of the newspaper correspondent on board you know how he feels when he comes up and touches his hat and says: "you know my home, sir, is in a little town in the centre of ohio. i don't suppose our country papers print your articles, but i know my people and friends, and i guess all the town, would be glad to know how well i did and would like to see my picture in the paper, sir." well, you feel sorry that you have to tell him that you are not allowed to give results of the target shooting or to mention names or to say whether any ship or any gun did well or badly. but when you tell him that in good time all his people and friends and neighbors are sure to find out about it he smiles with great pride and says: "thank you, sir. i guess we've got 'em all skinned good and proper." but how is it all done? why don't you give details? perhaps you, gentle reader, as the old-time books used to say, are asking. well, this article if it interests you at all will interest you because of what it will not say rather than because of what it will say. listen to the pledge, which every correspondent bound himself to keep when he came on this cruise: "to refrain from giving out for publication, either while with the fleet or later, any military information that might be of value to a possible enemy, such as detailed descriptions of mechanism or of methods of drills, of handling fire control (that means the way of controlling the fire of the guns), tactical manoeuvres, scores at target practice, etc." and this pledge was supplemented on arrival in magdalena bay by further instructions from the commander-in-chief, which said: "no statement of scores shall be forwarded or whether ships do well or badly. "no comments on the workings of the battery or its appurtenances, including the fire control, shall be forwarded." now, what can a conscientious correspondent do when, for the good of the service and the welfare of the country, he's all tied up like that? well, there are lots of things that can be told about target shooting, things that every naval man knows about and are no secret and that the ordinary person doesn't know about. there's no inhibition on writing about noise, and the flare of guns and the puffs of smoke, and the geysers that shoot up out of the water as the shots ricochet far out to the horizon. oh, yes, the old adage is still true that there are a good many ways to skin a cat. as has been said, the preparations for this target practice began as soon as the fleet was out of hampton roads. there was the daily drill of hours and hours at morris tube practice, where the men shoot at little targets from little rifles attached to the big guns. the targets are kept in motion and every man has to shoot his string of so many shots. the division officer soon comes to know which men have the sharpest eye, the steadiest hand, the coolest temperament, and in time the pointers and trainers are selected and each man has his post assigned to him. and when the miniature target shooting is over for the day there is the team work drill with dummy projectiles and powder bags and day by day the men become expert in making this exact step and avoiding that false move, and show increasing deftness and zeal. they get to dreaming of what they will do. they learn just how far to lean back and move their heads when the gun darts past their faces in its lightning recoil, and those who have never heard a big gun go off try to imagine what the roar will be like and to nerve themselves not to mind it any more than a firecracker's report. then as the final test comes and they hear the officers scold or praise them they get into the state of anxiety described in the first part of this article. but it is time to shoot. every one now is calm and eager to begin. the bos'n and three launches and two boats' crews go out and put up the first targets. the ship gets under way and steams about slowly until she gets the proper headway of a predetermined speed. the men at the targets set them up and steam away to a buoy a quarter of a mile from the target. slowly the ship swings out and comes on the range, just grazing the buoys that mark the path. the men are at the guns. the outward buoy is passed and then the ship approaches the first buoy, where the firing is to begin. the exact range of that point is known. the elevation of the gun is known, as is also the deflection. you know the sights have to be right on the target, but the gun itself has to be aimed a little to one side, so as to account for the side movement of the projectile, due to the ship's motion, as it flies through the air. what is called fire control determines just how much the gun must be elevated and how much it must be deflected at a certain instant. there is a man at the gun who turns little wheels and adjusts gauges, and he gets word from some one else just what to do and when to do it. never mind how this is communicated to him. meantime one man has been training the gun sideways and another has been raising or lowering it, independently of the man who has been setting the deflection and fixing the range. when the cross-wires in the gun pointer's telescope are right on the bullseye and it is time to fire he pulls a trigger and the electrical apparatus sends a lightning impulse into the powder, there is a roar, a thin cloud of smoke from the primer, a flash and you look for the splash to see if it is a hit. as the ship proceeds along the base of the triangle the deflection and range have to be changed constantly. the change is greatest at the ends of the run. along about the centre, when you are just opposite the target, the changes are slight, but it is just as hard to hit the target. all these changes are matters of fractions of seconds. it is not deliberate work, but it is done carefully, and there is where the element of training comes in. the first roar of a gun sends a thrill through the ship. the man who has fired it is nervous. if it's a miss, he steadies himself at once. rare is it that the second shot is a miss. the gun-shy part of that man's career is over. he is now as cool as if he were whistling yankee doodle. bang and crack go his shots. perhaps the gases obscure his vision to some extent. he waits an instant from time to time before he fires. pump, pump, goes the trigger. he's got the range, he's got his nerve, he knows when he hits and when he misses. it's a big contest, and his tools of trade are the confined elements of destruction with the accumulated scientific skill of decades behind him, and the result depends upon his clear vision and steady hand. the task inspires him, his face is drawn tense, he forgets everything else. he becomes part of that machine of destruction, an automaton. the most spectacular part of the shooting is with the smallest and biggest guns. the small guns are shot at night. great black targets with white centres are put up, and then your own ship, or possibly another anchored near, illuminates the targets with four or five great searchlights. the guns boom, and soon a little curlicue of light is seen curving through the air. it is what is called a tracer, a chemical set on fire by the redhot projectile as it flies. you see it hit the target, and then under the lights you see a splash. then the light goes curving up into the air and you know the projectile is ricocheting. down it comes. there is another leap and flight and then another and another, and far off, two or three miles away, it disappears. the projectile has made its last jump. so fast are the small guns fired that frequently from five to ten of these rockets are leaping and jumping toward the sky and curving back into the black water. it is beautiful fireworks. although the small guns are fired at night, some of them are fired in the daytime. the string of these guns is run off first. no noise of a gun is quite so disturbing as that of the -inch weapons. you may stuff your ears full of cotton--and nearly every one on ship does that--but the terrible crack smites through it and gives you a jolt. the deck feels an earthquake tremor, and you are glad when the ship goes off the range. but this is getting ahead of the story. suppose the ship has just passed the outer buoy. steadily she approaches the first firing mark. soon word is passed: "buoy on the bow!" the umpires have their watches in hand, the crew prepares to load. now the buoy is abeam. a red flag goes up to the forward yardarm, the whistle blows and then the command is heard: "commence firing!" that is all the command that is given. for the small guns a given number of shots must be fired as quickly as possible. for the big guns as many shots may be fired as possible within a certain number of minutes. the shots are counted carefully for the small guns, and when the given quota is fired the order is given: "cease firing!" when the time limit has expired for the big guns a whistle is blown by the umpire who has the watch and the same command is given, but the crew has the right to fire one more shot within a given number of seconds so as to discharge any projectile that may have been in the gun when the cease firing command was given. as soon as the command to fire is given intense activity starts. crack goes the -pounder or -inch. then comes the splash. a geyser jumps up out of the bay, then another and another, as the projectile hits the water. these geysers look as if old faithful of the yellowstone had been brought down to give a special performance. the spurts are not in a straight line, for the curvature of a small wave deflects the course of the projectile and sends it careening this way or that. you can tell from the position of the spurt whether it was hit or not and you count the hits and misses carefully. you forget the ear-smiting cracks of the guns and the jolt of the decks. did he make a hit? is what you want to know. and is the pointer doing his work well? cheers come from various parts of the ship as hit after hit is made, and if it's a clean string there is general jubilation. but the ship is moving steadily along the course. there is always a slight gap in the shooting when the pointers change positions and telescopes, but bang, bang, crack, crack, come the reports, and before you know it the whistle blows and the red flag is lowered and that string is over. then the ship slowly circles around to the targets, and the repairing crew in the small boats dash over to mark the hits of the small guns with red paint and to make repairs, change targets and fix things up generally. then comes another start for the range, and so hour after hour the ship goes back and forth until every small gun has had its say and every pointer has had his few minutes. when the time comes for the target practice of the great guns no red paint is needed to mark the hits. you can see the projectiles as they near the target, needlelike things that seem to flee with the speed of light. you can see the holes they make if you take a glass. their roar is dull and the shake of the ship is a powerful tremor. your ears are not smitten, as with the smaller guns, but the shock is tremendous. you are close to the manifestation of a terrific force. but if you wish to see the best part of the work you must go into the casemate, where the firing is done. ah, there's where team work is going on! take a -inch gun. the word to commence firing is passed. powder and projectiles are all ready. the gun captain throws open the breech block. the men lift the projectile and place it in the breech. scarcely have they removed their tray before a long wooden rammer is thrust in and the projectile, which has been carefully smoothed off and oiled, is run home and seated. get out of the way quick, rammer, for the powder bags are being thrust in! don't make a false step, for you may hinder some one who has just one thing to do in the shortest possible time! the charge is now home, the gun captain whisks the breech block into place, the primer is attached and then the captain slaps the pointer on the back or cries ready. all this time the gun is being trained, the range and deflection have been changed, and instantly there is a roar, a blinding flash. the members of the crew close to the gun move just far enough back to escape the recoil, like a prizefighter when he throws his head back and escapes a blow by the fraction of an inch. open comes the breech in a flash, then another charge on it by the various men, another slap on the back, another roar and it's a hit or a miss. then a third charge, and another and another. the men sweat and breathe hard, their faces become strained and some of them white. the fight is on, and the work, second by second, every one of them as valuable as hours would be ordinarily, saps the strength and energy of the men in their supreme effort. "every shot a hit!" cries one of the crew exultingly. "what was the time?" asks another. "so many seconds," says the umpire. "that beats all records!" shouts another, and then there are cheers and great rejoicing. after the first fire scarcely a man hears the noise of the gun. it is a mere pop to them. sometimes they overreach themselves in the desire to be quick and they make a miss. they don't hear the last of that for some time, but it's all in the work and part of the general eagerness to do well. then come the -inch guns. the rumble and roar is only a little worse than the -inch guns. the geysers shoot a little higher and the echoes from the report come back to the ship like so many sharp thunderclaps, where the lightning is close. indeed, if you want to have a better reproduction of thunder than any theatre can produce just manage to be on a battleship while it fires off its -inch guns in rapid succession. it's the kind of thunder that comes when lightning hits and you look out to see if the tree in your front yard has been split. crash after crash comes back to make you duck and dodge until the projectile has finished its thunderbolt career and darts into the water with perhaps the ignominious mission of killing a fish instead of shattering a battleship. but the -inch guns! pack the cotton well into your ears! keep your mouth open! stand as far away from the muzzle as you can on the ship! secure all the things in your stateroom, for if you don't you may find your shaving mug on the floor and your hairbrush mixed up with the fragments of your soap dish! close your port or else your trinkets may be whisked into a heap and some of them broken into pieces! the whistle has blown. the seconds go by, oh how slowly! will they never get that gun loaded? then comes a blast. the white flame seems brighter than sunlight, the roar runs through you like an electric shock, the decks seem to sink and you wonder if the eruption of mont pelée had more force than that. you look toward the target. there goes the projectile, straight through the bullseye. then an enormous geyser leaps into the air more than a hundred feet high. surely that is old faithful! then comes another half a mile away. then another and another and you wonder if the projectile is going clear over to europe. and with this comes that peculiar roar that no other agent of power produces. it is more like the rush of a limited express into and out of the mouth of a tunnel. you can hear the chug, chug of the locomotive. you hear the rumble of a fast train on a still night through a valley. you can almost see the hills and the little river as the train dashes over bridges and noisy trestles. there it goes into the tunnel again, and before you can speak of it out it comes with another roar! more bridges and trestles, more tunnels, more chugs, and then there comes a steady roar. the train is going over the hill and out of the last tunnel, and you take a long breath. before you expel it from your lungs there is another smiting flash and you are dancing on your toes again. the ship seems to settle and you get the geysers, the roar of the fastest train that ever ran. and so it goes until the whistle blows and you swing around to look at the target and then repeat the performance. you now begin to realize what a battleship means, and you are speculating about it when an officer comes around and says: "pretty fine, eh? well, that's nothing to battle practice! when for a certain number of minutes we let all the guns go together. that's real noise! this is just pop-gun work." well, if it is not noise you begin to think that if there is ever another war you know one place where you don't want to be, and that is on a battleship. every one of the ships had to go through this work, and when it was all over then it was that the men on these ships felt the sense of relief that none of them experienced over their safe arrival and the performance of the fleet on the way to this bay. they were ready to drop in their tracks. they were worn out, as the expression goes. there is one moment of great suspense at every gun in such practice as this. it is when some adjustment has gone wrong, when some accident has occurred, and when there is real danger. then the officer in charge cries sharply: "silence!" that means that no more shots must be fired from that gun on that run. with it goes a penalty that works against the ship's record. more than once such command has been heard on these ships, but it is wise, for all too sad have been the records of accidents at target practice not only in our own ships but in those of every other navy. it would have pleased any one to observe all the precautions that were taken this time. the navy has learned some lessons. safer and safer the turrets are becoming all the time. and this element of speed which enters into all contests with the firing of guns conduces to that end. you see, it is not only the hits that count but the time in which they are made. but why this haste, you ask. well, it trains the men to get the drop on the enemy and also, and perhaps of just as much importance, it reveals the defects in the system. in other words, it tends more to make turrets and ordnance what the experts call "foolproof." it may be said that nearly all of our ordnance on these ships has reached that stage, the stage where some man by some unforeseen fool action, one that no one could guess would happen, endangers and probably costs the lives of himself and several others. every breakdown of a gun on this practice has had its value and it all goes toward speeding the day when these faults will be corrected and a ship may go into action with a reasonable assurance that all its mechanism will do the work it was intended to do. yes, speed has its advantages, very great advantages. what a change in twenty years! there are men on this ship who used to take part in the old practice on such ships as the saratoga or the quinnebaugh, the one that was on the european station so long that some one in the navy department forgot for a year or two to put it in the naval register. the saratoga had one -inch muzzle loading rifle that had formerly been a smooth bore -inch dahlgren gun, the kind of gun that resembled a soda water bottle and was called such. it was mounted amidships between the fireroom hatch and the break of the to'gallant fo'c's'le. the bulwarks at that place were pierced by pivot gun ports that could be secured as part of the bulwarks when the gun was not in action. the gun swung on circles and pivot bolts by using hauling and training tackles, and could be used on either broadside and about ten points forward and abaft the beam. the ship had also four -inch smoothbore dahlgrens to complete its main battery. it required about twenty-two men to handle such a gun. the charges of powder were in canvas bags and rammed home. the guns could be sighted up to , yards. the recoil was taken up by a heavy hempen hawser fastened to the bulwarks and passed through the cascabel of the gun. the range for target practice was , yards, and lucky was the gunner if he made per cent. of hits. in those days the men at the guns were not half stripped, as they are now. one-half of them were armed with cutlass and pistol and the other half with magazine rifles and bayonets. this was to repel boarders. that's all gone. no battleship ever expects to repel boarders in these days. protection for the gunners was made by piling up hammocks and bags--about the last thing that would be thought of, with its danger from fire, in these days, even if all else failed. nowadays the recoil is taken up hydraulically, and the gun is shot back into place with springs. even fewer men are required to handle an -inch gun than twenty years ago. one of these guns will shoot five times further and do ten times--yes, one might say almost a hundredfold--more damage than the old ones. and there are eight of these on a ship like the louisiana, to say nothing of twelve -inch guns, four -inch, twenty -inch and twelve -pounders. in target practice on one of these ships ten shots are fired from each -inch gun, twenty from each -inch gun, twenty from each -pounder and as many from each -inch and -inch as can be got off in a given time. it may be stretching the proprieties to tell even that much, and to get back to generalities it may be said that about twenty-five tons of metal were fired from all the guns. the cost? well, put it for convenience sake at $ , for the fleet. expensive? not a bit of it! that expenditure is the best money spent by the united states navy. it is the premium of insurance paid annually for efficiency, and it will prove its value if these ships ever get into war. there'll be no hit or miss or reckless helter-skelter shooting then. to make the practice record here each ship has to steam about miles in going over the course and in a general way it may be said that each ship made from thirty-five to forty runs on the range. there, that's about all to be said in print or elsewhere about target practice by this fleet. well now honest, you say, didn't the ships do well, pretty well, just a little better than ever before, perhaps a great deal better? just that much is what you want to know? well, you'll have to ask the navy department about that. in its own good time and in its own way it may decide to give out such information and it may not. you'll never get an answer from the sun's correspondent on this trip. chapter xii routine of a battleship life and work on u. s. battleship--every day crowded with duties and drills for all on board--the overworked executive-- executive--responsibility for everything finally culminates with the captain--all effort has in view the efficiency of the ship as a fighting machine--minute care in seemingly minor details makes for perfection in case of crisis--standing watch and general quarters--catering and hygiene--smart signal work-- launch etiquette--reverence for quarter deck and national anthem. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet_, punta arenas, chile, jan. . unusual and attractive as an extended cruise on a warship from the atlantic to the pacific is to a civilian, and however it may cause him to be envied by his acquaintances, it must also be set down, if one would chronicle the truth and nothing else, that it has its drawbacks. probably the first that the supernumerary cargo discovers is that there is practically no place on the decks where he may sit down. he soon realizes that a warship is not a passenger steamship, with steamer chairs, smoking rooms, deck stewards and all the other appurtenances that go to advance the traveller's comfort. the next drawback that forces itself upon one's attention, after the novelty of looking around wears off to some extent, is that the warship passenger is a mighty lonely person, and, unless he can amuse himself or is naturally one of the reserved kind and lives in his own shell he'll find time hanging heavy on his hands. you see you can't go up to an officer and gossip when he's drilling a crew in loading shells in a gun. you can't pounce upon the captain whenever you see him on the deck and make him chat to you. you can't exercise conversational powers when general quarters or fire drill is on. you don't feel like asking for what is called a gabfest when the other fellow is figuring out problems in navigation. it is not the time to be chummy when every man on the bridge is watching signals from a flagship and hurrying things so as not to be the last to send up the proper pennant or to haul it down. when the red and white lights of the ardois signal system are flashing at night or the stiff arms of the semaphores are throwing themselves about in a helter-skelter fashion day or night it is not wise to ask what they are saying. there is so much going on entirely foreign to the average man that he feels as if he were in a new world with busy people all about him speaking a strange language and doing strange things and he's literally alone. gradually it is borne in on him that he's a cat in a strange garret. there's plenty of civility all around, but for hours and hours a day there is no companionship; no one with whom he can form a pool on the day's run, or sit down with a steward at his elbow to play a friendly game, or one for blood; no yarn spinners handy when you want 'em; no luxuries in travelling. of course one may find easy chairs in the wardroom with plenty of reading matter, and you have a chair and a desk, in addition to your bunk, in your room, but no one can stay below at sea unless the weather is foul, and even then he chafes at it. no matter how fine your house is at home you take more comfort in seasonable weather in sitting on your porch than in your library, and the same holds true at sea on a warship when it comes to sitting in an easy chair in the wardroom or in your own room. there are excellent reasons for these two drawbacks, the lack of creature comforts, luxuries, if you please, and of genial companionship at any hour, in going to sea as a civilian on a warship. only one need be mentioned. that is that a warship is a tremendously busy workshop where the boss, his assistants and the workmen have a peculiar kind of work on hand, such as exists nowhere else in the world, and there is no time in which to pander to the whims and desires of an outsider sent on board by the order of executive authorities higher up. the work on hand is to move a floating fort of steel swiftly through the water in complete synchronism with a lot of other floating forts and then to prepare those who are engaged in work in this fort for just one thing, to destroy and kill. everything is subservient to one idea--to be ready to fight at the swiftest pace for just about one hour; for be it known that if one of the warships in this great battle fleet were fought at its swiftest and fullest capacity it would be all over, one way or the other, in an hour or less. you see fighting a warship is not a long distance race; it's a hundred yard dash, to change the figure. getting ready for that dash, that supreme effort at the fastest speed, calls for all the concentration and hard, unremitting toil that years of education in a complex specialty and years of experience can employ. when this work is going on those engaged in it want outsiders out of the way, and if you're a wise outsider you want to get out of the way. hence at such times it is likely that you'll get pretty tired standing around on your feet, with no place to rest your weary bones and no companion with whom you can even be bromidic. yes, it's fine and great to cruise , miles on a splendid warship, but truly it has some drawbacks. it must not be inferred from this that one lacks for comfort, complete comfort, or for genial companionship on a battleship. far from it. the ship abounds in reading matter. there are easy chairs in plenty in the wardroom. and as for companionship, a more genial set of good fellows never existed in any profession than these same busy naval officers, from the captains down. there are many diversions. you can watch the drills, the signalling; you can have a game of cribbage or whist in the evening; you have a fine band to play for you at dinner and on deck in the warm evenings; you can make friends with the pets on board, tease the dog, play with the cats, watch the monkeys, talk with the poll parrots and stroke the goat's head, all the time watching lest he tries to butt you, you can figure out the course, estimate latitude and longitude; you can talk with the men when the smoking lamp is lighted, although you must never be chummy, but sometimes you can get an old quartermaster who has been all over the world and draw him off into a secluded place and let him spin his yarns to you, and also let him growl out his growls and try to convince you that everything in this world, especially in the navy, is rotten, after which he feels better and you have had a pleasant hour of amusement, knowing full well that when he gets to port and meets another quartermaster of another navy he'll be blowing himself hoarse in his contention that our navy is the best in the world and that there's no calling equal to that of a real sailorman, and he's ready to fight to prove it. so it isn't all work and no play on a warship, but it comes mighty near to it for days and days, for, like a woman's work the work is never done. you'd realize it if some night after a hard day's work is over you heard the bells and bugles crying out for general quarters for you to tumble out of your hammock or bunk when you had earned a good night's rest. you'd realize it if you had been straining your eyes for hours in the daylight at target practice and then had to go at it again at night. you know you may have to fight at night and you've got to be ready for it. there's no other way to prepare for it than by work at night. it's all a matter of course, part of the day's work, with these sea dogs and gun fighters. and when you suggest that you are thinking of writing a piece for the paper telling about the routine on a warship they are surprised that any such topic could be interesting and tell you that it's nothing new and is going on all the time just as it has been going on for decades and centuries. then they'll admit perhaps that the general public doesn't realize the amount of work that is done on a warship and they'll produce this schedule of hours and tasks that sums it up: daily sea routine. : a.m.--call ship's cook. : --call the section of the watch, relieve wheel and lookout. : --relieve the watch on deck. : --turn to, out smoking lamp, pipe sweepers, clear up deck. : --call music, masters-at-arms and boatswain's mates. : --reveillé, bugles and drum; call all sections except midwatch sections. : --execute morning orders. : --trice up clothes lines. at sunrise station masthead lookouts, take in deck lookouts and put out running lights. : --break up and send below to be burned all boxes and articles that will float. : --trice up six bell hammock cloths. : --up all hammocks, serve out water, hoist ashes. : --time and uniform signal; mess gear for sections below. : --breakfast for sections below, light smoking lamp; ditty boxes allowed. : --mess gear for watch on deck. : --relieve wheel and lookouts. : --on deck duty sections. section on deck to breakfast. : --turn to, clean gun and deck bright work. : --sick call. : --report at mast. : --clear up decks; down towel lines and ditty boxes; sweepers. : --officers' call. : --quarters for muster and inspection; setting up drill. : --drill call. : --relieve the wheel and lookouts. signal ( ) absentees, ( ) number of sick. : --hoist ashes. : --retreat from drill. pipe down clothes, if dry; sweepers. : --mess gear for sections below. noon--dinner; duty section remain on deck. signal ( ) coal on hand, ( ) coal expended, ( ) latitude, ( ) longitude. p.m.--mess gear for duty section. dinner duty section. : --turn to; out smoking lamp; down ditty boxes; sweepers; pipe down clothes if dry, then aired bedding, if up; start work about decks. : --serve out provisions. : --relieve wheel and lookouts. : --hoist ashes. : --relieve the watch. : --knock off all work. clear up decks; sweepers; pipe down clothes. : --mess gear for sections going on watch. : --supper for sections going on watch. : --mess gear for other sections. : --relieve wheel and lookouts. : --relieve section on duty. other sections to supper. at sunset--set running lights; lay down masthead lookouts; station deck lookouts; couple fire hose; muster life boats' crews; coxswain report when crews are present and lifeboats ready for lowering. test night signal apparatus. : --turn to; sweepers; scrub clothes on forecastle (except sunday). : --hoist ashes. clear deck for hammocks. : --hammocks. : --relieve watch, wheel and lookouts. signal and searchlight drill as ordered. signal ( ) latitude; ( ) longitude. at sea when meals are piped the duty section will remain on deck until relieved by the next section for duty. when, however, the ship is cruising singly at sea and there is no immediate necessity for the services of the section on deck, or when cruising at sea in company and it is apparent that the services of men on deck, other than those actually on watch at stations, is unnecessary, then mess gear will be spread for all sections at the same time, and all sections will go to meals at the same time, except those men actually on duty, but reliefs must get their meals and relieve their stations promptly. in any case the duty section must stand by to answer an emergency call. in bad weather, or when engaged in manoeuvres, or when in the immediate vicinity of land, the duty section shall remain on deck until relieved by the next section. there is a daily port routine, similar in general outline to the one for cruising. it calls for the ceremony of colors, hoisting or lowering the flag, boat duty and other things which can come only when a ship is in port. but these two schedules only hint at the full story. probably the first impression that a stranger to all this ship routine gets is that a warship is one of the most discordant places in the world. they are everlastingly blowing bugles, each bugle out of key with all the others. one bugler will sound a lot of hippety-hoppity notes and then another will take up the same refrain with a blare and a mean half note or quarter note variation and then two or three others will join in, on decks, below decks, and the jangling jumble rolls in on your ear drums in such a discord that you feel as if you'd like to punch the man who told 'em to do it. at the same time you see men, hundreds of whom must have no ear for note discrimination, jump to the tasks to which they are summoned and you wonder how they know what the bugles are telling them. there are ninety-eight of these bugle calls on a man-o'-war and how the men differentiate them passes your understanding. it aggravates you that you can't make them out yourself. you begin to study them and you do get so that you are able to recognize two or three, and then you get lost and you begin to have an admiration for the men who have mastered them all, just as you admire an ironworker who can walk a beam feet in the air. he can do something that you can't do and you respect him for it. still you keep trying to master those calls. finally you learn the trick partly. you associate certain words with certain jingles--perhaps it would be better to say certain jangles--and then you pat yourself on the back and feel that you are pretty nearly half as good as a sailorman in uncle sam's navy. the trick is the same as with the army calls and many of the jingles are the same. for example, you soon learn reveillé, for the refrain, we can't get 'em up; we can't get 'em up; we can't get 'em up in the morning. fits the call so completely that one who has once learned it can never forget what it means. again when the bugles sound the sick bay call you find yourself unconsciously saying to yourself: come and get your quinine, quinine. when the officers' call for quarters is sounded you feel like saying to the one nearest you: get your sword on; get your sword on. when the mess call is blown you know that the bluejackets are saying to themselves as the notes blare out: soupy, soupy, soup, without a single bean; porky porky, pork, without a streak of lean. when assembly sounds you join with the rest in the warning: you'd better be here at the next roll call. when the swimming call comes you say to yourself: bought a chicken for fifty cents; the son of a gun jumped over the fence! when the call for pay day is made you know how the men feel as they say: pay day; pay day; come and get your pay. and when tattoo is over and then comes taps you feel drowsy as the sweet notes, one of the very few in army or navy calls that are sweet, sing to you: go to sleep; go to sleep; go to sleep. oh, yes, you finally get to know many of these calls and then somehow the discord seems to leave them, and, like the ship that found herself, you begin to find yourself on shipboard and you feel that you are getting on. that bugling ceases to trouble you further. the pipes of the bos'n also pierce your ears. always shrill, they all seem to end in a piercing shriek. at first they make you grate your teeth. you feel as if you would prefer that some one would cuss you out, as the naval expression is, rather than give you orders in that mean way. and when you hear these same mates, one of whom is stationed at every place of importance where the men live and sleep, roar out something that seems to be a mixture of the blast of a cyclone, the trumpeting of an elephant and the bray of another animal you think that if you were the sailorman addressed you'd feel like saying to that mate you'd be damned if you'd do it, whatever it was he was ordering you to do. why, such language as the bos'ns' pipes employ is more calculated to inspire profanity than was the term applied by daniel o'connell to the fishwoman when he called her out of her name by saying she was a hypothenuse. but gradually you learn some of these calls too--there are no rhymes or jingles for them--and that worry blows over. the work on the bridge also soon excites your admiration. when you are in squadron or fleet formation it's a different game from when you are alone. then all you have to do is to keep your course and go sailing along at the speed set for you, keep your eye on things, receive reports, give this and that order, when you are through set down a record of what has happened in the deck logbook. all that's simple and easy compared with cruising in a fleet. with a fleet you are not on the bridge five minutes before you are aware that a peculiar kind of game is being played. it is "watch the flagship." the watch officer, the signal officer, the quartermasters, the signal boys, are all engaged in the work. let a signal go up from the flagship. there is a hasty peep through glasses and then a hoarse cry for certain flags, a rush for the bunting, a quick bending of it on the halyards and then a mad rush by half a dozen lads across the bridge as the signals are hoisted. hurry; be the first to answer, is the sentiment inspiring all. after the signal is hoisted you take a hasty look around, and you grin as this or that ship hasn't got hers up yet, and you say to yourself that it was pretty smart work. when the first sign of a flutter comes from the flagship that the pennants are coming down the hoarse yell of "haul down!" comes like a thunderclap; and woe betide the clumsy signal boy who gets the halyards foul and doesn't have the signals out of sight before the flagship has hers hidden. or perhaps it is approaching sunset and the time comes to lower the speed cones for the night and start the masthead and truck lights to glimmering. intently all hands watch the flagship and at the first tremor of the cone the boy begins to haul down. in a jiffy not a cone is to be seen at the yards on the entire fleet. then there is the night signalling with the ardois red and white lights. there flashes from the flagship a row of vertical red lights, four of them. "cornet!" is the cry. it means that each ship must turn on the same signal as an answer to attention call. then the flagship talks, with this and that combination of red and white lights, all flashed so fast that before the impression of one combination fades from the eye two or three others have followed and you wonder how on earth any one can make them out. but as each one is flashed a boy calls out the letter and another writes it down the cubbyhole where the navigator's chart is sheltered, and you find that these messages are recorded as fast as a telegrapher could write out his clicks. then the semaphore is lighted up and the arms of lights go jiggering this way and that way, just as the gaunt black and white automata do in the daytime, and you find the boys reading off the message as easily as a grown person can spell cat when the letters are big and the print is plain. you sometimes wake up in the night when you are at anchor and look out of your port. rare is it that you do not see a semaphore or an ardois combination flashing. when you ask about it in the morning the officers will tell you that it probably was the signal boys talking with one another and that it is allowed because it is good practice to let them gossip when there is nothing else going on and the night watches are long and tedious. invariably one boy will make the signal letter of another ship where he suspects a friend is on duty at the signals and this is what he says: "how is it for a game of flat?" meaning an unofficial talk. "all right," comes the answer: "go ahead." then those two boys chat over all sorts of things, chaff each other, make appointments for the first liberty, talk of the latest ship gossip, and all that, but there's one feature about it that's peculiar. the messages are always in polite form. it's always, "will you kindly?" or "please be good enough," or something in that fashion. no signal boy ever forgets himself or the dignity of his place in a game of talk. besides, there might be officers observing things and it is never nice to have your name put on the report. you are brought up at the mast and you might get five days in the brig on bread and water or something like that if you exchanged language that was not seemly for use on a warship's signals. and then in bridge work in cruising there is that difficult job of keeping distances. the favorite cruising formation in this fleet is at yards distance from the preceding ship. the louisiana was fourth in whatever line was formed. that meant , yards from the flagship. now the engines of no two ships move the , tons of those ships at exactly the same speed through the water. you may know theoretically how many revolutions of the propellers are needed to go at the rate of ten, eleven, twelve or even more knots an hour, but even then one ship will inch up, so to speak, foot up might express it better, and you have got to correct this all the time or you will be crawling up on the quarter deck of the ship in front of you, or lagging so behind that the ship after you will be in danger of crawling up on your own deck. you have a midshipman using the stadimeter all the time, every fifteen or twenty seconds or so, and then you are kept signalling to the engine room to make one or two or three revolutions faster or slower, until you get your right place and you don't have to fly your position pennant, confessing to the flagship that you are making a bad job of your work and have got more than forty yards out of your position. you see, coal varies in its steaming qualities from time to time, and sometimes the engine room force gets a little slack or orders get mixed and it is one perpetual struggle to keep exactly where you ought to be. then you have to sail on the course announced, and the helmsman and quartermaster have to be continually moving the rudder back and forth to correct the yaws from the seas and other influences that throw you off that exact line. then there is the routine bridge work, giving orders, receiving reports, making decisions, tasting the food of the crew that is brought always to the officer on watch, sighting ships and other things and always notifying the captain day or night of all important things going on. oh, yes, there is plenty to do on a bridge in a fleet, and you watch its progress with fascination for hours until you suddenly begin to realize the presence of that drawback mentioned first in this article, that there is no seating place up there, and you go below to read or get some rest sitting down. as one becomes accustomed to the naval routine there are some ceremonies that he skips as a matter of course and some that he does not. one of the latter is the general muster of the officers and crew on a sunday morning once a month. quarters are sounded as usual and then comes the inspection of the ship and the men in their stations, while the band is playing lively airs. when this is over the entire ship's company not engaged in actual duty in running the ship is summoned aft. the officers and their divisions come to the quarter deck, and each officer reports his division "up and aft" to the executive officer, who in turn reports that fact to the captain. the latter then orders the ship's roll to be called. the paymaster steps out from the group of officers with the roll. on the louisiana he calls: "richard wainwright!" capt. wainwright responds: "captain, united states navy." "e. w. eberle!" "lieutenant-commander, united states navy," the executive officer responds. "c. t. jewell!" "lieutenant-commander, united states navy," says the navigator, and so on down the roll of officers the paymaster proceeds, each man saluting as he answers to his name. then the paymaster retires and the pay clerk steps up and takes up the call. he reads the names of the members of the crew. as each man hears his name called he answers with his designation on the roll, john jones will answer "coal passer, united states navy," and william smith will declare that he is an ordinary seaman, and so on. as each man answers to his name he drops out of the ranks, proceeds aft and walks by the captain, hat in hand. when the name of a man on duty somewhere in this ship, in the engine rooms or the bridge or elsewhere, is called, the ship's writer, who stands beside the executive officer, says. "on duty, sir." the absentee is marked "accounted for." men in the sick bay are accounted for in the same way. it requires almost an hour to go through the nearly , names, and when it is all over the paymaster reports to the executive officer that all are present or accounted for and that fact is duly communicated to the captain. by that time the deck is clear of the men and only the officers remain, and these are dismissed. it's a fine thing to see a fine crew individually and size up each man. when the president was on the louisiana it is said that he took the keenest interest in this personal appearance of every man on the quarter deck in answer to the call of his name and showed his satisfaction over the appearance of the men as he stood beside the captain and watched each one of the husky lads pass by. once a month on a sunday morning the crew is also summoned aft to have the articles of war read. the executive officer does the reading. here is propounded the law and the gospel of a man-o'-war's duties and responsibilities. the men are told what they must do and what they must not do. the punishments inflicted for certain offences are read out, offences in time of peace and similar offences in time of war. more than once are heard the words "shall suffer death." all through the idea pervades that there must be instant and complete obedience of orders. reading the articles of war constitutes a solemn occasion and when it is finished one realizes as never before what a serious thing it is to swear allegiance to uncle sam as part of his naval force. the organization of the ship's force soon becomes well fixed in the mind. there is one head to it all, the captain, on whom falls final responsibility for everything, discipline, safety of ship and men, work of every kind. he is assisted by about twenty-five commissioned subordinate officers and midshipmen and nearly a dozen warrant officers, besides numerous petty officers and their mates. the ship has several large departments just as a big store in the city. the executive officer is the right hand man, the general manager, if you please, of the ship, and he sees that the captain's orders are carried out and he also keeps the vessel shipshape. one of the departments is that of the navigator. another is the department of ordnance. a third is that of the engineer, a fourth that of the medical officer, a fifth that of the paymaster and a sixth has to do with the marine corps. the executive officer not only runs almost everything on the ship but is in charge of all equipment and stores. he is the man who can do most to make a ship happy or hellish. he looks after the daily routine, drills, repairs, cleaning up, issuing of stores, and the like. he is the man to whom all other officers, big and little, report. he is busy from early morning until late at night. when he isn't keeping things in order he is writing reports. he almost never has time to sit down at ease except at the head of the wardroom table at meal time, where he is a sort of social arbiter, as well as general manager. the executive officer is also the housekeeper of the vessel. at one time he is in consultation with the bandmaster over a music programme and then he is consulting with a plumber about a drain. he runs the clothing establishment and varies that work with looking after the hoisting of ashes or the arranging of liberty parties. his work has no beginning and no end and a faithful and hard working man seldom has time to write to his family, to say nothing of reading a book occasionally or stealing away to his room for a quiet smoke or a siesta. the navigator does the navigating, as might be expected. he relieves the officer on watch on the bridge when quarters are sounded. he has charge of all the electrical apparatus, and he is also instructor in navigation to the young midshipmen, who have to keep up their study and work along that line. the ordnance officer has charge of the guns, ammunition, the work of target practice, the making of targets and everything that pertains to shooting. the paymaster has charge of all money matters, payment of wages, the purchase of supplies, providing clothing and meals for the crew. he is the purser of the ship. the medical officer besides caring for the sick is responsible for sanitary conditions. in addition to these commissioned officers there are lieutenants and ensigns who are watch officers; that is, they stand the watch of four hours on the bridge at sea, representing the captain in seeing that the ship goes all right, and four hours on the after deck in port, where they direct and have charge of all that is going on. there is besides the engineering division, which is a sort of world all to itself. then there are the warrant officers, the boatswain, gunner, electrical gunner, carpenter and machinists. they are what might be called the general foremen or superintendents. they are assisted by the petty officers, of whom there are three grades, and mates of various kinds, who are the foremen of the individual gangs of men in their work about ship. pretty soon one begins to learn the signs and marks upon sleeves and other devices that tell the grade of this man and that. he also learns about seamen, ordinary seamen, yeomen (the clerks of each department), coxswains, jacks-o-the-dust, lamplighters, gun pointers, hospital attendants, shipwrights, the printer and the numerous other classifications into which the crew is divided. he learns that the crew is split up into various divisions and each division into various sections. the officers are called division officers when the responsibility for handling the men by divisions comes up. then the passenger also learns how the entire crew is split up into watches so that some of the men are on deck and other duty at every hour of the day and night. he soon learns all about the hammock netting, where the hammocks of the men are stowed, and he can even find the places where the ditty boxes of the men are kept when not in use. he knows what things are in those little square ditty boxes, writing paper, photographs of those at home, mending material, brushes, blacking, possessions of every kind, all subject to inspection by the officers. having mastered something of the personnel of the ship it is surprising how soon one falls into the drill routine. this is a more or less delicate subject about which to write, for the reason that tactical matters and certain drills the details of which are kept secret are not proper subjects for publication, and all correspondents with the fleet have bound themselves by written pledge never to reveal what they may learn about them. there are certain drills, however, which are common to all navies and a matter of ordinary routine, in reference to which there is no inhibition, inasmuch as the navy department has even authorized and approved publication of these details. you will find them all written out in the book "the american battleship in commission," written by an enlisted man. on certain mornings of the week certain drills are always gone through with. you know when it is ordinary quarters, when fire, collision and abandon ship practice is to be gone through with, when certain kinds of gun practice are tried out. you know just how often this and that division goes through with "pingpong" shooting, the work with what are known as morris tubes, the kind of shooting that has superseded to a large extent the former sub-calibre practice on shipboard. you then learn all about hammock and bag inspection days, you even get to know when the flagship will probably order hammocks or bags scrubbed and you get to know just about how often the clotheslines will be strung up over the fo'c'stle and just how often bedding will be hung on the rails for airing and when it will be taken in and all that. you get used to seeing the lanterns put in the lifeboats at night for emergency use. you know that every half hour when the ship's bell is struck the sentry on the quarter deck will turn toward the after bridge and will sing out: "life buoys, aft; all's well!" you know that up on the forward bridge with every "bell" the port and starboard side lights will be reported burning in the same manner. you know how often the marine guard is changed and what the stations are. you know that on saturday morning there will be no quarters and that all hands will be set to cleaning the decks with sand and holystones and that the mud, if a combination of sand and water can be called mud, will be so thick that for nearly all the morning you will have to wear rubbers if you want to get about in comfort. you know when bright work will be cleaned and you know when the smoking lamp will be lighted, which means at just what hours smoking will be permitted, for there is no real lamp in these days when nearly everything on a warship is run by electricity. you get to know just when the awkward squad of marines will be drilled and you know when the patent log, which is watched most carefully and which nearly everybody scoffs at because one never can depend much upon it, will be read. you know soon from the color of the water when you are on soundings, and you gather about the little contrivance far back on the quarter deck which unreels the wire for the lead that goes swishing hundreds of fathoms into the sea and finally brings up on the bottom and then records the depth. you gather about the chief quartermaster as he has the line pulled in and you look with him at the thermometerlike arrangement which by discoloration shows the depth of the water. you know just how often the temperature of the sea will be taken and how often the temperature of the air will be recorded in the log and the height of the barometer set down. and then perhaps your mind turns again to the housekeeping of this home of , men. you visit the cook's galley, where the head cook and several assistants are busy night and day preparing the meals for the men with redhot stoves and great caldrons. you see the copper coffee and tea tanks, the soup tanks, the bean tanks and the rest. you see the electrically operated potato paring machine, just like the one used in the model kitchen of the world at west point. you visit the butcher's shop, where about , pounds of meat is served out and cut up each day. then you go to the scullery and see the dishwashing machines, also copied from those in use at west point and all large hotels. you visit the bake shop with its intense heat and the bake rooms store shop where the loaves of bread are piled up like so many cords of wood. you go to the sick bay and see a hospital in operation comparable favorably in every way with the best appointed hospital on land. you visit the operating room with its fullest set of surgical appliances. you even go to the brig and you see where men can be confined in cells or left out in the open so that they may have company and simply be restrained, the latter being the prevalent form for light punishments. you may attend the "mast," where the captain every day holds his police court for light offences, and you may read in the log what has been done in each case. you may attend the summary courts-martial, where more or less serious cases are tried by a board of officers, but you must leave the room when the board goes into executive session to form its judgment on the case and fix the penalty if the accused is found guilty. you may see the tests of powder and guncotton at regular intervals, and if you wish to go around at night with the carpenter's force you may see them making soundings of the hold every hour. you may see the tests of electrical machinery and you may watch the operation of closing all watertight doors every evening at o'clock, and always in going in or out of port or in time of fog. you can even solve that mystery to every civilian as to why there is a sailmaker, with assistants, on a craft that carries no sail. when you find men working over canvas targets for days and days, making awnings and windsails, working at hammocks and the like, and when you realize that the ship carries more cordage than the old constitution, you understand it all. the work of the sailmaker is no cinch. you can see the men once a month paid off in long lines, each man's signature attested by the division officer. so you wander about hither and thither without any well developed plan and run across this and that form of employment and hard daily toil and you wonder how it can be, with so much to do and so little time in which to do it, that proficiency in any one line of work can be secured. familiarity with it, however, shows that such a condition is approximated, and you begin to feel absolutely confident that if the ship ever did get into a scrap all this work and drill would show its effects at once in a way that would make you proud of the men and the ships of the navy. a sense of confident security comes over you and you soon have the feeling that nobody in the world can beat the yankee sailor man for man in fighting and no ship of equal capacity in the world can beat the one on which you are sailing in a fight. you may be overconfident, but it's a comfortable kind of feeling to have. you watch the rivalry among the various ships of the fleet in such matters as they can show rivalry in during a cruise as you begin to have confidence in the one on which you are a passenger. when target shooting comes this rivalry will take an impressive form. at present the rivalry consists largely in keeping distances, in making turns accurately, in making and responding to signals. every morning you watch the flags go up at o'clock, when the signals are hoisted on the second recording the number of sick and absentees on each ship. the officers and men read these flags off quick as a flash and you speculate about the condition of things on this and that vessel. at : in the morning you watch the flags go up to catch the change of time for all clocks. at noon every one is keen to see the flags sent up telling how much coal has been used and how much each ship has on hand. then come the flags which give the reckoning of the navigator on each ship as to latitude and longitude, either by observation or dead reckoning, and you comment upon the variations in the reports. so the routine goes on and you get used to it and in some respects become part of it. you even fall into a certain station at certain times. the sun man, for example, has one place where he is expected to report when the call is made. no other duties are assigned to him as a passenger. he has a certain station when the abandon ship drill takes place. he goes to his station, reports and then is excused. otherwise he is free to do pretty much as he pleases, always observing as well as he can the little proprieties on shipboard, which are simply those governing the ordinary actions of gentlemen. every man on a warship has his little or big place that is his own and you must not cross its confines without permission. for instance, the starboard side of the quarter deck is the captain's. you don't walk there unless he indicates that he would like to have you join him. the port side of the deck belongs to the other officers. the captain almost never goes there, although, being the captain, he can go where he pleases. each officer's room is sacred when the curtain is drawn. and so on through the ship there is a little piece of territory sacred to each man or set of men. the fo'c'stle deck is the men's. launch etiquette, however, is peculiar. one of the first things to learn about travelling in a naval launch is that it is a little ship of itself. you salute its deck, so to speak, when you enter it if you observe the niceties. the highest ranking officer sits in the stern and goes into the boat last. all the others stand until he seats himself. he is the first to leave and the others go in the order of their rank. you mustn't smoke in a launch in the daytime, and if you do so on the sly you must be sure not to show your cigar in passing the flagship, for the quartermaster on watch on the after bridge will report you and there'll be trouble. you mustn't smoke at night except by permission of the ranking officer on board. if you see him light a cigar or cigarette all the rest of you may do so. otherwise you will please throw away your cigar or cigarette when you enter the boat. as you go out to your ship at night you hear the quartermaster on some other ship call out, "boat ahoy!" and the coxswain of your boat answers with a yell, "passing!" when you approach your ship or another to make a stop the coxswain must be particular about his answers to the boat ahoy call. if he has the president of the united states aboard, as coxswains on the louisiana have had repeatedly, he calls out: "united states!" if an admiral is on board the answer to the hail is: "flag!" if a captain is on board the answer is the name of his ship. if other commissioned officers above the grade of midshipmen are on board the answer is "aye! aye!" and if the launch contains only midshipmen or other officers of lower grade the answer is, "no! no!" as if to say you needn't bother about this bunch. if it has only enlisted men on board the call is "hello!" by these answers the officer of the deck is informed as to who is approaching. of course they are used only in the night, for in the day time observation will reveal the situation. the longer one remains on a warship, either as a member of the crew or as a guest, two things become more and more impressive. one is the reverence for the quarter deck and the other is the patriotic regard for the national hymn, "the star spangled banner." the quarter deck seems to be almost a holy place. the officers salute it as they step upon it. no stain is allowed to remain upon it. if a man for instance were found spitting upon it--well, hamstringing would be the fitting penalty, if the feelings of those outraged by the performance were consulted. this regard for the deck has come down from the earliest naval traditions. the soil of the country is represented there. the flag waves above it. sovereignty finds expression there. it is the place of all ceremonies, the one place sacred to all that is best in tradition, rules of conduct, liberty, national achievements on the sea, national hopes and aspirations. it must never be profaned. the sound of the first bar of the national hymn brings every naval man who hears it to attention. the mental attitude is one of intense respect as well. that anthem never becomes a bore to the officers and men. its notes are a call to duty and the salute, when it is ended, is a public pledge of fealty to the flag. no music is played on ship more carefully and with more earnest effort to get every shade of feeling out of the notes. reverence for the tune is a living thing, and after one has been on shipboard for a week he begins to feel ashamed of the public indifference to the tune ashore. let one incident reveal the regard for the hymn on shipboard. we were steaming just below the equator on the way to rio janeiro one evening, when showers made it impossible for the band to play on deck. the concert was held in a casemate and the humidity added great discomfort to the intense heat. the members of the crew off duty had stripped to their undershirts and trousers. the musicians had also thrown off their coats. their faces ran with sweat as they played. every concert ends with "the star spangled banner." it was time to play it. all the musicians stood up and the men who had crowded in to hear the music came to attention, but not one move toward lifting his baton would the bandmaster make until every one of his men had put on his coat and hat. they might play strauss waltzes and even wagnerian selections in their undershirts, but no note of the national hymn could be played until every man was in dress befitting the occasion. all this is nothing unusual, but it is impressive to the man who sees it for the first time. so although there is no place for comfortable loafing and sometimes it is lonely a civilian passenger on one of these ships after all can find entertainment and other things to interest him. day by day he feels his patriotic impulses quickened. day by day he is more and more glad that he is an american citizen. and when taps is sounded and he knows that the men not on duty are swinging quietly in their hammocks, tired out from their work, he can understand and appreciate the full significance and beauty of the refrain which soothes one and all with its soft good-night: "go to sleep! go to sleep! g-o t-o s-l-e-e-p!" chapter xiii social life on an american man-o'-war manly, free entertaining and ever fruitful of self-control-- organization of the ship's company into messes--chaff keeps the wardroom merry, but never passes the bounds of good nature-- something better than romance in the ships of to-day--ships of to-day--man-o'-war bill of fare no longer includes lobscouse or bargoo--fine libraries for all hands--the canteen. _on board u. s. s. louisiana, u. s. battle fleet,_ at sea, off panama, march . socially the modern man-o'-war houses a series of clubs, one large and several small ones. they are called messes. the large club's membership, the general mess, consists of the entire crew, with the exception of the officers. uncle sam, through accredited agents on board, runs that club. the small clubs' membership consists entirely of officers, and these clubs are managed by the membership. the officers' clubs are graded according to rank. on a flagship the admiral may form a club all by himself, or he may enlarge the membership, as admiral evans does, by having his staff officers join his mess. the captain is also a club of one member. the commissioned officers make up the wardroom mess. the midshipmen, junior paymaster, junior officers of the marines and the pay clerk form the steerage mess. the warrant officers--bos'n, carpenter, machinists, gunners and the like--have another mess, and the largest of the small clubs is that of the chief petty officers. with the exception of the general mess all these clubs provide their own supplies of food and drink. the government used to allow every man on a ship, no matter what his rank, the sum of cents a day for rations. the members of the crew in the old days formed various messes of from twenty to forty members. some of these messes drew provisions from the ship's stores amounting to the value of cents a day for each man. others drew only three-quarters of the ration and commuted the rest of the cents, to which they added more or less money of their own, and purchased food luxuries from time to time. the allowance of cents a day to all hands was made just after the civil war, and jack celebrated the event by a song which closed: they gave us thirty cents a day and stopped our grog forever. jack's grog did stop, although other navies still serve out liquor regularly to their sailors, but he got pretty good rations. there were times, however, when he did not fare well. sometimes the mess treasurer would go ashore with the mess treasury and would fall into the hands of the philistines and the mess would have to go hungry or borrow from the kindly disposed members of other messes. nearly ten years ago congress cut off the cents a day allowance for the officers above the rank of midshipmen. the consequence is that every commissioned officer on an american warship has to purchase his own food and other household necessities. that act of congress cost each officer about $ a year, a matter of at least three months board. naval officers must live well and must entertain when in various ports, at home and abroad, and, being persons of extremely moderate salaries and generally with families to support, they must exercise economy to make both ends meet. it is no easy task, and the communal plan of paying for food and the individual plan of paying for drinks is the best solution of the problem. the navy regulations provide for the formation of messes, tell how they shall be managed, and declare that they must show clean financial sheets to the captain at every quarter. they must not contract debts which they cannot pay. suppose a new ship is going into commission. about fifteen officers below the captain must mess together. the government provides certain necessities, such as tables and chairs, and an allowance of crockery and linen, but the officers must assemble their own food and wine supplies for a cruise of say three years. it requires capital. few officers are so forehanded that they have sufficient money to lay in supplies then for several months. they are not allowed to run in debt for them. they must eat and drink, and what do they do? they take advantage of a clause in the regulations, which shows that there are many ways to kill a cat, especially if the cat is running-into-debt, and which says: "when a vessel is in a united states port and preparing to proceed on a cruise the commanding officer may sanction supplies for officers' messes being received on board, at the risk of dealers, to be paid for as consumed, in not less than quarterly instalments, provided the dealer shall agree thereto in writing." this means that as soon as an officers' mess is organized its treasurer goes to certain dealers and contracts for a large quantity of food supplies on condition that payments shall be made at certain intervals. there are many large wholesale houses that are glad to get that kind of trade because they know that ultimately they will receive every cent due them. the members of the mess are assessed so much a month, according to experience in such matters, and the result is that the food of a naval officer costs him in the prepared state about $ a day. a treasurer is elected once every month. he must serve, and he sits at the foot of the table, while in the wardroom mess the executive officer sits at the head. the treasurer may be elected to serve a second month, but he cannot be made to serve more than two months consecutively. the organization of the other messes is similar to that of the wardroom mess. the wine mess is composed of such officers as wish to join it. they get their supplies from a dealer who backs them, and to make up for breakage and loss they charge per cent. more than the cost prices of the wines, beers, waters and cigars consumed. the officers are not allowed to have distilled spirits in the wine mess. when you have a dozen or more men eating together three times a day and for weeks confined to their clubrooms the social life of the company is likely to be beset with pitfalls and shoals. you can imagine how it would be on land, especially if military rule prevailed in a club and every member was compelled to spend all his time in it and was superior or inferior in rank to every other man. this matter of rank has to be taken into consideration. the members of the mess are seated according to rank. still they are equal in the matter of membership of the mess, and between this matter of rank and social equality some delicate situations arise. the man who may cause you to be disciplined sits close to you in the bonds of supposed good fellowship, and to preserve the club feature of the mess calls for a display of restraint that develops character. it is a primary rule of the military service of the country that an officer must be a gentleman. that means that good breeding, consideration for the feelings of others, kindness, tact and all the other well known qualifications used in defining the word gentleman must govern the conduct of an officer. good form also requires that there must be no discussion of subjects in the mess that would lead to discord, such as religion or politics. the result is that to the person not familiar with the traditions an officers' mess on board a warship seems to be a place for small talk or else for shop talk. really there are few places in the world where the word gentleman has a better exemplification. the officers adapt themselves to the situation of enforced close intimacy of months and months in a way that excites admiration. you see, you've got to live with a person to find him out. when you touch elbows with him all the time all his little peculiarities stand out and all his annoyances of manner become conspicuous. the one social task on a ship is to ignore all these things and try to have a companionship as genial as if one's good points alone were on view for a day or two. keeping in good humor is the trick. one way in which this is done on ship is by a light chaffing that runs through the intercourse of the members of the mess. probably no more skilful skating on thin ice takes place around any board than in the wardroom of a warship. good natured thrusts and parries are going on all the time, and just as the danger point of going too far in personal matters is reached the talk is shifted in some mysterious way, and a new tack is taken. a favorite means of fun is to tackle the mess caterer, as the treasurer is called, and tell him what poor food he is serving. now, every man knows he is trying to make the mess money go as far as possible, and also to provide good food. he has a thankless job and the members of the mess like to run him, as the expression goes. suppose he serves up that delightful concoction of domestic economy, meat balls. the running fire of comment on such fare would make any ordinary man's hair gray in a month. the members of the mess even go so far as to tell him that when he dies his monument should be topped with a marble representation of a dish of meat balls. let some man appear in evening dress after word has been passed that for once such a costume may be omitted at dinner. the luckless one is howled out of the wardroom and invited to set 'em up when he comes back. let a man make some wild or foolish statement or boast; he never hears the last of it. perhaps the chief engineer may get permission not to wear evening dress for an evening or two while he is fixing up some dirty work in the engine room. some one will sing out: "captain, i work so hard; please excuse me from dressing for dinner." forthwith the fourth ward, as the lower end of the table is called, gets up a yell and at a signal this is heard: bill johnson! bill johnson! bill johnson! i--work--so--hard! johnson, johnson, johnson! bill says it is on him and what'll ye have? let some one declare that he is on the water wagon and decline to join in a friendly glass. forthwith over his place at the table will appear the h. t. t. banner, which, being interpreted, means holier than thou, and the man says he'll stay on the wagon if you don't object, but will the others please order what they'd like at his expense. lovesick members of the mess get it unmercifully, but when the glasses come on the table at dinner some evening and the lovelorn man smiles and announces his marriage engagement, hearty, indeed, are the congratulations and the girl's health is drunk with gusto. let some member have a birthday. again good wishes predominate. all hands make speeches. poems are presented. hits and grinds are got off. it all goes to make the men of the mess forget that they are made of human clay, the kind that grows brittle and crumbles upon close contact. various expedients for making social life delightful are tried. take the kansas, for instance. go over to dinner there some night and you will find the usual good natured raillery going on all the time, but at the end of nearly every course some one will get up and go to the piano and sing a song, a good one, too. they have half a dozen singers on that ship, and you can scarcely spend a more delightful evening anywhere. perhaps they have invited father gleeson of the connecticut over, and after suitable urging this accomplished chaplain priest will tell some irish stories or will sing "the wearin' o' the green" for you. and then the ordnance officer will probably step up and sing some rare english ballads, and you make him sing half a dozen times that old gypsy song "dip your fingers in the stew." perhaps you go to the minnesota. that ship has the prize runners. they do josh a man for certain. there's henry ball, for instance, only that isn't his name. down at one corner some man will cry out: "who killed cock robin?" at the far end another will respond: "'i,' said the sparrow." in the middle will come a voice: "'with my bow and arrow.'" and down and around will go the details of the dreadful tragedy of the death of cock robin. it's a mournful tale, but as the details are set forth loudly there comes a twinkle in the eyes of certain men, and then after cock robin is buried decently a shout will come: "who knows it all?" another shout will answer: "henry ball, henry ball!" another voice: "he knows it all!" still another voice: "with his brass and gall!" mr. ball has been guilty of the assumption of too much knowledge and he must take his medicine and grin. the luckless newspaper man who is a passenger on a warship does not escape. he's meat for these flesh eaters. the sun man mentioned one day that he was sorry he had missed a certain piece of news because it was something that would interest everybody, millions of people, in fact. "how many millions of people, for example?" asked an innocent voice. "well, there are more than three millions of people in new york city alone," was the reply. it was a mistake. scarcely a day has passed on the cruise when some one at the wardroom table does not say in the proper tone of voice and just at the psychological moment: "three millions of people made happy!" that moment comes often in port after some one has asked the correspondent if he has cabled such and such a piece of news. he usually says he has. up rises the table and a -inch roar shakes things. "three millions of people made happy!" a mess attendant drops a dish and the accident starts a discussion as to the large amount of breakage of crockery. one member who has been afflicting the mess with the recital of numerous details of his household affairs, having been married only a year and a half, protests against the carelessness of mess attendants. he says it is an outrage the way the mess crockery is broken. there is no excuse for it. downright carelessness it is, and something ought to be done about it right away. "why," he says, "do you know that in our married life we have had just one servant and i give you my word, she has not broken one single piece of crockery. that's a fact." "what do you use in your home, jackson--agate ware?" asks a rogue across the way, and for the rest of the meal the mess is relieved from any more details of jackson's domestic affairs. just on the edge of the fourth ward is a lieutenant who has a wonderful baby. the mess hears all about that kid whenever a fresh mail arrives. the child must be pretty fine and the mess puts up with the narration of his superior points and cunning ways with a kindly indulgence and restraint. the conversation drifts one evening to the case of a seaman who was sick all night and unable to sleep and the big doctor, as the ranking surgeon is called, is telling about the way the man must have suffered before he complained. the father of the baby takes the matter up at once and says: "doctor, mrs. williams writes me that the other night the baby cried all night long. neither she nor the baby got a wink of sleep. what do you do for a baby who cries all night without stopping?" "take it out the next morning and choke it to death," growls the doctor. williams is puzzled at the shout that goes up and while he is trying to fathom its meaning the mess rises up and, pointing its collective finger at the big doctor, hurls this shout at him: "cruel man! cruel man! cruel man!" williams's baby never cries all night again for that mess. chaffing like this is going on in all the ships constantly. at every opportunity the fun takes a wider scope. for example, on st. valentine's day every one on the louisiana got a wireless message transmitted from home in some mysterious way through the flagship; at least that is what the messages said. the messages contained roasts that set the wardroom in an uproar. the sun man was notified by his managing editor that "three millions of people were made happy" by what he had written. peculiar messages signed sweetheart and other endearing terms reached some of the younger members. the proud father of a new baby got word of the usual cutting of the first tooth. the man who was living on a "dead horse" received word that the increased pay bill might fail. taken all in all, this chaffing is similar to a clover club, a gridiron club, or an amen corner lambasting. it is given and taken in good part. years of skill have taught the naval officer how far to go and when to stop to avoid pitfalls. the man who shows anger or resentment gets it all the more. there is a delicacy of adjustment in it all that commands admiration. occasionally there will be something formal in the roasting process. for instance on the vermont they have what they call campfire no. of the spanish war veterans. its members consist of a correspondent and officers who served in the spanish war. they meet at stated intervals. they hold long sessions. these are supposed to consist of recitals of heroism, hairbreadth escapes, devotion to duty and the like. they had one of their meetings on december last. the members of the campfire were surprised to find a printed programme of the evening's entertainment. the correspondent member is j. b. connolly, the sea story writer and the president's friend. this was the programme: . the old favorite wild bill tardy familiarly known to theatregoers as the big chief of monologue mr. tardy has consented to recite the touching poem "my bullies shan't play ball to-day." * * * * * . little abe brinser the peerless, precocious sharpshooter. the feature of this act will be the shooting of a clay pigeon before it leaves the trap. * * * * * . that wonderful oriental magician rajah palmer in plain view of the audience, he will grow a horse chestnut into a bull weighing , pounds. n. b. first time on any stage. * * * * * . the blacksmiths of journalism connolly and patchin this act is really great, consisting of novel writings and rhetorical spasms. p. s. audience requested not to go to sleep. * * * * * . steve rowan the clever character sketch comedian. will faithfully portray, noted english characters, viz.: beau brummel lord chumley lawrance d'orsay, &c. * * * * * . those smooth canteen idols jack higgins and douglass spike in a screaming farce entitled skin'em and cheat'em * * * * * . the alexander salvini of polite vaudeville l. c. bertolette the great emotional tragedian in the balcony scene from romeo & juliet positively pathetic, piercing and painful. the names of these officers of the campfire were printed on the back: "roast master," c. p. snyder; "libation master," l. m. overstreet; "keeper of the logs," f. m. furlong; "keeper of the alarm clock," a. b. drum; "bouncer," b. l. canaga. if there is any man who can write verse or jingles he has to exercise his muse when any gala day comes. here is what mr. connolly produced when the vermont crossed the line: subpoena. vale of seaweed, hall of atlantus. hear ye, hear ye. in this my sacred realm, where lively dolphins leap and beauteous mermaids round and round me sweep, in this fair sea where warm south trades do toss the gentle ocean 'bove the whirling blades, has come, i learn, a battleship first rate, and at her peak the flag of nation great great-- her name vermont, with many turret guns, of twenty thousand horse-power and sixteen thousand tons. and learning this, i neptunus, and of ocean king, do don my trident and my signet ring to mark which of her white clothed numerous crew are known to me, which to my realm are new. your name, strange sir, i find not on my roster-- a most disgraceful thing, and branding you imposter; appear you, then, that this foul blackest stain by baptism be cleansed in our domain. all ye firemen, water tenders and greasy oilers, all ye mess lads, commissaries and chicken broilers, all ye boat destroyers and gun busters, all ye marines, signal boys and; jack-o'-dusters, all ye topsiders, warrants and enlisted men, no matter where ye shipped or when, all ye who are not of the slush anointed appear, i say, before the court appointed. fail to appear and ever rue the day my kingly law you dared to disobey. attest: octopus, executus officerius. january , . there is always a good deal of serious conversation, especially as to naval matters. there was the everlasting discussion of the pay bill and its chances before congress. always there was talk of naval history, incidents of old cruises. naval academy reminiscences, and not a day passed without earnest shop talk, how to improve this or that thing, how to add to the fighting efficiency of the ship. all this talk is from a lofty and patriotic standpoint and the one thing that impresses the outsider is the intense loyalty to the flag. by way of other diversion there is always harmless card playing of one kind or another after dinner and the day's work is over. chess and checkers are played also. it is a mistake to think that there is gambling on warships as a rule. bridge has its devotees. many people believe that naval officers are inveterate poker players. they may have been in the past, but if the cruise of the louisiana is a criterion it has disappeared. the sun correspondent has been in a position to know the facts and he asserts with the utmost positiveness that there has not been a single game of poker played by the officers of this ship on the present cruise. heaven knows naval officers, just like other folks, have enough of human frailties to answer for, but they rise superior to many folks in that they have not the sin of poker playing to explain away, at least not in the modern conditions of naval life at sea. this form of gambling may exist on some ships but if what the officers of the louisiana say is true it is rarely nowadays that it is practised in the navy. social amenities are observed most carefully by these men. every mess has its social secretary, who looks after social correspondence. the mess has its social card. when a ship reaches port where there are other ships of the navy or where there are foreign warships the niceties of calling and entertaining etiquette are observed. a naval officer would no more neglect observing all social proprieties than he would appear without his proper uniform on the quarter deck. many officers spend a large part of their time in reading. they are an unusually well-informed set of men. their wide travel conduces to this. some of them are musically inclined and many an evening is spent in the steerage where there is a piano. it takes only a few minutes to get up an improvised orchestra of a couple of violins, a guitar, a mandolin and a horn or two. songs soon begin to be heard and the music fest often develops into a story telling contest and all hands turn in late after a jovial meeting. officers' club life on warships is run on good, wholesome lines. it is manly, free, entertaining, fruitful of self-control and always in keeping with the responsible station of men who have sworn to defend with their lives the honor and integrity of their country. there are those who lament that in these days of steel ships and electrical appliances all the picturesque side of a sailorman's life on a warship has disappeared. they talk of the old days of romance and poetry and sentiment aboard ship. well, things have changed for the sailorman, but those who know how much his creature comforts have been improved, how his health is safeguarded, how his mental necessities are looked after, are glad with him that there has been a change. a warship is not intended to be a poetry factory. it's a fighting machine and with the best guns that you can get you need the best men available to shoot them. no longer is the navy the last refuge of the scum of town and country, the receptacle of jailbirds temporarily at large, the resort of men not fit for any decent toil on land. the navy needs men of intelligence and good character, the bright boys from the farm; young lads from the city, who otherwise would have to spend their lives in factories. the navy needs these men, and it is getting them all the time. why? because largely there have been many changes from the old methods, because no workingmen in the world have better food, more comfortable clothes, more sanitary housing, more opportunities for mental improvement, more wholesome recreations. it is true that jack no longer has to do duty as a captain of a top, no more does he receive orders to cockbill spars, square yards, man the main clew garnets and buntlines, as in the old days. the old horse block, as the platform where the officer of the deck formerly stood to give his orders at sea was called, can be found no more on warships. the old sports of head bumping, hammer and anvil and sparring, old style, have gone. here is what sparring used to be: "sparring consists of playing single stick with bone poles instead of wooden ones. two men stand apart and pummel each other with their fists (a hard bunch of knuckles permanently attached to the arms and made globular or extended into a palm at the pleasure of the proprietor) till one of them, finding himself sufficiently thrashed, cries enough." pretty good swatting, that. no more are wednesdays and saturdays the regular shaving days with every man restricted to two shaves a week. no more are the sick bays the most cramped and worst ventilated places in the ship. a lot of these things have disappeared, just as flogging has disappeared, and if the romance of the sea has gone with the passing of sailing ships and the development of steel ships into great factories and arsenals the general condition of jack has improved in inverse proportion and the country can say good-by to the old ways with no regrets. when the general mess of the crew was formed in recent years there were those who said it would never do. croakers and obstructors of new things abound in all walks of life and at all times. the result has been that one wonders how a warship ever managed to get along without the mess. one man now has charge of the feeding of all the men. there are no longer thirty or forty messes with varying grades of food. the navy regulations declare that so much material shall be fed to the crew for each man. he gets that allowance, and it is as wholesome food as any person can eat. the sun correspondent knows, for he has eaten with these men. many a time has he seen members of the wardroom mess send out for some of the food the sailormen were eating at that moment, the officers preferring it to the food of their own mess. every man on a warship has his pound and three-quarters of meat a day. he must be provided with it, the regulations, say, no matter what the cost. he must have a certain allowance of this and that, and a general steward sees that it is made up into attractive dishes. the sailorman no longer eats his meals sitting on a deck with the food spread out before him on a piece of canvas. he has tables and benches and plated knives and forks. his dishes are washed by machinery, his tables scrubbed until they are as clean as any housewife could make them. and when he is through his meal all are triced up out of the way, in what a landsman would call the rafters, practically out of sight. gone are the days of scouse, lob scouse, skillagalee, burgoo, lob dominion. gone are the days when the men divided themselves up into societies for the destruction of salt beef and pork. slush, as the duff made from large quantities of beef fat was called, is one of the absent morsels of food. you don't hear anything more of dunderfunk. what was dunderfunk? well, it has been defined by sea sharks in this way: "as cruel nice a dish as man ever put into him." it was made of hardtack hashed and pounded, mixed with beef fat, molasses and water, and it was baked in a pan. no, the men nowadays have cottage pudding, tapioca pudding, ice cream, if you please. their meats are of the finest. every article of food is the best that can be bought. it's plain food, true, but no food was ever better than the best of plain food. here is a menu of one week picked at random from the collection: sunday. _breakfast._ baked pork and beans. tomato catsup. bread and butter. coffee. _dinner._ roast pork. apple sauce. brown gravy. potatoes. string beans. bread and butter. coffee. _supper._ cold corned beef. tinned fruit. cake. bread and butter. coffee. monday. _breakfast._ corn meal mush. milk. fried pork sausage. bread and butter. coffee. _dinner._ vegetable soup. roast beef. gravy and potatoes. bread and butter. coffee. _supper._ beef pot pie. jelly. bread and butter. tea. tuesday. _breakfast._ ham hash. tomato catsup. bread and butter. coffee. _dinner._ fricassee of veal. green peas. potatoes. bread and butter. coffee. _supper._ frankfurters. hot slaw. bread and butter. tea. wednesday. _breakfast._ baked pork and beans. tomato catsup. bread and butter. coffee. _dinner._ tomato soup. boiled ham. potatoes. bread and butter. coffee. _supper._ hamburg steak. onion gravy. potatoes. bread and butter. tea. thursday. _breakfast._ fried pork chops. onion gravy. potatoes. bread and butter. coffee. _dinner._ roast beef. brown gravy. potatoes. bread and butter. coffee. _supper._ cold corned beef. fried potatoes. bread and butter. tea. friday. _breakfast._ oatmeal and milk. fried bacon. bread and butter. coffee. _dinner._ pot roast beef. brown gravy. macaroni and tomatoes. potatoes. bread and butter. coffee. _supper._ tinned salmon. potato salad. bread and butter. tea. saturday. _breakfast._ beef stew. bread and butter. coffee. _dinner._ bean soup. boiled pork. pickles. potatoes. bread and butter. coffee. _supper._ bologna sausage. rice pudding. jelly. bread and butter. tea. the menus of every ship have to be forwarded to the flagship every week so that the admiral may observe whether the men have had the proper kind of food. no, jack no longer kicks seriously about his food on a warship. no workingman in the world gets better. take the libraries nowadays. there are two of them on every ship, the ship's library and the crew's library. the officers use the ship's library. it is scattered about the officers' quarters in various cases, some in the wardroom, some in the captain's or admiral's quarters, some in the steerage. there are about thirty classifications, dealing with technical subjects, with history, travel, adventure, poetry, a limited amount of fiction and so on. the crew's library is three times larger. there is a great deal of history and travel and adventure and some science in it, but the larger part is made up of as good fiction as the english language provides. the classic authors are represented, but a large amount of the newer fiction is also represented. you find kipling, anthony hope, e. w. hornung, w. w. jacobs, jack london, weir mitchell, booth tarkington, s. j. weyman, along with bret harte, mark twain, r. l. stevenson, scott, thackeray, charles reade, washington irving, bulwer-lytton and so on. and the men read these books! far into the night you will come across some youngsters whose hammock is near a light and who cannot sleep straining his eyes in reading some book. at any time when the smoking lamp is lit and the men have knocked off work if you walk through the ship you will probably find men reading books. their association with the best fiction and best history is constant. they discuss these books and they get a fund of information that no other grade of men in a factory receive. and how was it in the old days? melville tells about it in his "white jacket," the book that relates to the old frigate united states in . he says: "there was a public library on board paid for by government and entrusted to the custody of one of the marine corporals, a little, dried up man of a somewhat literary turn. he had once been a clerk in a post office ashore, and having been long accustomed to hand over letters when called for he was now just the man to hand over books. he kept them in a large cask on the berth deck, and when seeking a particular volume had to capsize it like a barrel of potatoes. this made him very cross and irritable, as most all librarians are. who had the selection of these books i do not know, but some of them must have been selected by our chaplain, who so pranced on coleridge's 'high german horse.'" "mason good's 'book of nature,' a very good book, to be sure, but not precisely adapted to literary tastes, was one of these volumes; and macchiavelli's 'art of war,' which was very dry fighting; and a folio of tillotson's sermons, the best of reading for divines indeed, but with little relish for a main top man; and locke's essays, incomparable essays, everybody knows, but miserable reading at sea; and plutarch's lives--superexcellent biographies, which pit greek against roman in beautiful style, but then, in a sailor's estimation, not to be mentioned with the lives of the admirals; and blair's lectures, university edition, a fine treatise on rhetoric, but having nothing to say about nautical phrases, such as 'splicing the main brace,' 'passing a gammoning,' 'puddin'ing the dolphin,' and 'making a carrick-bend,' besides numerous invaluable but unreadable tomes that might have been purchased cheap at the auction of some college professor's library." the sailorman has lots of recreation nowadays. three times a week, wednesday, saturday and sunday nights, the band plays for him on the fo'c's'le deck. he seizes his mate and he dances wildly, madly or slowly and gracefully, as he pleases. you see as fine dancing there as you can see in a fashionable ballroom in any capital of the world. he has his cards, his pets--dogs, cats, birds--and he foregathers from time to time to sing. he likes to box and play baseball and to row, and the government provides for suitable athletic equipment for his sports. he loves a boxing contest on the quarter deck with all the officers looking on and the rules of the ring enforced rigidly. it gladdens his heart to applaud and to hear others applaud, and he was much rejoiced in callao when several peruvians who were the guests of the new jersey's wardroom at a boxing contest, sang out in their delight: "viva la box fight!" jack laughed at that long and hearty. he loves rowing contests and he and his mates on a single ship frequently wager as much as $ , on their own crew. jack goes broke for months sometimes on these races. sometimes a man will bet from $ to $ , or $ , on his crew and he'll be all in for months afterward, but he likes a run for his money. when he wins all hands know it at the next liberty and jack and his friends have trouble in toeing a scam, but lord! what a good time they've had! then there is the ship's canteen that ministers to jack's comfort. the canteen is not like what an army canteen used to be, a place where drinks were served, but it's a country store. in it jack can buy tobacco, stationery, soap, little articles of clothing, thread and needles, knickknacks--and above all things else, candy. you see, jack gets nothing to drink but water in various forms on ship and he runs to sweets. many a ship carries away with her on a cruise two or three tons of candy in starting out. in less than six weeks the louisiana's canteen had sold more than $ , worth of candy to the crew. the canteen makes a small profit so as to overcome losses by the deterioration of goods, but all its wares are sold practically to jack at cost price. it is for his benefit exclusively that he gets the best quality of goods at the lowest prices. it is under charge of the ship's paymaster and it is financed much as the ship's messes are. what profits there are go to swelling the athletic fund or perhaps to provide for a minstrel show; anyhow, it all goes toward making jack's life on ship as comfortable as possible. so jack eats well and sleeps well and he works and plays with zest. he sings and dances and perhaps he gets more fun out of a minstrel show on board than any other thing. in callao harbor the louisiana had its minstrel show. on the after part of the quarter deck was a stage about twenty by twenty-five feet. it had flies and wings and all the upper and lower entrances. it had three drop curtains, one of them with "asbestos" painted on it. it had footlights and spotlights. it had red lights with "exit" and "fire escape" lettered on them. every bit of the stage scenery was painted by expert men on the ship. every bit of electric lighting was done by the ship's crew. it was as creditable as most of the scenic and stage work in a large theatre. the quarter deck was all shut in and canopied and you could scarcely realize that you were not in a modern theatre. all the crew attended the show. delegations of twenty-five men from each of the battleships in the fleet came. they were met at the port gangway by ushers who had reserved seats for them. programmes, the woodcuts for which were made on board--and the entire printing was done there as well--were handed out to each person as he took his place. the officers were given programmes at the starboard gangway by pages in bolero and plush breeches and silk stockings. an old naval custom was revived by having side boys with lanterns. it was the old fashioned minstrel show, with end men and jokes and songs for the first part and stunts and sketches for the second. more than , men looked on. imagine , men seated in comfort on a quarter deck! my, how the ships of the navy have grown! the -inch guns were tilted down and seats covered with flags built on them. the turret was utilized for a gallery. the after-bridge took the place of nigger heaven. there was no sign of a warship about, all the implements of trade being hidden. only the uniforms of the men suggested the thought of a navy; those and the grinds on the officers and ships. the singing was quite as good as that of any travelling minstrel show. the company had a manager, secretary, treasurer, pianist, electrician, stage manager, master of properties, costumer, carpenter and all the rest of a regular theatrical outfit, and all hands voted it as good as anything you could see in that line on any stage. and when it was all over, flags were dropped, ropes loosened and the trappings came down in a jiffy, just as a circus packs up its effects. the visitors were marched to certain gangways. they went down as their boats, which were lying alongside, were called, and in thirty minutes all the guests were gone, all the trappings put away and the routine of ship life was in progress as if there never had been the slightest interruption. but jack had had a night of nights. it is by making jack happy and comfortable, giving him wholesome pleasure as well as wholesome food, that the best fighting results are obtained. there is no better sailor afloat, mentally or morally. he is intelligent, willing and he loves his flag. of course, he's human. he will streak for a saloon when he gets liberty. he spends his money on shore foolishly. he's a child in many respects, for uncle sam looks after him on shipboard paternally, tells him what to wear and when, gives him his food in scientific measure, looks after his health, provides amusement and mental diversion for him. he gets in the brig occasionally and he's mighty sorry for it. he gets scolded now and then, but he tries to do his duty. watch his enthusiasm when target practice approaches and see him sneak out before breakfast and do extra work just for the love of it and you'll appreciate what it means. growl? lord bless your soul! he wouldn't be happy and the ship wouldn't be happy and the officers would be alarmed if he didn't growl. but sulk! not on your life! he wants his ship to get the record in shooting, rowing, boxing, economic consumption of coal, signal work, speed and every other contest that enters into fleet life. he'll back his money on his own ship and when he fights he's willing to go down fighting with her if that's to be his fate. dibdin's ballads of the true english sailor are as true to-day as when they were written, a century ago. and they are as true of the american sailor as of the english. here is one that sums up jack's seagoing life: jack dances and sings and is always content; in his vows to his lass he'll ne'er fail her. his anchor's a-trip when his money's all spent; and this is the life of a sailor. and so you see that a warship may have guns and magazines and ponderous engines and coal bunkers and deep recesses in her hold, and her purpose may be to destroy and kill, but with it all there's good fellowship abounding in her gradation of compartments, and perhaps on reading this you get some indication of what was meant in the beginning of this article by the statement that socially a warship houses a series of clubs. good clubs they are, too! [illustration: _courtesy of collier's weekly_ entering the golden gate] chapter xiv end and lessons of the cruise to the pacific with the arrival of the battleship fleet at san francisco on may , , the longest cruise ever made by a fleet of battleships of any navy came to an end. about one month was consumed by brief stays in various california anchorages on the way from magdalena bay to san francisco. on the long cruise the fleet was reviewed by the presidents of four republics--president roosevelt, at hampton roads; president penna, at rio janeiro; president montt, at valparaiso, and president pardo, at callao. according to the log of the louisiana, on which the sun's correspondent sailed, the fleet cruised , . knots, or in round numbers , sea miles. estimates of the exact distance vary on the sixteen battleships, according to the calculation of individual navigators. some days' runs were estimated by dead reckoning, and there was no way of determining to a knot the distance that the ships travelled. the elapsed time from leaving hampton roads on december to dropping anchors in san francisco harbor on may , was days hours. the actual time of cruising for the , knots voyage was days hours. practically days ( days hours, to be exact) were consumed in various ports. of this time a period of days was occupied largely in practice at magdalena bay. in trinidad there was a stay of days; in rio, ; punta arenas, ; callao, ; or sixty-two days in round numbers. the rate of steaming was practically knots. occasionally and even knots was tried; several times speed was reduced to knots and once or twice to for experimental purposes or because of some mishap to a ship. such accidents were few and at most only delayed the fleet an hour or two. allowing reasonable time to coal in foreign ports and eliminating the time for target practice at magdalena bay and the various stops along the california coast, the trip could have been made easily at knots steaming in less than eighty days. one day could have been saved at trinidad, at rio, at punta arenas and at callao. these with days at magdalena bay and spent in california stopping places make days which could have been cut off the elapsed time if the movement had been purely military. these data are valuable as showing what an american battleship fleet can do if called upon in the way of steaming long distances. all the strictly unnecessary time spent in foreign and home ports, with the exception of magdalena bay, was occupied with social duties and pleasures. the government now knows it would take seventy-eight days without undue speeding to send a fleet of battleships from hampton roads to san francisco, providing all coaling arrangements are made in advance. the longest run of the cruise was from trinidad to rio, a distance of , miles as the fleet sailed it, occupying thirteen days twenty hours. there was a strong head wind, a southeast trade wind. this and the persistent amazon current caused the fleet to sail far out to the eastward along the northern coast of south america. the next longest run was from callao to magdalena bay, , miles, occupying twelve days twenty-two hours. the trip from punta arenas to callao, although only , miles long, occupied twelve days ten hours, largely because the fleet was slowed down on the way for nearly forty-eight hours to obtain data as to slow cruising, and also because of a fog. slow speed was maintained for some time, in order not to enter valparaiso harbor in advance of schedule time. this trip from atlantic to pacific was supposed by people generally to be one of hazard and great daring. from the cruising standpoint it was almost a picnic. there was no bad weather to speak of. off the river plata there was half a storm one morning and the ships were shaken up a little as they emerged into the pacific from the magellan strait, always a bad place. not once, however, were table racks used on the ships and the heaviest roll the louisiana experienced was less than twelve degrees. other ships would probably tell a similar story. there may have been some element of danger in passing through the magellan strait, but otherwise the cruise was a summer jaunt over smooth seas and for the greater part of the time under blue skies. there were four days of intermittent fog after entering the pacific and there were one morning and two hours one afternoon of fog on the atlantic a day or two before the strait of magellan was reached. the passage through the strait, the last thirty miles of which was sailed through quite a thick fog, was accomplished, according to commanding officers generally, with greater ease and less real danger than entering new york harbor and sailing up the hudson river to the usual anchorage there. the trip was one of surprises. the coolness of the people of trinidad was as great a surprise as was the exuberant welcome of brazil and other foreign countries. rio's welcome was the most demonstrative, callao's probably the most heartfelt, that of punta arenas the most unexpected. there were two highly spectacular events on the cruise--the welcome at sea on the morning of january by a squadron of the argentine navy off the mouth of the river plate and the entrance to and exit from valparaiso harbor on the afternoon of february . the american and argentine fleets exchanged national salutes on the high seas. many naval officers believe this was the first time such an act of courtesy ever took place. no naval officer ever remembered such a ceremonious call as was made at valparaiso. with the chilean ensign at the fore the ships made a great curve in the shape of a crescent in the harbor. on entering the port the ships fired a national salute of twenty-one guns in unison. on leaving the harbor each ship fired twenty-one guns as a personal salute to chile's president, who had come out to review the parade. the day was glorious, the hills were crowded with people, the shipping in the harbor was all dressed. every naval officer agreed that it was the most spectacular naval parade he ever saw. all were glad that this happened in a port of chile, a country which not long ago was not over-friendly to us. the messages exchanged between admiral evans and the president and other officials of chile were extremely cordial, and there can be no doubt that the visit to valparaiso was highly beneficial in fully restoring good feeling between the countries. all naval officers are of opinion that professionally the cruise was of great benefit both to the men and the ships. it was absolutely true, as admiral evans telegraphed the navy department from magdalena bay, that the vessels were in better condition when they arrived there than when they left hampton roads. they had been shaken down, as the expression goes. they had become a coherent force. a large quantity of work had been done on each of them such as is usually done in navy yards. the longer the cruise continued the more the truth of the naval saying that "the place for ships to be is at sea, not in navy yards" seemed confirmed. a large part of the routine work on the ships was taken up with drills preliminary to target practice. the purpose of a warship is to shoot; it is a truism to say it. hence the large amount of time given to learning how to shoot accurately and quickly was precisely what was needed on the fleet. the value of all this work will become known when the navy department decides to make public such of the records as may be deemed desirable regarding the work at magdalena bay. one may not speak freely of that work, but it is not beyond the limits of propriety to say that the american people will not be ashamed of the men behind the guns when even partial results are made known. the voyage revealed the cruising qualities of the ships and many lessons were learned from incidental mishaps--as many lessons were learned at magdalena bay from similar causes as to the way to improve target shooting. on the atlantic coast there were frequent minor breakdowns, boilers, condensers, steering engines and the like needing repairs. all these incidents showed not only how and where mishaps were likely to occur, but showed that it was possible to make repairs in such cases at sea. although several ships dropped out of the column at various times only once was the fleet slowed down, and then only for a few hours while repairs were going on. the ships might fly "breakdown" pennants but they kept up right along. on the pacific coast there were very few mishaps, and these chiefly relating to steering gear. one of the ships had a cylinder accident coming up to santa barbara roadstead, but the ship kept right along in the column. there is little doubt that if pleasure stops had not been made it would have been comparatively easy to take the fleet right on around the world without docking or sending them to a navy yard for repairs. many officers in the fleet regret that such a course was not adopted, once it was decided to have the fleet encircle the globe, so as to make a record such as the naval world has scarcely dreamed of. the trip has also been valuable in determining not only the cruising capability of the ships but also the best cruising speed. although it was proved that the ships could go faster than ten knots it was found that from ten to eleven knots was the most trustworthy speed to be maintained. you could depend upon ships at that speed. valuable data as to coal consumption and wear and tear on machinery have also been secured. from the engineering standpoint uncle sam has learned now exactly what his ships can do in sustained steaming under favorable conditions of weather. by way of contrast between the fine cruising record of the battleship fleet and that of the russian fleet on its way to japan, one should read the diary of one of the russian naval officers who sailed under rojestvensky, which was published about a year ago. it had this to say about the russian ships: "there are continual mishaps to the various ships. one gets sand in her valves. although six miles off shore, she must have scraped a shoal. another gets hot bearings and the whole fleet is stopped. another breaks her condensers, another smashes her propeller blade, another breaks her piston rod. with most of them the steering gear is continually getting out of order. naval constructors are in demand night and day." nothing of that kind happened with the american ships. they were sent out to cruise and they did cruise, accidents in no way interfering with their steady progress. the effect on the men was most beneficial. they got the sea habit, so to speak. they were in splendid health. you could almost see youngsters growing robust from day to day. discipline improved all the time. the men, like the ships, were shaken down into a cohesive force, with wholesome, fresh, american youngsters, hundreds of them right off the farm, as the bone and sinew of the fighting force. they are a fine set of men, and no fighting force in the world can compare with them in what is called morale. in every port their conduct elicited enthusiastic commendation from the authorities high and low. they honored their uniform. contrast this also with the conduct of the russian crews, as the russian naval officer already quoted records in his diary: "a transport, the malay, is largely loaded with lunatics. she is about to return to russia with lunatics, drunkards, invalids and men deported for crimes. the crews are all hard cases, beachcombers and the like, picked up in the madagascar ports. all the officers carry loaded revolvers; mutiny breaks out among the lunatics and other prisoners; the officers suppress it with slaughter." it's many a year since an american naval officer carried a loaded revolver because of fear of his men. the scum of the country is not found in the american navy these days. no brighter, more hard working, loyal men in the world are to be found than those behind the guns on the atlantic fleet, and when the ships left magdalena bay no crews on any warships in the world were in more efficient fighting shape. although much has been said about the need of a hospital ship to accompany the fleet, and the relief did join the ships at magdalena bay, the truth of the matter is that each of the ships cared for its sick adequately on the way around. surgeon-general rixey lamented publicly that when the fleet left hampton roads it had no hospital ship with it. while there can be no doubt that some cases could receive better attention on a hospital ship than on a battleship, especially in the way of better quarters and possibly better diet, it is also true that none of the sick on the fleet suffered seriously from the lack of a hospital ship, unless it was in tubercular cases. such could have been put on shore for better air and sustained treatment in various places had it been necessary. the sick on each ship were not more than from twenty to twenty-five cases on an average and a large part of these were trivial, slight accidents of colds and the like. there were the usual number of deaths. no one can say that any of these lives would have been spared had there been a hospital ship with the fleet. some of these cases developed on a single run, when it would have been impossible to transfer them to the hospital ship. this comment is not meant in any way as taking sides in the hospital ship controversy. it is meant to declare that it is quite feasible for a great fleet while cruising to take care of its sick successively, even if no hospital ship be at hand. one great drawback to the full enjoyment and probably to the full development of the benefits of the cruise was the condition of admiral evans' health. soon after leaving trinidad, his old enemy, rheumatism, took hold of him and laid him low for the rest of the voyage. complications in the nature of stomach troubles followed. the admiral suffered intensely from pain. at times he was in a most serious condition, as the country now knows. the correspondents with the fleet did not feel it necessary to reveal the grave condition of the admiral's health, largely because of the misunderstandings that might arise, to say nothing of possible complications. for the most part they kept silent, recording, however, at every opportunity any favorable change in his condition. nevertheless, although admiral evans was a gravely sick man, the truth is that he was always in command of his fleet up to the time when he left it at magdalena bay. he might have done more work with it in the way of manoeuvring had he been well. his work may have been negative rather than positive, but he was in command all the time. he directed all important movements. he was informed of every situation. he gave every important order himself. he also kept up with the routine and many painful hours did he spend signing documents and going over routine work. the details of an admiral's task are burdensome even to a well man. yet admiral evans insisted on keeping up with most of the work even when every stroke of the pen caused him severe pain. never did he have more loyal subordinates. particularly was this true of rear admiral c. m. thomas. had the latter made unfavorable representations to the navy department of the condition of admiral evans he possibly might have secured the command of the fleet for himself. not for one moment would he have listened to such a suggestion, and no one dared to make it to him. robley d. evans never had more loyal friend or more faithful subordinate officer than charles m. thomas. he deserves lasting honor from the country for his record on this cruise, to say nothing of the enviable record throughout his long service to his flag. california's welcome to the fleet was characteristic of the ardent temperament of that commonwealth. it received the men and the ships with an acclaim such as might have been bestowed justly had they returned to an american port victorious on the high seas over an enemy. the people seemed to go mad in their enthusiasm. the demonstrations began when admiral evans left magdalena bay in the latter part of march by the advice of his physicians, to go to paso robles, cal., for a stay on land. his flagship took him to san diego and his presence in california seemed to stimulate the people into a sort of frenzied patriotism. the fleet stopped at five california anchorages on the way from magdalena to san francisco, the real terminus of the cruise as ordered originally by president roosevelt. there was a stay of four days at san diego, of seven days in the four anchorages adjacent to los angeles, the fleet being split up into four divisions; of five days in santa barbara and of four days in monterey and santa cruz. at each port the welcome was overwhelming. streets and buildings were decorated, flowers were scattered on the streets before the marching sailors and thrown in profusion into vehicles in which the officers rode. los angeles particularly devoted its attention to entertaining the bluejackets. santa barbara gave one of its wonderful flower shows. it was the most novel and beautiful entertainment of the cruise. the other cities entertained with dinners, balls and receptions. the keynote of the functions was one of great rejoicing on the part of california, not only because the united states had a great fleet of battleships, but because california was enabled to see them all at one time. the arrival of the fleet at san francisco on may was characterized by such a demonstration of enthusiasm and an outpouring of the people as the country never saw before. tens of thousands came hundreds of miles to see the entrance through the golden gate. admiral evans, who had returned to the command of his flagship the day before at monterey, led the fleet into the harbor. the hills were black with spectators. the harbor was crowded with beautifully decorated shipping carrying thousands on the water to see the show. the pacific fleet of eight armored cruisers and auxiliaries lay inside the bay. with the battle fleet was the torpedo flotilla that made the trip around south america at the same time that the battle fleet went around. the atlantic and pacific fleets joined in one and then admiral evans made a circle, nearly two miles in diameter, leading no less than forty-two men of war of the united states, the largest number of american warships ever assembled together since the civil war, and the most powerful fleet ever seen in the western hemisphere, a fleet greater in size and power than any nation had ever gathered together before with the exception of great britain. following the arrival of the fleet there was a great land parade in san francisco, the next day, in which , bluejackets joined with the regular army troops and state national guard and other organizations. it was the largest parade of the kind since the great dewey parade in new york ten years before. admiral evans rode in the line. it was his last public appearance as a commander-in-chief. the people cheered the bluejackets wildly, but they went mad over admiral evans. they made a hero out of him because of his persistent and plucky struggle with pain and disease. although thousands of men marched in the parade there really was only one man in it--fighting bob evans. all the others were a mere escort. his naval sun went down that day in a veritable blaze of glory. the next day secretary metcalf of the navy department reviewed the combined fleets, passing through the lines on the gunboat yorktown and receiving a salute of seventeen guns from each ship as "the personal representative of the president." the next day admiral evans gave up command formally to admiral thomas at a hotel, where that evening admiral evans was taken in a wheeled chair to the dining room where a banquet in honor of secretary metcalf and the officers of the fleet was being held and where admiral evans, wan and feeble and scarcely able to stand, electrified his audience by declaring impassionedly that what this country needs "is more battleships and fewer statesmen." on the day following rear admiral thomas hoisted his flag as commander-in-chief, to be relieved five days later by rear admiral charles s. sperry. under the latter's command the fleet went to puget sound to give the people of that region an opportunity to see the ships, such as had been given along the california coast. there were the usual rounds of entertainment and then the fleet scattered to various places to make repairs and to prepare to resume the voyage around the world by way of australia, the orient and the mediterranean. the arrival of the fleet at san francisco marked the real end of the cruise. with that there was accomplished the specific purpose for which it was ordered to the pacific. what that purpose was may never be revealed. all the naval officers concerned felt that the rest of the trip to the home stations of the ships would be largely a pleasure jaunt. all agreed that with the arrival at san francisco the record of a momentous cruise by a momentous fleet had been made up. "it really deserves a corner by itself on the bookshelf," says the _boston transcript_ of the city that was a requiem of old san francisco by will irwin this tribute to the san francisco that passed away with the disaster of april, , has become classic. originally it was printed in the new york _sun_, having been written with a copy-boy at the author's elbow. inspired by the thought of intimate ties which made every feature of the city dear to him, and the dangers by which it was still threatened, mr. irwin dashed off a prose epic which will always remain the truest memorial to san francisco's greatness. board covers, net cents, postage cents limp leather, in box, autographed by mr. irwin; net $ . , postage cents at all booksellers or of b. w. huebsch publisher new york "she is a lovable creature, as fine a portraiture as any writer of tales has added to our literature in a generation," says the _rochester post-express_ of denise in a princess and another by lieut. stephen jenkins "this capital story ... shows as great a knowledge of the historical situation as that famous novel, hugh wynne.... in point of fact, the novel is excellent history; in point of fiction, as good a love tale as one may desire. of excellent characterization, full of clear, contrasting types, yet never straining the verisimilitudes, the book possesses brisk action.... carried away by the good story he has to relate, he bears the reader along with him. the plot is well developed.... the novel is as much a promise of good things to come as a source of present entertainment.... one is safe to predict a growing audience for mr. jenkins' work."--_louisville courier-journal_. "it should probably be classified as a historical romance, but it is vivid, lifelike, and surcharged with human interest. a story remarkable for its reminiscent value, for its constructive skill, for its grouping of characters and incidents in a style which captivates the reader."--_rochester democrat and chronicle_. "stephen jenkins has proved in 'a princess and another' that a novel of colonial days can still be written that is worth reading."--_springfield republican_. price $ . postpaid at all booksellers or of b. w. huebsch publisher new york * * * * * transcriber's notes: hyphenation, punctuation, and spelling standardized when a predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise unchanged. simple typographical errors remedied; most retained. some illustrations have been moved from their original positions. a short history of h.m.s. 'victory.' gathered from various sources, and compiled by captain w. j. l. wharton, r.n. "whose life was england's glory." _shakespeare._ sold for the benefit of the seamen and marines' orphan school and female orphan home. portsmouth: griffin & co., , the hard, (_publishers by appointment to h.r.h. duke of edinburgh_). . [_all rights reserved._] printed at the office of the publishers. [illustration: {the "victory" in battle.}] history of h.m.s. "victory." [illustration: _the "salvador del mundo" striking to the "victory" at st. vincent._] every englishman, we imagine, knows that the "victory" was the ship which bore lord nelson's flag, and on board of which he received his death wound in the moment of triumph over the combined fleets of france and spain, off cape trafalgar; but as very few are aware of her numerous and distinguished services, extending over many years, and preceding that sad yet glorious climax, this memoir of her career has been drawn up, with the hope of making her history from her launch to the present time better known; and that the hundreds who yearly visit her may carry away a record of their visit, to remind them of the classic ground they have been treading, and recall to their recollections some of the splendid deeds of the past, which gained for england the proud title of "mistress of the seas." there have been "victory's" in the english navy ever since the year , and as each successive ship, from old age or misfortune, has disappeared from the list, another has soon after appeared to take her place. the ship immediately preceding the existing "victory," was, like her, a first-rate three-decker, carrying guns, and was accounted the finest ship in the service. in she was the flagship of admiral sir j. balchen, a venerable officer of years of age, who had been called from the honourable retirement of greenwich hospital to command a fleet destined to relieve sir charles hardy, then blockaded in lisbon by a superior french force, under the count de rochambault. on returning from the successful performance of this service, the fleet was dispersed in the chops of the channel by a tremendous gale, on october th. the rest of the ships, though much shattered, gained the anchorage of spithead in safety, but the "victory" was never more heard of, though from the evidence of fishermen of the island of alderney, she was believed to have run on to the caskets, some dangerous rocks lying off that island, where her gallant crew of about a thousand perished to a man. in , on the th may, was launched from chatham dockyard the present "victory" which had been built from designs of sir thomas slade, then surveyor of the navy. her principal dimensions are as follows:-- feet. ins. length from figure head to taffrail length of keel length of gun-deck extreme beam depth of hold tonnage tons. her armament was in -- lower deck long -pounders. middle deck long -pounders. main deck long -pounders. upper deck short -pounders. guns. in she had four -pr. carronades substituted on upper deck, and six -pr. carronades added on the poop, making her total number of guns at this time . the six last were subsequently removed, as at trafalgar she had no guns on the poop. in , two -pr. carronades were placed on the forecastle, instead of two -pr., when the weight of her broadside fired from guns was pounds. it may here be mentioned, for the sake of comparison, that the weight of the broadside of the _monarch_, a modern ironclad, carrying but six guns,[a] is lbs., or more than twice that of the "victory." [a] not including one that only fires aft. as it happened, in england was at peace with all the world, so the "victory" lay quietly at her moorings at chatham for years, but in , when war with france became imminent, she was commissioned by captain sir j. lindsey on th march, and on admiral hon. augustus keppel being appointed to the command of the channel fleet he selected her as his flagship, and she was sent round to portsmouth, where, on may th, she hoisted his flag. on the th june keppel sailed from st. helen's, with sail of the line, frigates, and sloops, having sir robert harland and sir hugh palliser as his vice-admirals. his position was a peculiar and delicate one, as war was not yet declared, though all chance of peace being maintained was at an end, but it was known that large and rich fleets of merchantmen from our east and west indian possessions were on their way home, and it was unadvisable to allow any french frigates to cruise at large and carry intelligence of their whereabouts to brest; besides this, admiral byron with a small squadron was on the point of sailing to reinforce our fleet on the american coast, and keppel was expected to cover his path. under these circumstances, when two french frigates hove in sight on the th june, keppel determined to detain them; one, the _licorne_, submitted after firing one broadside, but the other, the _belle-poule_, attempted to escape, was pursued, and after a long chase, brought to action by the _arethusa_, captain marshall. the two frigates were nearly equal in force, and after one of the most desperate contests on record, the fight terminated by the _belle-poule_ drifting amongst the rocks of her own coast, leaving the _arethusa_ a dismantled hulk, to be found by the _valiant_, and towed home. this action is perpetuated in the well-known sea song, the "saucy arethusa." from the _licorne_, keppel learnt the unexpected and unpleasant intelligence that the french fleet in brest amounted to sail of the line and frigates; as his own only numbered , prudence dictated a return for reinforcement, and he very unwillingly turned his back on france, anchoring at st. helen's on the th of june, and detaining another french frigate, the _pallas_, on his way. on the th of july, war being now declared, he again sailed, with sail of the line, and was joined off plymouth by more, making his total force of the line and frigates; with these he now proceeded in search of the french admiral d'orvilliers, who, with ships of the line and many frigates, had left brest a few days before, hearing that the expected british merchant fleets were at hand. the object of the french was, of course, the capture of these rich prizes, and they naturally wished to avoid a meeting with the british men-of-war before this was accomplished. on the other hand, the english longed for the battle, as the shortest and safest mode of saving their convoys. so when the two fleets sighted one another on the rd, the french, being to windward, did their best to avoid an engagement, and held their wind; on which keppel finding he had no chance of overtaking them if he kept his line of battle, hoisted the signal for a general chase, and kept it flying. thus for four days were both fleets working to windward, during which, two french line of battle ships were cut off, but from their superior sailing escaped capture. keppel hoped that d'orvilliers would bear up to their rescue, but the wily frenchman knew that if he did, he would have to give up all hopes of his prize, and preferred that his stray vessels should trust to their heels, which as we have seen, bore them in good stead on this occasion. however, this made the two fleets numerically equal, and, on the forenoon of july th, being then some miles west of ushant, the joy in the british fleet was excessive, when they found that a shift of wind brought them into such a position that an engagement was inevitable. the french still tried to evade the fight, and put about on the other tack, bringing the heads of the two lines pointed in nearly opposite directions, and in this way the british van, commanded by sir r. harland, came in action with the french centre, and standing on until close to their line, ran along it to leeward. the rest of the fleet followed, taking their positions in the line as quickly as they could, the "victory" being in about the centre. it will be seen by this, that the fleets, after once meeting, were parting each moment, and at the end of about two hours, their respective rears were clear of one another. keppel then did his best to renew the battle, but from the french practice of aiming at the spars, his ships were so crippled that the "victory," and some four others, were alone able to wear after the enemy. under these circumstances, and hoping to bring the enemy to action again next day, as they also were much scattered and disabled, the english admiral got his ships together and repaired damages. unfortunately, the wind came fair for brest in the night, and the french, having succeeded in concealing their movements, by stationing their frigates to show misleading lights, ran for, and gained that port. their mast heads only were visible in the morning, and keppel, after chasing for two hours, found it hopeless and gave up the pursuit. thus, for want of the manoeuvre of "breaking the line," which rodney, under precisely similar circumstances, so successfully practised four years later, this engagement had no results beyond that of saving the convoys, one of which passed the scene of action the very next day. the "victory" had, at one time, six enemy's ships on her, and was much cut up in hull and rigging; her loss was killed and wounded, being the largest number rendered _hors de combat_ in any one ship of the british fleet, save one, the _formidable_. the total loss was killed and wounded. the french loss was never correctly ascertained, but, as it was the english custom to fire at the hulls, it was probably much more severe. keppel returned to port, and after refitting, again sailed from plymouth on the rd august, but never again met the enemy, and eventually arrived at portsmouth on the th of october. this is the history of a ship, and not of the times, so we have strictly nothing to do with subsequent events that arose out of this engagement; but, as they created great excitement, perhaps a short account of the sequel may not be altogether out of place. at this period of our history, the british public expected some tangible proofs of our naval superiority whenever our fleets met an equal enemy, in the shape of ships captured or destroyed; and the indecisive results of the action of the th july, gave rise to a multitude of paragraphs in the newspapers, commenting on the conduct of the different admirals, especially that of the commander-in-chief, and sir hugh palliser, and attributing blame to one or the other, as their fancy, or rather their politics dictated: the principals themselves (who were both members of the house of commons, but of opposite parties), in exculpating themselves, became involved in mutual recriminations, and finally sir hugh palliser preferred charges against admiral keppel, for, in a few words not doing his best to "burn, sink, and destroy." suffice it to say, that a court martial to try admiral keppel met at portsmouth on january th, , and sat at the governor's house, by special act of parliament, on account of the bad health of the accused, until february th, when it honourably acquitted him, and declared the charges "malicious and ill-founded." keppel, by his former victories and frank condescending manners, had long rendered himself the idol of the navy and people, and the first disappointment felt at the meagre results of his engagement had been succeeded by a strong popular reaction in his favour, when it was understood that he would be placed on his trial. the news of his acquittal was received throughout the country with an extraordinary burst of joy. on the sentence being made known, a signal gun was fired at portsmouth, upon which the ships at spithead immediately cheered and saluted, and a fleet of indiamen, lying at the mother bank, fired vollies. nor were they behind hand on shore in manifesting their delight; the bells of portsmouth church rang for the day, the late prisoner was escorted from the court by a vast crowd, attended by some of the most illustrious in the land; and such was his popularity, that not only portsmouth, but other towns were illuminated, and the inhabitants rejoiced in the most frantic way, as if for a great national deliverance. admiral keppel was requested to retain the command of the fleet, but refused, and was succeeded by sir charles hardy, who hoisted his flag in the "victory," on the th march, . sir charles found himself with ships of the line, which seems a large force, but the accounts of the day state that a number of them were very badly manned; however that may be, after sailing on june th, he was cruising off ushant on august th, when intelligence reached him that the french and spanish fleets had effected a junction at cadiz, and were then off plymouth; he learnt also that they consisted of sail of the line, besides more than frigates, and smaller vessels. sir charles made sail after them, and sighted them on st september, off scilly, when finding that his information as to their force was correct, and reflecting that the safety of the country would in a great measure depend on him should the enemy attempt a landing, he retired to spithead. this is, we believe, the only time that the "victory" was ever forced to show her stern to an enemy. the combined fleets, after making a great show, and indulging in a parade off plymouth, quitted the channel without attempting any enterprise. the british admiral cruised till the end of the year, when the "victory" returned to portsmouth with her division, and, being placed in dock, was coppered for the first time. in the spring, whilst preparing to take the sea again, sir c. hardy was seized with an apoplectic fit, and died on th may, . admiral geary then hoisted his flag in the "victory," on th may, on succeeding to the command of the channel fleet, and sailed early in june, with line-of-battle ships, of them three-deckers. he stationed himself off brest, which he watched for three months, his object being to prevent the french from getting out, and joining the spaniards fitting in cadiz; when, having over sick on board his fleet, he returned to spithead on the th august. he captured a valuable convoy of merchantmen during his cruise, but did not have a chance of measuring his strength with the enemy. feeling his health failing, admiral geary resigned his command, and the "victory" struck his flag on the th august. vice-admiral darby, who was on board the _britannia_, then took command of the channel fleet, and the "victory" flew the flag of rear-admiral drake, the rd in seniority, but only for one cruise, as being afflicted with severe attacks of gout, this officer resigned his post on th december. the "victory" was next destined to be the flagship of a squadron fitting for service in the north sea, under vice-admiral hyde parker, who hoisted his flag in her on march th, , at portsmouth. on may th, she sailed for the downs, with five other ships; but a few days after her arrival at that anchorage, admiral parker shifted his flag to the _fortitude_, a , as being better adapted for cruising in the narrow seas to which he was bound, and the "victory," returning to spithead, hoisted the broad pendant of commodore elliott, and bore it for one cruise with the fleet, in which nothing of importance took place. in september of the same year, rear-admiral kempenfelt, hoisted his flag as fourth admiral of channel fleet and cruised with it for two months; but in december he was detached in command of a squadron of sail of the line and frigates, to attempt to intercept m. de guichen, who had sailed from brest, with a convoy, carrying troops and laden with warlike stores intended for the count de grasse in the west indies. early on the th december, when leagues west of ushant, the look out frigate, _tisiphone_, captain james saumarez, made the signal for an enemy's fleet, and boldly crowded all sail to close them. in a short time, when the day was fully broke, kempenfelt found to his disgust, that the enemy was much stronger than he had been led to expect, as he could count line of battle ships amongst the crowd of ships to leeward of him; he therefore decided to watch his opportunity before attacking; and, after sailing along with, and to windward of the french fleet for a few hours, his patience was rewarded by perceiving that the van and centre, with most of the men-of-war, were separated by a slight gap from the rear. he at once made a dash for the opening, and, while with the "victory" and some others, he engaged the rear of the french centre, and prevented their returning to the rescue, his other vessels passed to leeward and captured the whole of that division of the convoy-- ships--sinking four frigates that rashly, but most gallantly, endeavoured to protect them. as the wind was now fair for england, he formed his fleet round the prizes, and keeping up a running fire, carried the whole of the captured ships into plymouth in the face of the enemy, and despite their utmost endeavours to prevent him. kempenfelt then returned to spithead with his squadron, of which he retained command till the month of march next year, when he struck his flag in the "victory," and hoisted it on board the _royal george_. in this ship he was unhappily drowned on the th august, on her capsizing at spithead, when over persons perished in a few minutes. the "victory" was a witness of the melancholy catastrophe, and her boats saved many of the survivors. lord howe next hoisted his flag in the "victory" on assuming command of the channel fleet, and cruised in the course of the summer of , but without any meetings with the enemy or incidents worth recording. at this time, the attention of england, and indeed her enemies, was almost entirely fixed on the defence of gibraltar by general elliot, and the probable fate of that fortress, which though it had been besieged by both sea and land for more than three years, had never been so hardly pressed as now. admiral darby with a powerful fleet had relieved the garrison from the greatest possible distress the year before, but the supplies he then landed were now nearly exhausted, the garrison were again commencing to feel the pangs of hunger, and it was well known that the spaniards had been for months making preparations for an attack of a new kind, and on a grand scale, which they trusted would compel the proud stronghold to lower its colours. the new feature in the attack was the construction of ten large floating batteries, so covered and protected as to be considered practically invulnerable; these were armed with pieces of the heaviest ordnance, and backed up as they were by french and spanish sail of the line, and , troops, the expected assault was enough to make england tremble for the result. it was accordingly resolved to make a great effort to relieve gibraltar, and in such a manner that it should be not only a temporary but a permanent relief and to this end a fleet of sail of the line was got together, which was to convoy a large number of merchantmen, laden with every description of supplies, and carrying troops to reinforce the garrison. this fleet sailed on september th, with lord howe in the "victory," as commander-in-chief, and as juniors, vice-admirals barrington and millbank; and rear-admirals alexander hood and hughes. before this succour could arrive, the grand attack on gibraltar had taken place. on september th the enemy's batteries, after a temporary silence while preparing for the struggle, re-opened, and continued a rain of shot and shell, with scarcely any intermission, to the th, when the fleet and floating batteries being brought into their assigned positions, joined in the bombardment. it is not our province to relate the details of that memorable day--enough to state that the arrangements which general elliot's energy had made were equal to the occasion; the invulnerable floating batteries were set on fire, the fleet repulsed, the land attack took no effect, and the baffled enemy, with enormous losses, withdrew from active attack, to wait the results of the famine with which they well knew the besieged were threatened, and which they hoped would effect the capitulation their arms had failed to force. but howe was approaching, not rapidly, for foul winds detained him, but surely, and the combined fleets lying off algeciras were on the _qui vive_ to prevent his landing any supplies, when on october th, a terrific gale assailed them, which dismasted one, and drove five of their number from their anchors; two of these got away into the mediterranean, but the other three went on shore in the bay, one of them under our forts, where the crew were made prisoners. the very next day, while the enemy was thus thrown into disorder, the british fleet made its appearance in the straits; and in the evening, four of the transports succeeded in getting safe under the guns of gibraltar, without any attempt on the part of the combined fleets to hinder them, much to the astonishment of howe, who on learning some days before of the failure of the grand attack, had also learnt the avowed intention of the enemy to give him battle, and had called all the admirals on board the "victory," and made known to them his determination to force his way through at all hazards. the rest of the convoy from light winds and bad management were swept past the rock by the current, and lost this favourable opportunity of accomplishing their errand, a most fatal mischance, as ships once driven to the eastward of gibraltar, are sometimes weeks before they can gain their anchorage on the western side. the men-of-war followed, and spent next day in endeavouring to work up with the transport against the strong easterly current, in hopes of getting them in, before the enemy, whose misfortunes they had now heard of were enabled to interfere; but on the morning of the th the combined fleets, having completed their refitting, weighed, and sailed out of the bay, apparently intending to engage the english ships, which were then but a few miles to the eastward of europa point, and in full sight of the garrison. although the gale of the th had reduced the enemy's force by six, yet they still far out-numbered howe's, as they mustered sail of men-of-war, forty-four of which were of the line, while howe had but thirty-six with which to protect his charge; nevertheless, he waited the advance with impatience and confidence, having sent the merchant ships to the zaffarin islands, as a rendezvous, until they should hear of the result of the battle. but the enemy suddenly altered his course and running past the british ships, disappeared in the dusk of evening. next day, neither of the fleets were to be seen from the rock, but some of the transports that had slipped back, arrived, filling the garrison with joy. thus several days passed, when on the th, the remainder of the convoy, who had heard of no engagement and ventured to leave their retreat at zaffarin, arrived in safety, completing the primary object of their mission. next morning both fleets were again in sight from gibraltar, with an easterly wind, the british nearest. howe had been following the enemy, who was searching in vain for the missing convoy; but now, hearing that his charge were all safely at anchor, and not wishing to fight in the narrow space of the straits, the british admiral, after landing a further supply of powder, collected from his ships as he passed, under sail for the open sea, and having gained it, awaited a second time the enemy's attack. the combined fleet, which had been reinforced by the junction of the two ships that had been driven from algeciras were thus to windward, and had the entire option of time and distance in their hands; they chose to advance very leisurely, and to keep at a great distance, firing apparently at the spars of the british ships, and never giving them the opportunity of getting into close action. after continuing this distant cannonade for some hours, the enemy again hauled off, having inflicted a loss of killed, and wounded on the english. the "victory" herself did not lose a man, or fire a single shot, and the other ships only returned the fire very occasionally. howe was much blamed for not making greater exertions to engage the enemy, but it is easier to talk of getting a fleet to windward than to do it, and he does not seem to have had it in his power to do more than he did. the morning after this skirmish, the enemy being nowhere to be seen, howe, according to orders, broke up his fleet in detachments to reinforce various stations, and returned home himself in the "victory" to portsmouth, which he reached on november th. preliminaries of peace were already at this time being discussed, and were signed on th january following, and "victory" was paid off at portsmouth on february th, after a commission of nearly five years, during which she had established the character of being the best sailing three-decker ever launched. this character she ever after maintained, and it led to her being almost invariably chosen as flagship, by every officer who had the chance of so doing. on preparations being made in june , in expectation of war with spain, the "victory" was again commissioned. lord howe at first had his flag in her, but when the _queen charlotte_ was ready, he went to that ship, and lord hood succeeded him in the "victory." she remained at the north ready for service throughout that year, and part of the next, when hood was appointed to command the northern fleet, fitting out in case our friendly relations with russia, then trembling in the balance, could not be maintained; but the difficulty passed away, and in the summer of she was paid off and returned into ordinary. but in february, , when the french republic had sealed its former acts of lawlessness by the execution of the king, louis xvi, and had further cut itself off from civilization by declaring war against the world, or against such parts of the world as it was not already fighting with, that war which is known in our annals as the "war with the republic," commenced in earnest. england's fleets were at once brought forward, and the "victory" was again manned as the flagship of lord hood, who was now appointed commander-in-chief in the mediterranean. he hoisted his flag at portsmouth on the evening of the th of may, and his lordship sailed on the nd of the same month, accompanied by two-deckers and frigates, which composed the last detachment of the fleet he was to command; other line-of-battle ships and some frigates having preceded him, under vice-admirals hotham and cosby, and rear-admirals goodall and gell. on the th a junction was effected with admiral hotham's divisions, and after waiting off scilly a fortnight for the passing of a convoy, hood bore away for gibraltar with sail of the line. the first object of importance in the mediterranean was the reduction of toulon if possible. in that port, the great southern french arsenal, were known to be upwards of sail of the line, of them ready for sea, under the orders of admiral trogoff, but as that officer was a staunch monarchist, he was not expected to do anything that would further the cause of republicanism, and the existence of a strong royalist party in the south of france, favoured the supposition that instead of resisting the british, the toulonese would receive them with open arms, as their only chance of protection from that republic they so thoroughly hated and feared. such being the posture of affairs, hood hurried out to his station, watering his ships at cadiz, (for spain was now our ally against the common enemy) and gibraltar. from the latter place the fleet sailed, on june th, and on the th july fell in with a spanish fleet of sail whose admiral sent a message to lord hood, to say that he had men sick and was going into carthagena, and, said the captain of the frigate "no wonder, for we have been days at sea." this speech did not raise their new allies in the estimation of the british, who laughed at such a notion, and left the spaniards to follow to toulon, which was sighted on the th july, and a flag of truce was sent in to propose an exchange of prisoners. to this the enemy would not accede, but they were now acquainted with the presence of lord hood's fleet off the port, and those causes of dissension we have mentioned began to operate, with the most important final results. lord hood cruised for a fortnight in sight of toulon, then sailed for nice to show himself there, and on his return on th august, heard that proposals were being made in toulon to put themselves under his protection. on the rd, commissioners came on board the "victory" from marseilles with full powers to treat for peace, offering a conditional surrender of toulon and all the shipping, declaring a monarchical government the leading object of their negotiation, and praying for speedy help against the armies of the convention that were at that moment approaching. our space will not permit a full account of the proceedings at this time, and we must satisfy ourselves by stating that toulon was taken possession of on the th august, without a blow, despite the threatened opposition of admiral st. julien, the second in command, who was thorough republican; the spanish fleet hove in sight the same day, and toulon was soon occupied by the combined forces, and vigorous steps taken to keep possession of our "extraordinary acquisition," as nelson in one of his letters calls it. but the enemy were at hand, mustering stronger and stronger every day, and by november, general dugommier was besieging the town with , men, while the defenders, who only mustered , , were of different nationalities and had to man a line miles in length. on december th a position on the heights commanding toulon was carried by the besiegers, and a council of war, hastily summoned, determined to evacuate the town, carry off as many ships as possible, and burn the rest. the evacuation was carried out successfully, the troops and seamen were all embarked, and , of the inhabitants took refuge from the rage of their countrymen on board the fleets. but the rest of the programme was not so completely performed; the spaniards had charged themselves with the destruction of the ships in the inner harbour, but either by carelessness or treachery, they very imperfectly performed their task. they did _not_ fire the ships of war but _did_ set alight to the powder vessels which it was arranged should be scuttled; these blew up, nearly destroying captain sidney smith, who was burning the ships in the outer mole; he gallantly attempted to repair the omission, but was repulsed by the fire of the republicans who were already in the town, and had to retire, leaving the work but half done. of ships in the port when lord hood arrived, were destroyed, carried off, and left to the french. in all these operations the men of the "victory," if not the ship herself, bore an active part, as they were landed, and helped to man the batteries with the other ship's companies, and suffered great losses in the continual bombardment to which they were exposed. on one occasion, indeed, the ship was like to have become the heroine of an adventure which might have ended her days, for, on october rd, in one of the disputes, which, as might be expected, were not unfrequent between our quondam enemies the spaniards and ourselves, don juan de langara, the spanish admiral, placed three of his three-deckers round the "victory," as she lay in the outer road of toulon, as a "gentle moral persuasion" on behalf of his demands. as the english fleet at that time was reduced by the absence of detachments to sails, and their crews were weakened by the landing parties, the spanish admiral with his sail, could have destroyed our ships, had he dared to carry matters so far; but lord hood was firm, and the spanish ships resumed their former positions without any further demonstrations. the british fleet now withdrew to hyères, where they lay and revictualled; and on the th of january, , thinking that something might yet be done to assist the royalist faction in corsica, lord hood proceeded with a fleet of sail, including transports, for the bay of fiorenzo. while on the passage, a furious gale arose which dispersed them, and the "victory," amongst others, was nearly disabled, losing her mainyard and many of her sails, and was at one time in danger of being lost. the scattered fleet put into porto ferrajo on the th. detachments of ships were sent from here, with the troops, to attack san fiorenzo, the principal port of corsica; and on the th february, after standing a bombardment of eleven days, this town capitulated. by this time the "victory" herself had arrived. lord hood then tried to persuade general dundas, who commanded the troops, of the practicability of taking bastia, the capital of the island; but that officer differed, and not only refused to take any part in the attempt, but would not even lend a mortar or gun, or any stores for the service, so that hood had actually to send to naples for these most necessary articles for a siege; for, probably believing that the energy of nelson, then captain of the _agamemnon_, who had borne a most prominent part in these previous undertakings, was sufficient to carry anything through with success, the admiral determined to attempt it alone with his sailors, and men of different regiments who were embarked in the ship as marines. he cruised in the "victory" for some days, before bastia, and then returned to san fiorenzo, leaving everything to the direction of nelson, who worked as he always did, untiringly. on april th hood again went round and assisted with his men, etc., in raising the shore batteries; and on the th, when all was ready, a boat from the "victory" went in to demand the capitulation of the town. this was refused with scorn, by the brave frenchman, st. michel, who replied, that he "had red-hot shot for our ships, and bayonets for our men;" the "victory," on receiving this reply, hoisted a red flag, the preconcerted signal, and immediately the batteries opened. the town replied, and for some weeks the siege went on with varying success. during this period general d'aubant, who had succeeded general dundas, would ride over with his staff from san fiorenzo, a distance of only twelve miles, and watch the operations, his own men remaining inactive the while, and it was his extraordinary conduct that urged the seamen to exertions of which they might otherwise have been incapable. the fire of the besiegers grew hotter and hotter; new batteries were erected, and guns mounted on heights deemed insurmountable, and on th may, their efforts were rewarded by a boat from the town coming on board the "victory," with a proposal of surrender. the preliminaries were speedily arranged, and on the nd the town and two frigates were given up. "when i reflect on what we have achieved," says nelson in a letter to his wife, "i am all astonishment. i always was of opinion, have ever acted up to it, and never have had any reason to repent it, that one englishman was equal to three frenchmen." calvi, the other principal town in corsica, was now looked upon as a desirable acquisition, but before anything could be done, hood received intelligence that the french fleet had left toulon, and immediately sailed in pursuit. he met admiral hotham's squadron next day, and with sail of the line, sighted the frenchmen on june th. the enemy were chased for two days, but before they could be overtaken they escaped into gourjean bay, where it was found impossible to attack them, and lord hood returned with the "victory" and three other ships to martello bay, leaving vice-admiral hotham, with the remainder, to watch the french, which we may remark, he did for five months without success. nelson had been sent back to bastia with his ship, as soon as the inferiority of the enemy's fleet had been ascertained, and as general stuart, who had arrived with a reinforcement, and was now in command of the troops, was a very different man to either of his successors, and as anxious as nelson himself to lose no time in attacking calvi, the _agamemnon_ and transports went at once from bastia to a small bay about miles from calvi, where they arrived on june th, and proceeded to land. on the same day the "victory" and _britannia_ anchored in martello bay, and after sending parties of men by land to join stuart and nelson, they came round to calvi on the th, with all the munitions of war they could muster, and lay off and on during the siege. the "victory" landed of her own lower deck guns for the batteries, as well as some guns she had from the _commerce de marseilles_, and sent a strong party of seamen to assist, but was not able to get into action herself from the strength of the sea defences of the town. the seamen from _agamemnon_, "victory," and transports, guided and incited by nelson's indomitable energy, again performed prodigies in the way of work; they once more dragged guns up to positions considered by the troops unattainable, made the batteries, and fought them, and gained the warm praise and thanks of general stuart, for the valuable assistance they afforded. the town surrendered on august th, after enduring a siege of days. in these operations, several officers and men of the "victory" were killed and wounded. nelson himself was nearly slain, but got off with the loss of an eye. his wound was never reported, and he only casually mentioned that he had received a slight hurt which laid him up one day. all this time, lord hood, on whose health the anxious work at toulon had told considerably, remained on board the "victory" and sent supplies to the shore parties when required. the ship was once blown off by a gale, but resumed her position after an absence of a week. the "victory" next proceeded to genoa, and in the first week of november, she left for england, taking lord hood with her, his health not being able to stand the fatigues of the command any longer. she arrived at portsmouth in december, and lord hood went on leave, but rehoisted his flag on the th april following, after the ship had had a thorough refit. on may st, , the "victory" was again a spectator of the destruction of a sister first rate, the _boyne_ of guns, which caught fire and blew up at spithead, where remnants of her remain to this day off southsea castle, marked by a green buoy. on nd of may, as lord hood was on the point of leaving to resume his command, he was ordered to strike his flag, and "victory" sailed out on th may, as a private ship,[b] with rear-admiral man, who was taking a reinforcement out to admiral hotham, then confirmed commander-in-chief in the mediterranean. man joined hotham's fleet off minorca on june th, and on th july, on the fleet weighing from san fiorenzo bay, to pursue the enemy, he shifted his flag to the "victory." [b] "a private ship" is a man-of-war that does not have an admiral on board. the french fleet of sail, under admiral martin, were sighted off hyères at daylight on july th, and the signal for a general chase was thrown out by the _britannia_, admiral hotham's flagship. the "victory" was always celebrated for her good sailing qualities, and on this occasion they shone out particularly conspicuous, for, at half-past noon, she, with the _culloden_ and _cumberland_, came within range of the rearmost of the enemy, while the rest of their companions were astern at distances ranging from to miles, the commander-in-chief being one of the farthest, for the _britannia_ was as bad a sailer as the "victory" was a good one. they opened fire, but at this moment the wind unfortunately failed, and they were unable to get into close action, though at the end of an hour the _alcide_, a seventy-four, struck. they still hoped to make more prizes, but had by four o'clock drifted so near the shore, that the signal to discontinue the action was made, and the french escaped through the shoals, the passages between which they were familiar with, into fréjus bay. the _alcide_, which had made a most gallant defence, unluckily took fire shortly after striking, and blew up with the loss of all her crew, save . in the skirmish, the "victory" was the greatest sufferer, having her rigging much cut, and all her lower masts badly wounded. she lost killed ( officers), and wounded. man retained his flag in her until october, when he shifted to the _windsor castle_, and was succeeded by vice-admiral robert linzee, who flew his flag in the "victory" for a month only. during this period she was cruising with a fleet, watching toulon, and going from port to port in that vicinity, until the rd of december, , when being at san fiorenzo in corsica, sir john jervis, who had arrived from england a few days before, hoisted his flag in her as commander-in-chief, and at once proceeded off toulon. he remained cruising between that port and minorca, with a fleet of about sail, until the autumn of , but up to this time no incidents took place that are worth recording. spain had made a peace with france in ; and now in august , an alliance, offensive and defensive, was concluded between the two powers. this put sir john jervis in a very critical position, as the united french and spanish fleets amounted to ships of the line, while sir john, who was at martello bay, had but . it was determined accordingly, to evacuate corsica, as the power of the french republic, and the deeds of their countryman, buonaparte, were awaking feelings in the inhabitants that were not amicable to england. this was completed on the nd november, and sir john and all his fleet sailed from corsica, and escorted the transports to gibraltar, which was reached on december th. on the th he went on to lisbon to meet some expected reinforcements from home. here he remained until the th january, when he sailed with ships only; but on february th more joined from england, when his force consisted of the following line-of-battle ships, with which he cruised, awaiting news of the enemy. { admiral sir john jervis, k.b. "victory" { captain robert calder. { captain george grey. _britannia_ { vice-admiral charles thompson. { captain thomas foley. { _barfleur_ { vice-admiral hon. w. waldegrave. { { captain james r. dacres. { { _prince george_ { rear-admiral william parker. { { captain john irwin. { { _blenheim_ captain thomas l. frederick. _namur_ captain james h. whitshed. { _captain_ { commodore horatio nelson. { { captain ralph w. miller. { { _goliath_ captain sir charles knowles, bart. { _excellent_ captain cuthbert collingwood. { _orion_ captain sir james saumarez. { _colossus_ captain george murray. { _egmont_ captain john sutton. { _culloden_ captain thomas troubridge. { _irresistible_ captain george martin. _diadem_ captain george h. towry. on the th, when off cape st. vincent, commodore nelson in the _minerve_ frigate, joined, and reported having been chased by the spaniards. this was a fleet of sail of the line, which had passed the straits on the th, and was then working up for cadiz, with the intention of picking up more ships there, and then proceeding for brest to join the french. the morning of the th, the 'glorious st. valentine's day,' , broke thick and misty, but as soon as daylight made its appearance, the spaniards were sighted to the s.w.; one by one they were made out through the fog, and reported to the admiral, who received the report of their increasing numbers with imperturbability, and when the whole sail were fully in sight, and captain calder expressed some hesitation about the wisdom of coping with such odds, he exclaimed, "enough sir, were there _fifty_ i will go through them." the spanish fleet were much scattered and in no particular order, but some eight ships were considerably to leeward of the rest, leaving a distinct gap, which was, however, rapidly narrowing, by the nineteen ships to windward running down to join their companions. for this gap the british ships pushed with all sail in a compact line, "victory" in the centre. a few minutes hesitation might have been fatal, for had the enemy got all his ships together, the english vessels would have fought against great odds; but jervis was a bold commander, to whom indecision was unknown, and who was well aware of the value of the presence of a man like nelson, and, indeed, it was mainly by the latter's daring manoeuvre at a later period of the action, that the spaniards were prevented from effecting their junction. as it was, they were just in time, and as soon as the weather division of spaniards saw the head of the english line between them and their friends, they hauled to the wind on the opposite tack, hoping to get round the rear of the british line, and so effect their purpose. their lee division still stood determinedly on, and attempted to cut the british line ahead of the "victory" herself, but she, by her rapid advance, frustrated this, and forced the _principe de asturias_, of guns, to put about to avoid a collision. the spanish ship, which bore the flag of one of their rear admirals, let fly her broadside as she shot up in the wind, but either from the obscurity caused by smoke, or by mistaken orders this was done at the wrong time, and extraordinary to relate, not a shot struck the "victory." with a ringing cheer of derision from her crew, the british flagship re-paid the compliment, but with interest, for as the spanish three-decker slowly turned round and presented her stern to her, the whole of the "victory's" guns were discharged into it with destructive effect. the spaniard ran straight away to leeward, followed by his whole division, and until the close of the day, never appeared again in the action. in the mean time, the weather division, as has been said, were intending to round the rear of our line, and so join their ships to leeward, but nelson, in the _captain_, the third ship of the line from the rear, saw their object the instant their van bore up together astern, and immediately wearing round, plunged fearlessly into their midst. he was followed by the _culloden_ and _excellent_, and the spanish admiral, daunted by this spirited conduct, hauled to the wind, and gave up the attempt. the annexed plan may help to the comprehension of the position of affairs at this period of the action. [illustration: battle of cape st. vincent about . , p.m.] the other british ships in the meantime were tacking in succession, and one after another came into action to the support of their comrades. the "victory" engaged the _salvador del mundo_, a gun ship, which had already been mauled by the _excellent_, and forced her to strike her colours. this was at , p.m., and shortly afterwards, sir john, who was discreet as he was bold, observing that about spaniards (composed of the lee ships, and odd ships of the weather division, who were all fresh) were bearing down on them, made the signal to close up to cover the prizes; this was immediately done, and the spaniards, not liking the look of the compact line of the british, hauled off, and made no effort to continue the action. in this battle, nelson particularly distinguished himself, as in his little , the _captain_, he boarded in succession, and took, the _san nicholas_, of , and _san josef_, of guns; the "victory" passing just at that time, gave the gallant _captain_ three cheers. nelson went on board the "victory" after the action, and was warmly embraced by sir john jervis, on the very quarter-deck on which he was to fall, covered with glory, eight years later, and not far from the place where this battle had been fought. but for all these details we must refer the reader to _james's_, _drinkwater's_, and other accounts. the "victory," strange to say, had but man killed, and wounded; the total loss in the english fleet being about killed and wounded. the fruits of the victory were the _san josef_, _salvador del mundo_, , _san nicholas_, , and _san isidro_, ; a result, that considering these prizes were wrested from ships by , cannot but be considered as most glorious. the enemy, next day, had it in their power to renew the action with ships. who can say what the result might have been, for some of our vessels were so disabled as to render it necessary to tow them; but though the spaniards once made a feint, as if they would attack, they finally disappeared, allowing our fleet and prizes to arrive safely at lagos bay, in portugal, where they anchored on the th. on the th, they experienced a gale of wind that drove the "victory" from her anchors, whereby she had a most narrow escape of being wrecked. on the rd they sailed, and arrived at lisbon on the th, without accident or molestation. the news of the battle of cape st. vincent, as it was called, was received in england with frantic joy; great rejoicings took place throughout the kingdom, the fleet received the thanks of both houses of parliament, sir john jervis was created earl of st. vincent, admirals thompson and parker were made baronets, and the gallant commodore nelson was invested with the honours of the bath. on the th march sir john jervis was reinforced by a squadron from england, when he shifted his flag on the th from the "victory" to the _ville de paris_, a new three-decked ship. the fleet sailed next day (the "victory" being now a private ship) and proceeded off cadiz, where nelson had been cruising for some time watching the spanish ships, who, ever since the th of february had lain in that port, hooted and jeered at by the populace, and their admirals and captains disgraced. jervis blockaded cadiz during the summer, the "victory" serving in sometimes the outer, sometimes the in-shore squadron, and sending her boats to take part in the night attacks, undertaken by commodore nelson, with the hopes of shaming the spaniards to come out. on one of these occasions, th july, some of her men were wounded. but the dons were not to be lured out, and on the approach of winter, earl st. vincent withdrew his vessels to the tagus, and amongst other ships sent the "victory" home, with the prizes taken on february th. she arrived at spithead on october st, and thence going to chatham, paid off on november th, after another long and eventful commission of nearly five years duration. worn out, and unfit for further active service, the poor old "victory" was here degraded to the office of prison hospital ship, which she filled for two years, when, unwilling that such a favourite and fast sailing ship should be lost to the country, the admiralty directed her to be thoroughly repaired. this took a year, and in the spring of she came out of dock almost a new ship, but she was not ready for service in the baltic campaign of that date, and had rest at chatham for still two years. the peace concluded between england and france in was not of long duration, for on april th, , war was again declared; this had been foreseen, and early in the month, great preparations were made in all the dockyards. lord nelson was appointed commander-in-chief in the mediterranean, and selected the "victory" as his flagship. she was commissioned at chatham, on april th, and on th may arrived at spithead. nelson was waiting for her, but could not get away for a few days; and such was his impatience to sail, that in answer to everyone who spoke to him on the th of his departure, he said, "i cannot sail till to-morrow, and that's an age." he went on board on the th, and sailed in a violent squall of wind and rain the same afternoon, having orders to speak admiral cornwallis off brest, and if necessary to leave the "victory" with him, and go on a frigate. on the nd he was in sight of brest, but no cornwallis was to be seen, and after chafing for a day, his anxiety did not permit him to wait any longer, so striking his flag in the "victory," he went on board the _amphion_, leaving the former ship to find the admiral of the channel fleet, and if not required, to follow him with all speed. within forty hours after lord nelson left him, captain sutton met lord cornwallis, and was immediately permitted to resume his voyage. a few days after, the "victory" fell in with the _ambuscade_, a french frigate, formerly an english one, which she re-captured, and on the th june, she anchored at gibraltar. after watering, she left on the th, called at malta on the th july, and on the th, joined the squadron of line-of-battle ships, off cape sicie, when lord nelson at once shifted into her, bringing captain t. masterman hardy with him, from the _amphion_, captain sutton of the "victory" exchanging. for months subsequent to this, there is no fact worth recording in the history of the "victory." during that time lord nelson, with a fleet that averaged sail of the line, closely watched the road of toulon, where a french fleet lay at anchor, going occasionally to agincourt sound, in sardinia, for water, &c., but the french never showed any sign of moving, until the beginning of , though every stratagem was tried to entice them to come out. spain had declared war with england on th december, , and buonaparte had formed a great plan for the invasion of britain, the first step to the accomplishment of which, was to gain the command of the channel. this could only be done by placing an overwhelming force of ships there, and by misleading the english as to his design. with this object in view, admiral villeneuve, who was now in command at toulon, prepared for sea, and embarked on board his ships, , soldiers. his orders, as subsequently ascertained were, to proceed to the west indies, effect a junction there with a fleet of sail from brest, land his troops, and if opportunity offered, ravage our colonies; then return with speed to ferrol, where the spaniards were to have a fleet of at least sail ready to join him, and with this overpowering force, he was expected to keep our ships at bay, while the bold originator of this scheme, napoleon, crossed the channel himself, at the head of , men. we shall see how much easier this was to plan than to carry out. on january th, , well nigh worn out with watching, hoping, and fearing, his ships and their rigging rotten, nelson left his station off toulon, for the anchorage at agincourt sound, which he called his "home," to water and refit, leaving his two frigates to watch the enemy. the fleet now consisted of the following ships:--"victory," , _royal sovereign_, , _canopus_, , _spencer_, , _leviathan_, , _tigre_, , _superb_, , _belleisle_, , _swiftsure_, , _conqueror_, , _donegal_, . on the th villeneuve put to sea, and on the th january, at p.m., the fleet in agincourt sound was electrified by the appearance of the frigates, with the welcome signal flying, "enemy is at sea." in two hours the ships were under weigh, and made sail for the passage between biche and sardinia, a passage so narrow that the ships had to proceed in single line, directed by the lights of their next ahead, and led by the "victory," who took them through in safety. nelson had nothing to guide him as to where the french were bound, but he knew they could not be far off, and dispatched the few frigates he had to scour the coasts in search, but all to no purpose--no tidings could be obtained. a gale that arose on the st, and that lasted a week, blew in the teeth of the fleet as it attempted to go south, and nelson was wild at the thought that they had escaped him. the only place his reasoning led him to suppose they could have sailed for, was egypt, and thither he turned his ships' heads. he arrived off alexandria on th february, but found no sign of them there either; immediately he retraced his steps, and called off malta, and here he learnt that the french fleet were dispersed and disabled by the gale on the st, and had returned to toulon, scattered and crippled. nelson, in a letter to admiral collingwood, thus writes on the subject. "buonaparte has often made his brags that our fleet would be worn out by keeping the sea; that his was kept in order and increasing by being kept in port; but he now finds i fancy, _if emperors hear truth_, that his fleet suffers more in one night, than ours in a year." by march th, the british fleet, after struggling with a continuation of gales, succeeded in regaining their station off toulon, and to their joy, saw the enemy still at anchor, and after watching them till the th, they proceeded to palma bay to get that refit they so much required, as during all this cruise, every ship had been strained to her utmost. villeneuve took the first opportunity to escape again, after his ships were repaired, and on th march ran out of toulon roads; on the st he was discovered off cape sicie, by the _phoebe_, which vessel lost no time in communicating her intelligence to the admiral, who was again on his way to toulon; and once more the exciting chase began. the frigates, most unfortunately, lost the french ships, and could give no intelligence of their apparent destination. again nelson thought of egypt, and proceeded off sicily, sending ships right and left to get information, and on the th april, when off palermo, he first heard of the evident intention of the enemy to go westward. at once he made sail in pursuit, but the fates were against him, and while the french in their passage down the spanish coast had been favoured with easterly winds, he could get nothing but westerly gales. "i believe," he says, "this ill luck will go near to kill me." it was the th may, before the "victory" and her consorts anchored in tetuan bay to water and provision. sailing the next day, they put into gibraltar for a few hours, and learnt nothing there, but that the enemy's fleet had passed the straits on the th april, nearly a month in advance of them. nelson at once went to cape st. vincent, hoping to get news, and the next day he received the first reliable information from an american brig, which was to the effect, that on the th april, the french fleet of sail had appeared off cadiz, been joined by a squadron of five spanish and french line-of-battle ships, and immediately resumed their voyage. he then heard from an admiral campbell in the portuguese service, that their destination was the west indies; this tallied with his own ideas, and he instantly decided on following. on may th he put into lagos bay to get more provisions, and on the th, having sent the _royal sovereign_ back to the mediterranean, as a slow sailer who was likely to hinder him, he started in pursuit of the ships of the enemy, with but of his own. his anxiety at this time was extreme; he was very ill, and had been told by his physicians that he ought to go home, but "salt beef and the french fleet is far preferable to roast beef and champagne without them;" he writes, "my health or my life even must not come into consideration at this important crisis." captain hardy is reported to have said to him, "i suppose, my lord, that by crowding all this sail you mean to attack those ships?" "by god, hardy," said he, "that i do;" and on the passage over, he took every opportunity of making his plans known to his captains, that a success might be ensured if possible. barbadoes was reached on june th, and here he received information that led him to suppose that either tobago or trinidad was the object of the combined fleet, who had been seen on the th may, and, embarking men, he hurried on for the latter island. off tobago he received corroborative news from an american schooner, who must have deceived him on purpose and all was preparation in the english fleet. early on the morning of the th june, the ships stood along the north shore of trinidad; and had anything been wanting to confirm the intelligence they had received, it was supplied in the conflagration of a battery, that protected a little cove in the steep coast, and the flight of its garrison, who were seen speeding away in the direction of the town. the remembrance of aboukir bay rose in their minds, every man expected that the deeds of that glorious day would be repeated in the gulf of paria, and as the ships sailed, prepared for battle, through the bocas of trinidad, expectation was strained to the utmost, to catch the first glimpse of the enemy they fully relied on seeing on rounding the point. what was their astonishment then on coming in view of the town, to find the union jack still waving over the forts, and no french men-of-war to be seen. nelson at once anchored for the night without communication, and early next morning sailed for grenada. in the meantime, the town of puerto d'espana, the capital of trinidad, was the scene of the wildest excitement. the lieutenant of artillery in command of the above-mentioned out-post, finding a fleet close to him in the morning, and making no doubt it was that of the enemy (for no one knew of nelson's arrival in the west indies), had burnt his barracks, thrown his guns over the cliff, and hastened back to the town, spreading dismay with the intelligence that the french were upon them. the inhabitants at once fled to the interior, the troops were drawn into the forts, and the town was left at the mercy of the french republicans, of whom there were many in the island, and who now came forward and proclaimed themselves, believing their friends were at hand. the movements of the fleet were inexplicable to the governor, and he was at once puzzled and relieved, when daylight revealed the strange ships underweigh, and leaving their shores. it was some days before the mystery was explained, and they learnt that nelson had paid them a visit. he, in the meanwhile, was hurrying along the chain of islands to the north, getting information, true or false, every day. on the th he heard that the enemy, now consisting of sail, had passed antigua, steering northward; and at once concluding that they were bound for europe, he landed the troops at antigua on the th, and left next day for gibraltar, not without hopes of still catching them up. this promptitude on the part of nelson in following villeneuve to the west indies, doubtless saved some of our possessions there, as there was no force to withstand the combined fleets; but such was the terror of his name, that no sooner did the enemy hear of his approach, although he had but half their number of ships, than they immediately started again on their return, without attempting to carry out that part of their programme, which directed them to ravage our colonies. nelson's squadron, after a most tedious voyage, arrived at gibraltar on july th, when he went on shore; this was the first time for two years that he had put his foot out of the "victory," for such had been his anxiety during his long blockade of toulon to be ready at any moment, that it had never suffered him to leave his ship for an instant. nothing up to this time had been heard of the enemy, and the indefatigable nelson, after watering and provisioning at tetuan, sailed again on the rd july. he spoke admiral collingwood's squadron on th, and receiving information that the enemy had gone to the northward, he proceeded for ushant, off which, on august th, he met admiral cornwallis with the channel fleet of sail of the line, and from him received an order to leave eight of the ships with him, and repair with "victory" and _superb_ to portsmouth. the two ships arrived at spithead on the th, when they were put in quarantine for a day, to nelson's great indignation; they were then released, and nelson went to his home at merton, to get that rest he so badly needed. the "victory" remained at spithead, and did what repairs she could at that anchorage during her brief stay. a short account of the proceedings of the combined fleets up to this time, may tend to the elucidation of the state of affairs. when villeneuve made his escape from the mediterranean, the brest squadron attempted to put to sea to join him at martinique, but the determined front put on by lord gardner, who commanded the channel fleet, then blockading brest, daunted the enemy, who put back again into port. this was failure number one, in buonaparte's scheme. we have followed villeneuve with his sail of french and spanish line-of-battle ships to antigua; thence he proceeded for brest, intending to effect a junction with the fleet awaiting him there; but on july nd, sir robert calder, who was watching ferrol and had been warned by a frigate from lord nelson of the probable approach of the enemy, met and engaged him, and though he numbered but to , he took two ships of the line, and forced the french admiral from his design. this was the second breakdown in the programme; however, villeneuve got into ferrol and joined the ships there, which made his force sail of the line, and with these he sailed on august th, but, for some unexplained cause, instead of now making his way to brest, he turned south and entered cadiz on the st, driving off admiral collingwood's small squadron. on september nd, captain blackwood, on his way to london with the news of the combined fleets having left ferrol, called at a.m. at merton, where he found lord nelson up and dressed; the latter immediately said, "you bring me news of the french and spanish fleets, i shall have to give them a drubbing yet;" and going up to town with him, offered his services to the admiralty. these were gladly accepted, and the "victory" again hoisted his flag on september th, and sailed the same day in company with the _euryalus_, captain blackwood, which frigate he afterwards despatched ahead to direct that the "victory" should not be saluted on her arrival, in order that the enemy should be unaware of the reinforcement. on the th of the same month he joined, and took command of, the fleet off cadiz, which, by the junction of sir robert calder's ships to admiral collingwood's now consisted of sail. on october th, nelson dispatched rear-admiral louis with sail of the line to gibraltar, but a small squadron from england joined a few days afterwards, making up his fleet to the following sail of the line. { "victory" { vice-admiral lord nelson, k.b. { { capt. thos. masterman hardy. { _royal sovereign_ { vice-admiral cuthbert collingwood. { { captain edward rotheram. { { _britannia_ { rear-admiral earl of northesk. { { captain charles bullen. { _temeraire_ captain eliab harvey. { _prince_ captain richard grindall. { _neptune_ captain thos. francis freemantle. { _dreadnought_ captain john conn. _tonnant_ captain charles tyler. { _belleisle_ captain william hargood. { _revenge_ captain robert moorsom. { _mars_ captain george duff. { _spartiate_ captain sir francis laforey, bart. { _defiance_ captain philip charles durham. { _conqueror_ captain israel pellew. { _defence_ captain george hope. { _colossus_ captain james n. morris. { _leviathan_ captain henry w. bayntun. { _achille_ captain richard king. { _bellerophon_ captain john cooke. { _minotaur_ captain charles j. m. mansfield. { _orion_ captain william codrington. { _swiftsure_ captain william g. rutherford. { _ajax_ lieut. john pilfold. { _thunderer_ lieut. john stockham. { _polyphemus_ captain robert redmill. { _africa_ captain henry digby. { _agamemnon_ captain sir edward berry. before continuing our narrative, we must again remind our readers that this is but the history of one ship, and that in our account of trafalgar, only a sufficient general description of the movements of the fleet will be given, to render the "victory's" part intelligible; for details, we must again refer to _james's naval history_, where the most complete account of the action that has been published, will be found. on th october, the franco-spanish fleet, of sail of the line, under admiral villeneuve, as commander-in-chief, and admiral gravina, (spanish), as second, came out of cadiz, and, after some manoeuvring, at daylight on the st, the two fleets were in sight of one another, being then about miles west of cape trafalgar. the wind was light, from the w.n.w., and the enemy were in a straggling line on the starboard tack, under easy sail; the british fleet were in two columns on the port tack, and some ten miles dead to windward. at . , the "victory" made the signal to bear up, on which the enemy wore together, thus presenting his port broadside to the english fleet, which bore down with a very light wind right aft, and with all studding sails set; the "victory" leading the port line, and the _royal sovereign_ the starboard, the latter being somewhat in advance. thus the british very slowly closed with the enemy, lord nelson refusing to allow the _temeraire_, his next astern, to take the lead, and thereby bear the brunt of the battle. his lordship visited the decks of his ship, exhorted his men not to throw away a shot, and was received with cheers as he again went on deck. having made every other signal to his fleet he thought necessary, he finished with that most celebrated one--"england expects that every man will do his duty,"--which, at . , was hoisted at the "victory's" mizen-topgallant-masthead, and was received by most of the ships with cheers. this made, lord nelson's customary signal on going into action--"engage the enemy more closely"--was hoisted at the main, and there remained until the mast was shot away. at noon, the action commenced by the _fougoeux_ opening fire on the _royal sovereign_, on which the british admirals hoisted their flags, and all their ships the white ensign, having also, each, two union jacks in the rigging. twenty minutes later the enemy's ships ahead of the "victory" began a furious cannonade on her, which killed in a short time amongst many others, mr. scott, lord nelson's secretary. seeing nelson's intention to break the line, the enemy closed up ahead of him, making an almost impenetrable line; but the "victory" still held her course, and steered straight for the mass of ships grouped round the _bucentaure_, a french , on board of which was villeneuve, the french commander-in-chief, though he never showed his flag during the action. nelson directed captain hardy to run on board any ship he chose, as it was evident they could not pass through the line without a collision, and at . , not having as yet fired a single shot, the "victory" passed slowly under the stern of the _bucentaure_, so close as almost to be able to catch hold of her ensign, and discharge the port guns in succession right into her cabin windows, placing about men _hors de combat_, by that one broadside, and almost disabling her from further resistance. the position of the ships at this moment is shown in the accompanying plan. [illustration: battle of trafalgar at . , p.m.] at the same time the "victory" fired her starboard guns at two vessels on that side of her, and five minutes later ran on board the _redoutable_, a french , hooking her boom iron into the frenchman's topsails, and so dropped alongside, the "victory" being on the _redoutable's_ port side, and the latter closing her lower deck ports to prevent boarding. a tremendous cannonade ensued, the "victory" firing her port guns at the _bucentaure_ and _santissima trinidada_, her starboard ones being very fully employed by the _redoutable_ which was so close alongside, that the men on the "victory's" lower deck on each discharge dashed a bucket of water into the hole made in the enemy's side by the shot, to prevent the spread of the fire that might have destroyed both ships indiscriminately. during this time the british ships were coming into action one after another, but very slowly, as the wind, light all the morning, had now fallen to a mere air, barely sufficient to bring all our vessels up; thus the first ships engaged had dreadful odds against them, and the loss of life in them was great. after bringing the _redoutable_ to close action as before described, lord nelson and captain hardy, side by side, calmly walked the centre of the quarter deck, from the poop to the hatchway. at about . , in their walk forward his lordship turned a little short of the hatchway, captain hardy took the other step, and turned also, and beheld the admiral in the act of falling. he had been wounded by a musket ball fired from the mizen-top of the _redoutable_, which struck him in the left shoulder as he turned, and thence descending, lodged in the spine. he sank on to the very spot that was still red with his secretary's blood, and was raised by sergeant secker, of the marines, and two seamen, who under captain hardy's directions, bore him to the cockpit. "they have done for me at last, hardy," said the hero as he fell. "i hope not," said hardy. "yes," was the reply, "they have shot my backbone through." but his presence of mind was still strong, and he gave directions for the tautening of the tiller ropes as he was carried below, and covered his face and decorations with a handkerchief, that he might not be recognised. the cockpit was crowded with wounded, and with difficulty he was borne to a place on the port side, at the foremost end of it, and placed on a purser's bed with his back resting against one of the wooden knees of the ship. here the surgeon examined his wound, and at once pronounced it mortal. in the meantime the battle raged furiously, the men stationed in the _redoutable's_ tops (nelson would allow none in the "victory," for fear of setting fire to the sails), had nearly cleared the "victory's" upper deck, men being killed or wounded on the deck alone. the french, seeing this, attempted to board, but were driven back with great gallantry by the few men that remained, headed by captain adair, of the marines. at about . the _redoutable_ ceased firing, and two midshipmen and a few men were sent from the "victory" to assist in putting out a fire that had burst out on board of her, and the "victory" then proceeded to get herself clear, leaving her prize lashed to the _temeraire_, that had just fouled her on the other side. the "victory" was by this time so crippled in her spars and sails that all efforts on her part to get into _close_ action (lord nelson's favourite position), with another enemy were ineffectual; but she still continued engaged on the port side with the _santissima trinidada_ and other ships; and later, with a fresh batch of the enemy's ships that passed along the line and eventually escaped. by . p.m. the action was over, and a victory was reported to lord nelson just before his death. we left him in the cockpit, where he was attended by dr. scott, the chaplain, and mr. burke, the purser. he had sent the doctor away to attend to the other wounded, and lay in great agony, fanned with paper by those two officers, and giving his last directions as to those he loved; but ever and anon interrupted by the cheers of the "victory's" crew, he would ask the cause, and being told it was a fresh enemy's ship that had struck her flag, his eye would flash as he expressed his satisfaction. he frequently asked for captain hardy, and that officer not being able to leave the deck, his anxiety for his safety became excessive, and he repeated, "he must be killed;" "he is surely destroyed." an hour had elapsed before hardy was able to come to him, when they shook hands, and the admiral asked--"how goes the day with us." "very well, my lord," was the reply; "we have about of the enemy in our possession." after a few minutes of conversation, hardy had again to return on deck, and shortly after the "victory's" port guns redoubled their fire on some fresh ships coming down on her, and the concussion so affected lord nelson that he cried in agony, "oh! 'victory!' 'victory!' how you distract my poor brain;" but, weak and in pain as he was, he indignantly rebuked a man, who in passing through the crowded cockpit struck against and hurt one of the wounded. captain hardy again visited him in about another hour, and, holding his lordship's hand, congratulated him on a brilliant victory, saying, he was certain that ships had surrendered. "that is well," he answered, "but i bargained for ." then, hardy having again to go on deck, nelson after emphatically telling him to anchor, and declaring his intention to direct the fleet as long as life remained, said, "kiss me hardy," the captain knelt down and kissed him, when he said, "now i am satisfied. thank god i have done my duty." twenty minutes later he quietly passed away, having again and again repeated to his last breath, the words above mentioned. they were, it has been well remarked, the whole history of his life. on the firing ceasing, the "victory" had lost killed and wounded, and found herself all but a wreck. the tremendous fire to which she was exposed, when leading her line into action, had caused great damage, at a very early period of the battle, and before she herself fired a gun, many of her spars were shot away, and great injury was done to the hull, especially the fore part of it. at the conclusion of the action, she had lost her mizen-mast, the fore-topmast had to be struck to save the foremast; the mainmast was not much better, and it took all the exertions of her crew to refit the rigging sufficiently to stand the bad weather that followed. the actual number of prizes taken by p.m., on october st, were ; so that nelson's desired number was nearly made up; but from their disabled condition, they were nearly all wrested from us by the gales that succeeded the battle. lord nelson had doubtless foreseen this, and thence his wish to anchor, and as a matter of fact, most of those few ships and prizes that did anchor, rode the gale out in safety and were saved; but the majority of the vessels were either anchorless, or in such deep water that they could not with convenience anchor. the "victory's" trophy, the _redoutable_, was one of those that sunk after the action in deep water, and in her, as in many of the other vessels lost, went down her prize crew of british seamen. the english fleet were in nearly as disabled a state as their prizes, as might be expected after such a battle, and it is a matter of wonder that some of them were not lost on the treacherous shoal that swallowed up so many of the captured ships. the enemy's fleet of sail was disposed of as follows: taken into gibraltar } burnt by the english } lost to sunk by the english } the enemy. wrecked during the gale } struck, but afterwards got into cadiz crippled } escaped into cadiz damaged } escaped into cadiz perfect } saved to escaped to the south, but captured by } the enemy. sir r. strachan on the th nov., } and taken into plymouth } on the nd, the day after the battle, the breeze was fresh from the s.s.w., and it was all the ships could do to increase their distance from the shore, such as were manageable towing those that were totally dismasted. on the rd it blew a gale, and then the misfortunes of the victors commenced; the hawsers of many of the ships towing parted, and the english vessels had too much to do to save themselves and one another, to attempt to get hold of the prizes again, so they drifted helplessly away, two to be blown safe into cadiz, but seven to meet an awful end amongst the breakers of that shallow coast. five others were burnt and sunk to ensure their not falling into the enemy's hands again. on the morning of this day, the remnant of the enemy's ships put to sea to attempt to recapture some of their friends, but the gale coming on, the only result was the loss of two more of themselves, one of which fell into our hands before going ashore. the "victory," with the small amount of sail she could show to the gale, laboured deeply in the heavy sea, and on the th, when the wind moderated a little, she was taken in tow by the _polyphemus_. in the afternoon, managing to rig up some jury topmasts and a mizen-mast, she was more comfortable, but at p.m. next day, on the storm increasing, the towing hawser parted, the mainyard carried away, and her sails split to ribbons. with nothing now to steady her, the "victory" rolled dangerously and unmanageably, and an anxious night was passed, but happily for her as well as other of our ships, the violence of the wind abated in the morning, and the _neptune_ taking her in tow, after two days brought her safely into gibraltar. in the meantime lord nelson's remains had been placed in a cask of brandy, as the best means at hand of preserving them, and on the rd of november, having refitted, the "victory," accompanied by the _belleisle_, sailed on the melancholy duty of conveying the body of her hero to england, and, after a most boisterous passage, reached spithead, on december th. here she was the object of a most intense and reverential attention, her battered sides, with, in many places, the shot yet sticking in them; her still bloody decks; her jury masts and knotted rigging;--all attested the severity of the ordeal she had gone through; while the flag that still waved, but at half-mast, reminded the spectator that the great admiral who had such a short time before sailed from that very anchorage to victory, had now, also, returned to his grave. amongst other injuries, the "victory's" figure-head, a coat of arms supported by a sailor on one side and a marine on the other, was struck by shot, which carried away the legs of the soldier and the arm of the sailor, and the story goes (but we cannot vouch for its truth), that all the men who lost legs in the action were marines, and those who lost arms sailors. the figure-head is still the same, but the wounded supporters have been replaced by two little boys, who, leaning affectionately on the shield, seem certainly more fitted for the peaceful life of portsmouth harbour than for the hard times their more warlike predecessors lived in. the "victory" left spithead on december th for sheerness, which was reached on the nd, when the hero's remains, having been deposited in the coffin made from the mainmast of the _l'orient_ (the french flagship at the nile), were transferred to commissioner grey's yacht for conveyance to greenwich, and thence to st. paul's. as this was done, lord nelson's flag, which had flown half-mast ever since the action, was lowered for the last time. the "victory" then went to chatham, paid off on the th of january, , and underwent another thorough repair. it was agreed on all sides that the enemy fought harder and more desperately at trafalgar than they had ever done before, and at the same time it was undeniable that the victory was the most complete ever gained. the exultation that arose in the breasts of all who heard how the pride of the enemy had been humbled, was embittered by the thought that their hero and idol was dead; that he, whose very name ensured victory, would never again lead his ships to the thickest of the fight, and men doubted whether even the triumph of trafalgar was not too dearly bought. but nelson had done his work. never after did the enemy show a large fleet at sea; and he himself fell, as he had often wished, in the moment of victory; leaving behind him an undying fame, and such an example of entire devotion to his country's service as had never before been equalled in the world's history. mr. devis, the painter of the picture of the "death of nelson," now on board the "victory," went round in her from spithead to sheerness. on the voyage he took portraits of all the characters depicted, and sketched the locality, so that this picture may be considered as a truly historical and faithful one. in the commencement of , our ally, sweden, being threatened by an invasion by russia, a fleet was sent to the baltic to assist them, of which sir james saumarez was appointed commander-in-chief, and the "victory" was once more called into active service as his flagship. she was commissioned on th march, by captain dumaresq, and sailed for the baltic shortly after, arriving at gottenburg at the end of april. to this place the fleet was followed by a force of , men under sir john moore, who, however, in consequence of disagreements, were withdrawn in june and returned to england, leaving sir james with the "victory" and ten -gun ships, to protect sweden against russians, danes, french, and prussians. in august, the advanced division of the anglo-swedish fleet met the russians, and chasing them into rogerwick, destroyed one and blockaded the remainder in that port. sir james, who was on his way north, received this intelligence a few days afterwards, and hastened to join. on arriving on august th, off rogerwick, he found the enemy safe inside, and at once made preparations for an attack. on the st september, in company with the _goliath_, the "victory" stood in to reconnoitre, and having silenced a battery that engaged them, a good view of the enemy's position was obtained, and the next day fixed for the assault. unfortunately, the next day broke with a gale of wind, the ships were unable to move, and the storm lasting eight days, gave the enemy time to bring troops from revel, and to erect batteries on all sides, making any attempt at attack hopeless. sir james therefore, after watching the port till september th, sailed for carlscrona, where he remained till winter warned him to depart for england. he arrived in the downs on th december, and at once struck his flag. the operations in the baltic in this, and the other four years in which the "victory" was flagship of sir james saumarez, were, as far as she herself was concerned, mainly confined to political schemes and transactions; the active work, such as it was, being done by the frigates and gun-boats, many of which latter, however, were manned by the "victory's" officers and men; the russian fleet never came out again, but remained shut up in cronstadt, which was much too strong to be attacked; thus the proceedings are of very little interest, and beyond the fact of her being employed, we have little to record. she went out almost immediately after the striking of saumarez's flag in , as a private ship in the squadron which was dispatched to corunna to bring home the army of the unfortunate sir john moore, and returned to portsmouth on january rd. during this cruise she was commanded by captain searle, but on her going round to chatham for a refit, captain dumaresq again returned to her, and sir james saumarez re-hoisting his flag on april th, , she once more sailed for the baltic, on the navigation being reported open. the best part of this year was spent by the "victory" and fleet of sail, in blockading the russian ships in cronstadt. one successful boat attack was made, when of the enemy's gun-boats were destroyed, but otherwise there was no fighting. in the autumn, sweden was forced to make peace with russia, on terms dictated by the latter, that would have doubtless been harder, had not the presence of the british fleet prevented any active employment of the russian ships. the "victory" returned to the downs by christmas, and the admiral struck his flag. on the th march, , saumarez resumed his command, and proceeded to hawke roads, in sweden, and thence to hano bay, near carlscrona, where he laid most of the year, having a ship or two watching the russians; but as they never ventured out, nothing was done, and "victory" sailed on th october, with sail of merchantmen under her convoy. these were seen safely through the belt, and sir james then remained with all his ships at hawke bay, as late as the ice permitted him, to prevent the possibility of the russian fleet from the white sea entering the baltic. the swedes about this time were compelled by napoleon to declare war with england, but the feelings between the two countries were privately as friendly as before. hearing that the archangel ships were laid up, saumarez sailed for england, and arriving on rd december, hauled down his flag. the "victory" then again made a trip to the coast of portugal, this time with the flag of rear-admiral sir joseph s. yorke, who took a squadron of line-of-battle ships to lisbon, with a reinforcement of men for sir arthur wellesley, then blockaded in his intrenchments at torres vedras by massena; but she returned to the nore in time to hoist sir james saumarez's flag for the fourth year, on the nd april, . he proceeded to wingo sound, and there remained nearly the whole year. the anomalous state of affairs between sweden and ourselves continued, and as public enemies and private friends we remained until the end of the year, when sweden concluded an alliance with england. the "victory's" boats made various expeditions against the danes, and captured several gun-boats. on december th, the fleet left wingo for england; and on the rd a gale arose, by which they were dispersed, and h.m.s. _st. george_ and _defence_ were wrecked on the western coast of jutland, and the _hero_ off the texel; but the "victory" and other ships weathered it in safety, and anchored at st. helen's on christmas day, when sir james struck his flag. on april th, , it was again hoisted, and on the th, "victory" sailed with a squadron of sail of the line, and took her station as usual at wingo. the naval operations this year were more active than before; the danes had equipped a good many frigates and small craft for attacks on the swedish coast, and frequent engagements took place between them and our smaller vessels; but "victory" was not herself in action. in october, orders were received from england to send his flagship home, and on the th of that month, sir james shifted his flag to the _pyramus_, and "victory" sailed for england, and arriving at portsmouth, was paid off in november. this was the last active service of this glorious old ship, though she was on the point of being sent to sea again in , when no less than six admirals, on applying for commands, named the "victory" as the ship they would wish to have, although there were many new ships, larger, and carrying much heavier ordnance; but the prestige attached to the "victory," besides her well known sailing qualities, outweighed every other consideration. waterloo, however, soon put an end to that war, and the "victory" was never re-commissioned. [illustration: the "victory" as she now lies in portsmouth harbour.] in she was made flagship in portsmouth harbour, and ever since that date, with but few intervals, she has continued to bear the flags of admirals, who, having like her, spent their lives in the service of their country, terminate their active careers by holding the highest post in the british navy,--the command at portsmouth. every year, as the st october, the anniversary of trafalgar, comes round, daylight discovers the "victory" with a wreath of laurel at each mast-head, a continual memorial of the deeds of that ever-to-be-remembered day, when at one blow the naval power of two great nations was crippled, and the superiority of england established without dispute. in , queen victoria happened to be passing through the harbour on this day, and learning the cause of the decoration of the "victory," at once pulled on board, and went round the ship. her majesty evinced much emotion, when shown the almost sacred spots where the hero fell and died; and plucking some leaves from the wreath that enshrined the words on the poop, "england expects that every man will do his duty," kept them as a memento. the "victory" now no longer bears the admiral's flag; the increasing numbers of seamen in our depôts, rendered in a larger ship more convenient, and she is retained in her position in the harbour solely as a reminiscence of the past; and it almost seems a pity that she cannot be now fitted up internally, as nearly as possible as she was at trafalgar, that the thousands of annual visitors might form a better idea of the state of the decks of a man-of-war of the olden time when going into action; and that in these days of rapid and enormous changes in both shipbuilding and ordnance, a type of the man-of-war that won england her pre-eminence, might be preserved to all time. griffin & co., publishers, , the hard, and wickham street, portsea transcriber's note minor punctuation errors have been repaired. hyphenation and accent usage have been made consistent. archaic and variant spelling, grammar and punctuation usage is preserved as printed. ditto marks within tables have been replaced with words. page references admiral st. julien, "who was thorough republican." it's possible that the word 'a' may have been omitted following 'was,' but as it may be correct as printed, no change has been made. the following printer errors have been fixed: page --apopletic amended to apoplectic--... sir c. hardy was seized with an apoplectic fit, ... page --island amended to islands--... having sent the merchant ships to the zaffarin islands, ... page --countrymen amended to countryman--... and the deeds of their countryman, buonaparte, ... page --eary amended to early--early on the morning of the th june, ... page --go amended to got--... however, villeneuve got into ferrol ... page --admiral amended to admirals--... on which the british admirals hoisted their flags, ... page --amonst amended to amongst--... which killed in a short time amongst many others, mr. scott, ... page --dipatched amended to dispatched--... as a private ship in the squadron which was dispatched ... the illustration caption in {braces} has been provided by the transcriber for the convenience of the reader. the frontispiece illustration has been moved to follow the title page. other illustrations have been moved where necessary so that they do not fall in the middle of a paragraph. transcriber's note bold text is marked with =equals= symbols. italic text is marked with _underscores_. the story of the "britannia" the training ship for naval cadets with some account of previous methods of naval education, and of the new scheme of by commander e. p. statham, r.n. cassell and company, limited london, paris, new york and melbourne all rights reserved mcmiv [illustration: the "britannia" approaching portland, feb. th, .] preface. [illustration] the principal object of the preface in a volume of this nature is to acknowledge the assistance received from various persons; the title speaks for itself, and but little is necessary by way of introduction. the material for the account of the naval academy and the old naval college has been obtained, with very little exception, from official documents. there is, unfortunately, a considerable period which is not covered by any papers to be found in the record office; possibly the records of this period are in existence somewhere, but i have not been able to discover them. i hope, however, that such information as i have succeeded in obtaining about this establishment, of which so little is generally known, may be of interest. in dealing with the _britannia_, i have thought it necessary to include some account of the various modifications which have taken place from time to time in the examinations and general regulations affecting the entry of cadets, as illustrating the official ideas which have prevailed at different periods concerning the education of young naval officers. personalities in a book of this kind are inevitable, but i hope that none will be found which could give offence to anyone. all the "yarns," etc., which appear have been obtained from authentic sources, including my own reminiscences. to return to the chief object of the preface, my thanks are due for valuable assistance to the following:-- the admiralty, for special facilities for access to documents; vice-admiral sir robert h. harris, k.c.b., k.c.m.g., vice-admiral noel s. f. digby, admiral w. h. edye, captain m. p. o'callaghan, captain c. h. cross and the officers of the _britannia_, captain a. w. warry, captain g. mainwaring, captain g. s. macilwaine, commander g. e. bairnsfather, and other officers who so readily supplied information; captain g. h. inskip, for the loan of interesting papers and photographs; professor j. k. laughton; mr. a. c. johnson and mr. j. l. d. barton, former naval instructors on board the _britannia_; mr. aston webb, r.a., for the use of his original drawing of the college at dartmouth; and messrs. j. gieve and son, for the use of old prints. e. p. statham. _arundel,_ _march, ._ contents. chapter i. the good old times. page a youthful diplomat--old methods of entry--captain's servants--king's letter boys--lord dundonald--a warrior at eight--sir p. w. p. wallis--absurd regulations--education at a discount--midshipman easy--peter simple--the "pitchfork" system--the royal naval academy--letter to the navy board--commendable promptitude--the scheme approved--delay in building--scheme of instruction--uniform instituted-- scholars' expenses--rules and orders--"they are cursed troublesome"--commissioner's report--entry and final certificates--captain broke's work book--a comprehensive course--a successful institution chapter ii. the royal naval college. new brooms--radical changes--the academy closed--wanted, a professor--james inman--an enthusiastic scholar--his love of fair play--senior wrangler--antarctic astronomer--appointed professor--"inman's tables"--the college opens--a master's untimely optimism--a poser for their lordships--the new course of studies--john irving, silver medallist--a mathematician's device--the rod and the "black hole"--new regulations--commissioned officers admitted--elastic hours of study--the end approaches--the "late" royal naval college--inman's pension--sir h. keppel's recollections--the box seat--a retaliatory cascade--sir w. r. mends--alleged toadying--sir g. r. mundy's letters--keeping a "mess"--the "black hole" in being--"a blow-out," and after--sir b. j. sulivan--bullying studious juniors--a discouraging experience--the captain converted--the college and the _excellent_--professor main--the "pitchfork" system again--a slender equipment--naval cadets--haphazard methods--a little more detail chapter iii. the "illustrious." captain robert harris--his birth and career--appointed to the _illustrious_--"jemmy graham's novices"--a model school for seamen--a visit to the _illustrious_--why not train young officers?--opposition of old officers--cadet robert h. harris--a successful experiment--institution of cadets' training ship--captain harris suffers for his zeal-- commendatory letters--he is superseded--the new admiralty circular--general approval of the scheme--the staff of the _illustrious_--lieutenant george s. nares--disciplinary methods--the cadets' corporals--withering sarcasm-- old-fashioned seamanship--cricket--"sling the monkey"--rev. r. m. inskip--his sea yarns--mr. kempster knapp--"knapp's circles"--penalty of fidgeting--prince alfred--enter the _britannia_--her predecessors chapter iv. the "britannia" in the 'sixties. a "three-decker"--arrangements on board--the morning drum-- persuasive corporals--"cockpit mess"--"cheeky new fellows"-- important modifications--sea-going training-ship--a dead letter--the question of locality--portland selected--its numerous drawbacks--preparing for sea--voyage of the _britannia_--she asserts herself under sail--arrival at portland--great monotony--a sad accident--good education-- french and drawing--sample of a french lesson--messroom songs--"the king of otaheité"--going aloft--a foolhardy feat--a swift descent--fatal to clothes--reading at the yard-arm--captain powell appointed--departure of commander nares--corporal punishment--a cool young hand--the royal marriage--another change decided upon--voyage to dartmouth-- a busy time--sailors as navvies--the _hindostan_--captain randolph appointed--a futile complaint--stern measures-- parliamentary interference--humanitarian fads--flogging abolished--cadets' sailing cutters--gymnasium built--the _bristol_--competition on entry--reduction of numbers--a new _britannia_--statistical results chapter v. the "britannia" in the 'seventies. mr. inskip departs--his statistical diagram--vindication of _britannia_--final examinations a true test--a "facer" for the old salts--mr. inskip triumphant--captain warry's recollections--lieutenants' duties ill-defined--"goose" dinners--fighting by authority--the _dapper_--the _ariadne_--a tragic incident--a plucky boatswain--the _ariadne_ abolished--a possible explanation--mr. knapp resigns--an unexpected successor--a generous appreciation-- committee of enquiry--recommends abolition of competition-- an academic proposal--unanimity of cadets--admiral ryder's evidence--dr. woolley's evidence--a plausible contention-- new regulations--french at a discount--site for a college-- dartmouth recommended--a dissatisfied parent--the _britannia_ in parliament--the royal cadets--lieutenant mainwaring--beagles started--the grave of "jim"--a phenomenal admission--_britannia_ regulations--the officer of the day--the cadet captains--no "hampers" allowed--punishments-- a drastic health regulation--captains in the 'seventies-- statistical results chapter vi. the "britannia" in the 'eighties. competition reintroduced--reduction of numbers--a ferocious examination--the _britannia_ in the _times_--"rule of thumb" instruction--"fire" and "sword"--"veritas" at sea--the _britannia magazine_--editorial introduction--the politics of naval cadets--editorial difficulties--a questionable pseudonym--popular advertisements--the _wave_--a true prediction--an original poem--jones takes a lesson to heart--the _wave's_ holiday trip--a warning to the reckless--"first catch your cadet!"--ambulance lessons-- how to tell a toadstool--the electric light--another committee--it makes recommendations--also suggestions-- very unpractical--captains in the 'eighties--statistical results--a rapid rise chapter vii. the "britannia" in the 'nineties. captain digby--alleged gross bullying--a lively correspondence-- various uninvited opinions--a gleam of light from within--"old etonian" and admiral richards--captain digby sums up the case--"navilus": his book--morning amenities--"one day's 'four'"--a typical day--the hardships of "four"--a day in the _wave_--"a nice fresh breeze"--reefing topsails--"man overboard"--comfort for mothers--a trip in a skiff--forbidden joys--a "slippery hitch"--a half-holiday--tea with "ma fox"--a sunday outing--"fearful fagging"--the "baby's" final aspirations--captain moore--a hot reformer--lieutenants as "sea-daddies"--abolition of cadets' corporals--chief of the staff--naval warrant officers--new admiralty regulations--the _racer_ arrives--ship struck by lightning--jubilee day--the queen's medal--captain marryat's spectacles--cadets' food--a hard case!--remarkable physical development--influenza epidemic--an ill-informed parent--ridiculous allegations-- visit of the king and queen--john gilpin--"ye mariners of england"--captains in the 'nineties chapter viii. "britannia" games. scanty early records--practice _v._ precept--officers _v._ cadets--presumptuous juniors--a close match--football-- penalty of punning--a decisive victory--a demon bowler--two curious innings--sports and regatta--the rushworth seal--the editor is sarcastic--his feelings are soured--an excited timekeeper--why williams didn't win--the pro's average-- teignbridge victorious and vanquished--w. g.'s eleven--some fatherly advice--the editor is appeased--a close sculling match--foreign football matches--a dry cricket season--the editor and the beagles--lord harris's maxims--the bold sir bedivel--big third eleven scores--seventeen years' athletics-- huddart shows the way--the editor on "stodge"--a hot run for the "footmen"--youthful boxers--glasgow to the rescue--an afternoon's cricket--splendid playing fields--and plenty of cricket--teignbridge's small score--_britannia_ wins all round--third eleven makes a record--a question of time--keep your ground clock right--remarkable results of the season--money well spent chapter ix. conclusion. forty-six years' record--internal arrangements--swimming baths--"on their honour"--no more sails--the _revenge_ as a picture--the _isis_ and _aurora_--lieutenants' adventure-- scotch hospitality--shooting instruction--"good fishing"--a creditable record--the cost of the _britannia_--the instructional staff--an excellent arrangement--a heavy responsibility--discharged right well--the new scheme-- utilitarian buildings--the _racer_ again--popularity of practical mechanics--no half measures appendices index list of illustrations. page the "britannia" approaching portland, feb. th, _frontispiece_ cadet of the royal naval academy, portsmouth the title-page of broke's book a page from broke's book first and second class volunteers a plan from broke's book west front of the naval college in portsmouth dockyard billiard-room, naval college (formerly the large study) the courtyard of the naval college "jack tar" expounds captain robert harris vice-admiral sir robert harris, k.c.b., k.c.m.g., as a midshipman rev. r. m. inskip and mr. k. knapp model of the first "britannia," built in model of the third "britannia," built in the fourth "britannia," built in officers and cadets, captain r. a. powell and officers, captain john corbett the fourth "britannia" as training ship reading off the sextant the "ariadne" disaster rev. j. c. p. aldous mr. a. c. johnson captain the hon. f. a. c. foley royal galley. prince albert victor (duke of clarence), coxswain; prince george (duke of york), port bow oar the royal cadets at seamanship prince albert victor prince george "jim the pioneer's" grave lieutenant mainwaring and cadet captains a class at the seamanship instruction model the "britannia" and the "hindostan." cadet racquet courts in foreground a beagle meet the kennel cadet messroom captain n. bowden-smith poop of the "britannia." cadets at prayers captain f. g. d. bedford the schooner yacht "syren" captain n. s. f. digby a group of captains (christmas, ) first term sleeping deck on board the "hindostan" chapel on board the "hindostan" a signalling exercise pocket money h.m.s. "racer," tender to the "britannia" captain a. w. moore the "victoria and albert" at dartmouth the cadets' hospital on the sick list fourth term cadets on board the "isis" a lesson in seamanship a typical fourth term group: "passing-out" cadets, h.m.s. "isis," sea-going training ship the king's visit, march , the "britannia" dressed for the king's birthday the cricket pavilion a class at the gymnasium regatta day: twelve-oared cutter winning a race cricket, football, and rowing trophies, and the rushworth seal first eleven, : opponents of w. g.'s team a "britannia" rugby team a "britannia" association team boxing class the beagle whips the cricket field view from the new college captain c. h. cross mr. j. h. spanton mr. g. b. mason officers' quarters cadets' dormitory the old stable-yard, osborne the new college, dartmouth the story of the "britannia." chapter i. the good old times. a youthful diplomat--old methods of entry--captain's servants--king's letter boys--lord dundonald--a warrior at eight--sir p. w. p. wallis--absurd regulations--education at a discount--midshipman easy--peter simple--the "pitchfork" system--the royal naval academy--letter to the navy board--commendable promptitude--the scheme approved--delay in building--scheme of instruction--uniform instituted--scholars' expenses--rules and orders--"they are cursed troublesome"--commissioner's report--entry and final certificates-- captain broke's work book--a comprehensive course--a successful institution. a young aspirant to naval honours, seeking a nomination for entry under the regulations of , was summoned not long since to appear before a committee at the admiralty, to be tested by a sort of common-sense, _vivâ voce_ examination as to his probable fitness for the royal navy; and among other questions propounded to him, by way of ascertaining his general acquaintance with historical facts and personages, was the following: "who do you think were the greatest naval lords?"--a question which might perhaps require some consideration even by a more mature individual. [illustration: cadet of .] our aspirant was, however, more than equal to the occasion, for he replied without hesitation, "lord nelson and lord selborne, sir." if this boy was not accepted, it must have been because destiny had so clearly marked him out for a career in the diplomatic service. in any case, his cheerful selection of a great admiral and a first lord a century apart suggests reflections on the vast changes which have occurred in the constitution and administration of the navy during this period; and particularly, having regard to the subject of this book, in respect of the manner of entering young officers of the executive branch. let us see, then, what were the conditions under which a lad could enter the navy, in the executive branch, in the eighteenth century. the method--if method it can be called--was grotesquely haphazard; and the only marvel is that it produced so many good officers and seamen: _men_ who could take their ships anywhere, and win against odds when they got there. indeed, it was the men who were feared by our enemies; our ships were often inferior to those of the french, but they were handled in such a masterly, cocksure-of-victory style, that inferiority of size or metal appeared to be of little account. these mighty sea warriors, who made the british flag an emblem of fear, were, as a rule, entered as "captain's servants," their friends making interest with some captain about to commission a ship, who would have perhaps eight or ten such youngsters on his books; their pay all went into the captain's pocket, forming, in fact, a considerable proportion of the emoluments of his office. after a time these lads were, entirely at the will and caprice of the captain, rated as midshipmen or able or ordinary seamen. naturally, in making a selection from numerous applicants the captain would give the preference to his own relatives: sons, young brothers, nephews, and so on; failing these, the sons, brothers, or nephews of his friends would come in, or youngsters recommended to him by persons of rank or influence. by far the greater number of young officers were entered in this manner up to near the end of the eighteenth century; but there was in the early part of the century an alternative which was probably open to those who could command a certain amount of interest. these were entered under the authority of a letter from the admiralty--the forerunner, in fact, of the present admiralty nomination. it is probable that youngsters entered in this fashion were regarded, as a class, with a certain amount of jealousy, both on the part of the captain and that of their contemporaries. there is a decided spice of spiteful cynicism both in the curiously anomalous official designation by which they were distinguished--"volunteers per order"--and also in the more common and popular appellation of "king's letter boys"; and it is quite conceivable that, when a captain had sailed from england with his snug little assortment of young brothers, nephews, and what not, the arrival of a smart frigate with a batch of king's letter boys to be placed on his books would be decidedly unwelcome; but being "volunteers _per order_," he had no option but to accept them. no sort of qualifying examination was imposed upon these candidates, and regulations as to age were conspicuous by their absence. indeed, it is here that the most absurd incongruities existed; for it was not considered in the least degree necessary that the applicants should be of an age to perform any kind of duty when they were entered on the ship's books, or that they should even put in an appearance on board. there are numerous instances of children in the nursery being borne on ship's books, and shifted from ship to ship until they were old enough to embark. the famous thomas cochrane, tenth earl of dundonald, whose name is associated with more daring and successful exploits than that of almost any naval officer, was born in december, , and entered as captain's servant when five years old, being kept on various ships' books for years. his father, meanwhile, having originally intended him for the army, had obtained for him a _captaincy_ in the th foot, and he did not join his first ship until he was nearly eighteen. some youngsters, through interest, were entered direct as midshipmen, at a very early age. sir edward hamilton, for instance, born th march, , was entered as midshipman on the st may, , when he was only seven years old; and it is stated that he actually took part in an action on board his father's ship, the _hector_, in ! what part this warrior of eight years old performed in action is not stated. another officer, sir provo w. p. wallis, whose long life bridged over the gulf from the days of nelson's victories to the last decade of the nineteenth century, was borne on a ship's books from the age of four, until he actually joined his first ship, the _cleopatra_, as midshipman, at thirteen. sir william symonds, born in , was actually entered at three years of age, and eventually embarked as midshipman at twelve. instances of entries at seven, eight, and nine years old are quite numerous; and, of course, the captain drew their pay, whether they joined or not. this appears, at first sight, to reflect some discredit upon the captains, who, it may be said, must have been aware that they were, in a sense, obtaining money under false pretences. it is not fair, however, to saddle them with responsibility for the results of absurd regulations, which it was well known at headquarters must tend to such abuses; the whole system was a farce, and any little additional absurdities on the part of the captains were usually winked at with the forced leniency which is one of the inevitable accompaniments of inadequate legislation. here, then, we find a sad lack of method in regard to the majority of entries in nelson's time, though that great man himself was of the relatively mature age of twelve when he went afloat in . if there was little or no method in regard to entry, how did the youngsters of those days fare as to education? well, as a matter of fact, there was rather less system in this respect than in the other. it depended in a great measure upon the sort of captain a boy shipped with, and also, in a lesser degree, upon the junior officers. the seamanship of those days was pretty readily picked up by a lad who kept his eyes open and was eager to learn; a state of war was far more frequent than quiet times; ships were always on the move, and seamanship came of itself; the navigation required was of a rough and ready description, and the master and his mates were as a rule the only people who took any trouble about it. marryat, indeed, gives us some vivid and entertaining pictures of the process of education of a certain kind, as applied by the midshipmen and others to a new comer; also of what may be termed preliminary instruction. jack easy, it will be remembered, received some valuable preliminary training at the hands of mr. bonnycastle, who literally "licked him into shape" with a good pliant cane, and who, having inculcated obedience by this stern method, took care that his scholars should know how to use their fists; an accomplishment which proved of great service to master jack when vigors, the bully of the mess, attempted to ride roughshod over him. mr. midshipman easy is, however, far too great a favourite of fortune to be accepted as a typical example. frank mildmay, in his new uniform, tumbling up against the port admiral, whom he failed to salute, and so humbled by the rebuke he received that he went about touching his hat to everyone he met, is a truer picture. another valuable piece of education was imparted by murphy, his senior, in the form of a hiding for not comprehending the significance of the captain's hint at the dinner table, "go and see how the wind is." poor mildmay went out, and returned, in all good faith, with the required information; whereupon murphy was instructed to "show him the ropes," and nemesis supervened. peter simple, joining as a more than usually verdant specimen, intuitively obeyed when someone said, "hand me that monkey's tail, youngster"; from which it was argued that he was not such a fool as he looked, and much was expected of him afterwards. in such fashion, for the most part, were our future admirals and captains pitchforked, as it were, into the service, to swim or sink as best they might; and many were the anomalies which prevailed also in the senior ranks. captains barely out of their teens, with grey-haired first-lieutenants to dry-nurse them; so-called midshipmen of any age up to thirty-five; and so on. looking back on those days through the perspective of years--those days when our position as a naval power was a-making year by year, and was completed at trafalgar--we are apt to say that "the world went very well then." curiously enough, there existed for many years, side by side with this rough and ready "pitchfork" system, "another way," as the cookery books have it, of getting into the navy; and a way, moreover, which was fenced about with very precise regulations as to age, and involved a course of pretty hard study. that this mode of entry should have been made entirely optional, and consequently partial, seems strange; but such was the case. anyone who is acquainted with portsmouth dockyard is familiar with the appearance of the old naval college, standing just to the southward of the commander-in-chief's house; but comparatively few people, even among naval officers, know very much of its history, or when and why it was built. it is not clear at the present time at whose suggestion the royal naval academy was instituted, but there is in existence in the record office a letter from the lords of the admiralty to the navy board--which was a kind of executive commission for carrying out all naval construction, etc.--dated march rd, , which reads as follows:-- gentlemen,--his majesty having been pleased to direct, by order in council dated the st of last month, upon an humble memorial from this board, that an academy shall be erected in the dockyard at portsmouth for the better education and training up of forty young gentlemen for his majesty's service at sea, instead of the establishment now in force for voluntiers on board his majesty's ships; we do hereby desire and direct you to consider and lay before us, as soon as conveniently may be, a draught or plan of such a building as you shall judge may be proper for the reception not only of the aforesaid forty young gentlemen, but also of a mathematical master, three ushers, and a french master, by whom they are to be instructed, together with an estimate of the charge thereof; and you are also to give us your opinion at what place in the yard the said building may be most conveniently erected. the allusion to "the establishment now in force for voluntiers" is clearly intended to include the king's letter boys only, as no other youngsters were shipped at that time under this title; and, in fact, the completion of the academy was followed by the abolition of the king's letter, but not of the term "volunteers per order." no time was lost over the business: the lords of the admiralty wrote their letter, as we have seen, on march rd, ten days after the order in council was signed; and the navy board, with most commendable promptitude, posted their letter, with plans, estimate, and recommendation of site complete, on the th; that is to say, allowing for sunday, they took only seven clear days about it! probably, however, the matter had been under consideration previously, pending the approval of the scheme by the king in council; but even so, there is an object-lesson to corporations, government boards, and committees of all sorts and conditions of men; for the admiralty date their second letter on march th, and the whole thing is put through:-- gentlemen,--you having, with your letter of yesterday's date, transmitted to us the draught of a building which you judge may be proper for an academy for the reception and better education and training up of forty young gentlemen for his majesty's service at sea, instead of the establishment now in force for voluntiers on board his majesty's ships, as also for the reception of a mathematical master, three ushers, and a french master for their instruction, with a plan of proper outhouses for their accommodation; and you having also transmitted to us an estimate of the charge of the said building, with the plan of the south part of his majesty's dockyard at portsmouth, wherein is described a place in the south-east angle of the said yard, where, in your opinion, the said building may be most conveniently erected; which estimate amounts to five thousand seven hundred seventy-two pounds, four shillings: we send you the said estimate confirmed by us, and desire and direct you to cause the aforesaid buildings to be gone in hand with, and finished as soon as conveniently may be, at the place and in the manner you have proposed; and herewith we return you the aforesaid draught and plans, &c. (signed), torrington, jo. cokburne, cha. wager, t. lyttleton, a. hamilton. these letters are given _in extenso_, as inaugurating a new departure of great importance: a recognition of the necessity for some preliminary scientific training for young naval officers before sending them to sea. the death-knell of the "pitchfork" system is here sounded, though faintly; like many another long-lived system, it died hard, and even struggled into life again, as we shall see, more than a hundred years later. promptly as the institution of a naval academy was decided upon, and plans prepared, the completion of the building appears to have dragged on heavily. improvements and additions were carried out meanwhile, and it was not until the early summer of that it was actually opened--a very long period to be occupied in the erection of such a building. the original plan appears to have included the present west front, with the cupola--intended for, and for a long time used as, an observatory--with the north wing, and a very short wing on the south side, which, however, was prolonged during the process of building, the large study, now the billiard-room, and a small infirmary, being added. over the latter were subsequently built some more rooms, including that now used as an observatory and chronometer room. a large number of minor alterations have since been made from time to time, so that it is not easy to identify the rooms frequently alluded to in letters, engineer's plans, etc. some important alterations and additions were made about , when the whole scheme was reorganised, and the name changed to royal naval college, of which more hereafter. the original curriculum appears to have included the following subjects: geometry, navigation, writing and arithmetic, french and drawing, fencing and dancing, for which purposes the following staff was maintained:-- head mathematical master £ second mathematical master drawing and french master fencing and dancing master dockyard surgeon (for attendance) seamanship and ship construction were taught by the master attendant of the dockyard and master shipwright respectively, who received s. per lesson (presumably to a class), while a boatswain and gunner received s. each per lesson, and a sergeant the same amount, for teaching the use of the "firelock." [illustration: the royal naval academy, portsmouth, .] the commissioner of the dockyard was _ex officio_ governor, and received £ a year additional for his duties in connection with the academy. he was bound to pay frequent visits thereto, and to satisfy himself that the masters were carrying out their duties in a proper manner, and the pupils duly attentive and of good behaviour. each student was to have a room, or cabin, to himself, and a warrant to the clerk of the cheque, in the dockyard, authorises him to expend the following amounts for furniture:-- bedsteads, if plain, or "field" £ £ bedsteads, if to turn up buroes (_sic_)? bureaux stoves the gentleman who made out this warrant was evidently either a stickler for phonetic spelling or a rabid "francophobe"; a long time afterwards the governor of the academy advocates the abolition of the "buroes," gunpowder having been found in one of them. the existing records are for a long period very incomplete, but the academy appears to have flourished on the whole, and to have fulfilled very fairly the purposes for which it was established. in march, , a "blue uniform" was first introduced for the students, and about the same time a detailed account of the expenses incurred by two individuals, designated as "a. b." and "hon. c. d.," is given, evidently as a guide for arriving at an average expenditure. all the students paid £ per annum for their board; the total expenses of the "hon. c. d.," however, amounted to £ s. d., as compared with £ s. d. for "a. b.," the excess being practically, as might be expected, in the amounts for "mercer" and "taylor." many, it is stated, fell short of "a. b.'s" total, while few, if any, equalled "hon. c. d."; but in these accounts "ale-house" scores are not included. this is explained by the fact that a brewery formed part of the establishment. on november st, , a very complete set of "rules and orders" relating to the academy was issued by the admiralty, consisting of no less than forty-one articles or paragraphs. the whole scheme had apparently been under revision, and the entire conduct of the establishment is provided for in great detail. this scheme is of considerable interest, embodying, as it does, the matured ideas of naval authorities at that period concerning the entry and education of young naval officers; and it is, therefore, given in the appendix practically _in extenso_, only the tedious verbiage being somewhat modified.[ ] [ ] see appendix i. it will be noticed, in article xxxiv. of these regulations, that these sons of noblemen and gentlemen, on going to sea, were made to perform seamen's duties, but had the privilege of walking the quarter-deck; while the term "volunteers by order" is still retained. of the plan of education devised by the master of the academy there are no official details, except in the periodical reports of the qualifications of the scholars, which are rendered with great regularity and exactness, the remarks of the head master being sometimes very quaint. one pupil is described as being "much too volatile in writing and arithmetic"; on another occasion, when reporting some irregularities, he remarks that "they are cursed troublesome." the commissioner of the yard, in his capacity as governor of the academy, either voluntarily or by prescription adopted a stereotyped form of report to the secretary to the admiralty, which is repeated, word for word, with unfailing monotony, with each report of progress, as follows:-- "i pray leave to remark that at this juncture there is a pretty good harmony and agreement among the scholars and the several masters; and that upon my frequent visiting the academy i find the latter are very diligent, and give due attention to their business, and the methods used by them in educating the young gentlemen are very regular, familiar, and instructive, and agreeably to the plan approved by their lordships." every candidate, before admission, was examined by the head master, in the presence of the governor, and a report made to the admiralty whether he was "found to have made such progress in his education as qualifies him to enter upon the plan of learning established for scholars in the academy." similarly, before a scholar could be sent to sea, the head master gave a certificate in the following form:-- "mr. ---- has in two years eight months and fifteen days finished the plan of mathematical learning, and made a manuscript copy thereof; in consequence, he is judged qualified to serve in h.m. navy." there happens to be in existence at the present time, in excellent preservation, one of these manuscript copies of the plan of learning, by no less a person than the celebrated captain philip bowes vere broke, of whose exploit in the _shannon_, when he captured the american frigate _chesapeake_ after an action lasting only twenty minutes, the well-known verses tell in such graphic style:-- brave broke, he waved his sword, crying, "now, my lads, aboard, and we'll stop their playing yankee-doodle dandy, oh!" [illustration: the title-page of broke's book.] this book, which is very appropriately lodged on board the _britannia_, is a heavy volume of portentous size and thickness, filled from end to end with problems in various subjects, beautifully written and worked out, and illustrated by neatly executed sketches, diagrams, etc. the title page is elegantly inscribed: "a plan of mathematical learning taught in the royal academy, portsmouth; performed by philip b. v. broke, a student there: ." the subjects comprise arithmetic, geometry, plane trigonometry, the use of the terrestrial globes, geography, chronology, spherics, astronomy, latitude, longitude, dead reckoning, marine surveying, fortification, gunnery, mechanics. [illustration: a page from broke's book.] in addition to this very comprehensive mathematical course, the students, as we have seen, were taught french and drawing, fencing, dancing, seamanship, and ship construction. a considerably longer period was allowed for this than for the somewhat similar course now in force on board the _britannia_, the maximum time being three years; and as broke did not get through under this, he was evidently not among the most brilliant scholars, for not a few finished in two and a half years, and some in considerably less. the master, certainly, says of broke, in his last report, that he "has a good capacity, and is very diligent"; but the fact remains that his time in passing places him below the average, and his work book therefore speaks well for the academy. [illustration: first and second class volunteers, early nineteenth century. _from an old print in the possession of j. gieve & sons._] broke was sixteen when he went to sea; and twenty years afterwards, having worked his ship's company up to an admirable state of discipline and efficiency, he fought the famous duel with the _chesapeake_, in connection with which his name is familiar to every schoolboy. there is every reason for supposing that the naval academy was a complete success, but it is remarkable that so few of our most famous admirals and captains went through it; and there is no means of ascertaining how the academy boys compared eventually with those who were entered in the haphazard fashion above described--some of them from the nursery. it appears probable, however, from later evidence, that many captains maintained a prejudice against these lads, as being still volunteers per order; and we do not need, as will be seen, to go back as far as the eighteenth century to find many who held that a lad sent straight to sea from school was likely to become more speedily efficient than one who had been previously trained. this curious paradox was as tenacious of life as might be expected among so conservative a body of men as our old naval officers. some time during the last decade of the eighteenth century the term "captain's servant" was replaced by that of "volunteer of the first class," under which all those who did not go through the college continued to enter. it is not quite clear, however, what is meant by the title of "volunteer of the second class." [illustration: a page from broke's book: fortification plan, with bastions, etc.] chapter ii. the royal naval college. new brooms--radical changes--the academy closed--wanted, a professor-- james inman--an enthusiastic scholar--his love of fair play--senior wrangler--antarctic astronomer--appointed professor--"inman's tables"--the college opens--a master's untimely optimism--a poser for their lordships--the new course of studies--john irving, silver medallist--a mathematician's device--the rod and the "black hole"--new regulations--commissioned officers admitted--elastic hours of study--the end approaches--the "late" royal naval college--inman's pension--sir h. keppel's recollections--the box seat--a retaliatory cascade--sir w. r. mends--alleged toadying--sir g. r. mundy's letters--keeping a "mess"--the "black hole" in being--"a blow-out," and after--sir b. j. sulivan--bullying studious juniors--a discouraging experience--the captain converted--the college and the _excellent_--professor main--the "pitchfork" system again--a slender equipment--naval cadets--haphazard methods--a little more detail. the naval academy saw out the century, and went on without interruption for six years more. then there came some "new brooms," apparently, in office, who thought that the time had arrived for extending and remodelling it; and by way of making a fresh start, and leaving old traditions behind, they resolved to change even the title. the reason set forth, in a memorial presented by the lords of the admiralty, for these alterations was to "render the academy effectual for the increased naval force"; their suggestions were adopted in their entirety, and embodied in an order in council, dated st february, , as follows:-- " st. that the title of the building be altered to royal naval college. " nd. that the present building be enlarged, at a cost of £ , s. d. " rd. that the establishment of officers be as follows: a governor, a lieutenant governor and inspector, a professor, a preceptor, a housekeeper, a writing master, a drawing master, a french master, a fencing master, a dancing master, and a surgeon. the master attendant of the yard and the master shipwright to instruct in seamanship and ship construction, and a gunner of the royal marine artillery in small arm exercise, etc. " th. that the first lord of the admiralty for the time being be governor. [illustration: west front of the naval college in portsmouth dockyard. _photo: cassell & co., ltd._] " th. that a post-captain be appointed as lieutenant-governor, with net salary of £ per annum. " th. that an able mathematician from cambridge be appointed as professor, at £ per head per annum, on a basis of probably seventy scholars under the new system. to have apartments, and to have nothing to do with boarding, &c., nor attention out of college hours. " th. the preceptor to receive £ per annum. " th. that some disabled and meritorious lieutenant be appointed as housekeeper, to look after the domestic concerns of the college, under a committee consisting of the lieut.-governor, the professor, and the preceptor." th to th articles contain details of the salaries of the various masters and instructors, the total being £ , s., exclusive of the professor, but including the lieut.-governor. " th. that the number of scholars be increased from forty to seventy, of whom forty are to be sons of officers, and the remainder sons of officers, noblemen, or gentlemen, who are found qualified. " th. that the age of entry be not less than thirteen, or more than sixteen; that scholars are to remain three years, whether they have completed the plan or not: only two years to reckon in any case towards the six years required to qualify for lieutenant's commission. " th. that preference be given to youths who have been at sea before. " st. that to avoid misuse of the college, parents are to give a bond for £ , to be forfeited in the event of a scholar failing to complete his course and qualify for the navy. " nd. that a capitation fee of four shillings per day be paid by each scholar while he is actually in the college. " rd. that the distribution of the said capitation fee be as follows:-- £ s. d. stopped for professor stopped for clothing board for days at s. d., of which d. goes to the housekeeper washing, weeks, at s. per week pocket money at s. per week -------- days at s. per day (allowing five weeks for holidays) -------- balance " the alterations and enlargements involved in this scheme naturally occupied a considerable time, and the establishment was closed from about may, , until february, , and even then was not in some respects complete. meanwhile, the admiralty were seeking a fit and proper person to fill the important post of professor under the new arrangements; and, a good mathematician being required, they naturally turned to the university of cambridge, the birthplace of wranglers. there they were lucky enough to find the very man they wanted, in the person of james inman, a man whose name will not soon be forgotten by those who are interested in the science of navigation. he was, to start with, a born mathematician; everything in this line seemed to come as easily to him as the alphabet, and abstruse problems which in other men would cause corrugated brows and the burning of the midnight oil were to him merely pleasant employment. he was also a good organiser, a man of details, and at the same time of pleasing and strong personality. sir henry keppel--one of the last survivors of old college times--gives his impression of inman as "a tall man in black, with an austere countenance: but there was that in him that i liked." in the "life and letters of sir bartholomew j. sulivan" the following passage occurs:-- "i was content so long as i kept with the senior boys of my batch; and it was a fortunate thing for me that, three months after i entered, dr. inman's son, richard inman, joined us. he had learnt the first three months' work, or more, before he entered, and i had nearly completed in three months what we were allowed six for. inman passed in the studies that made him equal with me within a week of entering, and then we went on competing each month. nothing could be fairer than dr. inman was to me throughout this rivalry. he urged me to take my books home at christmas and midsummer and work every day, adding, 'i shall keep richard at work.'" this shows the professor in a very pleasing light, with his love of his work, and his honest desire to see "the best man win"; any lad who took kindly to mathematics would be sure of his friendship and assistance. inman was a yorkshireman by birth, being the younger son of richard inman, of garsdale foot, sedbergh; he was born in , and was educated at sedbergh grammar school, to which institution he certainly did ample credit, for he carried all before him at cambridge, coming out in as senior wrangler and first smith's prizeman. after this he appears to have had some idea of doing mission work in syria; but being detained at malta on account of the war, he occupied his time there in the study of arabic. in , young as he was--only twenty-seven--he was recommended by the board of longitude as astronomer on board the _investigator_, engaged in antarctic exploration, and joined her in june at port jackson. [illustration: billiard-room, naval college (formerly the large study). _photo: cassell & co., ltd._] eventually he returned to england by way of china, and towards the end of he was appointed professor at the royal naval college, a post which he held for nearly thirty years. he was ordained about , but does not appear to have held any benefice. during the whole period of the existence of the college under the amended regulations the official records and correspondence bear constant testimony to inman's unflagging zeal and energy; he was always inaugurating something new, and it usually involved an accession of work for himself, but this he never appeared for a moment to consider. [illustration: the courtyard of the naval college. _photo: cassell & co., ltd._] in addition to his duties at the college, which were performed with characteristic ability and minuteness, he was for some years president of the school of naval architecture, established in the dockyard in , chiefly at his instigation. in he published the great work by which his name is so well known, "navigation and nautical astronomy for the use of british seamen"; a work which for many years was absolutely without a rival, and which he supplemented in the second edition by the table of half versines (or haversines), which proved of immense value to navigators and mathematicians generally. "inman's tables" were a necessity to every man and boy who went to sea, and were as familiarly spoken of as the mainmast or the compass. he was consulted by the naval or other authorities upon almost every conceivable subject which could be included under the head of mathematics, not excepting designs of ships, sail plans, etc.; he directed the construction of ten ships of war, and is said to have given some valuable hints to captain broke for improving the gunnery on board the _shannon_. he also wrote a book on naval gunnery, and translated from the original a swedish work on ship construction. such was the man who was placed in charge of the naval college; and in truth it would appear that he was to a certain extent thrown away there, for it is easy to imagine him astronomer royal, or anything else in a mathematical way. the royal naval college was opened, as has been stated, in ; and there is a considerable mass of correspondence extant in connection with it, containing some amusing incidents, until its final abolition, as a school for young gentlemen, in . on january th, , the second master of the old academy writes to the secretary to the admiralty expressing his surprise and disappointment at not being appointed first master under the new _régime_; and, by way of setting forth how much he is losing, mentions that he has found that the salary and emoluments of his office amounted to about guineas annually. as his salary was £ a year, the secretary is down upon him at once; he turns down the corner of the letter, and writes thereon: "direct him to state in what manner his emoluments arise to make them, with his salary, equal to guineas per annum." the unfortunate master is thus compelled to enter upon an analysis of his "emoluments," which in truth is somewhat lame and inconclusive: he makes the most, however, of his "commodious apartment, free from rates and taxes, with a very productive garden," free water and fuel, etc., but is obliged finally to complete the total by acknowledging the acceptance of "presents from the friends and relatives of the scholars for his general care and attention." it is to be hoped that his "apartment" was more "commodious" relatively than that of another master for whom quarters were subsequently provided under the new scheme, and who writes to the admiralty that he has seen the plan approved, and perceives that one sitting-room, one sleeping-room, and a closet has been provided for each assistant: "now, i would with the greatest respect submit to your lordships' consideration," he plaintively continues, "whether this is sufficient to accommodate myself, wife, servant, three sons and a daughter, with every expectation of a still larger family!" there is no evidence extant as to whether their lordships attempted any solution of this problem. as might be expected, professor inman lost no time in drawing up a very complete and elaborate plan of study. the preliminary examination required a knowledge of the first four rules of arithmetic, reduction, and rule of three; to write english with facility from dictation; construction of english sentences; and the definitions, etc., at the beginning of simpson's euclid. the students were divided into six classes, new-comers being placed according to their acquirements. _first half-year; or th class._ first four books of euclid, first four rules of algebra and simple equations, the doctrine of proportion, arithmetic, to vulgar and decimal fractions, general grammar, reading in english, french, or latin, writing, drawing, fencing, dancing. _second half-year, or th class._ sixth book of euclid, plane and spherical trigonometry, application of plane trigonometry to surveying, a few propositions in perspective, more complicated simple equations, quadratics, extraction of square and cube roots, leading points of sacred and profane history. _third half year, or th class._ principles of astronomy, figure and dimensions of the earth, artificial division of the globe by lines and circles, application of trigonometry to the art of navigation and to simple and easy problems in nautical astronomy, the use of instruments generally employed in navigation, nature and construction of logarithms and their application, reading, chiefly in the history and the laws of england, principles of the british constitution. _fourth half-year, or rd class._ the more difficult parts of astronomy and its application to navigation, observations for latitude and longitude, natural and political geography, prevailing winds and currents. _fifth half year, or nd class._ fortification, doctrine of projectiles and its application to gunnery, principles of flexions, and application to the measurements of surfaces and solids, generation of various curves, resistance of moving bodies, mechanics, hydrostatics, optics, naval history and nautical discoveries. _sixth half-year, or st class._ more difficult problems in astronomy, motions of heavenly bodies, tides, lunar irregularities, the principia and other parts of "newton's philosophy," to those sufficiently advanced. this, together with fortnightly lessons in seamanship, weekly lessons in ship construction, an occasional cruise round the isle of wight in a small vessel, and practical gunnery, forms a pretty full programme, and argues a somewhat optimistic and enthusiastic view of the capacities of his pupils on the part of the learned professor. an examination was to be held every six months, and the best and second students were to receive respectively a gold and silver medal. the silver medal was awarded at midsummer, , to john irving, who, when he went out in the _terror_ with sir john franklin's expedition in , had it with him. it was buried with him in king william's land, when, in common with all the members of the ill-fated expedition, he perished, in or ; was found and brought home by lieut. schwatka, u.s.n., in , and is now in the museum of the royal united service institution. the periodical reports show that the programme was carried out regularly; and after some years inman introduced a novel system of recording progress. the total number of marks obtained by each student was supplemented by a second column headed "number expected"; this was arrived at by multiplying the number of hours at each subject by twenty; this number denoting the progress expected to be made in one hour, if the student completed his course in the full term of three years. if the number obtained exceeded the number expected, the student might be expected to finish his course in a proportionately shorter period. this was a genuine mathematician's device, and was very instructive. a glance at the two final columns of a report practically told the whole story; and it is satisfactory to note that a large percentage of the lads usually exceeded expectations: in one report, for instance, the number was forty-seven out of sixty-five. notions of discipline were severe, according to the spirit of the times. the professor on one occasion, reporting the misconduct of some of the students, deplores the abolition of the rod; and mentions that, though a dark cabin is used for confinement, a "black hole" is much needed! there is no mention of such a place of confinement being instituted; but the admiralty revokes the abolition of flogging. in the regulations for entry, the composition of the staff, and the course of study were modified. the number of students was augmented to one hundred in war time, and seventy in time of peace: thirty sons of naval officers to be admitted free, the remainder at £ per annum; and the age of admission was altered, - / to being substituted for to . two lieutenants, a clerk, two sergeants of the royal marine artillery, and a matron were added to the complement; and latin and greek were introduced as part of the plan of study. in further changes were authorised:-- st. that the age of admission be from - / to - / . nd. that no student remain more than two years, whether he completes his course or not. rd. that any student completing his course within two years shall be discharged. some examination papers which are extant, dated february and april, , are of the size and form familiarly known in later years as the "college sheet"; and inman strongly insists that these papers should be circulated in the fleet, for the benefit of midshipmen at sea. there was evidently a strong feeling among the authorities during the "twenties" of last century that the college was behind the times; for in february, , we find more alterations. the sons of naval officers are to pay £ per annum, and others £ . again, in june of the same year, a new circular appears, with some radical alterations. the peace establishment was raised to eighty students, one-half to be sons of commissioned officers of the navy _and army_:-- sons of flag and general officers to pay £ sons of captains, colonels, and lieut.-colonels commanding sons of commanders and under, and regimental field officers sons of officers who have lost their fathers sons of officers whose fathers were killed in action while sons of civilians were to pay in january, , the college was first opened to commissioned naval officers who wished to study on half-pay; and on april st of the same year appears the first report of the lieut.-governor on the class of commissioned officers, seventeen in number, registering the hours of attendance on each day. on april th the professor asks for some scientific apparatus for the use of commissioned officers, and encloses a syllabus of their course of study, which is as follows:-- euclid as far as the third book, higher geometry (including some curves), algebra (including geometrical and arithmetical progression), proportion, making of logarithms, plane and spherical trigonometry, astronomy. on november th of the same year a circular is issued, regulating the hours of study for these officers, in which a considerable amount of latitude is permitted, for they are _allowed_ to present themselves at . a.m., and _required_ to do so at p.m., but must leave the yard at p.m. they are to form a mess outside, or otherwise arrange for their board, etc.; there is to be no public expense incurred, and they are not to remain more than one year. an extra assistant master was appointed to assist in their studies. the number to be admitted was twenty-four, but this was apparently increased in june, , to thirty-six. the college went on upon these lines for some years longer, but the end was drawing near. on march th, , the officers who conducted the examinations for lieutenant deplore the deficiency of the candidates as observers, recommend that each officer be required to have a sextant, that a proper place be provided in which to keep them, and that captains be required to report half-yearly as to their efficiency and the condition of their sextants. in the abolition of the college as a training school for young officers is evidently decided upon, as only forty-three scholars are reported upon during that year; on january th, , the lieut.-governor writes a long letter to the admiralty, making various suggestions in connection with the "approaching event"; and on february th sends a catalogue of the library and a list of pictures, with suggestions concerning the bestowal of them. finally, on april th, , he reports that he has handed over the keys of the public part of the "late royal naval college," and recommends the staff lately serving under him. pensions are allowed to most of these, on rather a mean scale, and they all protest vigorously, with the result that a few receive slight augmentation; but mr. tate, the preceptor, after twenty-nine years' service, only gets £ per annum. in a long letter to the admiralty just before his retirement, inman mentions that he has "examined about two thousand five hundred midshipmen and schoolmasters; a work certainly of no great difficulty, yet one of great responsibility"; he disclaims any wish to make much of any "trifling elementary works" which he has compiled, but "ventures to mention" his navigation and nautical tables. he concludes by saying that he will be grateful for any sum their lordships may award him, which will enable him to live creditably during his few remaining years. the corner of this letter is turned down, and "£ " briefly inscribed upon it. this was subsequently increased to £ ; which indeed appears little enough. inman lived for over twenty years after his retirement, and died in , at the age of eighty-three. sir henry keppel, the veteran admiral of the fleet, in his book, before alluded to, gives some reminiscences of his experiences at the college. the lieut.-governor in keppel's time was captain j. wentworth loring, who, as a matter of fact, filled that post for seventeen years; and sir henry thus describes his uniform: blue coat, open in front, gold epaulettes, white kerseymere waistcoat and pantaloons, hessian boots, straight thin sword, cocked hat. the uniform of the youngsters was a blue tail coat with stand-up collar, plain raised gilt buttons, round hat with gold lace loop and cockade. "we cadets," he says--though the term was not officially in use at that time--"had each a cabin about seven feet square, with a window, except the corner ones, which at the monthly changes were occupied by those who had been oftenest on the black list, and did not require daylight." the london coach used to come into the dockyard to take the lads away for their holidays, and it was customary on these occasions to draw lots for the box seat. peashooters were procured outside the yard, and passers-by had a lively time. "one night," says keppel, "i had the box seat; the royal mail picked up and dropped boys as we came along, so that it was midnight before we reached godalming. the postmaster having turned in, the mail pulled up, as usual, under his bedroom windows. the moment they were opened, the postmaster and his wife were assailed with peashooters, etc. the guard was saying, 'all right,' when the postmistress, calling, 'there is something else,' emptied the slops on the boys as we drove off." in the "life of admiral sir william r. mends," who joined the college in may, , reference is made to an unpleasant feature in the matter of leave-giving. in a letter to his mother, young mends speaks with much indignation of the "toadying" that went on, and complains that when his uncle came for a while to portsmouth, and endeavoured to obtain permission for him to go "out of gates" for an hour or two, it was refused, but that "my lord this or that" had only to send his butler to obtain a pass for any boy. in the "memoirs of admiral sir thomas s. pasley" there are numerous quotations, not from his letters--he appears to have been weak at letter-writing, as many boys are--but from those of his chum, george rodney mundy. writing to his mother, february th, , mundy says:-- i sleep in a very nice little cabin all by myself, and always keep the door locked and the key in my pocket. we have coffee and milk for breakfast every morning, very good dinners, also suppers. most of the boys keep what they call a mess, or drink tea every night, but that is on condition that their fathers pay three shillings a week, and it is sent in the bill every half-year, so that it would come to £ in a half-year. so i suppose that papa would not let me keep one. some of them have five shillings a week. there is a sergeant who allows all those that have a mess a pound of sugar, a pound of butter, and a loaf of bread every week, and tea enough, too--sometimes chocolate. one of the boys invited me to drink chocolate with him one night, and i must say it was excellent. the masters here are very strict indeed, but they never flog, only lock them up in a dungeon, and have a soldier to guard it. p.s.--i am now in my little cabin with my door locked. this was some years after professor inman persuaded the admiralty to reintroduce flogging, but possibly it was again abolished; or the "black hole" was instituted and found sufficient. sir thomas pasley's biographer smiles over mundy's description of punishment, regarding it as a sort of boyish "bogey"; but it was probably strictly true, the technical term being "confinement in cell under sentry's charge." young mundy apparently succeeded in obtaining his "mess," and discovered that it could be used to his disadvantage. he writes, march th, :-- yesterday i asked captain gifford for my mess, for i suppose you know he stopped it a month for copying last examination. he was in a very good humour, and said that i had behaved very well since i copyed, but that i ought not to lay my head down in church quite so much as i do, so i do not intend to do it any more. on april th he writes again:-- two boys of this college finished their studies the other day; they asked me to what is called a "blow-out," which is something more than common. we had two turkeys, six chickens, a leg of pork, besides vegetables. i do call that a famous dinner. most of the boys when they leave this college give a blow-out on the last day, to make merry with their best friends. there were twelve of us to demolish it. i know i ate my share. then follows a suggestive remark, which conveys the impression that the assimilation of the twelfth part of two turkeys, six chickens, and a leg of pork--besides vegetables--cannot be accomplished with impunity. "i was invited to another, but i was in the infirmary, and could not go to it"! sir george rodney mundy was a very well-known man in later years; he finished his active career as commander-in-chief at portsmouth, and afterwards became admiral of the fleet. admiral sir bartholomew j. sulivan speaks in his "life and letters" of his college days:-- "lieutenant john wood rouse (my godfather) was the senior of the two lieutenants of the college. he had lost his leg as a midshipman in one of the ships of sir john duckworth's squadron in the passage of the dardanelles. we stayed at mr. rouse's house during the few days we were at portsmouth, until i passed in. my father was very anxious about my passing; but the questions were all in arithmetic, except the definitions of euclid, which i had learned by heart the previous week. thanks to my father having taught me arithmetic so well, i passed first of twelve. "no boy could get on unless he studied in his own cabin, and at the dining tables in the evening. this some of the senior boys tried to prevent, by watching the steps of the junior class, and if the junior boys showed any intention of studying they were sure to have their books knocked out of their hands, and scattered about the yard. fortunately, the one who passed in second to me--baugh--was one of the strongest and biggest boys in the college: he was also one of the studious ones, and often protected me from the bullying. "the collegians were often taken round the dockyard, and shown ships building and in dock; and if the boys liked they could attend the rigging-loft, to learn to strop blocks and do many other useful things. there were also large barges to cruise about in, to visit ships, and to take us to haslar creek on saturday afternoons for cricket. "when i passed out of the college i was appointed to h.m.s. _thetis_, captain sir john phillimore, who, going round the college a short time before, had told dr. inman, and i believe captain loring, the lieutenant-governor, that if they sent him any collegians he would refuse to take them. when i went on board i found the captain was on leave. the second lieutenant told me that the captain had a strong prejudice against collegians, but that he would do all he could to keep me in the ship. when the captain returned from leave he sent for me to his cabin in the hulk, and told me had never known a collegian worth his salt, and he used strong language against the college and all connected with it." this was not a very encouraging reception for a youngster in his first ship; but the captain apparently soon found cause to change his opinion, for he subsequently applied for two more collegians, one of whom was sulivan's big strong chum baugh. sir bartholomew was well known afterwards as a splendid officer and seaman, and an exceedingly clever man all round. such is briefly the history of the royal naval academy and college during its existence as a preparatory training school for young naval officers, for over one hundred years. that much good work was done there, especially during the long presidency of professor inman, there can be little doubt; but the authorities evidently formed the opinion that the youngsters would in future get on better without it, and so returned to the "pitchfork" system of sending lads to sea without any previous training whatever, to pick up their knowledge as best they could, with the aid of a naval instructor, who was, as a rule, afforded as little facility for imparting knowledge as the commanding officer could manage. the college, on january st, , entered upon another phase of existence, being reopened, under the command of the captain of the _excellent_, for the admission of a limited number of mates, who were permitted to volunteer for a special course of mathematics, etc. they were borne on the books of the _excellent_, and resided in the college for one year. every six months an examination was held, and the officer who passed best was awarded a lieutenant's commission. ten commissioned officers of higher rank were also admitted, to study steam, etc., under professor thos. j. main, a very worthy successor to james inman; for he was, like the latter, senior wrangler and smith's prizeman of his year. professor main will be well remembered by many naval officers still living; he was thirty years at the college, and wrote more than one book, in conjunction with mr. thos. brown, engineer, r.n., on the marine steam engine. he retired in , and died in london december th, , at the age of sixty-seven. the history of the royal naval college at portsmouth subsequent to april, , does not come strictly within the scope of this volume. it was used eventually as the headquarters of sub-lieutenants, gunnery lieutenants, and naval instructors who were qualifying, and a small number of senior commissioned officers who studied steam, etc., as before. but since the opening of the college at greenwich, in , it has lapsed, both in title and office; no longer is it known as the "royal naval college," but simply "the college, portsmouth dockyard"; no more are the voices and footsteps of senior wranglers heard within its walls. its glory has departed, and, as a mere temporary residence for officers who are studying gunnery, etc., in the port, the title of "college" can, in fact, no longer be justly applied, save in the most crude and literal sense. during a period of twenty years after the abolition of the portsmouth college as a training school for young gentlemen, all candidates for admission to the navy were sent straight to sea; though an admiralty circular, dated december th, , remained in force for some time; and in this a distinction is made between "volunteers of the first class" and "college volunteers." on january th, , a circular was issued to the following effect:-- a volunteer of the first class must not be under twelve years of age. he must be in good health, fit for service, and able to write english correctly from dictation, and be acquainted with the first four rules of arithmetic, reduction, and rule of three. this seems a slender equipment of knowledge; an irreducible minimum, in fact, for a lad of that age about to enter the navy; and, moreover, this circular contains no maximum limit of age; a serious oversight. on february th in the same year the term "college volunteers" is ordered to be discontinued; but the circular of january th continued in force, unaltered, until , when the term "naval cadet" appears for the first time, being substituted in this circular for "volunteer of the first class"--still, however, with no superior age limit stated, and it is not until april st, , that it is amended in this respect, the maximum age being laid down as fourteen. this is only another instance of the singularly inexact and haphazard ways of the admiralty in those days. the last regulation on this point was issued in february, , when the age was fixed between - / and - / ; the lads were then being kept at the college for two or three years, so that they were actually going to sea at a considerably greater age than the more recent circular appeared to warrant. unless, indeed, the lords of the admiralty reserved to themselves the right of arbitrarily fixing the age in each case; if they did, there is no circular extant to show it. in , however, a little more detail was apparently considered necessary, for there is a supplementary circular, dated february th of that year, which lays down:-- that all naval cadets who receive nominations at home are to present themselves for examination at the college within two months of the date of the letter of nomination; and a certificate of qualification, signed by the professor or mathematical master at the college, and approved by the captain of the _excellent_ (as superintendent of the college), together with a medical certificate of physical efficiency, must be forwarded to the admiralty before they can be entered. no second trial is to be allowed, and the nomination is to be cancelled unless the candidate passes within two months. the commander-in-chief is also authorised to enter cadets who have passed as supernumeraries on board the flagship until they are appointed to sea-going ships. these regulations remained in force until the early part of , when a very radical change was introduced. and here the curtain falls on the old order of things; how it rose on the new, and who were the men who brought about the change, must be told in another chapter. [illustration: jack tar expounds.] chapter iii. the "illustrious." captain robert harris--his birth and career--appointed to the _illustrious_--"jemmy graham's novices"--a model school for seamen-- a visit to the _illustrious_--why not train young officers?-- opposition of old officers--cadet robert h. harris--a successful experiment--institution of cadets' training ship--captain harris suffers for his zeal--commendatory letters--he is superseded--the new admiralty circular--general approval of the scheme--the staff of the _illustrious_--lieutenant george s. nares--disciplinary methods--the cadets' corporals--withering sarcasm--old-fashioned seamanship-- cricket--"sling the monkey"--rev. r. m. inskip--his sea yarns--mr. kempster knapp--"knapp's circles"--penalty of fidgeting--prince alfred--enter the _britannia_--her predecessors. the story of the institution of a training ship for naval cadets, through which all must, of necessity, pass satisfactorily before being allowed to go to sea, is inseparably connected with the name of one man, but for whose energy, ability, and urgent and repeated representations it is quite safe to assume that this step would have been postponed for some years, though it was no doubt inevitable in the end. the name of this man is captain robert harris; and without some account of his personality and services the story of the _britannia_ would indeed be incomplete. he was the son of james harris, an independent gentleman, of wittersham hall, kent, and was born on july th, . he entered the navy, in , as a "first class volunteer," and went to sea on board the _euryalus_, in which vessel he served as a midshipman during the little war with algiers in ; and was at navarino, also as a midshipman, in the _cambrian_, october th, , and when she was wrecked, in january, . he returned to england early in , and was borne on the books of the _royal george_ yacht for some time, during which, however, he was in reality serving in one of her tenders, the _onyx_ or _pantaloon_, on the coast of south america, the west indies, the coast of spain, and the channel. he was promoted to lieutenant may st, , and in december of the same year was appointed to the _excellent_, recently established as a school of gunnery, at portsmouth, commanded by captain (afterwards admiral sir thomas) hastings, who was always his staunch friend. [illustration: captain harris.] in harris was appointed gunnery lieutenant of the _melville_, serving in her under captains douglas and dundas. he was specially promoted to commander, june th, , for his services at the capture of the bogue forts, in china, february th, . after studying for a time on half-pay at the royal naval college, he commanded the _flying fish_ in the experimental brig squadron, and afterwards on the west coast of africa, from to , subsequently serving in the _ganges_, from which he was promoted to captain, october th, . he was appointed flag captain to sir w. f. martin, in the _prince regent_, in , and left her in . two years later captain harris received the appointment which he was destined to hold for the long period of eight years--for it was practically continuous, though in two different vessels--and in which he performed the valuable services in connection with which his name is best known in the service. in , during the crimean war, sir james graham, then first lord of the admiralty, conceived the plan of establishing at portsmouth a training ship for young seamen, in order to provide a better class of men to fill the vacancies in the fleet. they were shipped under the name of "novices," and were popularly known as "jemmy graham's novices," the scheme being probably regarded with some disapprobation, not untinged with ridicule, by many of the old "shellbacks" in the service--the usual fate of innovations, however well conceived and beneficial. the _illustrious_, a two-decker, was appropriated for this purpose, and captain harris was placed in command. he had already, beyond doubt, an excellent reputation at headquarters as a most zealous and capable officer, whose heart was in his work; and he speedily proved that his selection for this special duty was a peculiarly happy one. he possessed in a marked degree the somewhat rare gift of being able to combine with unflinching strictness the power of winning the goodwill of his subordinates; and so zealously and effectually did he perform his office that "jemmy graham's novices" were soon better known as captain harris's seamen, eagerly sought for, when vacancies were to be filled in the mediterranean, as well-conducted, well-trained lads, requiring but little experience in a sea-going ship to make them efficient able seamen. lord fitzhardinge, writing to captain harris some years later, says:-- they came to a sea-going ship perfect in the various drills, and were good artillerymen. you were naturally anxious for sea service in time of war; but sir james graham, after consulting with myself on the subject, came to the decision that your services, as recruiting officer and teacher of the new raised men, could not be dispensed with. a writer in _fraser's magazine_ for april, , on "the naval school on board the _illustrious_," speaks in terms of the highest eulogy of the excellent management and good tone prevailing on board, and mentions that the captain gave the young men under him an occasional evening's amusement, in the form of easy lectures on astronomy, etc., illustrated by a magic lantern. describing his arrival on board, the writer says: "the captain is on the quarter-deck, awaiting his visitors; he is a tall, upright, good-looking man, having an air of much activity and determination, but being apparently on the best of terms with those about him"; a description which those who were personally acquainted with captain harris will endorse. probably his popularity with his subordinates was due in no small measure to the conscientiousness which marked his discharge of every duty. they knew him to be incapable of an act of injustice; and while he exacted a punctual performance of duty from every man under him, he set them an example which could not fail to win their respect. [illustration: vice-admiral sir robert harris, k.c.b., k.c.m.g., as a midshipman.] great as was his success in the training of young seamen, captain harris was not content to rest on the laurels he had earned. if previous training proved so beneficial to seamen, why not institute a similar school for officers? the royal naval college was, as we have seen, only available for a certain proportion of young aspirants for the service, many going straight to sea, and even this had, nearly twenty years since, been for some reason abolished. why not revive a training school under a new aspect, in which every cadet should be compelled to undergo a course of instruction before going to sea? having conceived this idea, captain harris proceeded to urge its adoption, but met with small encouragement at first. old officers, some of whom had possibly been instrumental in bringing about the closing of the college, opposed the notion strenuously, holding the opinion that a lad had a better chance of turning out a good seaman and officer if sent to sea straight from school. the captain of the training ship had, however, the courage of his convictions; and an opportunity presented itself before long of demonstrating this fact. he had a son, for whom he obtained a nomination as naval cadet; and he immediately applied for permission to have the boy for twelve months under training before going to sea. this was conceded, with the result that robert hastings harris (now vice-admiral sir robert h. harris, k.c.b., k.c.m.g.) was, on january th, , entered on the books of the _illustrious_, and received his training in seamanship with the novices, and instruction in navigation and nautical astronomy on board the _victory_, under the rev. robert m. inskip. sir robert harris was thus, as he remarks in a letter to the present writer, "the initial cause of the _britannia_ system"; for had he proved to be a failure nothing more would have been heard of the scheme, certainly for many years. as a matter of fact, he must have afforded in his own person convincing evidence of the value of the proposed system; for it was only six weeks after the expiration of his twelve months' training that a circular was issued from the admiralty, inaugurating an entirely new _régime_ for the education and examination of young naval officers, and including a period of compulsory training in a stationary ship prior to being sent to sea. the story of the _britannia_, strictly speaking, commences thus on january th, ; the admiralty circular, however, was dated february rd, . before proceeding to deal with the development of the new scheme, it will be convenient to complete our sketch of the career of captain harris in general terms, though it may be necessary to refer to him again later on. his command of the two ships--the _illustrious_ up to january st, , when he was transferred to the _britannia_--extended, as has been stated, over eight years, terminating in october, , when he was superseded. during this long period there is abundant evidence that he rendered most important services to the navy, and, like many other good men, he suffered in a certain degree through the very fact of his efficiency. he was debarred from the advantages accruing to services at sea, and from obtaining subsequently a more important harbour command, such as the _excellent_, for which, as an able gunnery officer, he was certainly eligible. the high esteem in which captain harris was held by well-known officers of superior rank and the excellent results of his able management of the cadets' training ship are testified by numerous communications from such men as admirals sir w. f. martin, sir thomas hastings, sir sydney dacres, sir john erskine, sir richard smart, and others; while his contemporaries, in command of sea-going ships, are unanimous in their praise of the qualifications and conduct of the youngsters sent to sea in the early days of the _illustrious_ and _britannia_. sir charles wood, then first lord of the admiralty, writing on july th, , when the new circular was about to come into force, says:-- i believe that, with the staff you will have, we shall commence the work with as good a prospect of success as can be ensured, by putting it in the best hands. and writing again on april st, :-- i am very glad to hear so promising an account of the first trial, and i may add success, of your education on board the _illustrious_. i hope that the present board will carry out the work in the same spirit in which it was conceived; and i am well aware that they could not have so able an instrument as yourself in the very responsible position which you occupy. sir william martin, then in command in the mediterranean, writes on january th, :-- on the whole, all whose opinions are much esteemed are convinced that you have done great good. there is no man in england whose opportunity of doing good to our country for ages to come is greater than yours; and assuredly the navy is greatly your debtor. sir sydney dacres, on september th, , writes:-- i must write to congratulate you on the success that has attended your exertions in working out such an important change in the education and training of our young gentlemen, as the system pursued in the _illustrious_ and _britannia_ most certainly has proved itself to be. the last three years' experience has convinced me of the vast improvement of the present system over the old plan of bringing boys from their homes, often without even the rudiments of education, and hardly knowing what order meant. i am sure your great satisfaction must be in looking at the very small number of your boys that have got into serious scrapes, and the manner in which, as a rule, they are spoken of by their superiors; and i cannot conclude, my dear harris, without adding what is a great pleasure to me, that without exception they all look back with esteem and respect on their captain, who was ever ready to be kind and considerate whilst training them in the right way. those who were under captain harris--and there are not a few still living--will assuredly endorse this statement; their recollection is that of a superior who, while most emphatically captain of his ship, exercised his authority with never-failing kindness to all, and of whom a disparaging word was never uttered. captain harris, as has already been stated, suffered for his efficiency. his request to be appointed to a sea-going ship was, in fact, refused on the ground that he was doing such good work in the _britannia_; and when he was superseded, in october, , without being given another command, he not unnaturally felt that some more practical appreciation of his long and valuable services might well have been displayed. this apparent injustice remains unexplained; he was not again employed, and died at southsea, on january th, . captain harris married, in , sophia, daughter of captain penruddocke, of the scots guards, leaving three sons and two daughters. captain harris was, no doubt, consulted as to the framing of the new regulations, and great indeed must have been his satisfaction on finding his long-cherished scheme adopted at headquarters. the circular was to come into force in may, ; that is to say, it would affect naval cadets who were to join in august of that year. it commences with regulations for the new "five yearly" examination for lieutenant, which does not come within our scope; and the details dealing with the entry of naval cadets will be found in the appendix.[ ] [ ] see appendix ii. the minimum time on the training ship, it will be noticed, was three months; any cadet who felt that he was competent might present himself at the first quarterly examination after joining, and if he passed, would be discharged. the maximum time was one year, and this could only apply to cadets who were under fourteen on joining; the others were bound to present themselves for examination either at the second or third quarterly examination, according to age. no time was lost in preparing the _illustrious_ for her new purpose; dockyard hands were speedily at work, and an efficient staff selected to assist captain harris, so as to commence, as sir charles wood says in his letter, already quoted, with as good a prospect of success as could be assured, by putting the work into the best hands. not the least prominent among the new appointments was the rev. robert inskip, who was transferred from the _victory_ as principal naval instructor. he had long been associated with captain harris in advocating the new scheme, and was, in fact, cadet harris's master during his year of training. with two such enthusiasts at the head of affairs, there was likely to be no lack of "go" about the start; and although the idea was by no means in universal favour among the captains and admirals of those days, the new step attracted attention in many quarters, and was the subject of laudatory leaders in the _times_ and other "dailies," to say nothing of magazine articles. the keynote in these publications is the same throughout: while approving of the general scheme--which perhaps in most instances the writers were not very well qualified to discuss--they all with one accord declare that no man could be so well fitted for the post of commander as captain harris. "parents may well rejoice," says a writer in _fraser's magazine_ (september, ), "to have it in their power to bestow on their children the results of the long experience of a man who has passed through all the dangers of the position with credit to himself and advantage to his country." the _illustrious_ was moored off haslar creek, on the west side of portsmouth harbour, near the entrance, and there on august th, , the first batch of cadets, twenty-three in number, joined her. the staff was as follows:-- captain robert harris. lieutenant geo. y. paterson. lieutenant marcus lowther (in command of _sealark_, brig). lieutenant f. t. thomson (in command of _bullfinch_, tender). chaplain and naval instructor rev. w. r. jolley. chaplain and naval instructor rev. r. m. inskip. naval instructor kempster m. knapp. it is not easy to obtain very precise information as to the routine, but a good deal may be deduced from the subjects of study, as laid down in the admiralty circular; and the general principle, no doubt, was alternate days at study and seamanship. the recollection of some survivors of the first batch of cadets is entirely favourable to the ship; very great pains were taken with their education, there was little or no bullying, and the food was good and plentiful. lieutenant george s. nares,[ ] when he joined in january, , was placed specially in charge of the cadets, and remained there for about five years (in _illustrious_ and _britannia_), as captain harris's senior executive and right-hand man. before he joined the cadets were in charge of a gunner; of course the actual instructors in practical seamanship were seamen petty officers, the lieutenants superintending, and conducting the examinations in this branch. [ ] now vice-admiral sir george s. nares, k.c.b., etc. probably lieutenant nares was as good a man as could have been obtained for the post of senior executive. like his captain, he could combine the _fortiter in re_ with the _suaviter in modo_, and was always liked by the youngsters, in spite of being compelled to come down on them pretty sharply at times. he was a thoroughly practical seaman, and his seamanship book was always considered the most complete and useful work of the kind in existence. he also patented a life-saving kite, for rescuing people from a wreck on a lee shore, which was ingenious, and perhaps deserved more attention than it received. ideas have altered considerably in regard to discipline since those days; and the arrangement at the time was that the cadets should be placed in charge of ships' corporals for disciplinary purposes. these men were, of course, taken from the ordinary ships' police, and great care was no doubt exercised in their selection; but there are obvious pitfalls in such a system, both for the corporals and the cadets, into which both not infrequently tumbled. a corporal who was apt to be too familiar would suffer from the enmity of some, while with others he would be on terms of undue intimacy; a man who was in the least degree retiring, or afraid to assert his authority when necessary, would speedily find himself fitted with an appropriate nickname, which would be shouted after him from hammocks in some obscure corner of the cockpit. whether the corporals were open to bribery or not is doubtful; some probably were, and in any case it could not be expected that men of this class would exercise their authority with the strictly judicial mind of an officer of education and experience, especially when dealing with young gentlemen who were their superiors by birth, and would in a few months become so in discipline. however, good or bad, there they were, and there they remained, as an institution, for years, taking a lion's share in the discipline of the establishment, while at the same time some at least were permitted to keep a little store of "tuck" and odds and ends, which they sold to the youngsters at a heavy profit. the prevailing impression left on the minds of some survivors of the early training ship days is that the ship was "run" by the corporals. this, however, is probably over stating the case; youngsters are not able to discriminate accurately in such matters, and the fact that they were brought into more close and frequent contact with the corporals than with the superior officers would be liable to mislead them as to the influence really exercised by the latter. a vast amount of power was, however, undoubtedly vested in the corporals, who were able, if so disposed, to spite a cadet who might be obnoxious to them in a hundred ways: and, on the other hand, to favour those who thought it worth while to make up to them, calling "good-night, corporal smith!" as he passed under their hammocks, in place of the muttered nickname or ribald rhyme indulged in by the more reckless. as, for instance, the following, aimed at the supposed verdance of the corporals in the matter of seamanship:-- corporal stumps and corporal taylor went to sea in an old tin bailer: stumps took the oars and taylor the sails, and that is how they got on in the gales. withering sarcasm, from some young hero who had just learned to make a bowline knot, and climb over the "futtocks" without blenching! needless to say, seamanship days were more in favour with the majority than those devoted to the solution of problems in spherical trigonometry or the pursuit of the unspeakable "x." the seamanship, pure and simple, of those days contained much that was attractive to youth. going aloft to loose, furl, or reef the topsails; sitting astride of the yardarm, in the post of honour, and calling "light out to windward" or "haul out to leeward" in an authoritative, if shrill and immature, voice; learning intricate knots, and getting well besmeared with tar and grease in the process of splicing a rope or stropping a block: all these were welcome instructions, during which time would fly. then there were occasional cruises in the _sealark_ brig, when the first lieutenant would take out some of the more advanced cadets and make them work the vessel, learning to "haul, reef, and steer," like dibdin's proverbial "jolly tar"; though it is doubtful whether any of them could aspire to the counsel of perfection laid down in the same song, and "laugh at the winds as they roar." a playing-field for the cadets was provided at haslar; but what they played and how they played is more or less a matter of conjecture, as no records are forthcoming. certainly, there could have been nothing like the systematic pursuit of cricket and excellent coaching which has since become a _sine quâ non_ in every big school, and which was to be very enthusiastically carried out on the _britannia_. nine boys out of ten, however, will play some kind of cricket if they get a chance, and the sort of cricket played by most naval men and boys in those days was not exactly "county form." here and there you will come across a lad who cannot help playing cricket well, and appears always to be in good trim, even after a long voyage; and no doubt there were some such among the early cadets: indeed, it is certain that there were, for there are those who can recollect them. on board the ship one game in particular was in favour; it was exclusively a sea play, and probably is not known in shore schools. it rejoices in the title of "sling the monkey." the boy who was selected to represent the intelligent quadrumanus was seated in a bowline-knot formed at the end of a rope from a stay overhead, just long enough to permit his feet to touch the deck when at rest. he, and all the others who joined in the game, were armed with a hard-knotted handkerchief, or sometimes a bit of rope--anything in the form of what was known as a "cob" or a "togey"--and the mutual effort of the monkey and the crowd was to get in a good one with the "cob." the monkey, naturally, came in for pretty severe punishment, which he would endeavour to repay, swinging wildly in the air as he rushed at his tormentors, who had a good chance at him as he swung back, more or less helpless; eventually, however, he would get a resounding whack in on one of the others, who was then installed in his place. new comers were, of course, subjected to inquisitorial treatment, which gradually took a more or less traditional form as time went on and numbers increased; sometimes they were made to "pay their footing" the first time they went aloft--a time-honoured custom in the navy, as captain marryat testifies; but if the toll took the form of cash, it would certainly bring down condign punishment on the tax gatherer if detected; probably the exaction of "tuck" was the prevailing practice. captain harris had, however, usually a very accurate idea as to what went on in his ship, especially while the number of boys was small, and it is safe to assume that nothing like vicious bullying was carried on. meanwhile he and his executive officers, together with the two naval instructors--for mr. jolley only did chaplain's duty--had all their work cut out; the whole system being an untried innovation, everything had to be organised _de novo_, and it naturally took some time to make all run smoothly. mr. inskip, who remained altogether thirteen years in the two ships, is a very well remembered character among the earlier cadets. he took an immense interest in the lads, and knew them all intimately, discoursing with them on all kinds of subjects out of study hours. it was no uncommon occurrence to see his keen, good-humoured face the centre of a little crowd of cadets, pacing the deck with him, some walking backwards in front, and following up behind as he went back--many of them taller than he was, for he was a little man, with a large heart; and many were the strange sea-tales related during these pleasing promenades. he always had a kindly word for any lad whom he might casually encounter: "well, smith, we tackled that chronometer this morning, didn't we?" or, "how does the great circle sailing get on?" he was a very capable instructor, with the knack of imparting his knowledge to others, and many a problem of formidable aspect at starting would assume quite a kindly guise under his hand, as he stood by the black board and dexterously chalked in meridians, parallels, and what not; or came behind some blunderer and reduced the chaos of his mind--and his diagram--to something like order. one of mr. inskip's sea yarns may be given here as a sample; it is to be presumed that he occasionally amused himself by trying how much the ordinary cadet would swallow--or pretend to swallow. he related how, when he first went to sea--apparently in some other capacity than that of naval instructor--his outfitter deemed it a good plan to place a layer of bricks at the bottom of his chest. this appeared peculiar, no particular reason being assigned for it. however, he went to sea, bricks and all. when becalmed one day in the tropics, the ship being, of course, surrounded by voracious sharks of enormous dimensions, he suddenly recollected his bricks, and was seized with a remarkable inspiration. hurrying down to his chest, he took several bricks to the galley, and got the cook to heat them; then wrapping them up, all hot, in a blanket, he watched his opportunity when a monster shark approached, and threw the bundle overboard. the shark immediately seized and bolted it, and apparently felt quite happy--as, indeed, any reasonable shark would under the circumstances. after a time, however, the hot bricks came through the blanket, and the fun began, the monster's agonies being described in the most graphic style! [illustration: rev. r. m. inskip and mr. k. knapp.] mr. knapp, his assistant, was an equally capable man, but a different character altogether. very kind of heart and painstaking in his work, he was, at the same time, of an exceedingly irritable temperament, and anything in the shape of inattention or fidgeting among his pupils would certainly bring down retribution in some form on the offender. he possessed remarkable skill in drawing a large circle on the black board--a proceeding very constantly required, of course, in demonstrating problems in nautical astronomy, etc.--and would, unaided by a string or pivot of any kind, produce, after a few preliminary flourishes, like a golfer "addressing" his ball, a perfect circle with one rapid sweep of his hand, and then, after regarding it with a complacent twinkle in his eye for a few moments, dot in the centre with unfailing accuracy. "knapp's circles" became a by-word in his class, and all would watch with breathless interest the few little trial strokes in the air, followed by the swift and masterly consummation, which would often be hailed with a murmur of applause, not unpleasing to the master. those who used to be in his class will recall, however, some occasions on which, after a few preparatory flourishes, he would suddenly drop his arm, and walk, with quick, impatient stride, round the class-room, his hands clasped in front, the chalk in one, and a two-foot rule, resting in the hollow of his arm, in the other. the old hands knew very well what was coming, and sat still as mice while mr. knapp perambulated behind their chairs, until, coming to the unfortunate who was fidgeting with his parallel rulers or some such thing--whack! would come the edge of the gunter's scale across his knuckles! "oh, _sir_!" the victim would exclaim; but, with never a word, the instructor would complete his circuit of the room, and draw a better circle than ever, to the accompaniment of suppressed sniggering at the expense of the fidgeter. these little amenities did not, however, militate in the least against a very general appreciation of mr. knapp's many good qualities, and as time went on it came to be regarded as an excellent thing to be put in "knapp's study," his boys usually coming well to the front in passing out, besides learning some valuable lessons in repose of deportment. although there is, unfortunately, a great dearth of actual record during these times, there is abundant evidence of an implicit nature that the new experiment was turning out a complete success. the letter of sir charles wood to captain harris, already quoted, after the training-ship had been established about nine months, testifies to the fact in no stinted terms; and in july, , the staff was increased by two naval instructors, messrs. j. g. d. barton and w. d. hay. moreover, about the end of the ship was devoted exclusively to the training of cadets, the novices being abolished for the time. among captain harris's pupils was prince alfred (the late duke of saxe-coburg and gotha), who entered the service august st, . he did not, however, take up his quarters on board the _illustrious_, but attended daily for instruction in seamanship, navigation, etc. [illustration: model of the first "britannia," built in . _photo: cassell & co., ltd._] he evidently retained a lasting impression of the excellence of the instruction he had received in the training-ship, for on march rd, , when he was getting on towards the time of his examination for sub-lieutenant, he writes to captain harris thanking him for a number of questions and answers in seamanship, for which he had evidently applied, and which he states will be invaluable to him for his examination. towards the end of it became apparent that a larger and more commodious ship would soon be required for the increasing number of cadets, the batches necessarily overlapping one another, and the vessel selected for the purpose was the _britannia_, a fine three-decked ship of , tons, carrying guns. she was launched as far back as , and was a large vessel for that time, and considered an excellent sailer. the name has since been associated with the training of young officers, no modern vessel having received it until quite recently. [illustration: model of the third "britannia," built in .] there were several previous _britannias_, as would naturally be expected, the first being launched in . she was of , tons, and carried twenty-four brass -pounders, thirty -pounders, twenty -pounders, fifteen - / -pounders, and five -pounders, a formidable armament in those days. she was broken up in , and her successor was launched in . she was of , tons, and carried guns. the third _britannia_ dates from , and was also a gun ship, measuring , tons. this vessel was a very bad sailer, but was constantly in commission, taking part in the action off cape st. vincent in , and finally being present at trafalgar, where she carried the flag of rear-admiral the earl of northesk, and had ten men killed, and forty-two wounded. her name was, for some reason, changed after this to _st. george_. the fourth _britannia_, selected to take the place of the _illustrious_, carried the flag of admiral dundas in the crimean war, in the early days of steam, when several sailing line-of-battle ships were employed, being usually towed into action by steamers; she took part in the bombardment of sevastopol, october th, , and at the close of the war was laid up, until the necessary alterations were taken in hand, in , to fit her for her new duties. all being ready by the end of the year, on january st, , during the absence of the cadets for their christmas leave, captain harris shifted his pennant from the _illustrious_ to her successor, thus commencing a new epoch in the history of the cadets' training ship. chapter iv. the "britannia" in the 'sixties. a "three-decker"--arrangements on board--the morning drum--persuasive corporals--"cockpit mess"--"cheeky new fellows"--important modifications--sea-going training-ship--a dead letter--the question of locality--portland selected--its numerous drawbacks--preparing for sea--voyage of the _britannia_--she asserts herself under sail--arrival at portland--great monotony--a sad accident--good education--french and drawing--sample of a french lesson--messroom songs--"the king of otaheité"--going aloft--a foolhardy feat--a swift descent--fatal to clothes--reading at the yard-arm--captain powell appointed--departure of commander nares--corporal punishment--a cool young hand--the royal marriage--another change decided upon--voyage to dartmouth--a busy time--sailors as navvies--the _hindostan_--captain randolph appointed--a futile complaint--stern measures--parliamentary interference--humanitarian fads--flogging abolished--cadets' sailing cutters--gymnasium built--the _bristol_--competition on entry-- reduction of numbers--a new _britannia_--statistical results. the new decade starts under the most favourable auspices, with a new and roomy ship, well suited for the purpose (according to the ideas of the time), and with the encouraging results of the first two or three years to incite the captain and his staff to fresh exertions. the _britannia_--it may be explained to the uninitiated who may read this book--differed from the _illustrious_ in that she was a "three-decker," while the latter was a "two-decker"; and in case this does not convey a sufficiently clear impression to the non-nautical mind, it is advisable to point out that a two-decker has actually four decks, while a three-decker has five; and this without reckoning in either case the poop, or raised deck at the after end, large enough to afford a considerable amount of accommodation. the designation of the ship went, in fact, by her gun decks, which in a three-decker were termed the main, middle, and lower decks; the upper deck and orlop deck, or cockpit, completing the number. the orlop, though a complete deck, was in a sea-going ship somewhat dark, being lit only by small round "scuttles," and the actual deck was, when the vessel was down to her load-line, below water. on the _britannia_, however, the scuttles were enlarged to the dignity of small ports. the head room was less than on the other decks, so that a person of ordinary stature had to be wary, while a tall man had a wretched time, the corners of oak beams being cruelly hard. the orlop deck was in these early days used as the dormitory; all the cadets' chests were there, and shortly after the ship went to portland a sort of open bathing-place was formed at one end, with large roses overhead for shower-baths. on the lower deck there were four studies at the stern; then a large space was occupied by the cadets' messroom; forward of this was the "galley" or kitchen; and then the mess deck for the ship's company, which was a small one, only including a sufficient number of seamen to keep the ship in order, and the seamen instructors, etc. on the middle deck at the after end was the wardroom, and further forward the french study. service was held on this deck on sunday, and seamanship was also taught there. the after-part of the main deck was occupied by the captain's quarters, and there was one small study there also. at the fore end was the sick bay. under the poop was the drawing study, and also two others; and these were utilised for some time as a place of recreation in the evening, one of the cadet captains being on duty there to keep order--which, if he chanced to be one who had been promoted rather for mental and moral than physical qualifications, he sometimes found a little beyond his powers. the cadets were roused from their morning slumbers by a long roll on the drum. lying half awake, in sad consciousness that turning out time was very near, one would hear the marine drummer come down the ladder, his drum giving out unmistakable sounds as it touched a step or two; then the drummer could be heard settling himself and his instrument of torture into a firm and convenient posture against a stanchion; and, after a preliminary double tap, the hideous sound reverberated through the cockpit. and it is a hideous sound, whether from the point of view of a sleepy cadet or a person of any station in life with a sensitive or musical ear. no sooner had this aggressive salvo died away, than a chorus of corporals would ensue, as they marched along the deck between the chests, shaking a hammock here and there if the occupant appeared to have been oblivious to the drummer's dulcet strain: "turn out, sir, turn out, if you please! now, young gentleman, are you going to rouse out over there?" then, in a persuasive, almost regretful tone, "come, sir, come, show a leg, now, _do_!" there used to be one corporal who indulged in flights of fancy, such as--"now, sir, make a stir, do! 'ere's the sun a shining through the scuttle fit to burn your eyes out!" there were, of course, always some incorrigibles, to whom turning out promptly was a moral or constitutional impossibility, and repeated offences of this nature were liable to end with a mandate to "muster under the half deck at seven bells"--_i.e._ to come before the first lieutenant at half-past eleven, and receive sentence, which usually took the form of turning out an hour earlier for a week. among the most severe punishments were "cockpit mess," and "lower deck mess," the former being awarded for somewhat serious offences. the culprit took his meals--which were of extreme simplicity--at a table rigged up under the eye of the marine sentry in the cockpit, and various privileges were stopped in addition. it was a particularly dreary sort of punishment, unless there happened to be two or more brothers in affliction, when they would make it a little more lively for themselves, and sometimes for the sentry, who might if unwary, be induced to pursue one of the evil-doers, who persisted in making an excursion towards the other end of the deck, while his companion would receive some "tuck" from a confederate on the ladder, at the risk of being himself sent below for a few days, if detected. it was in the early days of the 'sixties that the most appropriate title to be bestowed upon new arrivals was tacitly settled. no one ever knows how these matters get decided; but certain it is that about this period a boy arriving on board would find himself styled a "cheeky new fellow." he might be the most retiring and timid of youths, but the adjective was applied all the same; by way, no doubt, of keeping him in his place, and making him understand how immeasurably inferior he was to an individual who had entered six or nine months before him. on the arrival of the next batch he would, however, receive a sort of negative promotion, and become simply a "new fellow"; in which capacity he was at liberty to lord it over "cheekies," if they would stand it from him. another three months would see him raised to the dignity of "six monther"; the next step was a "nine monther," and at the end of a year he would become a "passing out number." this, however, is anticipating somewhat; and it is now time to hark back a little, and see how it came about that a boy should of necessity be over a year in the ship. the initiation of this change was actually in the 'fifties, for it was inaugurated by an admiralty circular dated october rd, ; which, however, did not come into force until april, . some important modifications were introduced: the limit of age was altered to between twelve and fourteen; the easier form of entry examination was retained, and any lad who failed was to be allowed a second trial within three months. the somewhat lax and unpractical provisions of paragraphs vi. and vii. in the former circular were amended. quarterly examinations were to be held, but merely for the purpose of ascertaining progress; and after twelve months a cadet who was found proficient was to be discharged for three months to a sea-going training-ship. at this examination a first-class certificate conferred twelve months' sea time, a second-class six months, and a third-class no time: the three months in the sea-going training-ship was to count as sea time, and the cadet was then to join his ship as midshipman. [illustration: the fourth "britannia," built in . _sailing into plymouth sound._] it appears extremely doubtful whether this was ever carried out, at least in the fashion implied in the circular. the brig _sealark_ continued to be tender to the _britannia_ up to the end of , and no doubt the "passing out numbers" were taken out in her occasionally; but there is no evidence that they were discharged regularly to a sea-going training-ship; and, as a matter of fact, the paragraph referring to this is quietly dropped out of the circular as printed in the navy list for march, . this in itself is significant, for a close examination of the navy lists at that period reveals the fact that there was a great reluctance on the part of the compositor to interfere with the type; so the withdrawal of the order probably came about a good deal earlier. certainly, from the beginning of a cadet remained in the ship for fifteen months as a matter of course, and was then appointed to a sea-going ship, no such thing as a sea-going training ship being heard of at all; moreover, the cadets who joined in december, , remained on board, without doubt, until march, . in establishing a training-ship for young lads, the sons of gentlefolk in a good position, the question of locality would appear to be of considerable importance. it was taken for granted, presumably, at first, that the ship should be stationed at portsmouth, as the start was there made in the _illustrious_; and possibly some advantage may have been imagined to exist in the naval surroundings, the dockyard, etc. the disadvantages were, however, pretty obvious. the ship was moored in close proximity to somewhat unsavoury mud at low water; there was no country, worth the name, within reach; while the moral atmosphere of a town like portsmouth was not calculated to have a very beneficial effect on the youngsters. whether any particular cause brought the question of moving the ship under consideration, it is not easy to say; but towards the end of the year the authorities decided to take her away from portsmouth; and the spot selected as her future station was--of all possible and impossible places--portland roads. those who are acquainted with the locality--among whom every naval officer may be included--are aware that, but for the breakwater, there would be practically no harbour at all, nor even a moderately sheltered roadstead in which any master would anchor his vessel, save with a westerly wind. the breakwater, though it certainly forms a shelter against the sweep of the swell in the channel, cannot in any degree break the force of an easterly gale; and even the chesil bank does not modify to any great extent the fury of winter gales from the south-west, though it ensures more or less smooth water; while northerly gales sweep across from weymouth bay with unrestrained violence. if plenty of open air and a generous supply of ozone were particularly in request, portland is a very good place to go to; but other considerations will naturally crop up in selecting an anchorage for a training-ship. as a port of assembly for a large fleet it is, by virtue of the breakwater, admirably suited; but they have to take their chance of being occasionally cut off from communication with the shore for a day or two. a good many years ago, the channel squadron was so cut off during the best part of a week, while an easterly gale was raging; only one vessel, favourably situated, contriving to send in a cutter under a close-reefed sail, from the stern, the crew and officer using the rope ladder suspended from the taffrail. there was no possibility of acquiring ground for decent playing fields; the island--so called--of portland presented no great attractions for walking or anything else; there was a stupid little town, with one steep street, climbing up the hill; and weymouth was too far off for landing the cadets, save on exceptional occasions, and when they got there, there was little or nothing to do, except get into possible mischief. notwithstanding these drawbacks, however, portland was determined upon; and when the cadets rejoined on february nd, , after their christmas leave, they found their floating home in the unwonted bustle of "preparing for sea"; and a very welcome distraction it proved to them, in place of the ordinary hum-drum of alternate "seamanship" and "study" days. by february th all preparations were complete; at p.m. a lumbering dockyard tug, the _lucifer_, took the _britannia_ in tow, and slowly dragged her out of the familiar harbour, making for the eastern end of the isle of wight. the voyage was not, however, to be made alone; at spithead the _trafalgar_, steam two-decker, was in waiting, and took her station about half a mile astern of the _britannia_, where she hovered during the whole passage, in case of any accident. the undertaking was not, indeed, without some risk, at that season, and anything in the shape of a gale would have been serious; the ship "flying light," with small frigate's spars, and with only a handful of bluejackets and a few dockyard riggers on board. however, the fates proved propitious; the wind blew fair from east-north-east, the sea was smooth, and none of the cadets were seasick; though they had the unwonted experience, afterwards to become so familiar, of hearing the gentle complaining "creech" of the oak timbers, and the rattle of small-arms and other odds and ends in the racks, with the slight motion of the ship. in the small hours of the morning it was decided to utilise the fair wind, which was freshening a bit, by making sail, and dispensing with the services of the tug. accordingly, the jib was hoisted, the topsails loosed and the sheets dragged home; there was not enough "beef," as jack would say, to hoist them, so they bellied out, all loose and baggy, with the following breeze, a sorry sight for a man-o'-warsman; that smart seaman, captain harris, must have found it go sorely against the grain to leave them so. he had a certain compensation, however; for no sooner did she feel the old familiar pressure on the masts, than the _britannia_ asserted herself as a ship with a reputation under canvas, and came tumbling after the tug, which had just been cast off, and whose best speed, unencumbered, was probably about six knots, in such lively fashion that she almost ran over her. along the chalk cliffs from st. alban's head the little squadron passed in the dim light of early morning, the long snake-like breakwater, and the wedge-shaped island of portland gradually showing up more clearly. the cadets began to come up in twos and threes, their hands stuffed well into the pockets of their monkey jackets; soon, however, they were summoned to "bring ship to an anchor," as the _britannia_, with the _trafalgar_ still in close attendance, rounded the breakwater and approached her moorings, already laid down. not even captain harris, however, would venture on the experiment of picking up moorings of this class under sail, in a three-decker, jury rigged, with her topsails on the cap; so the anchor was in readiness for letting go. "fourth division, up on the poop, and man the spanker outhaul!" up they went, and realised immediately how extremely cold a fresh east wind can be on a february morning, as they held the rope in their benumbed fingers awaiting the order. "haul out the spanker! hard down with the helm!" and the _britannia_ gracefully rounded to, topsails all shaking; as she lost her way, the anchor splashed, the cable rumbled out, and she brought up, close to the dockyard "lump" supporting the heavy moorings. in such fashion was the arrival of the _britannia_ on her new station; and as the present writer happened to be one of the fourth division above referred to, and has a vivid recollection of that morning--particularly of the biting wind--the account may be taken as moderately accurate. the cadets were sent for a run on shore in the afternoon, while the dockyard men, assisted by a party of seamen from the _trafalgar_, got in the moorings. of the period at portland--which, as will be seen, was not very long--the principal characteristic was its monotony. all the cadets who were in the _britannia_ during that time will probably agree in this. there was but little fun to be got out of fortune's well, as the village was called; and even the "tuck" was indifferent--a man used to come to the field with ices and various unwholesome stuffs in the summer; there was not much cricket or football worthy the name. true, there were the "blue gigs"; they were greatly in demand in fine weather, but in such an exposed place a very moderate amount of wind would render their use impossible; the sailing launch was rarely used except for instructional purposes. the captains--twelve in number--were allowed to visit weymouth on half-holidays, but the remainder only on rare occasions. a small steamer used to come alongside to take the cadets on shore to portland, and a larger one, plying regularly to weymouth, would call when required to take cadets or officers there. among the amusements indulged in by some of the more adventurous among the cadets was the search after sea-birds' eggs on the cliffs at the west side of portland; and this resulted, not very long after the arrival of the ship, in a sad fatality, a cadet named cox losing his life by a fall from the cliff. whatever may have been the drawbacks of portland as a station, the captain and his staff pursued the chief end and aim of the establishment with unremitting vigour, and great success. seamanship and navigation were thoroughly well taught, and any lad who was even moderately industrious might go to sea with every detail of standing and running rigging, reefing and furling, etc., at his fingers' ends, only needing a little experience afloat to render him--_malgré_ the prophecies of the malcontents of the old school--a most useful young officer. some of them were very respectable boat-sailers as well; while all were able to take a tolerably accurate observation for latitude or longitude, and work it out correctly: no mean equipment with which to start in a sea-going ship. the weak part of the scheme was in french and drawing, as it usually was in those days in almost all educational establishments. the drawing-master, though an accomplished draughtsman, did not appear to have much idea of imparting his knowledge to his pupils; systematic teaching in form and perspective was unknown; so that a lad who possessed considerable natural talent in this direction usually found himself at the end just about where he was at the beginning. of the french instruction it can only be said that it is difficult to conceive how such a farce could be permitted to drag on year after year. the french lesson was a time for every mountebank trick imaginable, little heed being paid to the half-hearted remonstrances of the good-natured professor. it would commence with some feeble attempt at one of ollendorf's exercises, which, of course, contain abundant material of merriment for the youthful mind. sometimes the professor would press for a little more variety; and was invariably met either with "avez vous etez on board le _colossus_?" (the guardship at portland), or "avez vous etez a weymouth?" there was a cadet at one time who possessed an abnormal development in the matter of aural appendages; and who, moreover, was able to fold his ears in, and cause each in succession suddenly to unfold. his appearance was naturally most grotesque under these circumstances, and his performances in the french study were a source of unfailing joy to his companions. he would "furl" his ears before commencing the stereotyped conversation with the professor, and solemnly let one out in the middle, gazing at the master meanwhile with an expression of childlike innocence. among the evening recreations, in the winter especially, there were frequently songs and choruses in the messroom, particularly if there happened to be one or two cadets with an aptitude for singing and a good repertoire of songs. there was one lad there in the latter part of the year who was remarkable in this respect, and his songs were always in request. one of the prime favourites was an extraordinary "descriptive" ballad about a certain "king of otaheité," in which a variety of well-known airs were introduced. as it is probably quite out of date and unknown to our readers of the present generation, it shall be immortalised in these pages. the king of otaheitÉ. once on a time there lived a king of otaheité, of otaheité; once on a time there lived a king, a king of otahei_ty_ who, when he only frowned, 'tis said the people all were filled with dread for fear that each should lose his head by the king of otahei_ty_. now this monarch's name was tanta-paran mesopotamia, cou-di-caran, and some people thought him a fine-looking man, a remarkably fine-looking man. his nose was large, so was his mouth; when one eye looked north, the other looked south; his face was as broad as a big frying pan; such a beautiful monarch was cou-di-caran! now this king called his messengers and picked out two or three, saying, "rascals, stir your stumps, and tell my friends to come to me at half-past five for tea. mind that you've everything fit for my table: human flesh, herbs, and rice, everything else that's nice. run now, you rascals, as fast as you're able; run, run!" then there came both great and small, handsome, ugly, short, and tall; fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, friends, relations, and many others. some were dressed in sunday's best, gaily, too, were all the rest. fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, friends, relations, and many others. but a lady who was present by the crowd was jostled so, that she kept treading, treading, treading on the king of otahei_ty_'s toe! on his bad toe! on the king of otahei_ty_'s toe! i grieve that i should mention it, or that it should be heard; it was not her intention; it was not, upon my word. the king he had an ugly corn, which sorely did him fret; if you had heard the row he made you never could forget. now, the king, in a terrible riot, sang out to his guard down below, saying, "rascals, how can you keep quiet? some villain has trod on my toe! go out into all my dominions, search well every corner and cell! if i find out the rascal who's done it, by jingo, i'll tip it him well!" but a guard who stood close by, and cared for no man, cared for no man, said, "so please your majes_ty_, that's the woman! that's the woman!" the king then took her by the hair, and would not let her go, saying, "madam, please to recollect you trod upon my toe!" a lord-in-waiting took an axe and chopped her skull in two. the king then, with a gracious smile, said, "thank you; that'll do!" this remarkable effusion was always listened to with breathless interest, the callous monarch's final pronouncement being greeted with thunders of applause. another ditty which was in great request was a bloodthirsty piratical song, with a good swinging chorus:-- hurrah! for a life of war and strife, a pirate's life for me! my barque shall ride the foaming tide, the demon of the sea. "brave broke" of the _shannon_ was as popular as in "tom brown's schooldays"; and there was a youth--said to be partially of swiss extraction--who gave a song with a most piercing "yodel" to each verse; and there were a great many verses. the other cadets greatly envied him this accomplishment, and the messroom would sometimes resound with embryo endeavours to produce a similar result; causing, on one occasion, a sudden eruption of the lieutenant on duty, who blew a boatswain's whistle to attract attention, and declared that a repetition of these singular noises would involve a muster of the cadets on deck. the _britannia_ was, as has been stated, fully rigged in those days; and the cadets were allowed, and encouraged, to go aloft at all times: the "cheeky new fellows," indeed, had to go over the topmast head every morning, _nolens volens_. in summer there were always a number of lads climbing about on the mainmast and mizenmast, and the more active and venturesome used to compete with one another in the performance of sundry more or less dangerous feats. one cadet endeavoured to immortalise himself by coming down over the "futtocks" with one arm and one leg. probably the reader is aware that the "futtock shrouds" are the short, stiff, standing ropes from the edge of the "top," the traversing of which involves a more or less reversed position; it is easy enough for any ordinarily active boy, and the alternative, of going through "lubber's hole," was regarded as more or less of a disgrace. it will be obvious, however, that the full complement of limbs is essential to the safe passage of the "futtocks"; a fact which was forcibly impressed upon our young hero by a very hasty involuntary descent into the main chains, resulting in concussion of the brain and a pretty bad scalp wound. however, he came up smiling after a week or so; but did not try it again. another aspirant for celebrity conceived the idea of coming down the mizen royal stay "hand over leg"; this stay being a very small rope, and--as it was not called upon to stand the stress of sail--certainly a pretty old one, it was quite on the cards that it might have given way, especially as the gymnast was a good lump of a boy. however, he escaped, and landed in the main-top triumphantly; whence he was called down by the first lieutenant, admonished as a "young fool," and received some slight punishment, _pour encourager les autres_. [illustration: officers and cadets, .] a favourite pastime was sliding down the two parts of the topsail halyards, which passed through a great block within reach of the main-top. you got hold of the two ropes, which ran parallel, about a foot apart, to the bulwarks, one in each hand, twisted your legs round them, and then, embracing the ropes with your arms so as to avoid skinning your hands, down you went like a flash. it was advisable, however, to tie your trousers round the ankles first, or they rucked up and the friction of the rope would inflict a very nasty burn on the leg; one cadet, in fact, was on the sick-list for a considerable time as the result of this manoeuvre. dear old dibdin tells us how william, the favoured of black-eyed susan, was aloft when she came alongside; upon which, the cord glides swiftly through his glowing hands, and quick as lightning on the deck he stands. no cadet, certainly, except a very green "cheeky new fellow," would try this experiment, knowing that he would arrive on deck with a good deal more than the cuticle burnt off his "glowing hands"; william, however, came down by "poetical licence," which no doubt makes all the difference. if the cadet's cuticle escaped, however, the clothes, which his parents paid for, did not! on a fine half-holiday those who did not wish to go on shore would often spend the time aloft with a book; many an hour has the present writer spent at the main-yardarm, where the studding-sail boom afforded a seat of more or less comfort and security, with a book; one arm clasping the lift, legs hanging down below the yard. it probably never occurs to youth that to doze off in such a position would certainly be fatal! the year was an eventful one for the _britannia_, two most important figures disappearing from her history. it became known in september that captain harris was to leave shortly, and the news came as a sort of shock, he was so completely identified with the institution. the report turned out to be true, and on october st he was succeeded by captain richard ashmore powell. this officer had, in a letter to captain harris, dated may th of the same year, written as follows: "i am much pleased with the lads from the _britannia_; they are well behaved, and are well grounded in the fundamental parts of their profession." he had now to try his hand at turning out similar youngsters, and, though he found the way paved for him by the results of his predecessor's forethought and experience, he probably felt that he had his work cut out. shortly afterwards lieutenant nares was promoted to commander, and, though he retained his post as senior executive for a time, he was superseded in december by commander william h. edye,[ ] a very smart and energetic officer, who was held in great respect by the cadets. [ ] now admiral w. h. edye. nares' departure was doubtless a great loss to the ship; he identified himself very heartily with the cadets in their games, etc., and displayed remarkable activity in playing "sling the monkey" and "high cockolorum" with them. a very pleasant reminiscence in connection with him is an excursion which he "personally conducted" at easter, , taking about fifty cadets, whose homes were too far distant for them to avail themselves of the brief holidays, for a three or four days' trip to wells, glastonbury, cheddar, etc. the boys thoroughly enjoyed themselves, and made a good show at the service in wells cathedral on easter sunday, where the preacher "gie'd 'em a sight o' gude advice." on one occasion a number of the cadets were on the west side of chesil bank, watching the rollers coming in after a heavy gale: a very fine sight. the beach--entirely composed of large loose pebbles--runs down steeply, so that the sea breaks in one great "comber," coming in like a wall, and dragging back the pebbles in the "undertow" with a tremendous clatter. some of the lads thought it good fun to run down after the receding wave, as far as they dared, right under the next advancing one; a most dangerous amusement. lieutenant nares unexpectedly came on the scene, and, arming himself with a long piece of tough seaweed, something like a south african sjambok, he gave chase, and scored heavily off several, being very fleet of foot. having afforded this practical proof of the probable consequences of being caught at such games, he gave them a lecture as to the far more serious results of losing their footing, or being dragged out by the undertow--which, indeed, one or two had narrowly escaped. it was not long after the appointment of captain powell that the admiralty decided to introduce corporal punishment for serious offences among the cadets. it is not quite clear at the present time what gave rise to this innovation, but there were probably some unusually reckless spirits among the youngsters, of whom it was deemed necessary to make an example. there was considerable awe among the cadets the first time they were assembled to "witness punishment"--for it was publicly inflicted--and the culprit was lashed, in true man-o'-war fashion, on one side of the deck, facing a port, while his comrades were drawn up opposite. the deterrent effect was probably somewhat discounted by the amazing _sang froid_ of the young gentleman under punishment, who took his birching without a murmur, and, having a good view of portland roads through the port, had apparently been interesting himself in the manoeuvres of a merchant vessel which was beating in; for, as the last stroke was given, and the corporal advanced to release him, he remarked, in a genial, conversational tone, "ah, she's missed stays! i thought she would!" this lad naturally became rather a hero in the eyes of his fellows, especially as he was already rather a favourite, being of the breezy type, which sailors call a "jack-shilloo." it must be said, however, that birchings were few and far between, at least in the days of captain powell. in march, , came the marriage of the prince of wales, the day being observed as a holiday, and white "favours," with the portraits of the prince and of princess alexandra on them, were distributed to the cadets, who were also allowed leave to go to weymouth--though they found nothing particularly amusing to do there. indeed, a more uninteresting town for a lad to spend some hours in could not well be imagined. the numerous disabilities of portland began about this period to be brought home to the admiralty, chiefly through the representations of captain powell, who eventually received instructions to look round for a more suitable station. in recommending dartmouth he probably made the best selection possible. the only objection that could be raised to it was that it might not be sufficiently bracing, and this was more or less of a "faddy" idea; in all other respects it appeared--and has proved to be--most admirably suited for the purpose. smooth water--for it would take something like a tropical cyclone to raise a sea at the head of the harbour--beautiful surroundings, easy access to the shore, land available for good playing fields. all these good things, as it were, going a-begging, while the gales howled round the ship in her exposed quarters at portland. and so, though she had been only eighteen months there, it was decided that it should see the last of her in september, . on the th all was in readiness, and cadets--about half the full number--were sent on leave. at . a.m. on the th the _britannia_ set out on another little voyage. this time, however, there was more towing power provided, the _geyser_, an old paddle-wheel sloop, taking the hawsers, with the _prospero_, admiralty tug, ahead of her; and between them they pulled the old ship along at quite a respectable speed. the sails were available if required, but the _britannia_ was not destined again to spread her wings, though she and her escort had to remain at sea, off dartmouth, for the night, entering the beautiful harbour at nine o'clock next morning, amid the enthusiastic cheers of the inhabitants, and to the extreme satisfaction, no doubt, of the cadets, as they realised the contrast of their future surroundings with what they had left. as it turned out, the day selected for the voyage was a lucky one, for that night it blew a fresh gale outside, and the handling of so large a vessel, in light trim, by the tugs would have been difficult, probably involving the parting of hawsers. the spot selected was about half a mile above the town, and the ship was securely moored, head and stern, to four heavy anchors, so as to be absolutely stationary, and quite close to the western shore. there was a busy time then for all hands: clearing away rocks abreast the ship, making a beach for the cadets' boats, a landing place and cricket ground, with direct access up the steep bank, so as to avoid the town, and so on. a great deal of this work was done, more or less in the rough, by the ship's company, under the boatswain, who, in huge sea-boots, superintended the engineering of zig-zag paths and steps and various other unaccustomed achievements. tars take a delight in a job like this, outside their ordinary duties, and bring a remarkable amount of ingenuity and common sense to bear upon it. their 'prentice work has, of course, been long since superseded by that of contractors, the magnificent playing fields, etc., being now approached by flights of concrete steps of great solidity; pier, boatsheds, bathing place, etc., all in keeping. the number of cadets on board at this time was about ; but this number proved insufficient to keep up the supply of lieutenants required, so the entries were considerably increased, with the result that the number, after a few terms, reached , causing inconvenient crowding on the sleeping decks and in the messroom, to say nothing of the studies. after many representations from captain powell, the admiralty in decided to supplement the _britannia_ with another ship, and the _hindostan_, an old two-decker, was selected for the purpose, and sent round from devonport. she was one of several vessels built of indian teak, a wood which far surpasses british oak in durability and freedom from rot; it is, in fact, practically everlasting. [illustration: captain r. a. powell and officers, .] the new ship was moored ahead of the _britannia_, a bridge being constructed between the two, making them practically one vessel, which proved to be of the greatest value. there was not much history made during the next year or two. there was, of course, a great deal done in improvement of arrangements and organisation after the advent of the _hindostan_; and, as a proof that the extra accommodation was needed, it may be mentioned that the number of cadets entered in was , as compared with and of the years and respectively. this large number was not maintained, however; for it fell to in the following year. the sudden and temporary augmentation of entries was due, no doubt, to a state of alarm in which the authorities found themselves as to the probable paucity of lieutenants during the next few years. in captain powell was succeeded by captain george granville randolph,[ ] an officer who enjoyed a great reputation for strictness, and of whom his subordinates always stood in awe. though disposed to err, perhaps, on the side of severity, randolph was always perfectly fair and just, and was a most capable officer. the frigate _orlando_, which he commanded in the mediterranean before he went to the _britannia_, was a marvel of smartness, and some of the performances of her crew in handling spars, sails, etc., still remain as time-records for the very smart mediterranean fleet of those days. [ ] now admiral sir george g. randolph, k.c.b. there is little doubt, however, that his appointment to the _britannia_ fluttered the dovecots a little, and he soon made his somewhat "dour" character felt. he was one of those men who are not afraid to accept responsibility for their actions, or to carry out any threat or promise to the bitter end, even though it may involve the antagonism of the whole of his subordinates. on one occasion during his command the cadets took it into their heads to protest against having the meat left from the previous day served up as hashes, etc., for breakfast; and as there was some little agitation among them, it was brought to the captain's notice. the cadet captains were accordingly mustered, and invited to state their grievance. the captain heard them patiently, and then, to their delight, he replied, "you are quite right, boys, it shall be stopped." the boys, thinking they had scored completely, chorused, "thank you, sir!" until the captain added grimly, "but you will have nothing in its place!" as they knew perfectly well that he would not swerve from his decision, they retired crestfallen, and put up with the hashes, which probably did them no harm. another incident had rather an unexpected result. on a wet and cheerless holiday in the spring of , going on shore being out of the question, the boys were skylarking about the decks, rather at a loose end, and some of the bigger cadets began to amuse themselves by a form of bullying, joining hands and rushing the smaller boys along the deck with considerable violence, regardless of possible serious injury from falls, etc. this amusement being carried to rather cruel extremes, the officer of the day thought it right to call the attention of the commander to it, who in turn reported it to the captain. possibly the captain may have been aware of some previous cases of bullying, and determined to make an example of the offenders; however this may be, he resorted to drastic measures on the spot. the cadets were called to divisions, and the culprits, four or five in number, received then and there a good birching. there is the authority of a naval instructor who was then in the ship for the statement that bullying was very promptly stopped by this proceeding; but apparently it was resented by the friends of some of the cadets, an agitation in parliament was organised, and in july of that year mr. corry, the first lord of the admiralty, was interrogated by mr. bass on the subject. on july th the matter was dealt with in the house as follows (reported in the _times_ of july th):-- "mr. bass asked the first lord of the admiralty whether he had made further inquiry respecting the mode of punishment of cadets on board the _britannia_. it was alleged from a great many quarters that excessive cruelty was practised on board that ship; and it was stated by gentlemen acquainted with the practice, and who had given their names, that when a cadet was punished his legs and arms were tied to ringbolts so that he could not move, and that he was flogged with a birch broom which had been previously steeped in water to make it more pliant; that fifteen cuts were inflicted with it on the back, and that the doctors invariably attended. he wished to know whether the first lord had made further inquiries on the matter, and if he retained the opinion he formerly expressed. "mr. corry said, in consequence of the statement of the hon. member, he had thought it necessary to make minute inquiry on the subject of the punishment on board the _britannia_, and the result was a complete denial that the punishment of cadets was accompanied by the cruelty described. punishment was inflicted, not with a birch broom, but precisely similar to that used at schools. there was a complete denial of any such cruelty as had been alleged. "mr. bass: the arms are not tied to ringbolts? "mr. corry: certainly not. it is hardly necessary that i should go further into the case, as the admiralty, having taken the whole subject into consideration, have thought it desirable that the practice of punishing naval cadets should be discontinued. (cheers.) an order to that effect was issued by the board of admiralty last monday. (cheers.)" mr. bass and his friends thus scored off the admiralty in a degree to which they were not intrinsically entitled. the use of the birch, or other means of corporal punishment, is a legitimate subject of controversy, upon which many diverse opinions have always existed; but, granted the advisability of its use, the allegations of mr. bass are mere humanitarian padding. if you are going to inflict corporal punishment upon anyone, man or boy, there is certainly no cruelty in securing him so that he cannot move; birch rods for the punishment of young seamen in the navy were most frequently made by splitting up an ordinary birch broom into convenient small bundles for the purpose; and the soaking in water had the effect of preventing the ends flying off during the first few strokes; while the attendance of the doctor is merely an obvious precaution, in the event of a fainting fit, which may possibly occur, even in the case of an apparently robust subject. needless to say, a delicate or weakly boy would not be subjected to such punishment. mr. bass, it will be noticed, did not agitate for the abolition of flogging. mr. corry and his colleagues must, however, be credited with having investigated the matter in an independent spirit, and with arriving at their decision upon adequate grounds; though the general impression produced must have been that they were more or less truckling to a piece of unnecessary meddling. [illustration: captain john corbett. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] captain randolph was superseded in september, , by captain john corbett, after having held the appointment for a period of only eighteen months. among other useful institutions introduced in this decade should be mentioned the sailing cutters and the gymnasium. to be capable of handling a boat under sail is, of course, a very necessary qualification for a naval officer, and most of it is done by midshipmen. the ordinary rig of a service cutter is what is known as a "dipping lug," _i.e._ a lug sail which has to be shifted to the other side of the mast whenever the boat goes about; and as a cutter may be required to use oars or sails at very short notice, it is undoubtedly the best adapted for the purpose. a smart boat's crew will have the masts up and sail on the boat in a very few minutes. it is, however, somewhat cumbrous to work, and has no special value in regard to the general principles which govern boat-sailing. in order, therefore, to afford the cadets every opportunity of acquiring skill and readiness at the helm, a number of small cutter-rigged vessels--a ship's cutter _not_ being "cutter" rigged--were provided in , with simple sails and fittings, so that three or four cadets could, by permission, take one out on a free afternoon and sail about the harbour, thereby gaining the practical experience, combined with due responsibility, without which neither boat-sailing nor any other art may be adequately mastered. the cadets have to hoist the sails, seeing that they are properly set, according to certain immutable laws; to get the boat cleverly away from her moorings without getting foul of anything, to run, beat, or reach, as occasion may require; and finally to pick up the moorings again in a seamanlike fashion, this last being certainly the crucial test of the coxswain's ability. these little vessels have answered their purpose admirably, and are frequently in such request that there is quite a struggle to get the use of one for the afternoon. many of the lads become very proficient boat-sailers, and an occasional mishap is not severely visited, but taken advantage of to explain what ought to have been done. a properly fitted gymnasium is, of course, regarded as a necessity at any modern school, and the _britannia_ has been by no means behind the times in this respect, all the various exercises being taught by an efficient instructor, including fancy acrobatic displays such as the "living tower," etc. the closing years of the 'sixties are marked by two important innovations: the institution of a _bonâ fide_ sea-going training-ship for the cadets, and the introduction of a competitive entry examination. in february, , the _bristol_, a fine steam frigate, recently paid off as commodore's ship on the coast of africa, was recommissioned as a sea-going training-ship for cadets, in which they were to spend one year after leaving the _britannia_, the period of training in the latter being at this time one year, making the maximum time of probation two years. on august rd, , however, a new circular was issued by the admiralty, in which the whole system was reorganised,[ ] the most important change being, as has been stated, the adoption of competition in the entry examination. two other points are included in the preamble of the circular: an increase of the time under training and a further reduction of the number of cadets entered annually. since the rush of entries in , already alluded to, the numbers had come down from to , the authorities being evidently afraid of a superfluity of executive officers. [ ] see appendix iii. the necessity--real or imaginary--of reducing the number of entries presumably caused some difficulty, owing to the number of applications for nominations, so somebody hit on the happy idea of giving many more nominations than were needed, and making the examination a limited competition. any influential person who had received a nomination for his son would then have the ground cut from under his feet in case his boy's name never appeared on the navy list: "you asked for a nomination for your son, and we gave you one. what more could you want?" this, at any rate, appears to be the only possible reason for giving nominations during the year, of which it was certain that only could be effective, for it would be absurd to contend that any benefit could accrue to the service from such a step. the happy aspirant for the honour of serving his country in the navy had, practically, two examinations to pass, for a preliminary test had to be successfully negotiated before he was permitted to engage in a competition in which he might, after hard grinding, come out thirty-eighth, and be compelled to seek some other vocation in life. it is difficult to refrain from dwelling at some length on the anomaly of this method of obtaining suitable officers, which, as will be seen, was abolished a few years afterwards, only to be reintroduced later on. suffice it to say, that it has always been condemned by a number of officers whose opinion should carry weight, as men who have devoted their lives to the study of the efficiency of the service, and how best to ensure it; and if their opponents seek to convince them by pointing to results, it is certainly within their right to maintain that these might have been better without limited competition. the maximum limit of age on entry was reduced, as will be noticed, from to years, leaving only one year's margin between this and the minimum. the whole scheme, in fact, tended to reduce the number of entries, while a show of maintaining a larger number was kept up by per cent. of ineffective nominations. in spite of the smaller numbers on board, and the prospective further decrease foreshadowed by the new circular, modern ideas as to accommodation, and a demand for more studies, etc., caused the _britannia_ to be condemned as too small for her office, and about july, , the fifth _britannia_ made her appearance at dartmouth. she was laid down as a sailing three-decker in , but was subsequently lengthened while still on the stocks, and eventually launched as a screw-ship of guns in , under the name of the _prince of wales_, assuming, however, the title of her predecessor. she was a much larger vessel, and was fitted up in a manner suited to modern requirements: only one mast was supplied, so that she presents much more the aspect of a "sheer hulk" than the old ship, in spite of a very handsome hull. the average number of cadets entered each year during the 'sixties was , though this does not include or , of which there is no record available. the total for these eight years is , , who are accounted for, approximately, as follows:-- active list. admirals, ; captains, ; commanders, . retired list. admirals, ; captains, ; commanders, ; lieutenants, ; sub-lieutenants, . leaving a balance, either dead or removed from the navy list, of , or per cent. the number of cadets who passed out of the _illustrious_ and _britannia_ from to was , which are accounted for thus:-- active list. admirals, . retired list. admirals, ; captains, ; commanders, ; lieutenants, . leaving a balance of , or per cent. [illustration: the fourth "britannia" as training ship. _photo: smale and son, dartmouth._] chapter v. the "britannia" in the 'seventies. mr. inskip departs--his statistical diagram--vindication of _britannia_--final examinations a true test--a "facer" for the old salts--mr. inskip triumphant--captain warry's recollections-- lieutenants' duties ill-defined--"goose" dinners--fighting by authority--the _dapper_--the _ariadne_--a tragic incident--a plucky boatswain--the _ariadne_ abolished--a possible explanation--mr. knapp resigns--an unexpected successor--a generous appreciation--committee of enquiry--recommends abolition of competition--an academic proposal--unanimity of cadets--admiral ryder's evidence--dr. woolley's evidence--a plausible contention--new regulations--french at a discount--site for a college--dartmouth recommended--a dissatisfied parent--the _britannia_ in parliament--the royal cadets--lieutenant mainwaring--beagles started--the grave of "jim"--a phenomenal admission--_britannia_ regulations--the officer of the day--the cadet captains--no "hampers" allowed--punishments--a drastic health regulation--captains in the 'seventies--statistical results. [illustration: reading off the sextant.] the decade included in the 'seventies is somewhat bare of incident as compared with its predecessor. the first event of importance was the departure of the rev. r. m. inskip, in , after being connected with the institution for over thirteen years. the keen interest which this gentleman took in his work has before been referred to; and it is well illustrated by a very elaborate diagram which he prepared, and which, together with some explanatory notes, is now in the possession of his brother, captain g. h. inskip, r.n., of plymouth. mr. inskip, always intensely solicitous for the proper advancement of his late pupils in the service, conceived the idea of constructing a diagram from which, in conjunction with an alphabetical list of the names of all the cadets included in the period under consideration, it could be seen at a glance what class any individual took when passing out of the _britannia_, and how he fared afterwards up to the time of passing for sub-lieutenant, and in some cases beyond this. the heads under which this information is imparted are as follows: died; left the service; passed for sub-lieutenant at the proper time; lost time; class obtained when passing for sub-lieutenant; promotion for passing well, and all distinctions obtained, including the royal humane society's medal, the beaufort testimonial, etc. this remarkable diagram, containing particulars concerning all cadets who passed out of the training-ship from to , is far too cumbrous to be reproduced in this volume; but, in an explanatory paper printed in , the author sets forth the object he has in view, as follows:-- the navy being the right arm of our national defence, it will be satisfactory to those who take an interest in the welfare and efficiency of the young officers who are in future to command our ships and fleets, to be enabled to form some correct idea as to what extent the cadets sent out from the training ship since her first establishment have maintained the classification assigned them on leaving--that is, whether on passing their examinations for sub-lieutenant they have or have not kept the position they were considered to merit, as indicated by the certificates originally awarded them. mr. inskip then proceeds to a minute analysis on these lines, with regard to the cadets who passed out up to december, , and who would have been qualified by age and servitude to pass for sub-lieutenant by june, ; the total number under consideration being , . not content with a general analysis, he institutes a comparison between the first four in the first class, the first and last four in the second class, and the last four in the third class, in each year's examinations out of the _britannia_; in other words, the best, medium, and worst results of the training. with his diagram--measuring nearly six feet in length--spread out beside him, he embarks upon an elaborate and convincing vindication of his beloved _britannia_--for this is what it amounts to--and there is no getting away from his figures. without reproducing the tables, which are rather numerous and complex, it is interesting to note that the following facts are clearly established:-- left the service as cadets or midshipmen. st class · per cent. nd class · per cent. rd class · per cent. attained the rank of sub-lieutenant. st class · per cent. nd class · per cent. rd class · per cent. passed sub-lieutenant's examination at the proper time (all classes). period from to · per cent. period from to · per cent. selected examples. passed at the obtained promoted for proper time. st class at passing college. examination. first four of st class · per cent. · per cent. · per cent. first four of nd class · per cent. · per cent. · per cent. last four of nd class · per cent. · per cent. · per cent. last four of rd class · per cent. · per cent. · per cent. obtained first class on passing for sub-lieutenant. _britannia._ seamanship. gunnery. navigation. st class · per cent. · per cent. · per cent. nd class · per cent. · per cent. · per cent. rd class · per cent. · per cent. · per cent. comparison of selected examples. _britannia._ seamanship. gunnery. navigation. first four, } st class } first four, } · per cent. · per cent. · per cent. nd class } _above_ average } of class } last four, } nd class } · per cent. · per cent. · per cent. last four, } rd class } · per cent. · per cent. -- _below_ average } of class } from these and similar data mr. inskip draws the following perfectly justifiable deductions:-- ( ) assuming that the ability of a midshipman to pass his examinations for sub-lieutenant the moment his time is served may be considered as evidence of proficiency, it is seen that in this respect each class has maintained its relative position with regard to original classification. ( ) that the comparison of selections with whole classes shows that the original certificates were distributed on an equitable scale, or strictly in accordance with merit. ( ) that this argument is confirmed by the general results of the final examinations for sub-lieutenants. in connection with this, he makes a very good point; speaking of the seamanship examinations for sub-lieutenant, he says: "the certificates awarded may be taken as the collective opinion of all the captains who have been actively employed during the past eleven or twelve years, and we find that of the midshipmen sent from the training ship with first-class certificates, no fewer than · per cent. have been considered to merit first-class certificates; of the seconds, · per cent.; and of the thirds, · per cent." this was rather a "facer" for the captains--and there were not a few--who held that the _britannia_ training was useless, or worse than useless, in regard to seamanship. "the evidence given above," continues mr. inskip, "abundantly proves that each original class falls into its natural place at the final examinations, from which fact we can only infer that unless the original certificates had been awarded with the utmost care, and a scrupulous regard to the individual merits of each cadet, a coincidence so remarkable could not have occurred." in his final summing up mr. inskip says:-- "having now shown that the young officers have maintained their original classification up to the time of passing their final examinations for sub-lieutenant, we may allude to the opinions entertained in some quarters respecting the education of the cadets: it having been asserted that their knowledge was of a superficial character, and that when they first joined a sea-going ship they were deficient in many branches of study relating to their profession. * * * it was shown by examinations held in the flying and detached squadrons (some years ago) that the knowledge of the midshipmen was inversely as the time elapsed since leaving the training-ship, the seniors as a body standing at the bottom. (report of the rev. j. b. harbord, m.a., inspector of naval schools.) this state of education at sea may in some measure be accounted for by the fact that in many ships no attempt had been made to keep up any subject but navigation, the others not being given at the final examination; it proves, however, that the younger officers possessed the most information, and among these were included all who had recently left the training ship; and it also removes any just reason for asserting that they had learnt but little while there." in such fashion does this champion wield his statistics in defence of the institution which he had such a large share in starting; and it must be admitted that anyone who wished to refute his arguments would have a very tough task; though he lays himself open to the reply, that a clever or industrious cadet would in all probability turn out a clever and industrious midshipman or sub-lieutenant. this, however, only touches a portion of the case; his contention that the training ship was satisfactorily fulfilling its object is fully borne out. it will be observed that this diagram, and the arguments based on it, are completed and printed in , four years after mr. inskip retired; so he must have employed his leisure time in compiling these statistics after he had practically severed his connection with the service. an officer who was first lieutenant of the _britannia_ during the early seventies--captain a. w. warry--gives his impressions of the ship at that time as follows:-- "i joined on january nd, . the boys had not returned, and i had time to look round. the new ship had not been long at dartmouth--a year or so--and was certainly a great improvement on what the old black sea flagship must have been. captain john corbett had, i understood, been appointed to the command with a view of establishing a milder rule than prevailed in captain randolph's time, when i believe there was a good deal of corporal punishment. there was none in captain corbett's time, nor has there, i believe, been any since. there did not seem much for the three lieutenants to do. we took alternate day duty, and on these days heard and dealt with minor offences, or remanded them for the commander next morning. we attended at meals, looked round the seamanship classes, saw to the boys going and returning from recreation, received any applications and went the rounds, etc. as first lieutenant i had a more special supervision of the seamanship classes and periodical examinations. i also had the superintendence of the games and recreations, and was entitled to draw on the cadet fund for any requirements for them. everybody who has been in any way connected with the _britannia_ must have felt the great inconvenience and waste of time in going and returning from recreation; a lumbering old pinnace was used; i trust some quicker mode of transit has since been adopted. the air on the sleeping decks, when the boys were turned in, was, i thought, far from being as pure as was needful; nor did it appear to me that, situated as the ships were in a narrow tidal river with high land on either side, the general state of the atmosphere was sufficiently bracing. the studies were as good as circumstances would admit, but at best a ship is a noisy place, and the partitions were far from sound-proof. a college on shore was constantly spoken of, and it seems strange that upwards of thirty years have elapsed since then, and this great need is only yet under construction. the question of "bounds" was always a source of trouble and constant punishment, for any extension of a walk beyond these was an offence; and corporal mcewen had a disagreeable knack of turning up at most inopportune moments from behind some hedge, and pouncing on the youthful offenders. "previous to my time i heard that "goose dinners" (four to a goose) were provided at a farmhouse in the direction of dittisham, at s. d. per head. beer, too, was provided, the effect of which led to its discovery, and a more rigid institution of bounds. the cadets could not land on the kingswear side unless with an officer in charge, so on sunday afternoons i frequently got a lot to join me in a walk, which they liked. in this way i got into closer conversation, and it is my pleasant recollection of the boys generally that they were a delightful lot of little chaps, with whom it was a pleasure to be brought into contact. fighting occasionally took place beside the rocks in the field above the cricket ground. permission was asked, and if granted the fight was carried out in due form under the cadet captains. i never heard of any bad result, though i am not sure that it would not be better to try and avoid it. "on january th, , i took command of the _dapper_. occasionally in the fine weather i took the senior classes outside the harbour and cruised for the afternoon under sail. dinner was served as we steamed out, but any motion outside caused sea-sickness, which interfered with the interest in the work. more often the _dapper_ was employed in going to plymouth for stores, etc. twice in my summer we had a general picnic, to slapton lee and salcombe harbour; both were very successful. "during my time there was no bullying to speak of; the boys were happy, and used to say they liked the _britannia_ much better than their former schools; the food, they all agreed was excellent." the _dapper_, alluded to above, was one of the old -horse-power gunboats, built during the war in china, to ; she was rigged as a barque for instructional purposes, but apparently was not very freely used; and, indeed, a craft of that size and build would be so exceedingly lively in the slightest approach to a sea-way, that inexperienced lads would not be able to "lay out" on her small spars with much advantage, or without a certain amount of danger. [illustration: the "ariadne" disaster, march , (_p. _).] her consort, the _ariadne_--to which the officers and crew of the _bristol_ were turned over after a short time--was, however, a very fine frigate, and performed good service as a sea-going training-ship, making voyages to the cape, madeira, the azores, etc., so that the youngsters saw "blue water" in abundance, and even made old neptune's acquaintance in crossing the line. those who served in her maintain that she fulfilled her purpose admirably; and no one could doubt that, after passing through the _britannia_ and spending the best part of a year at sea in this manner, a lad of ordinary capacity must be of considerable value as an officer in his first regular man-of-war. there was a very tragic incident during one of the _ariadne's_ cruises early in . she was bound for the mediterranean, and one morning, while under sail off cape finisterre, the hands were turned up about a.m. to reef topsails, the wind rising rapidly with an ugly sea. a man fell overboard from the main-topgallant yard, and the second cutter, a ten-oared boat, was immediately manned, as is customary under such circumstances, at the davits, and, in spite of the heavy sea, was safely lowered and pulled for the man, who had got hold of the lifebuoy. sub-lieutenants jukes and talbot both sprang into the boat when she was being manned, vying with each other in being first at the post of danger. it was immediately decided to get up steam, which, however, took three hours or more, and the cutter being compelled for safety's sake to head the sea, while the ship drifted to leeward, they were separated by about four miles by the time the ship commenced to steam to windward. as she neared the boat the latter was turned round in order to steer alongside, and was immediately caught on the broadside by two heavy seas, the first of which filled her with water, while the second capsized her, all the crew being thrown out. some got hold of oars, while others held on to the boat. the first cutter was immediately manned, lieutenant bromley and mr. egerton, midshipman, jumping into her; but ill-luck attended this attempt at a rescue, as the boat, when being lowered, was lifted by a sea, and one tackle came unhooked, leaving her dangling by one end. all managed, however, to get safely on board, except one seaman, who was unfortunately drowned. meanwhile, men slung over the side were doing their utmost to get hold of the crew of the second cutter, and everything handy that would float was thrown to them; the ship, however, could not be kept up to the wind, and dropped once more to leeward. half an hour elapsed before she could regain her position, and then it was quickly apparent that only a few of the unfortunate crew of the cutter had been able to hold on; two were clinging to the bottom of the boat and two or three to the floating gear. the ship stopped close to windward and gradually dropped down; the two men on the boat managed to get safely on board; one man who had secured himself to two oars floated close to the stern of the ship, and mr. ellis, boatswain, made a gallant attempt to save him, going overboard with a rope round him. he seized the poor fellow's flannel singlet, the only garment he had on, but the ship lifted away from them, dragging both out of the water, the flannel, alas! giving way, and the huge hull of the frigate, reeling back again and plunging downwards, caught them both under the flat of the counter. the gallant boatswain was dragged on board insensible, but the man he had risked his life to save had disappeared. the sad death-roll included the two sub-lieutenants and eight men from the second cutter and one man from the first cutter, both boats being lost. mr. ellis had been specially promoted to boatswain for his coolness and courage when the ill-fated _captain_ went down, he being one of the few who got on shore in the launch, steering the boat with great skill in a heavy sea. it is remarkable that at this period there were two sea-going training ships for naval cadets, the _trafalgar_--the same vessel which escorted the _britannia_ on her voyage to portland in --having been commissioned in august, , by captain thomas b. lethbridge for this purpose. she did not, however, make such long voyages as the _ariadne_, and her headquarters were at portland. this vessel was only kept going a short two years, for in june, , she was paid off, thus foreshadowing the subsequent disappearance of her consort, a year later. the _ariadne_, of which captain the hon. w. c. carpenter was in command, with commander robert woodward as his senior executive, was abolished in . on january th of that year a new admiralty circular was promulgated, containing some slight amendments in the regulations with regard to naval cadets--among others, increasing the maximum age on entry from to - / years--and a brief clause cancelling the orders concerning a sea-going training-ship. the _ariadne_ completed her cruise and was paid off in the summer. it is not easy to account for this apparent caprice on the part of the authorities; it was not until considerably over twenty years afterwards that sail instruction was finally abolished in the _britannia_, and many rigged vessels were in commission long after . there was a whisper at the time--to be accepted, perhaps, _cum grano salis_--that a certain "sea lord," whose son had failed to negotiate his final examination as cadet, had formed the opinion, on these somewhat slender premisses, that the ship was "no good," and that he was mainly instrumental in bringing about the change. this may be a fabrication, but, on the other hand, it may be perfectly true; for it is quite certain that stranger things than this have come to pass in the "navy trade," and at later dates than the 'seventies. mr. inskip was succeeded as chief naval instructor by mr. kempster knapp, who, however, did not hold the post very long, ill-health compelling him to resign in , and the appointment of his successor, in april of that year, caused no small commotion among naval instructors in the _britannia_ and elsewhere. for some reason the admiralty decided to go outside the service in seeking a suitable man, and the gentleman selected for the post was the rev. j. c. p. aldous, who had never had anything to do with the navy, and was a much younger man than some of those over whom he was called upon to exercise a certain authority, and to whose advice and guidance he had nevertheless to look in the discharge of his duties. whatever motive the authorities had for this unusual step, it might very well have caused incalculable mischief; they must, however, be accorded credit for considerable insight in their selection, for mr. a. c. johnson, one of those over whose heads he was placed--the very man, in fact, who might reasonably have expected promotion to the post--writes thus of him:--"fortunately, he was a man of estimable character and good sense, so that there was little or no friction between him and the naval instructors and others," which is at once a generous appreciation and a high meed of praise to mr. aldous. [illustration: rev. j. c. p. aldous. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] possibly the introduction of "new blood" in the naval instructor's department was the outcome of an inquiry which was held in . it is not quite clear on whose representation the admiralty took this step, but an inquiry certainly took place by a committee appointed by the admiralty, and composed as follows:-- rear-admiral e. b. rice. captain the hon. w. c. carpenter. rev. h. a. morgan, m.a. captain wm. graham. rev. osborne gordon, b.d. geo. busk, esq., f.r.s., f.r.c.s. jas. vaughan, esq., r.n. the lords of the admiralty addressed to each member of the committee the following memorandum:-- a question has arisen as to whether the conditions under which naval cadets are trained on board h.m.s. _britannia_ are favourable to their health and physical development. their lordships are desirous that this matter should be investigated by a committee, and your attention is drawn to the following special points:-- i. (_a_) the effect of confinement on board a stationary ship. (_b_) ventilation. (_c_) sleeping arrangements. (_d_) diet. ii. (_a_) the course of study as regards the subjects, the number of hours, and the routine. (_b_) the nature of the examinations, including that of entry. under i., heads _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_, the committee report most favourably, and have no improvements to suggest, nor is this at all surprising, since the number of entries had fallen from in to an average of in the five following years, and there should certainly have been no difficulty in providing adequate cubic space and ventilation in the two large vessels for numbers not exceeding . under ii., however, the committee have something to say. they consider that the hours of study are by no means excessive, but they recommend that the midday interval for dinner, etc., be increased from fifty minutes to an hour and a quarter at least in summer, as it is injurious to proceed to study so soon after a full meal. they consider that the brains of the cadets are overtaxed more by the number of subjects than by the length of hours, and recommend the abolition of the following subjects of examination: grammar, literature, history, scripture history, physical geography, physics, and the introduction of latin. a very drastic measure, and, with the exception of the introduction of latin, too utilitarian, perhaps, in its tendency as compared with accepted ideas in schools of that period. a boy on joining the _britannia_ after a year or so of special study under a "crammer" to enable him to pass the entry examination, certainly could not be said to have even approximately completed his education in general subjects. [illustration: mr. a. c. johnson, naval instructor. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] however, the committee had a still more important recommendation in connection with examinations, for they held that the competitive examination on entry was "hurtful to the boys and injurious to the service," and urged the substitution of a qualifying examination forthwith. here they probably had the whole service with them; for, as has been pointed out, there could be no valid reason for the introduction of competition in , no one could seriously maintain that the most suitable boys would be thereby obtained for the service, and only one witness has much to say for it, having been partly instrumental in introducing it. before going to dartmouth the committee visited the royal naval school at new cross, the greenwich hospital school, and eton college, and they found the physique of the cadets rather superior, age for age, to that of the boys in these schools. the head of the naval medical department had evidently been making strong representations about the _britannia_, and his evidence is rather that of a faddist who is determined that nothing can be right about the ship or the place. certain figures on which he had partially based his objections were found to be erroneous, and this was pointed out to him, but he stuck manfully to his guns notwithstanding. the committee found that the cadets excel in manly sports, and more than hold their own in cricket against school elevens of older boys. constant reference is made to the desirability of having a college on shore, and most of the witnesses are in favour of it, while a few, rather of the "old sea-dog" type, advocate sending boys straight to sea without any previous training. the recommendation of the committee is that the cadets spend three years in the college, broken by two trips in a sea-going training ship. their reason for recommending the introduction of latin is that by giving a few hours a week to it an intelligent boy, reasonably well grounded on entry, would at the age of fifteen be able to read cæsar, horace, and virgil without effort, and that this would be a source of pleasure to him in after years; but this appears to be a purely academic and unpractical view; it might apply to a boy here and there, but certainly not to the generality, and some better reason is needed for its introduction. one of the recommendations of the committee has been tardily adopted in the last year or so, viz. the institution of a board by whom all candidates should be approved before being permitted to undergo the examination; they think that defects which are not discoverable by an educational test might be patent to such a committee. [illustration: captain the hon. f. a. c. foley. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] captain foley, who was appointed in august, , appears to have set about improving the sanitary condition of the ship in a very thorough fashion, and not before it was needed. by clearing out the ballast in some places, and by a rearrangement of the structure of the bilges, he had arrived at a very satisfactory result, which is highly approved by the committee. the seven or eight cadets who are examined are practically unanimous in their views. they found they were "seedy" after the strain of grinding for the competitive examination, and felt very tired every day while it was going on. they were not tired or seedy on board the _britannia_. they preferred a hammock to a bed. they did not like the idea of a college on shore. they found the food very good, and liked the ship much better than their former schools. one of them was asked, "how would you like to be put into a house on the top of that hill?" "not at all." "you think you would feel like a schoolboy?" "yes." "and now you feel like an officer in her majesty's service?" "yes." this question was put, no doubt, on account of the view, expressed by two witnesses, that it was a bad thing to have a training ship, as the boy's first acquaintance with a captain would place him, to them, in the light of a schoolmaster; but this is surely a fantastic idea, and one which no one who has been through the _britannia_ would endorse. "the captain" is always a distinct and novel personality to them, while the naval instructor is as distinctly a schoolmaster. the evidence of admiral a. p. ryder was very interesting. he was well known in his time as a good mathematician, and his views in regard to the examination papers were characteristic. he did not see anything in them to frighten anybody, especially as many of the questions which appeared difficult for boys of this age were in reality based on what was learnt in the text-books in use. the most instructive part of his evidence, however, was in connection with the establishment and maintenance of a training ship or college. he was of opinion that the need of a training institution of some kind arose in great measure from the fact that, after the abolition of the college course in , a very large percentage of young officers came to no good, either voluntarily or involuntarily leaving the service; and he quotes some of mr. inskip's figures in support of the view that a very great improvement has ensued in this respect after the institution of the _illustrious_ and _britannia_. furthermore, he related how, when he was private secretary to the first lord--the duke of somerset--in , a letter was addressed to every captain then serving, or who had been serving within six months, asking for their opinions, as follows:-- are you in favour of a naval educational establishment, or should boys go straight to sea? thirty-nine were in favour of it, and two against it; thirteen did not reply. shall it be on shore, or afloat? the captains were only asked for a reply to this in case they had any decided view; twenty-four were in favour of a college, and one only of a ship: the remainder did not reply. it will be realised from this that the fate of the _britannia_ hung in the balance in ; and it is quite probable that the duke of somerset counted on an adverse decision, or at any rate on a majority upon which he could act. several witnesses alleged that the cadets, when they went to sea, had to begin at the beginning, both in seamanship and other subjects; and this, no doubt, is what mr. inskip alludes to in his final remarks, above quoted. there is abundance of contrary evidence, however, in letters already quoted; and the captains and naval instructors who had this experience must surely have been exceptionally unfortunate in the youngsters sent to them. dr. woolley, late director of naval education, stated that in the examinations on board the _britannia_, which had until then been conducted by the staff of the ship, were undertaken by his department: a far more satisfactory arrangement, one would imagine, for all concerned. dr. woolley, while as reticent as the committee would permit him to be, distinctly gave the impression that the examinations failed in some degree as a true test, in consequence of the examiners knowing too much about the capabilities of individuals; and though he repeatedly disavowed any implication of unfairness, he pointed out, with some show of justice, that where the answers to a paper were below what might have been expected of the individual, there was a tendency to give him a lift if possible. this contention, though plausible on the surface, is, however, greatly discounted by mr. inskip's figures, already quoted, which show that the cadets retained their relative places in subsequent examinations with quite remarkable regularity; and it is all to the credit of the instructors on board the _britannia_ that, although called upon to conduct an important examination of their own pupils, they should have arrived at a result so obviously just. the papers were, it is true, distinguished only by numbers, the key to which was held by the captain until the examination was over; but this would, in the majority of instances, prove but a flimsy disguise. he also made the somewhat disturbing statement that the discipline was not satisfactory, and that a considerable number of cadets had misbehaved, or wilfully done badly in the examinations, in order to obtain their discharge from the service. the committee presented their report on october th, , and in february of the following year a new circular appeared, commendably brief as compared with the last one of importance. the whole machinery of competition is wiped out, and a qualifying test substituted as follows:-- marks. writing english legibly from dictation reading english intelligently, parsing, etc. arithmetic: proportion, and vulgar and decimal fractions latin: reading, translating, and parsing, and to render english into latin french: reading, translating, and parsing; or, as an alternative, modern geography scripture history --- total four-tenths of the total marks to be obtained in each subject, marks in the aggregate. the recommendations of the committee bear fruit in the prominence accorded to latin; but they did not stipulate for the relegation of french to the background, which is rather a surprising step, considering the relative importance of the two languages to a naval officer, who may not unfrequently find himself deputed to deliver complimentary messages to the captain of a french ship. he may get safely through the little sentence he has prepared, in which his captain or admiral _fait ses compliments_, etc.; but when the frenchman replies, with the politeness and volubility characteristic of his nationality, the british officer is more often than not at a loss. [illustration: royal galley. prince albert victor (duke of clarence) coxswain, prince george (duke of york) port bow oar. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] this being an undoubted fact--at least in those days--it scarcely seems a wise policy to impress the young aspirant, hard at work with his crammer, with the idea that he must "mug up" his latin, but may take geography instead of french, which "does not matter"! however, there were the orders, signed by the permanent secretary, "by command of their lordships," and one can only marvel who it is that engineers some of these curious circulars, which, while usually inaugurating some beneficial innovations, almost invariably contain others which any one who has any accurate knowledge of the necessities of the case must inevitably condemn. the recommendation of a college on shore, although no notice was taken of it, apparently, at the time, bore fruit later on. a committee was appointed in , composed of the following gentlemen: admiral george g. wellesley, captain charles t. curme, captain w. e. gordon, inspector-general of hospitals and fleets jas. dornet, and jno. sutherland, esq., m.d., to ascertain the best site for a college. in their report, dated november th, , they state that they have inspected possible sites at milford haven, hayling island, westward ho, the isle of wight, dartmouth, southampton water, and poole. at the last-named place a choice of three sites was very generously offered by sir ivor guest, the one selected to be a free gift to the nation; but the committee did not find that they were able to recommend the situation. finally, they selected dartmouth as the most suitable in every respect, and southampton water _proxime accessit_. probably a very fine site might have been found there, and it is a more bracing situation than dartmouth; but the long association of the _britannia_ with the latter perhaps turned the scale in its favour. the _britannia_ attracted a good deal of attention in parliament during the 'seventies. there is a parliamentary paper called for in , which gives a correspondence between mr. penry lloyd, whose son was in the _britannia_ in , the admiralty, and the captain of the _britannia_. from this it appears that, on december th, , captain graham wrote to mr. lloyd, informing him that the chief naval instructor reported that his son, cadet j. e. lloyd, was idle and troublesome, had very little ability, was worthless, and unfit to be an officer; and he requested mr. lloyd therefore to remove his son from the ship. this communication called forth an unexpected reply, mr. lloyd declaring that he wished to withdraw his son, but that he first demanded an inquiry into sundry charges preferred by the latter against certain cadets, who, it was alleged, had cruelly bullied him, and so hindered him thereby in his studies that he was unable to pursue them to advantage. one cadet, it was stated, compelled young lloyd to sing in the messroom, contrary to regulations, whereby he incurred punishment; another kicked and knocked him down without provocation; and on more than one occasion he was compelled to give up his pocket money under threats of personal violence. his fear of being beaten by the cadets was greater than his fear of punishment by the authorities, etc. captain graham replies that he and his officers will investigate the matter when the cadets return from leave. eventually, however, the admiralty appointed a committee, presided over by admiral willes, to inquire into the matter, on board the _britannia_, with the result that mr. lloyd was informed that there was not sufficient ground for these charges. he applied for the minutes of the inquiry, and was refused; but the admiralty upheld him in deprecating the application of the term "worthless" to his son, in captain graham's first letter. there appears to be little doubt that there was some bullying of a somewhat gross nature at this time; like all other large schools, the _britannia_ has suffered from occasional outbreaks of this kind, probably instigated as a rule by one or two big boys; and as the small boys are afraid to report it, there is often some difficulty in convicting the culprits. on june th, , an attack was made by mr. shaw lefevre in the house of commons on the regulations of , when, as has been described, competition was abolished as a result of the report of the committee. [illustration: the royal cadets at seamanship. _photo: w. & d. downey, ebury st., s.w._] this gentleman maintained that the substitution of a test examination for competition was an unmixed evil; that a far better class of boys was obtained under the latter system: and quoted lord macaulay, who held that competition automatically preserves a high standard. mr. childers, supporting mr. shaw lefevre, said that when he became first lord of the admiralty (in ) his predecessor, mr. corry, urged him to reform the _britannia_, which he thought was in a bad state; and mr. childers further states that, although competition was abolished on the recommendation of the committee of , ten of the witnesses were in favour of competition, and only three against it; which is certainly not borne out by the report. [illustration: prince albert victor. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] mr. ward hunt, the first lord, in replying, admitted that the test, as first laid down, was too easy, but it had since been made rather more stringent. he does not, however, give any reason for doing away with competition, other than on the score of injurious brain work; but probably admiral sir a. cooper key's remark when before the commission sums up the matter pretty correctly; he says that he disapproves of competition for boys so young, but, as the number of applications exceeds so greatly the number of vacancies, he thinks it is inevitable. mr. shaw lefevre's amendment was negatived on a division, but only by in a house of ; showing thereby that competition had a goodly number of supporters. in january, , the prince of wales's two sons, prince edward--then known as prince albert victor--and prince george, joined the _britannia_. they had special quarters allotted to them, but in other respects they were "in the same boat" with the remainder of the cadets, to whom they were a source of much interest. the "divinity that doth hedge a king," or its equivalent in the case of a prince, is considerably discounted among a lot of boys, and the two royal cadets often found themselves the target of endless interrogations, resulting from the curiosity of their shipmates. "i say, how do you like being a prince?" "what do you do when you're at home?" "do you ever get licked?" and so on. prince edward, having recently recovered from a severe illness, and not being really intended for the navy, was left to do pretty much as he pleased in the matter of study, etc. he was sent to the _britannia_ principally with the object of benefiting by the change and healthy outdoor life. prince george, however, went through all the work, and the impression he produced was that he was a sharp lad, and, though very backward on joining, turned to with a will, and passed out very creditably. he used to tell the seamanship instructors not to bother about his brother, who was not going to sea, but to devote their attention to him. [illustration: prince george. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] in the summer of the prince and princess of wales visited the _britannia_, and distributed the prizes. during the last year or two of the 'seventies the _britannia_ owed a good deal to lieutenant (now captain, retired) guy mainwaring, who joined as first lieutenant in . it was at his suggestion that the custom was inaugurated of having two photographs taken of each term, on leaving the ship: one of the captains, and the other of the remainder of the term, to be framed and kept on board as a record. this practice has been continued ever since, and an interesting series of groups has now accumulated, some of which are reproduced in this book. in the pioneer group, taken at his instigation, lieutenant mainwaring himself figures, seated on the gunwale of one of the gigs, with the passing-out cadet captains round him. [illustration: "jim the pioneer's" grave. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] a far more important institution, of which he was the founder, is the pack of beagles. being blessed with a good deal of energy and of sporting instinct, lieutenant mainwaring was the first to make any effort in this direction. it is astonishing how keen naval men are on following beagles when they get the chance. the gosport and fareham pack in bygone days--and, it is to be hoped, at the present time--used to be followed by quite a crowd of sailors; captains, commanders, lieutenants and sub-lieutenants, to say nothing of athletic paymasters and surgeons, all vying with each other for the front rank, and all returning in the afternoon, caked with mud and exceedingly cheerful, especially those happy ones who had succeeded in "pounding" their dearest chums at a muddy ditch, or had glanced back to see the said chums, not to be daunted, make a futile jump into tenacious mud, and draw out their legs with a sound as of cork extraction. [illustration: lieutenant mainwaring and cadet captains. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] lieutenant mainwaring, deeming it a drawback that the youngsters in the _britannia_ should be deprived of these joys, proceeded to negotiate for the nucleus of a pack, and succeeded in obtaining as a start two and a half couples of fourteen-inch hounds, from the kennels of the late mr. thomas cartlich, of woore, staffordshire; these were supplemented by the ship's terrier, "jim," and they commenced in a humble way by "drag" hunts, varied by badgers, when available, sent by neighbours and friends from the numerous "earths" in south devonshire. this began in the winter of - , and before long another couple was presented by admiral stokes, who hunted a pack of beagles in south wales. another addition was a hound bought from the home for lost dogs, at battersea, and consequently named "homeless"; and in three years, with incidental additions and breeding, the pack numbered twelve and a half couples, and was firmly established as an asset of the ship, under the recognition of, and eventually subsidised by, the admiralty. the kennels were at first by the racquet court, but this was found to be a bad situation from a sanitary point of view, and lacking sunshine, so they were subsequently transferred, on a much more ambitious scale, to their present site on the lower edge of the cricket ground; and there, as you pass, you are greeted by the voices, at present, of some two and twenty couples of lively little hounds, tumbling over one another inside a wire enclosure. they are under the especial care and patronage of the commander, and it is an interesting fact, illustrative of the zeal with which this unusual duty, for a sailor, is performed, that when he was expecting a guest to dinner one summer evening the commander did not arrive on board until the hour had struck, having been detained by an "interesting event" at the kennels, of which he felt himself bound to witness the happy consummation! "jim," the pioneer of the pack, died in , full of years and honours, and was accorded a tombstone under the shadow of the racquet courts; and there it stands unto this day, to witness if i lie. the officers and cadets, to say nothing of the farmers and others in the vicinity, have enjoyed many a good run since those days, and an annual "hunt breakfast" has been established. the landowners have been very generous in affording every facility for sport, and at the hunt breakfast they always declare that the privilege has never been abused, which is in itself phenomenal as an admission on the part of the landowners, and also a tribute to the sportsmanlike spirit of the cadets. we may hear more about the beagles later on. the earliest book of regulations extant on board the _britannia_ was printed in , but is brought up by manuscript emendations to . it would obviously be too tedious to transcribe these in detail, but some of the more interesting points may be touched upon here, while the cadets' routine, and other matters without which this story could not be considered complete, will be found in the appendix. the regulations, which are the outcome of past experience extending over nearly twenty years, cover every conceivable point of discipline, instruction, recreation, leave of absence, sickness, etc. the officer of the day--one of the lieutenants--is the person chiefly responsible to the captain for the due performance of all routine duties and the maintenance of discipline, except in the studies, which are under the chief naval instructor, who reports direct to the captain any irregularities in his department. the officer of the day has, among other things, to turn out at . a.m. and see that cadets under punishment are present--these unlucky ones having to stand one hour between decks before the usual time of turning out--also to receive reports, investigate complaints, attend while the cadets are bathing, from the shore, see that they do not land if the weather is bad, and that they change their clothes if they come on board wet. he has, furthermore, the responsibility of seeing that only third and fourth term cadets use the sailing cutters, that they do not go out in squally weather, and that they are recalled if it turn out squally afterwards. in a landlocked harbour such as dartmouth very fierce squalls may come down if the wind rises suddenly. the cadet captains and chief captains have to assist their superiors in maintaining discipline; as the difference in age is not great, it has always been a somewhat difficult matter to get them to do their duty, especially if it entails reporting another cadet. one or two were asked, when giving evidence before the committee in , whether they had ever reported a cadet, and the reply was always in the negative. still, they are useful in many ways, for mustering and so on, and some are found with that natural aptitude for command, which, like the gift of poesy, _nascitur non fit_. in , however, and for a good many years afterwards, the cadets' corporals had so large a share in the discipline that the captains did not come in very much. the cadets before the committee were unanimous as to their dislike of the corporals, though it must be acknowledged that they had no very definite reasons to adduce. at this time a "cadet sergeant-major" had taken the place of the master-at-arms, probably with beneficial results, for a soldier is a more "understanding" sort of man in such a position, and would know how to assert his authority with tact and discretion. the regulations for the cadets were such as would exist in any schools, substituting seafaring words where necessary. they received one shilling per week pocket-money--the captains and chief captains two shillings and half-a-crown respectively--and were not allowed to have in their possession at one time a larger sum than ten shillings; nor were they permitted to receive parcels containing eatables, or to bring sweets, fruit, etc., on board when returning from leave. those who recollect the earlier days of the _britannia_ will understand how this prohibition arose. cadets were allowed at that time to receive "hampers" from home, and of course the lucky recipient felt bound to share the good things with his friends. the offer was usually delicately couched in the words, "bring your plate to my table at tea," and as there were frequently a good many hampers, with a circle of chums to each owner, there was a great deal of running about the messroom at tea-time, also some jealousy and searchings of heart. some lads who were general favourites might be seen visiting three or four tables, returning with their plates heaped with a curious assortment of jam, sardines, potted meat, cakes, etc., all elbowing each other in one indigestible conglomeration--if, indeed, anything is not digestible by a naval cadet. no doubt the confusion to which this practice gave rise was the chief reason for its suppression. [illustration: a class at the seamanship instruction model. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] bullying or annoying other cadets is laid down as one of the most serious offences that can be committed, and subject to the most severe punishment. the heaviest punishment was reduction to the third class for conduct. cadets under this penalty wore a white stripe on each arm and were obliged to conform to the following rules:-- get up at a.m. in winter and a.m. in summer, and half an hour later fall in and drill until prayer time ( o'clock). stand apart from other cadets at all musters. one and a quarter hour's drill every afternoon; leave stopped, except one hour on shore under charge of a corporal. stand on the middle deck one hour after evening prayers. alternate days in cell, on bread and water; other days to take their meals at cockpit mess table. not allowed soup, beer, or second course. to sit on a stool between decks when not in the cell, and kneel apart at prayers. this is a pretty hard programme for a boy, and could, of course, only be prescribed by the captain, for six days as a maximum. second class for conduct was of a similar nature, but with considerable modifications. a white stripe had to be worn on the left arm; no cell or bread-and-water diet was involved, and a second-class table in the messroom took the place of cockpit mess; the same restrictions as to soup, beer, and second course. this could be imposed for from seven to fourteen days. there is a manuscript note in this book to the following effect:-- "when reduction to second or third class seems to be non-effective with troublesome cadets, caning over the breech has been tried and found most beneficial." on a cadet being reduced to the second or third class, the fact was reported to his parents or guardians. another captain's punishment was cockpit mess, which was the same as third class, but no stripes were worn. one day in cell on bread and water; dry bread for breakfast and tea, and other restrictions of diet the same; limit, three days. then, again, there was no. , which involved six days' extra drill, leave stopped--except the penitential hour's march with a corporal--turn out one hour earlier, stand on deck one hour after evening prayers, and one week's pocket-money stopped. finally, an offender was liable to be "admonished by the captain," which, though not an actual punishment, was duly recorded, and that cadet would not interview the captain as cheaply a second time. the commander's punishments include: copying the regulation broken, turning out one hour sooner, extra drill, standing on middle deck one hour after prayers, messing at defaulters' table (on reduced diet), confined to the cricket field, stoppage of leave. serious offences were not very common, and during the whole period since the training ship was first instituted there has not been a single instance of anything like concerted insubordinate action, such as may be found in the history of a large number of schools. the health regulations include, as might be expected, vigorous measures against the introduction of contagious diseases from outside, especially when the cadets are returning from leave. one precaution of a decidedly drastic nature is prescribed in this book of :-- on the return of the cadets from leave the whole of their clothes and bedding are disinfected; the cadets themselves are also marched by terms into the bathroom of the _britannia_, which for a time is made into a sulphur room for disinfecting, and they remain in from five to ten minutes. this clause is in manuscript, and does not appear in the next edition of regulations, so it was presumably deemed to be ill-advised; and no wonder. imagine forty or fifty lads crammed into the bathroom, coughing and choking with sulphur fumes! the officers who commanded the _britannia_ during the 'seventies were as follow:-- captain john corbett, appointed september th, . (he held the appointment for nearly four years, but this is unusual.) captain the hon. f. a. c. foley, appointed august st, . captain william graham, appointed august st, . captain henry fairfax, appointed august st, . the total number of cadets entered during this decade was , who are accounted for as follows:-- active list. captains, ; commanders, ; lieutenants, . retired list. captains, ; commanders, ; lieutenants, . thus leaving , or per cent., to be reckoned as dead or removed from the navy list. chapter vi. the "britannia" in the 'eighties. competition reintroduced--reduction of numbers--a ferocious examination--the _britannia_ in the _times_--"rule of thumb" instruction--"fire" and "sword"--"veritas" at sea--the _britannia magazine_--editorial introduction--the politics of naval cadets--editorial difficulties--a questionable pseudonym--popular advertisements--the _wave_--a true prediction--an original poem--jones takes a lesson to heart--the _wave's_ holiday trip--a warning to the reckless--"first catch your cadet!"--ambulance lessons--how to tell a toadstool--the electric light--another committee--it makes recommendations--also suggestions--very unpractical--captains in the 'eighties--statistical results--a rapid rise. this period of our story commences with a considerable reduction in the number of entries; and, as was the case in , this reduction coincides with the introduction of competition, but with more rigorous conditions, both with respect to the proportion of nominations to entries and the nature of the examination. the test examination had already been made more stringent, as stated by mr. ward hunt in the house of commons, the total number of marks being , , and french a compulsory subject, to the exclusion of geography; indeed, the farce of minimising the importance of the former did not long survive. the number of marks necessary for passing had been augmented, six-tenths, or in the aggregate, being laid down as a minimum, which is a pretty strict test. however, it being considered necessary, apparently, to reduce the entries, a new circular appeared, in january, , of which the principal conditions were as follow:-- appointments to naval cadetships to be made by limited competition, except four annually to sons of gentlemen in the colonies, and five service nominations, selected by the admiralty from sons of officers of the army, navy, and royal marines who have been killed in action, lost at sea, killed on duty, or died within six months of injuries received in action or on duty. these cadets will be admitted on passing the preliminary examination, as detailed below. except in special circumstances, only _one-third_ of those nominated will be entered. limits of age on passing, to - / . the preliminary examination will be as follows:-- arithmetic, to proportion and vulgar and decimal fractions geometry, definitions, etc., and propositions first book of euclid algebra, to fractions and simple equations dictation reading english intelligently french: reading, translating, etc. (with dictionary) scripture history ---- , candidates must obtain four-tenths of full numbers in each subject, and may then select two out of the following subjects:-- miscellaneous questions in arithmetic, algebra (including quadratic equations) and euclid, the whole of the first book latin geography and english history the colonial and service cadets must obtain in the preliminary examination. this is not an excessively severe examination, especially as the latter half of the first book of euclid, and the quadratic equations--at neither of which are boys of this age usually strong--can be discarded; but to deliberately nominate three times as many lads as are to be entered appears inexcusable, not to say cruel. however, much worse was in store, for in march, , yet another circular was promulgated, in which it was laid down that the examination was to be held by the civil service commissioners; and in may, , the ideas of these gentlemen have apparently been adopted, and an examination of absolutely ferocious severity is prescribed:-- arithmetic: proportion, vulgar and decimal fractions algebra: fractions, simple equations with problems, and quadratic equations geometry: first book of euclid, with exercises and questions english: reading, writing, dictation, composition french: translating both ways, questions on grammar, speaking, dictation (no dictionary) scripture half marks to be obtained in arithmetic, and four-tenths in other subjects. further examination. mathematics, harder questions latin: translation, grammar, prose composition (no dictionary allowed) geography, based on grove's primer english history, a selected period drawing: freehand and rectangular model this for boys of an average age, under thirteen! what benefit to the service was likely to result from such measures it is not easy to perceive; and their unpractical nature was evidently speedily realised, for two months later came fresh regulations, altering the limits of age from - / to , and subsequently to - / , abolishing quadratic equations, the latter half of the first book of euclid, and exercises thereon, and allowing a dictionary for french and latin. these regulations had, however, scarcely been in operation for twelve months before another alteration was made--a circular dated june, , reintroducing the harder examination of may, . there may have appeared to be some good cause at the time for these extraordinary vicissitudes, but it is difficult to trace them at the present day. naval education appears to have attracted a good deal of attention in , for several letters and a long article are to be found in the _times_ on the subject. [illustration: the "britannia" and the "hindostan." cadet racquet courts in foreground. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] in january of that year a writer, over the signature of "e. e. bowen," deprecates the early age at which boys are subjected to competitive examination (then recently introduced for the second time); and in april, "flag officer" writes in reply to a suggestion from some quarter that cadets should not be entered until the age of , and then go straight to sea. after pointing out that they could not then have sufficient time to qualify for lieutenant at , he goes on to say that complaints are made of the inappropriateness of the subjects taught in the _britannia_. these, he says, should include rigging, from the lower masts upward, stowage of holds and magazines, laying out anchors, steam, a little gunnery, and, as a matter of course, navigation, geography, and drawing. this officer is evidently a "collegian" of the old days, under inman, for he refers to what they learnt in and . in conclusion, he says, "no, sir, let us keep the education in our own hands; we know better than any schoolmaster what we want." an article in the _times_ of august th, , condemns the whole system pretty severely; says that the subjects taught in the _britannia_ are not properly learnt, and that navigation is taught entirely by "rule of thumb" without knowledge of the principles which govern it. the writer quotes professor laughton in support of his views, as having said, in a lecture at the royal united service institution, that any lad of with an adequate knowledge of mathematics would learn more navigation in a month than the "poor little fellows" in the _britannia_ learn in two years. well, there are some men who are regarded as authorities in these matters, quite in favour of "rule-of-thumb" navigation, and gunnery also; and if a boy--or a man, either, for that matter--can take and work his sights accurately, and make a straight shot from a gun, it really is not of much consequence whether or not he is well versed in spherical trigonometry or ballistics. it is a fact, however, that cadets in the _britannia_, in the times of captain harris and mr. inskip, did learn, in considerably less than two years, to work a day's work, and the ordinary sights usually required in navigation, with facility; and also got a pretty accurate idea of the theory. they could, for instance, draw a diagram illustrative of the working of a chronometer, a meridian altitude, or an amplitude, show what sort of spherical triangle was involved, and state the rule for its solution. if this could not be done in the _britannia_ in , there would appear to have been a sad decadence. some light is cast upon the introduction of competition in by a naval instructor who was there at the time. he says that an idea prevailed at the admiralty that the test examination did not supply boys who were capable of successfully negotiating the exceptionally difficult papers set for boys in the third and fourth terms. there were two examiners who were noted for their hard and crochety papers, and who, moreover, were known to have stated their intention of cutting down the first classes; in which laudable endeavour they succeeded to the extent of reducing the proportion of "firsts" from to per cent., and were known on board the ship by the nicknames of "fire" and "sword." this reduction of first classes aroused alarm at the admiralty, and was, it is said, largely instrumental in procuring the change from test examinations to competition. in the _times_ of august th, , there is a letter over the signature "veritas," in which the writer compares the cost per head per annum in the _britannia_ with that of the naval engineer training schools at portsmouth and devonport. an engineer student, according to this gentleman, cost the government about £ per annum, while a cadet cost £ ; and, moreover, the engineer students, he contends, were able to do useful work in the fitting shops, etc., and so saved the government something in this way. the expense of the _britannia_ is, he says, incurred in teaching the cadets "knots and splices," and the "now almost obsolete art of seamanship." it is to be feared that the _nom de plume_ which this writer assumes is scarcely justified by such an assertion, as the following details of the curriculum on board the _britannia_ at this time demonstrate pretty clearly:-- subjects taught. arithmetic. euclid. navigation and nautical astronomy. spherical trigonometry (theoretical). spherical trigonometry (practical). charts. steam. drawing (model and freehand). algebra. plane trigonometry (theoretical). plane trigonometry (practical). english. use of instruments. natural philosophy. french. drawing (mechanical). seamanship. too many subjects, perhaps; but certainly not seamanship to the exclusion of all else, as is clearly implied by "veritas." moreover, the art of seamanship--_i.e._ of handling a ship on all occasions to the best advantage--can never become obsolete so long as there are ships afloat; it may change its nature, and the consequent requirements of a good seaman, who is still, however, _par excellence_, the man who can efficiently manage the ship or boat committed to his charge. there are some who should know better than "veritas"--as, for instance, captain (now admiral) fitzgerald--who at this very time complained that seamanship was too much sacrificed in the _britannia_ to a multiplicity of other subjects. however, it is time to drop this more or less academic discussion, and see how the general story goes on in the 'eighties. one of the most important events was the establishment of the _britannia magazine_, in february, , and its _raison d'être_, together with the hopes and fears of the editor, are clearly set forth in the opening article as follows:-- we are going to have a magazine. certainly! every flourishing body has its organ. we have opinions far too good to be limited to sanctuary chairs, far too noble to be confined to the narrow limits of the messroom. why should we not bring them out to the world? but first, who will read our magazine? the fellows! yes, of course, we expect every cadet to have a copy, even if it means one visit less to a certain pink house. the officers? yes, perhaps, if we do not write about them. some of the fellows at sea? yes, we hope so, if there is plenty about the games, boats, and beagles. parents, brothers and sisters? yes, we should not wonder; but perhaps for that we ought to put in every fellow's name as very much distinguished for something, as the family will not care for the number in which "bobbie's" name does not appear. and who are to be our writers? why, ourselves, of course. we want to write, and hope we shall not be considered too ambitious. but if some of our officers will help us with one of the yarns they occasionally spin, we shall be only too glad to print it. it will give an air of respectability to our efforts. at the same time, we would ask the kind indulgence of our readers, our elder readers, and our officers. boys will be boys, and we hope our seniors will remember that we are only boys, and that our magazine is written for boys. though they may very likely think most of it weak, still we ask them not to be too hard upon us, nor to run our paper down too mercilessly: "be to our faults a little blind." true, there are plenty of other papers, but we want one for ourselves. and if our correspondents were not using their pens for us, they would probably be cowering over a lantern reading a novel; or their spirits, instead of leaking through their pens, might be after some perilous skylarking. if they find our magazine too feeble altogether for their taste, we would ask them to help us with an occasional article, and so to raise our standard of literature, and help us to improve our writing. [illustration: a beagle meet. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] well, then, what will our paper be filled with? there will be news, of course--plenty of it, and of the best kind. no murders and horrors--that is not news--but reports of games, racket matches, runs with the beagles, sports of all kinds; authentic reports, where the right fellows win, not the people that the reporters choose to make win the day after. what we want to know and remember is which watch is the strongest, who plays the best hand at rackets, makes the biggest score at cricket, and is in at the kill. there is not a school in england that has such a variety of sports. why, we want a whole _bell's life_ to ourselves. we thank the newspapers very much for occasionally noticing our athletics and our regattas. we want to see them in full. the news may be of merely personal interest, but that is just what we want. this is _our_ magazine! but, of course, we must have some politics. boys are hot politicians. we don't care about long debates in parliament, but we can tell you who is right and who is wrong. we know that well enough. our line of politics may be described as strongly _loyal_; it is our duty, of course, to support the government of the time, because they support us. but--well, murder will out--boys always were conservatives. they can't help it. they are made so. we know that you, at any rate, mr. gladstone, will pardon us graciously when we say, as we must, that the sooner the great conservative reaction takes place the better we shall be pleased. [illustration: the kennel. _photo: w. m. crockett, plymouth._] in such fashion is the _britannia magazine_ introduced to its public. the editorial arrangements are probably unique, the commander, and subsequently one of the lieutenants, being editor _ex officio_. sometimes an individual of a literary turn of mind would join the ship, and take it on for the pure joy of scribbling; but this only made the difficulty of obtaining volunteers more apparent when he left. it was, in fact, the old story: everybody likes to read a light and amusing periodical, but few care about assisting to run it, unless, of course, there are emoluments attached to the office; so the purely honorary editor had the onus of selecting the most suitable compositions presented for each number; and sometimes, like oliver twist, he had to ask for more; while of him was expected an able and well-written summary of news, etc., every time. on some occasions he was compelled to have recourse to the time-honoured subterfuge of devoting considerable space to a wail over the dearth of material; a process which does not bear repeating too frequently. some people always commence their letters in this fashion, and get comfortably over the first page before they start, as it were. one always looks with some suspicion--such is the frailty of editorial and other samples of human nature!--on an item headed "a positive fact"; or, still worse, with an asterisk, and "fact" tersely inserted as a footnote. the following appears with these credentials in the _britannia magazine_:-- two countrymen were heard discussing a cadet who was swaggering in his brand-new uniform: "what is he, bill?" "don't you know? 'e's the new telegraph boy!" (exit cadet.) this may be capped by another story--of equally unimpeachable veracity, of course--of a cadet who, many years ago, was making a journey in his uniform. a discussion arose between two of his fellow-passengers on some more or less technical point concerning railways; and, to the young hero's surprise, it was referred to him. his audience appeared to be both surprised and grieved at his professed ignorance on the subject, and ventured a remonstrance: "why, you're one of 'em, ain't you?" (no exit available.) whether a naval cadet would prefer being taken for a telegraph boy or a railway porter is an interesting question, which might with advantage be propounded in the magazine. one of the earliest contributors was a "new," who describes his first night on board, as follows:-- sir,--i came on board about p.m., in a small steam pinnace, with thirty-two others, on the th january, . the first thing to be done was to get ready for mess. after falling down a hatchway, and jamming my fingers in the lid of my chest, i went down to the messroom, but not before i had somehow got muddled and gone into an officer's cabin, as i thought (i found out afterwards that it was the barber's shop), out of which i retreated, not daring to look whether its occupant was there, expecting in all probability the nearest movable object hurled at my head. after mess there was not much to do except pace the deck and ask fellows their names (which was not unfrequently answered by "what's yours?"). when the bugle sounded we had to turn in; but i found that getting into a hammock for the first time is not one of the easiest things, and after several vague attempts, which generally ended in getting in at one side and out at the other, i was at last helped in by my servant; and when once in, dare not move in case i should be capsized. after we had turned in about a quarter of an hour the next fellow to me began to swing most violently, which swung me also, and in the fray my pillow fell down; and i decided that it was safer to do without, as i was told that i should not get helped in again. shortly after this i fell asleep; and as this little history is only about my first night, i must end at sleep. new. [illustration: cadet messroom. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] it is sad to be compelled to say that this pseudonym cannot be accepted as genuine. observe, that the writer represents himself as arriving on january th, so that in february, when the first number was published, he would, in the parlance of former days, have been a "cheeky new fellow," and it is extremely improbable that any cadet in that humble position would venture upon so bold a step as a contribution to the magazine. and as to "pacing the deck and asking fellows their names"; shade of marryat! what would happen to a "new" who so presumed? furthermore, the writer's familiarity with steam pinnaces and hatchways is not altogether compatible with "newdom." no doubt he enclosed his card to the editor, "not necessarily for publication, but as a guarantee of good faith"; but we are all well aware of the heroic inviolability of editors under these circumstances, and a team of wild horses would probably prove quite futile. the following is a specimen of the style of advertisement inserted for the special delectation and advantage of "news":-- stodge! stodgers!! stodged!!! in the magnificent and capacious shop kept by cadet corporal baker, amongst a large and miscellaneous assortment of sweets, the following will be found delicious:-- yellow and pink snakes, warranted to last the most experienced sucker half an hour, and to give him an awful stomach-ache, all of which enjoyment can be obtained for the ridiculously small sum of one halfpenny! manila cigars.--these will be found extremely mild, and there is not the slightest danger of the most utter novice in the noble art of smoking being turned up; and there is also the subtle delight of greening the cadet corporals that you are smoking. the cost is one-eighth of a penny, but they are retailed at a halfpenny. the grammar of the last "par" cannot be commended; the writer is weak in the matter of conjunctions. but one must not be hypercritical over advertisements. in may, , the _wave_, a small barque-rigged vessel of about tons, and horse-power, arrived to take the place of the ancient _dapper_, before alluded to. she was not much larger than her predecessor, but had considerably more steaming power, and was of finer dimensions. she was afterwards relegated to steam instruction only, but when first instituted was designed for instruction in working yards, masts, and sails, tacking and wearing ship, steering, use of log and lead, etc. "the poor old _dapper_," says the _britannia magazine_ of this date, "looks very sad in winter garb alongside her new sister, who has taken all the life from her, and we suppose her funeral is not far off." there is another paragraph concerning the arrival of the _wave_, which hints, in the most delicate and refined manner, at certain possibilities:-- "the _wave_ has really started at last, and now we shall all have to order basins, or else have her commander foul of us when we are at sea, and the ship's side is nicely polished." this foreshadowing was, as we shall see, only too literally fulfilled. the magazine was frequently made the publishing medium of verses, the authorship of which is usually religiously veiled; youthful poets are proverbially shy, and prefer to blush unseen. the following is the pioneer poem:-- ye middle watche reliefe. rouse him out at dead of night, take away his bedclothes, shove his head from left to right, hit him on his red nose. tug his hair and pull his ear; whisper to him, "zounds, sir! come, turn out now! don't you hear? or i will let you down, sir!" ease away his foremost clews, round his hammock wander, tell him gently the (false) news, "here is the commander!" see him start and ope his eye, eye that hath no vision; watch the sentry standing by laughing in derision. seize him smartly by the neck, turn his hammock over; leave him there upon the deck, he will soon recover. lash him round the arms in time, douse him well with water. should he still to sleep incline, haul the lashing tauter. should this treatment not succeed, take no further bother; go and seek the rest you need; turn thou in, my brother! the moral--that the midshipman of the preceding watch should turn in without being duly relieved--is questionable; but the hypothetical conditions under which he is ultimately recommended to adopt this course are certainly exceptional. no one could, with any show of justice, accuse him of having failed to make use of every legitimate device to rouse his relief! contributions were invited, as has been hinted in the editorial preface, from fellows who have gone to sea; and one of these avails himself of the opportunity to draw a comparison between his reception on board his first sea-going ship and that usually accorded to a fresh arrival on board the _britannia_; considerably to the detriment of the latter. he presented himself, in fear and trembling, on a cold and wet evening, to the officer of the watch, who received him with great courtesy: "oh, you must be jones? come and report yourself to the first lieutenant. what a beastly night for you to join!" "no. " greets him with, "you poor little chap, you must be frozen!" calls a senior of the gunroom, and gives strict injunctions that jones is to be made as happy as possible immediately; and the officer of the watch invites him to share his "watch" dinner at eight o'clock. jones, pondering over these things, makes some resolutions concerning his future conduct towards his juniors; which, let us hope, he did not fail to carry out. the prosperity and popularity of the beagles in november, , may be inferred from the fact that on one occasion there were no fewer than thirty-four mounted followers, including seven or eight officers of the ship; and a great following on foot besides. of course, by this time "drags" and badgers had long been abandoned, and the swift and legitimate hare was always the object of pursuit. there usually appeared to be little difficulty in starting one, and not a few instances have occurred of the hounds getting on a fresh scent crossing the original one. november is a good month for beagles; but scarcely as well suited for a trip in the _wave_. this diversion was, however, arranged on november th, , this being a holiday in honour of the prince of wales' birthday. the excursion was to plymouth, and a good number of light-hearted youngsters put down their names for it, recking little of the vagaries of channel weather at this season. perhaps the most appropriate and heartfelt description of the cruise is contained in a poem (a long way after longfellow), which appeared subsequently in the magazine:-- the "wave's" trip to plymouth. it was the little tender _wave_ that sailed the wintry sea; she had on board a score cadets, a goodly companee. bright were their hopes on that winter morn as they thought of their coming trip; gaily they skipped along the decks of the "_brit_" and the "other ship." the helmsman stood beside the wheel, where "deeds, not words" is writ, and mentioned to his dearest chum, "we'll have a time of it!" and so we had, for, once outside and in the troubled sea, the _wave_ by waves was tossed about in manner strange to see. colder and louder blew the gale (force _five_) from the south-west; but the gallant boiler boiled away, and the engines did their best. down came the storm, and smote amain the vessel in its strength; she shuddered and paused, like a frighted steed, then leaped her cable's length. "come hither! come hither! my dear cadet, and do not look so pale; for we can weather the roughest sea, and this is _not_ a gale!" he wrapped him up in his warmest coat against the stinging blast; he raised the collar round his throat, and leaned against the mast. "oh, steward, i hear a small bell ring! oh, say, what may it be?" he answered in a cheery tone: "the bell, sir? that's for tea!" "oh, steward, i hear the sound of plates! oh, say, what may it be?" "what, don't you want your supper, sir?" "no, thank you: none for me!" "oh, steward, i feel a rumbling pain! oh, say, what may it be?" 'twas the tribute claimed from all the "new" to neptune's realm--the sea! over the vessel's leeward side steadfastly then looked he. we didn't ask what he wanted there, for we could plainly see. then that sailor clasped his hands, and wished that safe on land was he; and he thought of cadets at peace on shore, or under dartmouth's lee. how few of those who saw us sail, and out of dartmouth steam, could know our joy to see the start broad on the starboard beam! "oh, joy! i see a light ahead. oh, say, what may it be?" 'twas the welcome gleam of the breakwater light, and west-nor'-west steered we. and ever the fitful gusts between we heard the leadsman's voice: "mark ten!" "deep eight!" "and a quarter seven!" which made our hearts rejoice. when anchored safe in plymouth sound we came round by degrees-- with tea, then bed, then ten o'clock: "out lights, sir, if you please!" such was the winter trip of the _wave_ on that dull november day; but that we had a merry time how few of us could say! the writer, it will be noticed, has adhered very closely to the pattern he selected, quoting one verse in its entirety, and displaying a certain recklessness in respect of the number of feet in a line which is so characteristic of longfellow. there were many other cruises, both winter and summer, in the _wave_ after this, and apparently the weather was more propitious, for we do not hear any more sad wailings about it; though one of the party, on this first occasion, was heard to declare that if he were twenty years in the ship he would not again be caught going for a "pleasure trip" such as this in the winter months. the magazine was not confined to descriptions of this kind, or laudatory articles and accounts of successful sports, etc.--of which more anon--but warnings, editorial and otherwise, on various points of conduct and etiquette are not infrequent. a letter, signed "a cadet," enlarges on the undesirability of certain prevalent pranks when travelling by rail:-- if the cadets continue to play the fool with the porters, shoot off catapults and squibs at travellers, etc., they will be getting all leave stopped, or a corporal in attendance; or the railway company will refuse to stop the trains at the level, and they will have to walk round from kingswear station. this last allusion is to the accommodation of having certain trains stopped opposite the ship for the convenience of officers and cadets. those who are not acquainted with the locality may not be aware that the railway does not run into dartmouth, kingswear, on the opposite side of the harbour, being the terminus. curiously enough, there is a letter in the same number from an outsider on precisely the same subject over the signature "old meddler," who is evidently a somewhat irascible old gentleman residing in torquay. he concludes his letter as follows:-- i don't know whether corporal punishment has been abolished on board the _britannia_; probably, like many good things, it has. but i carry a good stout cane myself. this ferocious old boy would, however, have first to "catch his cadet"! the editor takes occasion to remark that "old meddler's" letter would not have been inserted but for the corroborative remarks of "a cadet." whether or not the double warning was productive of beneficial results is not stated. probably, as long as the world lasts, boys and young men will continue to exercise their ingenuity in this fashion, to their own gratification and the discomfort of their fellow creatures. it is their nature to! a number of the cadets had been through a course of "first-aid" instruction, under the st. john ambulance association, and here is an account of the result:-- a fellow broke his arm up in the field the other day, and the medical staff turned it to splendid account and lectured to a crowded audience over the prostrate body of the wounded cadet. "now, what do you call this?" "broken arm, sir!" "how do you know it is broken?" "because we waggled it about, sir." "simple or compound fracture?" "simple, sir." "why?" "because he did it so easily, sir!" "what ought i to do?" then came out a volley of all the stored up information acquired at the late classes: "stick a mustard plaster on the back of his neck, sir!" "put him in a hot bath, sir!" "walk him up and down as fast as you can, sir!" "hold him up by the heels, sir!" "tie him to a broom-handle, two billiard cues, and a rifle, sir!" "tickle his nose with a feather, sir!" and so on. the prostrate hero must have had lively anticipations during this exchange of ideas! we are not informed what course would be adopted by a "first-aid" cadet under certain alarming conditions which apparently might arise when out "mushrooming," though it is recorded in the magazine that the process by which a cadet distinguishes a mushroom from a toadstool is to eat it. if he dies, it is a toadstool; if he lives, it is a mushroom! towards the end of the 'eighties the electric light was installed on board both ships, and the only marvel is that it was not done earlier. those who have experienced the endless worry of lamps and candles on board ship will understand what a boon the electric light is. the dynamo was first placed on board the _hindostan_; but a wooden vessel is one huge conductor of sound and vibration, and before long it was shifted to a small vessel specially provided, and moored just above the ships. this was, in fact, one of the old mortar vessels constructed for use in the baltic during the crimean war. [illustration: captain bowden-smith. (now admiral sir n. bowden-smith, k.c.b.)] no one who has thus far perused these pages will be surprised to learn that the 'eighties did not pass without a committee being specially appointed to consider the vexed question of naval education. there has always existed, as we have seen, a sort of chronic dissatisfaction with the existing condition of affairs; and this again reached a climax in . on march th in that year the admiralty appointed a committee, constituted as follows:-- vice-admiral w. g. luard; commander the right hon. the earl of dalhousie; w. d. niven, esq., director of studies at the royal naval college; rev. j. m. wilson, head master of clifton college; rev. w. rogers, rector of st. botolph; and captain charles johnstone. points to be considered. (_a_) limits of age and subjects of examination for the entry of cadets. (_b_) course of study and instructional arrangements on board the _britannia_. (_c_, _d_ and _e_ concern later examinations not connected with the _britannia_.) (_f_) to consider and offer opinions or suggestions for the improvement of the education of naval executive officers. in their report the committee point out what they consider to be defects in the present system:-- ( ) the failure to get the best material in the country. the material is good, but it is not the best that could be had; and we feel convinced that the special preparation of boys before coming to the _britannia_ does not tend to improve that material. ( ) the attempt to teach in the _britannia_ what cannot be properly learnt at the age of the cadets on board; the result being that the knowledge is mechanical, and that the principles are unintelligently acquired and soon forgotten. they also fall foul of the seamanship instruction, and consider the _wave_ of very little use, as she is not well adapted for drills, and cannot conveniently go out for more than a day at a time. they recommend that a ship-rigged corvette should be substituted, to be moored abreast the present ships, with a bridge across, so that her upper deck would be available as a playground during short intervals when the cadets cannot land. under the head of suggestions, they are bold enough to advocate the abolition of nominations, which they think place artificial difficulties in the way of getting into the navy; and they suggest that the first test should be the lower certificate of the oxford and cambridge local boards, at about the age of , with a further examination at by the civil service commissioners, after which the cadet should have one year's training in practical navigation and seamanship, in a stationary ship or a college. and they consider the solent a more suitable place for a training-ship than dartmouth, as the harbour at the latter place would be inconvenient, if not dangerous, for sailing brigs, which they consider necessary. [illustration: poop of the "britannia." cadets at prayers. _photo: w. m. crockett, plymouth._] well, the result of all this inquiry and suggestion appears to be, so far as the _britannia_ is concerned, almost nil. admiralty nomination continues to be the necessary initial step for entry: there are no oxford and cambridge local certificates required, the _wave_ is retained, no brigs are attached, nor is a ship-rigged corvette moored alongside with a bridge across; finally, the _britannia_ remains at dartmouth. a "recommendation"--apart from "suggestions"--is that nominations should be given at any age after (this with the view of previous preparation); and yet one of the defects said to exist in the present system is special preparation before coming to the _britannia_! it is a fact that recommendations of specially appointed committees are very rarely acted upon to any great extent; they are frequently very unpractical, or they involve extra expenditure, to which the admiralty demur. [illustration: captain f. g. d. bedford. (now admiral sir f. g. d. bedford, g.c.b.) _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] the suggestion of the solent as a more suitable locality than dartmouth appears to require a good deal of explanation; the committee, in the same breath almost, deprecates the want of a spacious deck for the boys to run about on during short intervals of recreation, when they _cannot land_. there would be plenty of long intervals in the solent without landing! it is obvious that if a stationary ship, instead of a college, is used, she must be so placed that easy communication with the shore is never interrupted by weather. and then the brigs. why _brigs_? why not a steam vessel, larger and more commodious than the _wave_, and fully rigged? she would be able to sail in and out of dartmouth sometimes, when there happened to be a "soldier's wind"--by no means unfrequent there--and at other times there is the screw to fall back upon. the suggested substitute for nominations also strikes one as impractical in the extreme. where are the boys to go after they have intimated their desire to enter the navy, and have produced an oxford and cambridge local certificate? there must be a list of such candidates at the admiralty, and they would be scattered all over the kingdom at various schools when notice would have to be given of the examination by the civil service commissioners. on the whole, one gets somewhat weary of committees; and very weary work indeed is the reading of the thousands of questions and answers so scrupulously recorded in the blue book. meanwhile, the _britannia_ got on pretty well in the 'eighties, and turned out the usual proportion of efficient executive officers. out of who presented themselves for the passing out examination, , or · per cent., failed; which, considering that the _britannia_ is admittedly a probationary establishment, and that it was being constantly alleged at this time that the cadets could not learn their work properly, is a very small proportion of failures. the officers who commanded the _britannia_ during the 'eighties were as follow:-- captain r. wells, appointed august st, . captain n. bowden-smith, appointed september th, . captain f. g. d. bedford, appointed august th, . captain noel s. f. digby, appointed september th, . the total number of entries during this period was , of whom the navy list gives the following record:-- active list. captains, ; commanders, ; lieutenants, . retired list. lieutenants, . a total of , leaving a balance of , or per cent., to be accounted for as dead or removed from the navy list. one of the cadets of the 'eighties--the hon. horace l. a. hood--has gone up the ladder in remarkably quick time. he entered july th, , and in the examinations for sub-lieutenants he was awarded a first class in every subject, obtaining an aggregate of , marks out of a possible , ; for this he was immediately promoted to lieutenant, april nd, . he served in a gunboat on the nile during lord kitchener's operations in , and for his services there was promoted to commander november th, , finally obtaining captain's rank january st, , in less than years from entry as cadet, at the early age of about three-and-thirty. [illustration: the schooner yacht "syren." _photo: w. m. crockett, plymouth._] chapter vii. the "britannia" in the 'nineties. captain digby--alleged gross bullying--a lively correspondence-- various uninvited opinions--a gleam of light from within--"old etonian" and admiral richards--captain digby sums up the case-- "navilus": his book--morning amenities--"one day's 'four'"--a typical day--the hardships of "four"--a day in the _wave_--"a nice fresh breeze"--reefing topsails--"man overboard"--comfort for mothers--a trip in a skiff--forbidden joys--a "slippery hitch"--a half-holiday--tea with "ma fox"--a sunday outing--"fearful fagging"--the "baby's" final aspirations--captain moore--a hot reformer--lieutenants as "sea-daddies"--abolition of cadets' corporals--chief of the staff--naval warrant officers--new admiralty regulations--the _racer_ arrives--ship struck by lightning--jubilee day--the queen's medal--captain marryat's spectacles--cadets' food--a hard case!--remarkable physical development--influenza epidemic--an ill-informed parent--ridiculous allegations--visit of the king and queen--john gilpin--"ye mariners of england"--captains in the 'nineties. the 'nineties were still very young when captain digby--who, as has been stated, was appointed in --found himself confronted by a disciplinary problem somewhat difficult of solution. captain digby would be considered by those who knew him to be an ideal commander for an institution like the _britannia_. of a most agreeable personality, combining great kindliness with the capacity for a due amount of severity if needed, he appeared to be cut out for the work; and yet it was his lot to bring to light a rascally sort of bullying which had, as he himself admits, been going on for a long time, and to be made the object of repeated attacks in the columns of the _times_; for there was a very lively correspondence, to say nothing of leading articles, on the subject, and all sorts of people had their shot at the training-ship, some of whom did not very well understand what they were talking about. the _times_ opens the ball with a leader on september th, , in which it is roundly asserted that such doings are only possible in the _britannia_--a crude sort of statement, and only permissible after a very thorough investigation. "wykehamist," eager to disparage the _britannia_ as compared with public schools, joins in the same strain, though goodness knows there have been gruesome tales told of these from time to time. he says, with some truth, that the difference in age between the cadet captains and the other boys is too slight, and that supervision by superiors is the only safeguard. the cadet corporals were still in existence at this time, and it is quite easy to conceive that if these were lax some evil-disposed cadets might initiate bullying and other practices of a worse nature without much chance of their reaching the captain's ears, at any rate for a considerable time. the principal indictment was to the effect that the elder cadets "fagged" the younger for money, that this was constantly extorted by means of menaces and cruel treatment; and there is no doubt that it was true, though probably not practised to the extent which was alleged by some. "e." says that where bullying exists it is entirely the captain's fault. let a suitable captain be appointed, and remain as long as his services are not required elsewhere, and let him select his own junior officers. this is all very well, but there are many who hold the view that it is not desirable to keep one man too long in command, and certainly there are not wanting instances where, in similar institutions, a long period under one command has resulted in "grooviness" and a sort of fool's paradise, to be rudely exposed by an energetic successor. "a. l. m."--an old _britannia_ boy--says that in his time a cadet was dismissed for "fagging" a junior to steal a letter containing a money order; this, however, cannot but be regarded as a flagrant instance of individual depravity such as may be encountered in any school. if the initials of the writer are genuine, his time in the training-ship goes back a long way, somewhere in the 'sixties. he appears to hold a poor opinion of the cadets of those days, and says the captains were as bad as the rest. on october th admiral sir nowell salmon and "through the mill" come to the rescue, and stoutly defend the _britannia_, pointing out that, judging from the officers eventually turned out, the ship cannot be a sink of iniquity such as is represented, and that bullying will always go on to a certain extent among a number of boys. on the th the editor of the _western morning news_, who appears to be particularly anxious to show up the _britannia_ in an unfavourable light, replies that "through the mill" takes much too rosy a view of the matter, and that fagging and bullying go on to an extent which would not be tolerated in any public school. on october th a gleam of light from within is afforded by "olim miles," who quotes a letter from his son in the _britannia_: "about the fagging for money, two or three cadets have been found out to be practising this disgraceful form of larceny, and have consequently been shunned by everyone who calls himself a gentleman." [illustration: captain n. s. f. digby. (now vice-admiral n. s. f. digby.) _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] this is much more likely to be a true statement of the case. the youngster tacitly admits that there may have been others who were not detected, but the general feeling of the bulk of the cadets on the subject is, no doubt, quite truthfully represented; indeed, one could not imagine it possible that it could be otherwise. however, this simple statement did not stem the tide. "another wykehamist" follows with an assertion of his conviction that the tone is low in spite of favourable appearances; and, among other things, he deprecates the method of corporal punishment by means of a cane over tightened flannel trousers, and says he is not satisfied as to discipline, supervision, and moral training, etc. october th, admiral g. h. richards is down upon the last writer, asking, very pertinently, what right he has to expect to be "satisfied" on these points; says the best proof of the efficiency of the _britannia_ is the officers she turns out; he has had two sons there, and never found any cause of complaint. on october nd, mr. t. gibson bowles, m.p., stands up for the ship, and "through the mill" replies at length to the editor of the _western morning news_, winding up by advising parents to send their sons to "one of the best schools in england." "old etonian" says that admiral richards naturally avoids reference to corporal punishment and "second class" punishment, which are brutal. would it not be possible to give the headship to a man used to boys, and with some ideas of managing them beyond the stick and the "second class"? one does not quite see why the admiral should "naturally" avoid reference to corporal punishment, etc. probably his sons were well conducted, and did not need severe measures which, indeed, were not often resorted to; but in expressing his satisfaction with the ship as a school for his boys he must in common reason be held to approve the whole scheme, including the punishments alluded to when they are needed. the last sentence of "old etonian's" letter, as quoted above, can only be classified as impertinent ignorance--or ignorant impertinence, whichever may be deemed most suitable. his ideas are based on a conviction that no one except a public school master knows anything about the management of boys; which is a great error. there are plenty of men--and a large proportion among the officers of the navy--who have a natural capacity in this respect, which becomes apparent directly they get their opportunity; and there are others--in public schools as well as elsewhere--who have been managing boys all their lives, and have never done it decently. these are truisms; but in reply to a man who will venture to hold up to ridicule, as a sort of bugbear with a big stick, such men as captain digby and other captains of the _britannia_, truisms appear to be necessary. admiral richards replies, october th, that officers of education, ability, and life-long experience of discipline are the best men to train young officers in their own service, and asks what wykehamists and etonians would say if he and others of his service were to dictate as to the management of public schools. [illustration: a group of captains (christmas, ). _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] the editor of the _western morning news_ writes again on october th, reiterating his former statements, which he apparently discounts, however, by a quotation from a letter written by the father of one of the cadets who was expelled by captain digby. he says that his son and his contemporaries went through it when first they joined, and had their turn at fagging afterwards; and then, seeing that he has, by implication, convicted his son of bullying, proceeds to describe how "one penny was exacted, in a thoroughly good-humoured way, from boys passing a certain bridge; but there was no thrashing or bullying used to extort it." captain digby, for his part, says frankly:--"it had, no doubt, been going on for a long time, and, owing to the reticence of youth, it took me a year to get to the bottom of it; but i finally succeeded in getting rid of the principal culprits." no doubt the "reticence of youth" is a very important factor in all such cases, and it would be safe to assume also that the captain had not been too well served by some of his subordinates, who were either lax in supervision or failed to realise the importance of a growing evil. this was one of the unsatisfactory cycles or phases through which most schools periodically pass; indeed, it is said that they have recurred with great regularity, and each time, no doubt, experience has dictated some new measures for the future suppression of irregularities. as a picture of "the _britannia_ from within," a little booklet written by a cadet a year or two later may very well be quoted from here. it is styled "h.m.s. _britannia_, the cradle of the royal navy: by one of the babies," and sets forth in a light vein the experiences of a few days in the life of a cadet:-- the preface being that part of a book which is seldom or never read, why need i write one? it does not seem much in my line; but i may as well remark that these notes, scribbled at odd times, are published at the request of my friends, and dedicated to my mother by navilus. let us follow our "baby" throughout one of his specimen days:-- " . a.m.--bump! bother the corporal! 'now then, mr. jones, time for you to turn out.' so jones has 'twos' again, poor chap! but i wish the corporal would not bump against my hammock when he is waking other fellows. i can hear jones softly swearing to himself as he gets into his clothes, and i thank my stars that i still have time for another snooze. * * * * * hullo! there go five bells already, and the bugle. never mind; the fourth term go first through the bath. time now, however. i struggle for'ard, half asleep, through the bath. all the fellows come up by degrees. ugh! how cold the water is! but it has the effect of waking us up pretty quickly. how nice it is to be out and drying. i mean to be dressed in good time to-day, as i have had enough punishments lately. now to wash. this time the water is too hot, and it is five minutes before i can bear it. jones, having completed his punishment, is washing alongside me. there's smith at his tricks again--throwing water as usual, and a cold stream pours down my back. i _must_ go for him. another five minutes' delay. i fall into conversation with jones, and am giving him good advice about his various shortcomings, when first warning goes. we hurriedly complete our ablutions, and go to our chests. second warning. not half dressed, and here comes the corporal--bad luck to him--with his pencil and paper. 'clear off the sleeping deck, there! now then, mr. martin, late again as usual; go on deck before breakfast, sir,' and my name is entered on the fateful bit of paper. jones is nearly dressed, and is at present engaged in his devotions. the corporal stares at him, but proceeds on his way. i have to go on the middle deck carrying my boots, and put them on there. just time to lace them up before the bugle sounds 'fall in,' and the officer of the day begins his inspection. this over, we march to the messroom to do an hour's preparation. the euclid is awfully hard; i am afraid i shan't know it. bugle sounds 'dismiss studies.' i will not go on deck yet. the corporal's memory may fail him, or he may be in a soft mood and let me off. we all sit down, awaiting grace. my spirits rise. but behold! the corporal's legs appear descending the hatchway, and worse still, his burly form follows them! 'now then, sir' (addressing me), 'go up and fall in on the 'alf deck.' there is no help for it, so i take up my cap and reluctantly obey. lieutenant a---- is the officer of the day, so he will let me off easy, perhaps. the corporal salutes and addresses him: 'mr. martin, sir, for not being dressed by second warning.' the lieutenant asks if i have any excuse to offer: i have none, and he orders me a day's 'four.' this is a fairly easy punishment, and i return to breakfast somewhat consoled. i expect all the rolls have been bagged; but i find that grey, who sits next me, has secured me three. i thank him and fall to. here come the sausages round, followed by ham, and a choice of tea or cocoa. sausages are all very well in their way, but they make you horribly thirsty. i manage, however, to get two cups of cocoa, and consider i have made a fairly good breakfast. i collect my books and proceed to my study in the _hindostan_, to look over my work for the day. hullo! there are some 'news' looking out of the ports; i must give them a shower bath. i make a paper cone, and filling it with water, empty it over them. it gets them fairly on the neck: heads disappear. i try to master the euclid and trig. some other fellows have dropped in by now; they are fairly quiet. . .--bugle again, and the corporal's mellow tones: 'clear ship! clear ship! cadets on the poop!' one by one we obey the summons, and proceed to the poop of the _britannia_. soon the bugle sounds 'fall in'; we are inspected, and prayers are read by the chaplain, after which we march off to the studies, and the real work of the day begins. i get questions i know, and manage to stumble through my work fairly well. at five minutes to eleven we have a quarter of an hour's interval, and then do english for an hour, followed by french for another hour. i am no good at french, so indulge in a game of nibs with my neighbour, who does not love 'parley-voo' any more than i do. we are detected, worse luck, and are rewarded with a 'mod' each. ('moderate attention' in the daily report, involving one hour's extra drill.) bugle sounds 'dismiss studies.' i am not sorry, as i am famishing, and it is pudding day, too. the bugle sounds again for dinner, and we all assemble in the messroom. grace is said by one of the two chief captains, and here come the joints and pies, wheeled round on small tables appropriated to them. roast mutton falls to the lot of my table; this is _not_ my favourite dish, and i get the servant to bring me some beefsteak pie in its place. meat course over, i help the tart--cherry, with cream, and excellent. my enjoyment of it is rather hindered by brown, who is heaving bread at me; however, he is spotted by the chief captain, and told to go to the defaulters' table at tea. brown says it is all my fault for looking such an ass, which may be true, but is not polite. i vow vengeance on brown: he will avoid me after dinner, i expect. the tarts being polished off, and grace again said, we get half an hour to ourselves before muster. i spend it in the 'sanc' ('sanctuary,' a special place in the messroom, reserved for senior cadets) reading the _strand_, which has always something jolly in it. i am in the middle of a blood-curdling tale, when the corporal comes to clear the messroom. i shove the book in my drawer, and depart to the middle deck. we fall in, and are marched off to studies. this afternoon we have mathematics until . , when we shift into flannels, and make for the boats as fast as we can, with towels and bathing-drawers. i am lucky, and get a shoreboat soon, so secure a good place on the bathing stage. it is a perfect day, just the day for a bathe; and here comes the officer of the day ashore in a gig, with the bugler. on reaching the stage they disembark, and the boat waits about in case of accidents. the bugle sounds 'advance,' and immediately there is a sound of great splashing, and the water is alive with heads. i have a jolly swim out to one of the sailing cutters, and boarding her get another dive from her bow. bugle sounds 'retreat' all too soon, and out of the water we have to go, _nolens volens_. when dressed, i go and fall in for my punishment drill; but for this i should be in the cricket field. there are twenty other chaps in the same box as myself; poles are served out to us, and for a whole hour of this blessed afternoon we have to do a variety of exercises, and double round the drill ground. it is frightfully hot work, and i am glad when it is over, and i can go up to the field and get refreshments at stodger's. a game of cricket is going on; other chaps are practising at the nets; and some of the officers are playing, too, at the first eleven nets. i find one of the tennis courts empty, and get a game with three other fellows who have been doing drill with me. after two sets i go on board again, and, shifting out of flannels, go down to the messroom and finish my story in the _strand_. i have time to read another before muster, after which we march into the messroom for tea. to-night we get cold meat, cake, bread and butter, and tea or cocoa _ad lib_. an hour's preparation follows, and there is time for a quarter of an hour's dancing before the band stops. f. and i indulge in a wild _pas de quatre_, and have another quarter of an hour to ourselves before prayers, which take place at . in the messroom; and now, instead of turning comfortably into my hammock, i have to do my fours--viz. to stand for an hour on the middle deck before undressing. it is precious dull work, as there are very few chaps at the same business to-night. after half an hour is up, i am the only one left. i can hear the fellows talking and laughing on the sleeping deck. i think of many things, but my thoughts grow confused, and i begin to yawn, and nearly fall asleep standing. at last the corporal tells me the hour is up, and i gladly go to my chest and undress and turn in. after all, there is nothing more comfortable than a hammock; and notwithstanding the snoring of jones, which is not melodious, i soon fall asleep, with pleasant thoughts of to-morrow, for it promises to be fine, and i am going out for a cruise in the _wave_. . .--i am wide awake this morning, and the sun is streaming in through the port, so i know it is a fine day. i turn out with alacrity, and am not behindhand in dressing; besides, i have only to put on my flannels. muster over, my class goes off to the _wave_, with a couple of fourth term classes, for shifting the topgallant masts and yards. the _wave_ is a barque of about tons, with auxiliary steam power; full speed under steam, - / knots. she is noted for her rolling propensities. however, as she is now in the harbour, just astern of the _britannia_, she is as steady as a rock, or nearly so. [illustration: first term sleeping deck on board the "hindostan." _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] it is not particularly interesting work shifting topgallant masts in your third term, as only a few of the fourth term go aloft, and the remainder of us stay down on deck, hauling on ropes. i am at the foremast, and we get ours done much more smartly than the fellows at the main, as we chance to be a better lot. this sort of work goes on for an hour, when we return to the _britannia_, and have breakfast, feeling quite ready for our porridge. cold ham follows, and i make mine into sandwiches, with rolls, to eat in the _wave_, that is if i still feel capable of eating when we are outside the harbour! [illustration: chapel on board the "hindostan." _photo: w. m. crockett, plymouth._] there is half an hour to spare after breakfast before we embark for our cruise. there is a stampede to the gangway to see a german man-of-war just anchoring in the harbour below dartmouth. she is a great white steamer, full rigged, and is used as a training-ship. we shall get a fine view of her passing in the _wave_. it is now time i was getting ready, so i fetch my sextant from the instrument study, and wrap up my sandwiches in a piece of paper, tying them up with a lanyard. the wind is freshening, and i ask old johnson, the boatswain, what it will be like outside. he says: 'a nice fresh breeze,' and i know what that means! at last we go down in the boat and are off. i pull the second stroke oar, and we soon reach the _wave_ and scramble on board. during the few minutes which elapse before the first lieutenant arrives, the instructor shows us the various ropes, explaining the use of them, and the boatswain tells us off to our respective stations aloft. my place is on the fore top-sail-yard; and now the lieutenant comes on board, and we slip from the buoy without delay, and steam down the harbour. a quarter of an hour sees us outside, and the _wave_ begins to keep up her character for rolling. indeed, she seems fully determined not to disappoint us in this respect. we have orders to go aloft and loose the sails, which are then sheeted home, and we go down from aloft to help hoist them. she is steadier now the sails are set, and soon the engines are stopped, and our progress is under sail alone. after a little while we are sent aloft to reef top-sails, and take in top-gallant sails. i get on the yardarm, where we have to sit astride. it is splendid up here; the best place of all, to my mind. the coast line is clearly visible, from start point to berry head. [illustration: a signalling exercise.] having taken in a reef, we return on deck, and have a quarter of an hour's 'stand easy.' by this time several fellows seem to be curiously drawn to the lee side of the ship! we, whose souls do _not_ 'sicken on the heaving _wave_,' begin to feel the pangs of hunger, and set to work to devour the provisions we have brought with us, in addition to the ship's biscuit which is provided. [illustration: pocket money.] our 'stand easy' being at an end, an order is given to start the engines full steam ahead; this is to get more way on for lifeboat practice. to-day i am one of the lifeboat's crew. the first lieutenant, throwing the lifebuoy into the sea, raises a cry of 'man overboard.' immediately the engines are stopped and the main-yard squared to stop the way of the ship. the lifeboat is manned and lowered, and we row towards the supposed drowning man, and with all promptitude rescue him from his watery grave. on our return to the _wave_ there is a friendly rivalry between the fore and after part of the cadets to hoist up the lifeboat; the result being that the crew are in the comfortable position of sitting in a boat at an angle of about forty-five degrees, as the fore part are the stronger lot. however, we soon manage to get on board, and we go about and make for home; for so we come to regard the old hulk lying in the dart. the order is given to get our sextants out of the charthouse; we carry them aft to take the meridian altitude of the sun. this is rather hard work while the ship is moving, when you are not accustomed to it, but doubtless will come easy in time. and now we are sent aloft to shake the reef out of the top-sails; this is the work of two or three minutes only, and we proceed towards the harbour mouth with increased speed. the wind is freshening, but the motion is not felt so much now that it is dead aft. while we are passing between the old castles of kingswear and dartmouth we go aloft to take in the sails. i am not on the yardarm this time, but next to it. while the 'descent of man' has lost him the gymnastic properties of his ancestors, a sailor's life brings out the power of 'ascent in man,' judging by the prehensile talent so quickly acquired by his hands and feet. think of this and take comfort, o mothers! whose curly-haired harrys and willies are climbing aloft on the rigging, at the apparently imminent peril of their necks! we are past the kingswear pontoon before the sails are furled, and we are now steaming up the harbour at our usual breathless speed, at which rate it is not long before we again make fast to the buoy and return on board, most of us having thoroughly enjoyed our cruise, and had our appetites whetted for the good dinner which is awaiting us. after our meal we do the usual hour and a half's work, which to-day is mathematics, and then have our dip. f. and i make for the cricket field, and spend a short time playing at the nets, there being no game got up for to-day. it is pretty hot this afternoon, and we should enjoy a bit of the cool breeze we had outside in the morning. but this being unavailable, we consider strawberries and cream would be a good substitute, and accordingly make for the stodge shop, where we lay in a store of the article mentioned, and feel refreshed. f. is the fortunate possessor of a camera, and considers this will be a good opportunity to go down to the dark-room and develop the photographs he has been taking lately. i suggest getting one of the blue boats, and rowing out to photograph the german man-of-war lying in the harbour. we manage to wheedle a skiff out of the boat-keeper, and are soon making for her. we get two or three views, and while preparing to return are hailed by one of the officers, and invited on board. [illustration: h.m.s. "racer," tender to the "britannia." _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] this is too fine a chance to lose, and although we have not had previous leave, we accept the tempting invitation so cordially given, and, securing our boat alongside, are conveyed to the gunroom. here are a few officers, at whom we look with great interest. all speak english fairly well, and are imbibing lager beer and smoking. we are at once offered beer and cigars, and indulge in a weed apiece, but no more, considering discretion to be the better part of valour. it is difficult to refuse our hosts, who so cordially press upon us their hospitality. f. imagines he can speak german, having, when a baby, had a german nurse who knew no english. i judge, from close observation, that at that remote period of his existence he was unable to speak in either language himself. but, of course, he cannot let slip this opportunity of airing his linguistic proclivities. he photographs the officers in a group: looking at my watch, i find it is high time to be off, in fact the recall must have been up for nearly a quarter of an hour. so, taking a hearty leave of our genial hosts, we step into our boat, and pull quickly up the harbour. we have to return the boat to its place, and find the boat-keeper in a towering rage, promising to report us both. his promises are always like pie-crust in this respect, so our equanimity is not greatly disturbed, and we are just in time to catch the pinnace for returning on board. the corporal thinks we look suspicious, for some reason best known to himself, and considers it necessary to search us for 'stodge,' which it is against rules to bring on board. we are redolent of tobacco, of course, which does not escape his olfactory sense, but he has no proof against us, and has to let us go. sold again! we go on the sleeping deck to shift, and after muster march to the messroom for tea. then preparation, and half an hour to ourselves till prayers. no 'fours' to-night, and i feel quite ready to turn into my hammock when the time comes. there is a slip on my hammock! i feel it going! i try to turn out, but am too late. i clutch wildly at jones's hammock. bump! we are both down, and the other fellows in great delight at the tableau. it turns out to have been a trick of jones's; so he has been well punished. calm once more restored. after a little conversation, i am once more in the land of dreams. on board h.m.s. _britannia_ one day is very much like another, which, though somewhat monotonous, has the advantage (if it be one) of making time fly fast. the studies are varied by seamanship, including signalling by semaphore, flag, and morse systems; working anchors and cables, learnt by a model on wheels, which is kept on the middle deck; knots and splices; working sailing cutters; the steam picket boat, and other such oily delights. to-day, however, we have mathematics all the morning, from nine o'clock until midday, with an interval at . for receiving our weekly pocket money, consisting of the noble sum of one shilling, which the third and fourth terms are entitled to receive also on wednesdays, if their parents see fit. next monday being a whole holiday, however, the chaps who are lucky enough to have friends in the neighbourhood, and are going on leave to them until monday, get extra pocket money, which may not exceed five shillings, added to their railway fare. having no friend to invite me, i have arranged to go up the river to totnes in a blue boat with some other fellows, and we are to receive our extra pocket money on monday morning. we fall in according to our terms and march round to the half deck, the fourth term leading, the others following in order. dinner hour on 'halves' is twelve o'clock, and it follows, therefore, that we are famishing by the time our evening meal is ready, which is not until seven o'clock. the consequence is that a great deal of money finds its way into the stodge shop, and our pocket money is exhausted at a rapid rate. all the better for old 'stodger,' and for dawe, whose shop is open on half-holidays only. the cadets going on leave took their departure before dinner, rowing ashore to the platform abreast of the _britannia_, where trains stop by special order. i have arranged to walk over to stoke fleming this afternoon with f., and accordingly we start as soon as we can land after dinner. we take it easy, so it is an hour before we arrive at our destination. the road leads across the hills at the back of dartmouth towards the open sea, which here breaks at the foot of steep and high cliffs. we are each provided with a book, and finding a shady place on the cliffs, we have a rest and a read. we can see the schooner yacht _syren_ at sea, with a party of cadets out for a cruise. the schooner _arrow_, for the first and second terms, is not yet in sight. i expect she will have some difficulty in getting out of the harbour, the wind being light and the tide against her, and the _arrow_ sailing about as well as an average washing-tub. the _syren_ seems to be rolling rather, as there is a slight swell from yesterday. it is nearly four o'clock now, and we begin to feel the pangs of hunger, so consider it is about time to proceed on our way to the shop held by mrs. fox and mrs. martin, commonly known as 'ma fox's,' where a capital tea can be obtained for a very moderate sum. 'ma fox' is pretty well up in the manners and customs of cadets. she sports the prince of wales's feathers over the shop door, having been patronised by the two royal cadets. f. and i get the third term room to ourselves, and order a meal consisting of cocoa, potted meat, sardines, and bread and jam, to which we do ample justice; and having squared up with the old dame, we walk slowly back to the field, where we see the last of the cricket match between our first eleven and one of the neighbouring cricket clubs. we are victorious again." the above extract gives a very fair idea of life on board, from the cadet's point of view. the description of the trip to totnes on the "whole" does not intimately concern the _britannia_; but one or two more extracts must be given, as throwing a little more light on certain points. the writer describes how, on sunday afternoon, he and two comrades land on the kingswear side, taking with them two "news" who are often in their company. "ralston, another of their term, respectfully accosts me, and asks permission to come too. he is a likely looking lad, so i graciously consent to his joining us. arrived on shore, we repair to our 'sanc,' which is a nook we have chosen in a small wood. it is roofed over with branches woven together, and the 'news' set to work to gather fresh bracken for us. when we consider it sufficiently comfortable, we establish ourselves with our books, and they proceed to a small 'sanc' of their own, within hail of us, which they have made in their leisure time. they are also provided with literature. this is part of the fearful fagging system, of which so many complaints are made." this, it will be noted, was three years after the commotion in ; so, apparently, there was still some talk about the treatment of "news." the subject is once more touched upon by the "baby":-- "much has been written and said lately about the _britannia_--the system of teaching, the bullying practice, etc. this latter is fast disappearing under the wise rule of the latest captains. there will always be something of the kind in a mild form in any institution in the shape of a public school, and the _britannia_ is nothing more or less. fagging for money is now unheard of. "the discipline is of necessity strict, but not unduly severe; and the instructors are popular. "it is almost an impossibility to make the work sufficiently practical when there are so many subjects to take up; but there _is_ practical work, as the readers of this paper will see." the writer concludes as follows:-- "soon the 'whole' is nothing but a memory, one of the many happy ones we shall ever retain of our old training-ship on the dart, and which will, doubtless, often rise up before us in the years to come, when we look forward to being, _at least_, useful members of that profession which is england's glory." thus far "navilus." his little book was written just before the advent of captain a. w. moore, whose period of command was marked by some drastic alterations. there are not wanting those who assert that reform was urgently needed in some respects, and that captain moore was expected to assume the rôle of reformer. the most important alterations were in disciplinary matters, and one is embodied in the following orders for the lieutenants:-- each lieutenant will have special charge of a term from their entry into the _britannia_ until they pass out, and will be responsible for their instruction in seamanship, gymnastics, boating, swimming, etc., and is to keep a record of each cadet's progress. he will teach personally the "rule of the road" and "ship construction," and at times such other subjects as he may think fit. one of the lieutenants will perform the duties of officer of the day, and a second lieutenant will be present at all musters of cadets, and attend in the recreation grounds when cadets are landed. a weekly report of each term will be rendered by the lieutenants, to be given to the executive officer on monday morning at divisions for the captain. the advantage of this system is at once apparent: each lot of boys, when they join, find themselves placed under the care of an officer, who remains as their instructor, monitor, and "sea daddy" during the whole period of their sojourn on board. he soon gets to know each one intimately, and they can go to him for advice in any difficulties which may crop up. he takes an interest in their conduct and progress, and encourages healthy emulation and a proper _esprit de corps_ among them; indeed, he may do an immense amount of good, of which the lieutenants were not afforded the opportunity under former regulations. [illustration: captain a. w. moore. (now vice-admiral sir a. w. moore, k.c.b., c.m.g.) _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] the arrangement is also a far more satisfactory one for the lieutenants, who thus have a definite line of work prescribed, instead of the somewhat vague position which they used to occupy. it is a curious thing that nobody ever thought of it before! that it has worked well from the outset everyone is agreed. another disciplinary measure was the abolition of cadets' corporals, with their chief man--master-at-arms or serjeant-major--and the substitution of a cadets' gunner, known as "chief of the staff," with four chief gunner's mates under him, one to each term. [illustration: the "victoria and albert" at dartmouth. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] everyone who knows anything about naval matters will appreciate the advantage of having a gunner placed in this position. the warrant officers are an admirable body of men; they have been "through the mill" in the lower grades, know their work practically and thoroughly, and usually display considerable capacity for command and a quite remarkable amount of tact in the discharge of their duties. the gunners are the pick of the "warrants," and there would be no difficulty in finding a man for the newly created post in the _britannia_ with every possible qualification for it; moreover, he ranks in the navy above a midshipman or cadet, so that there is no incongruity about his position of authority. the chief gunner's mates are the "makings" of gunners, and consequently the best subordinates possible in this department. the chief of the staff has to keep the cadets' defaulters books, see all punishments on board properly carried out, take charge of the sleeping decks, messroom, servants' mess place, and to see that the cadets' servants are clean and tidy and perform their duties properly; and is, altogether, a sort of sub-executive officer, and no doubt invaluable to the commander. these changes from within were speedily followed by others, of equal importance, from without; for in january , the admiralty issued a new circular, initiating radical alterations in the regulations for entry and training. the limits of age for entry were altered as follows:-- cadets entering january th and may th, , - / to ; september th, , - / to - / ; and january th, , and afterwards, to - / . this is in accordance with the views expressed by the committee of , who were of opinion that the subjects taught in the _britannia_ could not be properly learnt by boys so young. if this new arrangement was in recognition of the correctness of these views, it was certainly tardy! however, this was not the only alteration; there were to be, as before, four terms spent by a cadet in the training ship; but instead of there being two terms in each year, involving two years' training, there were to be three in each year, thus reducing the time spent on board to about fifteen months. [illustration: the cadets' hospital. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] this would appear to involve the assumption that the increased age would render it possible not only that a cadet should learn the subjects better, but that he should do so in nine months less time. there are, however, some slight modifications in the "course of studies," as set forth respectively in the former regulations and the new ones. in the latter astronomy, pneumatics, light, and electricity disappear from the regular tabulated curriculum; english--including english history, naval history, and geography--is also omitted; but all these subjects still find their place under the heading of "lectures," so the alteration is more in theory than practice. euclid is modified to a certain extent; but, taking it all round, the course is a pretty stiff one for fifteen months. however, it does not appear to be too hard for the boys; it is still in force, and, out of cadets presenting themselves at the final examinations since , only twelve, or · per cent., have failed. in and (to anticipate a little) there have, up to august last, been no failures, which is highly creditable both to the boys and their instructors. in (as an improvement upon the brigs formerly suggested), the _racer_, a barque-rigged screw sloop of tons, was attached to the _britannia_ for the purpose of taking out the third and fourth term cadets cruising in the channel. she had accommodation for one class at a time, and was in command of a commander for navigating duties. the usual routine was that the class should embark from monday to friday; the lieutenant of the term went with his boys, assumed the duties of executive officer, and instructed the cadets in seamanship; the engineer taught them steam, and the commander practical navigation. the vessel cruised under sail as a general rule, using steam as necessary to make her ports. [illustration: on the sick list. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] the _racer_ season extended from april st to november st, or later if desirable; she was laid up during the winter, and was ready for sea by march th. this was a decided step in advance, and there is no doubt the cadets derived immense benefit from these short cruises, which must, moreover, in fine summer weather, have been exceedingly pleasant--after the usual "tribute" had been paid to neptune! on march th, , while both the captain and the wardroom officers were entertaining guests at dinner, a sensational incident occurred. the _britannia_, it will be recollected, has a solitary mast; not a large one for a vessel of her size, but sufficiently lofty to be a target for lightning, and provided with the usual copper strip for conductor. while dinner was in progress there was a shock, plainly felt throughout the ship, and a blinding glare, while a tremendous peal of thunder simultaneously resounded overhead; the ship trembled from stem to stern, and some of the occupants of the wardroom even imagined that they saw the lightning flash through the room. there was no doubt about it, the ship was struck by lightning. it had struck the copper band round the "truck"--the small round disc which surmounts the mast, and carries the blocks for the flag halyards--split the truck, burnt through the wire strap of the signal halyard block, and travelled down the conductor, which is supposed to run right down the mast and pass out to connect with the copper sheathing of the ship under water; perhaps it did, but the lightning apparently stopped short at the galvanised roof through which the mast passes, and spread itself out over the iron, which was very wet. the wrecked truck is kept in a glass case between decks as a memento of this unusual experience. in the jubilee procession of the cadets played a prominent part, and were everywhere hailed with enthusiasm. one hundred of them went to london on this occasion, and were put up for the night at greenwich college. they left kingswear at . a.m. on june st, six in a compartment, with an enormous pasty and a bottle of ginger-beer each. at bristol buns and ginger-beer were served out during the stoppage, and they were sustained for the remainder of the journey to paddington, which was reached at . . here there were 'buses waiting to convey them to charing cross, _en route_ for greenwich. [illustration: fourth term cadets on board the "isis." _photo: w. m. crockett, plymouth._] an early start was necessary next morning, so they breakfasted at . a.m., left at , and reached charing cross at , whence they marched to the admiralty, where mr. goschen, the first lord, had made all hospitable provision for them. at . they marched to buckingham palace to salute the queen as she drove off; then back to the admiralty to a sumptuous lunch. at . fall in again, and march to the palace to mount guard on the queen's return. then they returned to the admiralty for a "stand easy," and lay about on the grass in the first lord's garden, which they found very pleasant; and the enjoyment of their repose was presently enhanced by the appearance of unlimited ginger-beer, served out by mr. goschen's two sons. finally, tea was served in the first lord's house, and they marched to paddington in time for their train, at six o'clock; very tired--and no wonder--but happy. what time they got on board is not stated; but, doubtless, they were allowed a good lie in next morning. those who did not go to london for the procession were taken to see the spithead review, on the th, which was, perhaps, still better worth seeing. jubilee year was further signalised by the institution of the queen's medal, to be awarded annually, by the vote and selection of his comrades, to the cadet who is deemed to be foremost in good conduct and gentlemanly bearing in all respects. this honorable trophy was awarded at christmas, , to midshipman j. w. scott, who had already gone to sea, and was serving in h.m.s. _astræa_; cadet g. b. alexander receiving the "diploma," which is a necessary step towards receiving the medal next time. the editor is busy again asking questions. "how is it," he wants to know, "that so few cadets are to be seen dancing in the evening? hardly one of the third and fourth terms is to be seen. they are hard at work, no doubt, but a quarter of an hour devoted to dancing every night, instead of '_x_,' would invigorate their brains to further efforts in pursuit of that wily letter. they will have sometimes to attend dances, and if they have to say they can't, what a nuisance they become to themselves and others." most true; and, as we recollect, dancing was included in the curriculum in the old academy, and for a considerable portion of the college time; it is not easy to see where time could be found for it in the course on board the _britannia_. [illustration: a lesson in seamanship.] an interesting gift was made to the ship about this time, being no other than the spectacles worn by captain marryat. the donor was mr. oscar de satagé, who was a godson of the great naval novelist. many reflections are suggested by these relics. marryat probably wore them while he wrote some of his novels. do any of those amazing scenes which he so graphically describes still linger in the lenses? shall we, if we put them on, be able to see mr. midshipman easy strutting about with the articles of war under his arm, and laying down the law to his superiors, or murmuring, "duty before decency" as the unlucky mr. biggs stands trouserless on the gangway? or shall we see that marvellous picture, dear to every seaman, presented in "peter simple," where the _diomede_ just weathers the point, and her courses fly in shivers as she scrapes clear? well, well, if they were known to have such properties, those spectacles, it is to be feared, would not last long! [illustration: a typical fourth term group: "passing out" cadets, . _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] another gift to the _britannia_ in the 'nineties was the magnificent model of the ill-fated _victoria_, made for the naval exhibition of , and presented by messrs. armstrong and co. it fills up one side of the model room, and must have taken some getting in there; but sailors do not stick at trifles: if you confronted them with a camel and a needle, they would immediately set to work to rig the necessary tackle for "reeving" the camel through the eye. the _britannia_ did not escape discussion in the papers during the 'nineties. on january th, , a correspondent, under the pseudonym of "blue jacket," starts the question of the cadets' food, stating that he understands it is far from satisfactory, and inquires whether it is as good as they had in their former schools. "a. l. m.," a former _britannia_ boy, says he always found the food good and abundant--and he ought to know. "a parent" says his boy informs him that the victuals are of the most inferior description, the butter and meat being often uneatable; and alleges that some cadets who complained of the butter on one occasion were punished. possibly "a parent's" son may not have been quite ingenuous. any complaint would be promptly investigated by the officer of the day, and, if well founded, immediate steps would be taken to remedy the matter; an unfounded complaint, on the other hand, particularly if reiterated, would be a likely occasion for a small dose of "fours," as a reminder not to be unduly troublesome. the allegation that boys who made justifiable complaints about food were punished for it requires something more than the authority of "a parent's" son to make it go down. "navilus" does not convey the impression that there is anything wrong with either the quantity or quality of the food; on the contrary, he is rather enthusiastic about it. there are usually, in every school and college, a certain number of students who, either from perversity or from having been unduly pampered at home, make a point of finding fault with the food, however good; they imagine it is "swagger" to know how these things ought to be done. a young commissioned officer who was a member _pro tem._ of a very excellent, not to say sumptuous, mess was once known to insert in the complaint book a bitter wail because _only three sorts of cheese_ were handed round at mess. this is the kind of hardship which should not be silently endured! nevertheless, messmen or stewards do undoubtedly go wrong at times, if not kept very sharply under supervision, and inferior stuff is sometimes supplied without being discovered for a time by the heads. well, we have reached the end of the 'nineties; but there is a small slice of the twentieth century to be dealt with before concluding this chapter. the augmentation in age, by which cadets might enter after january, , as old as - / , was certain to result, sooner or later, in some very big boys being entered; and the following remarks in the _britannia magazine_ for christmas, , appear to indicate that a contingent had arrived, in september, of cadets who were considerably more prominent for length than breadth. "our latest brand of naval cadets is assuming a weird shape: we are assured by the doctors and the physical development society that our recent plague has produced a hitherto unknown specimen of the naval officer in embryo. it scarcely seems credible; but having the authorities to back us up with statistics, we feel safe in our statement--that the various forms of torture have revealed the fact that, although there has been an enormous increase in height, chest girth and weight have been sadly on the decrease." the "recent plague" referred to is possibly a severe epidemic of influenza which visited the ship in the spring of , and caused a good deal of talk at the time; it died hard, and there were some deaths from complications, pneumonia and so on. [illustration: h.m.s. "isis," sea-going training ship. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] there appears to have been a sort of jealousy or inimical feeling about the _britannia_ which is always cropping up, and finding vent in letters to the _times_--the indignant briton's great resource--and which does not seem easy to account for. in the bullying affair, before alluded to, the captain was busy detecting culprits and putting it down before anyone wrote to the press, and yet the busy newspaper correspondents persisted in saddling him, and the whole system, with the blame of it. and similarly, in the case of the epidemic in , everybody and everything was held accountable except the well-known capricious nature of the ailment, which crops up unexpectedly in a household or a community, and as suddenly disappears; no one knows how it got there, and its very name implies a mystery. "a father of cadets" writes: "i have been informed that for about sixteen years--_i.e._ since the ships have been at dartmouth--the sewage has been discharged from the vessel into the river, where, though it is mostly washed away by the tide, part must sink into deeper water." this is certainly a very ill-informed parent, who should have applied to his sons for some information before taking up his pen. in the first place, the _britannia_ had, in march, , been, not sixteen but over thirty-seven years in the dart; and where, in the name of common-sense, did he expect the sewage to be discharged from the ship except into the river? this is obviously a case of "any stick is good enough to beat a dog with." a refreshing contrast is presented by the letter of another father of a cadet, mr. n. c. dobson, _emeritus_ professor of surgery, who says that he has been on board several times, and is quite satisfied that the condition of the ship has had nothing to do with the outbreak. in this he is confirmed by the official report of professor corfield, a hygienic expert, who was requested by the admiralty to investigate the causes, and who speaks most highly of the sanitary condition of the ship, and says, in effect, that the disease got on board in some manner which it is impossible to detect. another writer attempts to put the blame on the food, and sundry allegations are made against dartmouth itself, which draw forth a reply from the town clerk, who produces official statistics to disprove the statements. nothing, in the eyes of some people, can be commended in the poor old _brit._ or the place where she is moored. the captains are all incapable, the officers and masters are worse, the position is insanitary, and nothing is right, in short, except the excellent officers which this dreadful institution turns out! it would not be precisely fulsome if some credit were accorded to the captains and officers for this result, and a small share to the admiralty for selecting, as a rule, the right men for the post. however, to quote our friend the editor of the _britannia magazine_, "it is not well to be cynical!" at easter, , the _britannia magazine_ says:--"rumours of an increased number in the next entry of cadets are rife, which intelligence, while possibly gladdening the hearts of some hundreds of parents, who are naturally selfishly interested, brings to the authorities' notice that the additional number have somehow to be accommodated. various suggestions have been made, but none, to our mind, feasible. a third term cadet has it from the best quarters that a brig is to be moored astern of the _britannia_. another has heard that the senior term captains are to relieve the marine orderlies from their tedious night watch keeping in order to save hammock space." the rumour was not without some foundation; but, fortunately, none of the drastic measures alluded to above were found to be necessary. on march th, , the king and queen came down to lay the foundation-stone of the new college. this was, of course, a tremendous fête day for dartmouth generally, and the _britannia_ in particular. their majesties arrived in a special train at kingswear, and crossed the harbour in the great western railway company's little steamer the _dolphin_, which was profusely decorated. a large wooden pavilion was erected near the site of the college, handsomely hung with flags, etc., of various colours. the foundation-stone is a block of cornish granite, which is to form the base of a column feet high on the left of the main entrance. the casket to contain the coins and records, and the mallet, were made of oak from the old _britannia_, and there was, of course, a silver trowel, which was designed by the architect, mr. aston webb. [illustration: the king's visit, march , . _photo: russell & sons, southsea._] all was going off swimmingly, when it was discovered that the medals, which the king, after declaring the stone "well and truly laid," was to present to sundry persons, had been left on board the ancient and much-bedizened _dolphin_! what was to be done? the failure of the captain of the _britannia_, or whoever was responsible, to produce the medals at the proper moment would, of course, be immediately followed by the mandate, "off with his head!" or at the least, "to the tower with the knave!" however, a saviour was found in the person of lieutenant woollcombe, who was mounted in some official capacity, and who, on learning of the impending disaster, stuck his spurs in his horse and tore at full gallop through the town to the pontoon, where the _dolphin_ was found lying; he seized the packet and thundered back again, arriving in time to save the captain's head. the magazine has something to say about this feat:-- "blessed with magnificent weather, everything went smoothly, except for one slight incident, which introduced the deputy-master of the horse in the character of gilpin (wasn't it?) in his celebrated ride to york; and if the shedding of garments had continued, we are not quite certain that the rôle of godiva would not better have suited him." there is some unkind allusion here which is not quite apparent to the uninitiated: it would appear as though the wild horseman had hastily dispensed with some of his garments as he rode; and, for an officer in full, gold-plated, stand-up-collar uniform, this is indeed a difficult and daring feat, especially if he contrived, while still at full gallop, to replace them before he arrived in the royal presence. when he next rides through the town may i be there to see! the magazine proceeds:--"we were lucky enough to witness an excellent cinematograph a few days after their majesties had been with us, showing in detail their movements outside the pavilion; and the picture showing the arrival of the royal carriage was greeted with enthusiastic applause. "the pleasure of seeing one's own face in print is a mixed and doubtful one, even when in miniature: but, magnified to about double the original and working size, it becomes an atrocity, and the king's guard will, we sincerely hope, forgive the jeers which greeted their appearance." among other competitions instituted in these later days was a poem; at first sight, it might seem more appropriate to include this among the _britannia_ games, but the following prize poem, by cadet a. h. taylor, demands a better fate:-- ye mariners of england: up to date. ye submarines infernal that prowl beneath the seas, who ne'er shall brave, in future years, the battle or the breeze, your deep-sea warpath take again where you need fear no foe, and creep through the deep where six-pound shells don't go. though the battle rages up above, you're safe down there below. the tops of conning towers start up from every wave, for you are blind as moles below, and light and air ye crave. where tryon, drake, and shovel lie ye submarines now go, as ye creep, etc. now battleships and cruisers the seas no longer sweep, since danger lurks beneath the waves a dozen fathoms deep; with whitehead's fell torpedoes you pot them from below, as ye creep, etc. the meteor flag of england shall still terrific burn, and submarines that start from brest shall never more return: the t. b. d.'s will nab them when they rise to get a blow; though they creep through the deep where six-pound shells don't go, their men can't stand the tinned air long, though they're safe down there below. [illustration: the "britannia" dressed for the king's birthday. _photo: w. m. crockett, plymouth._] the "tinned air" is a right merry conceit; it is to be hoped that the prophetic words of the last verse may come true in case of war. we are doing a good deal of business in the matter of "tinned air" in england just now, which ought to assist in keeping the "meteor flag" flying. the officers who commanded the _britannia_ during the 'nineties--and after, are as follow:-- captain a. b. thomas, appointed september th, . captain a. w. moore, appointed april th, . captain the hon. a. g. curzon-howe, appointed april st, . captain m. p. o'callaghan, appointed february th, . captain c. h. cross, appointed april nd, . captain thomas had to resign his appointment through ill-health. captain cross is still in command, and will probably see the end of the _britannia_ as at present constituted. during the 'nineties no fewer than , cadets entered, which, together with in the next three years, makes a total of , in the thirteen years under consideration in this chapter. on this head some details will be found in the concluding chapter. chapter viii. "britannia" games. scanty early records--practice _v._ precept--officers _v._ cadets-- presumptuous juniors--a close match--football--penalty of punning--a decisive victory--a demon bowler--two curious innings--sports and regatta--the rushworth seal--the editor is sarcastic--his feelings are soured--an excited timekeeper--why williams didn't win--the pro's average--teignbridge victorious and vanquished--w. g.'s eleven--some fatherly advice--the editor is appeased--a close sculling match-- foreign football matches--a dry cricket season--the editor and the beagles--lord harris's maxims--the bold sir bedivel--big third eleven scores--seventeen years' athletics--huddart shows the way--the editor on "stodge"--a hot run for the "footmen"--youthful boxers--glasgow to the rescue--an afternoon's cricket--splendid playing fields--and plenty of cricket--teignbridge's small score--_britannia_ wins all round--third eleven makes a record--a question of time--keep your ground clock right--remarkable results of the season--money well spent. in this chapter will be included not only cricket and football, but some account of regattas, athletic sports, etc. unfortunately, records are not available very far back, as a regular account is only to be obtained from the _britannia magazine_, which was started in . there were cricket matches inserted in the local papers, as referred to in the opening article in the magazine, in which also it is hinted that they were not always very accurate. that the _britannia_ boys and their officers have for many years been very keen about games is, however, an undoubted fact; and the formation and subsequent improvement of the playing fields at dartmouth has afforded them every opportunity for indulging their taste in this respect. portland was, of course, a wretched place all round, for games or any other purpose: you might arrange a football match, and find that the weather did not admit of landing, nor were prohibitory gales by any means unknown even in summer. since those days, also, there has been a great deal more attention paid to these matters in all schools, except perhaps in the chief public schools, where they have always been pursued with some system. in , as has been seen, the cadets' professional was called before the admiralty committee to give his views as to the physique and capabilities of the cadets at cricket, and it was there stated that they took a great interest in the game, and were frequently victorious against school elevens of older boys. in those matches, also, in which they play "full strength," with the "pro." and officers, there appear invariably to have been some among the latter who were exceptionally good, sometimes nearly the whole eleven being made up of them. it may be that a certain prowess in athletics is taken into account at the admiralty among the qualifications of a lieutenant or instructor for appointment to the _britannia_; it is certainly worth considering, and should turn the scale between two officers, _cæteris paribus_. boys are all subject to seasons of slackness, and do not moreover always realise the value of games in promoting the _mens sana in corpore sano_, and the importance of the advice and co-operation of their superiors in these matters can scarcely be overrated. a little practice is worth a ton of precept, and when the lads find that the lieutenant who inspects them at divisions, the instructor who teaches them spherical trigonometry, the doctor who physics them in the sick bay, or the paymaster who sends in the account to their parents are well able to take a bat and show them how to play a fast "yorker," or bowl them with a "break-back" on occasions, there is sure to be a far keener spirit about cricket than if they were left to themselves. in all these branches there have been notable cricketers in the _britannia_, nor must the engineer officers be omitted--of whom more anon. one of the earliest matches recorded in the magazine is officers _v._ cadets, on may th, , of which the score is as follows:-- officers. lieut. thomas, retired mr. finlay, c johnson, b nugent captain bowden-smith, b nugent lieut. stokes, b nugent mr. aldous, c johnson, b collins mr. lane, b collins com. bainbridge, not out mr. braithwaite, b nugent sergeant meakin, b nugent mr. mason, b nugent mr. langmead, c and b nugent extras --- total cadets. nugent, b meakin collins, b meakin grenfell, c bainbridge, b meakin johnson, b meakin brock, b meakin gurner, c bainbridge, b meakin domville, b braithwaite margesson, b thomas loring, not out vivian, c bowden-smith, b thomas murray, b meakin --- total lieutenant thomas, who was a mighty batsman, magnanimously retired after making his century, or the juniors would have come off with a worse beating; he and captain bainbridge, it will be noticed, made between them out of . cadet nugent appears to have been a deadly bowler, and had the assurance to bowl his captain for a "duck." this feat, however, fades into insignificance compared with that of a stalwart midshipman in the channel squadron some years earlier who, with a tremendously hard square cut, knocked the admiral off his legs at point, and sent him limping off the field! matches with various clubs and schools in the vicinity of dartmouth recur, of course, many times: the balance of victories is greatly in favour of the _britannia_. the professional underwood, whose name appears so many times in the scoring sheet, was there for a long time, and did excellent service, both in coaching the cadets and in winning first eleven matches, frequently making a long score and taking his full share of wickets. the following are some among the chief matches played in :-- may .--_britannia_ _v._ engineer students: _britannia_, ; engineers, . may .--_britannia_ _v._ newton college: newton college, ; _britannia_, (cadet bentinck on this occasion carried his bat through the innings for , captain bainbridge making ). may .--_britannia_ _v._ mr. denison's eleven: mr. denison's eleven, ; _britannia_, (lieut. thomas scored not out). on the queen's birthday "whole" there was a very close and exciting match against the royal naval college. royal naval college. lieut. johnstone, c thomas, b meakin sub-lieut. arbuthnot, b underwood sub-lieut. hillyard, c brock, b bentinck sub-lieut. donner, b meakin sub-lieut. hardinge, c collins, b vivian lieut. pyke, c and b underwood lieut. stanhope, b underwood sub-lieut. bruce, c bainbridge, b underwood sub-lieut. de crespigny, b meakin sub-lieut. booth, not out sub-lieut. wells, b meakin extras --- total "britannia." cadet bentinck, b hillyard capt. bainbridge, c booth, b pyke cadet nugent, b pyke underwood, c johnstone, b wells cadet johnson, c johnstone, b wells sergt. meakin, b arbuthnot cadet collins, b wells lieut. thomas, b pyke cadet brock, b wells cadet loring, b wells cadet vivian, not out extras --- total the college score was not a formidable one to face; but when the "pro" was out for there was considerable anxiety. lieut. thomas, however, the other great "stand by," was still to go in. when he was bowled for there was consternation indeed. the college team were generous in the matters of extras, however, and the hundred went up amid shouts of applause, a glorious match being brought to a triumphant conclusion. may st, _britannia_ _v._ plymouth garrison: garrison, (captain quill, ); _britannia_, for seven wickets (bentinck, , lieut. thomas, ). this was a great victory, as a garrison team is usually pretty strong. in addition to "foreign" matches, of which there was a full programme every season, a great deal of ingenuity was exercised in organising both cricket and football contests among the cadets: port watch _v._ starboard; the admirers of cambridge _v._ oxford; over ft. _v._ under ft.; odd classes _v._ even classes; _britannia_ _v._ _hindostan_; to say nothing of the various matches between the terms. no "foreign" football matches appear in the earlier numbers of the magazine, but a regular programme was instituted later on. in a match on november th, , over ft. _v._ under ft., the game was considered by the "cognoscenti" to be a hollow affair for the overs. these heroes, however, received a lesson as to the folly of holding a foe too cheaply; for the unders won by goals to ! the overs, no doubt, got well chaffed about it; and the smaller boys must have played a very good game to win so easily. cambridge twice beat oxford; the third term beat their seniors, the fourth, by one "corner" only; while the second term beat the "news" by goals to . in the first match, odd classes _v._ even, the odds won by goals and "corner"; but the evens turned the tables at the return match, winning by goals "corners" to goals. (it is said that a cadet made some wretched jokes on this occasion; remarking that though the odds were against the evens, they played even better than the odds; that it was odd that they had not got even with them before, and so on. there is no saying what intricacies he might not have got entangled in, had not some of his comrades mercifully rolled him down a steep slope and sat on him; while a lieutenant who was told of it spoke darkly of "three days two" if he didn't drop it. sensitive minds cannot stand much of this sort of thing!) in the cricketing prospects were decidedly improved by the appointment of mr. e. m. tims, naval instructor, who has been there ever since, and is now chief. for many years he was a tower of strength to the eleven; but has now relinquished cricket, and is resting on his laurels, and urging on his juniors to further victories. [illustration: the cricket pavilion. _photo: w. m. crockett, plymouth._] the cricket season of opened well, _britannia_ again beating plymouth garrison on may th; while a week later they scored a tremendous victory over plymouth cricket club. _britannia_, ; underwood "came off" to admiration, scoring ; he and lieut. thomas contributed between them; moreover, there was quite a record in extras--no less than . plymouth went in against this formidable total, and only succeeded in obtaining . may th, _britannia_ _v._ torquay: _britannia_, (mr. tims , lieut. thomas ); torquay, ; a very solid victory. but nemesis ensued, for on june th torquay made against _britannia's_ ; they brought on a deadly fast bowler, who wrought havoc in the "timber yard," and established a funk, taking six wickets for runs. june th. _britannia_ played the royal marines, who can usually get a good team together; however, _britannia's_ star was again in the ascendant, their side scoring (underwood , lieut. thomas ), against the royal marines' . lieut. thomas got out in rather a curious fashion: he had a man to run for him, and, being non-striker, was out "in the country" near the umpire. the striker drove a ball back hard along the ground; it was diverted by a fieldsman (who made a grab at it) and hit the opposite wicket; the "runner" was out of his ground, of course. it is an extraordinary thing that if you have a man to run for you, you are almost certain to be run out. he may have the very best intentions, and be a perfect sprinter between the wickets; no matter, he is sure to be out of his ground when the wicket goes down. in a match against the engineer students in july, , each played rather a remarkable innings. _britannia_ went in first, and only scored , of which the "pro" made just three-fourths, leaving an average of two runs apiece among the remainder of the eleven. the engineers, however, were not going to be out-classed in the matter of eccentricities; they scored for two wickets, and were all out for ! matches in the season of resulted as follows:-- played, : won , lost , drawn . this is a good record, and by no means the only one of the kind, as will be seen. * * * * * we must, however, leave the achievements of the cricketers and the football teams for a little while, in order to notice some of the other competitions, which it has been considered advisable to include under the heading of "games." it has been customary for a long time past to hold meetings as follows:-- the cadets' regatta takes place in the autumn on a wednesday or saturday afternoon. sailing matches are also held between the sailing cutters--third and fourth term cadets only--in each term, in heats, as opportunity offers. athletic sports take place in the cricket field on a wednesday or saturday afternoon before the easter vacation. an assault-at-arms is held in july and december. a tennis tournament is held in the autumn term, and a racquet tournament in the summer term. a swimming competition takes place at the end of the summer term. prizes are given for cricket: one for the best batting average, and one for bowling. the beagle whips each receive a prize when passing out. this is a goodly list; and a keen interest is taken in all, both by officers and cadets. the regatta consists of pulling races only; the most important contest being that between representatives of the port and starboard watches, in twelve-oared cutters, for a silver cup, which is placed, after the regatta, on the port or starboard side of the messroom, according to the winning watch, and the other watch tries to shift it over next time. it changes hands with considerably greater frequency than the america cup! the other events in the regatta are as follows:-- four-oared gigs (a race in each term). pair oars, with coxswains. single sculls. four-oared gigs for study classes, each crew being distinguished by the name of a master. in connection with the single sculls there is a curious and unusual trophy, known as "the rushworth seal." this is an old-fashioned gold seal, presented by the father of mr. c. e. rushworth, midshipman, who lost his life in a gallant attempt to save that of a seaman who fell overboard from h.m.s. _agincourt_, in the levant, in . it is kept in the messroom, in a glass case, with a small model of a ship's cutter, and is held by the winner of the single sculls for one year, thus serving to "keep green" the memory of the youthful hero, and stimulate others to do likewise. the regatta has usually been an occasion upon which numerous guests are invited on board to witness the prowess of the cadets with the oar, and also to enjoy a little harmless recreation in the shape of dancing. the editor of the _britannia magazine_ evidently considers that there is too little looking on and too much dissipation in the way of dancing and attending to fair guests. the regatta of was held on a very bad day, the rain coming down heavily towards the end. the editorial remarks are a little bitter:-- "it is hoped that the next time the officers will have an opportunity of seeing some of the races, as they are naturally interested in the performances of the cadets. as at present arranged, we think that their hospitality to their many visitors must make them utterly unable to see a single race." and again:-- "dancers had been driven by stress of weather from the poop to the middle deck, and were enjoying 'sir roger' when the drowned rats appeared." it does appear to be somewhat of an incongruity that the cadets should row races in pouring rain without the satisfaction of having their officers and the visitors in the "gallery"; but the editor does not see any improvement next year, and is down upon them savagely. after referring in a somewhat caustic vein to the inevitable notice, "if wednesday be wet, the regatta will be postponed until saturday," and the folly of holding a regatta on equinox day, he proceeds:-- "let us for the future have the cadets' regatta on august th, and then we shall have no doubt about it. there need be no cadets here: that will make little difference. a few blue boats can be set to row up and down, with crews from the shore, hired for the occasion. the officers of the ship will entertain the fair ones from the neighbourhood under a blazing sky, and the only difficulty will arise at the end, when the finish of the races usually brings an accession of strength to the dancing men, and ladies who have been without partners for too many dances find that the opportunity of a valse with a sailor, which they have looked forward to all the year, has failed them. [illustration: a class at the gymnasium. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] "it is not well to be cynical (!), but to row in hailstorms, and to make sport for spectators who do not look on, has soured our feelings, and we have only to look forward to our next regatta with hopes of better things." this is the editorial sledge-hammer with a vengeance, even the ladies who love to dance with sailors are not spared. the note of exclamation above is _not_ the editor's; it is merely inserted as an outlet for the feelings of the reader of this extract. the athletic sports include the following events:-- mile handicap. half-mile handicap (sometimes). quarter-mile handicap. yards handicap. hurdle race. sack race. obstacle race (sometimes). high jump. long jump. pole jump. throwing the cricket-ball. tug of war. most of the events are duplicated as "open," or "under five feet," so the programme is a long one. in the open quarter-mile was run in seconds, and the yards in very good time. the editor of the _britannia magazine_ says, however: "the yards was won by cadet field, two others being almost neck and neck; the timekeeper was so excited that he gave the time as seconds, which we have reason for doubting." it certainly seems a remarkable feat for lads like these, who do not presumably go in for very extensive training. the high jump was ft. - / inches, which is not remarkable; and the long jump ft. ins. cadet kennedy won the pole jump with ft. in., which is distinctly good; and the half-mile was won in mins. secs., cadet field, the winner of the yards, who was scratch, just failing to carry it off. the following curious editorial comment appears in reference to the long jump:-- "sharp, jumping very well, won easily: foord was second, a foot behind him. williams would have won had he jumped further." there may be some sporting signification in this otherwise somewhat glaringly obvious statement; on the other hand, the editor, who found it necessary at times to be severe, may have been relaxing himself a little. in the cricket season of nineteen matches were played, with results: won, ; lost, ; drawn, . not as good as , but the season was remarkable for the tremendous average obtained by the professional: · for innings; the next to him was · ! he made not out against the navy at plymouth; _britannia_ scoring no less than for wickets, against their opponents' . in , which was a remarkably fine summer, nearly every match came off, returns being played in several instances. underwood again showed great form, but he failed in the first match, against the royal marines; the cadets pulled off the match, however, scoring against . these are small scores for such redoubtable teams, and the marines determined that theirs, at least, should be larger in the return match, in which they reversed the former decision, scoring to _britannia's_ . this was largely due to the fine batting of lieut. rait, r.m.l.i., who took out his bat for . the following was played on june st:-- "britannia." underwood, c carr, b sim cadet evans, c gervis, b carr cadet delacombe, st arundell, b sim lieut. shortland, c denison, b sim cadet henslowe, hit wkt., b sim mr. tims, b sim cadet gillett, b carr mr. taylor, c arundell, b sim cadet watson, c shrubb, b carr cadet walter, not out cadet carr, c sim, b james extras --- total teignbridge. sim, l b w, b underwood james, b taylor comming, c delacombe, b underwood denison, run out ridley, not out carr, c underwood, b shortland shrubb, b underwood bafen, b shortland arundell, absent llewellyn, b underwood gervis, b underwood extras --- total [illustration: regatta day: twelve-oared cutter winning a race. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] teignbridge are always dangerous opponents, and though the close of their innings was decidedly of a processional character, sim won easily off his own bat. it will be noticed that underwood and mr. tims made for _britannia_, the rest nowhere! on the return, on july th, teignbridge brought an almost totally different team; perhaps they discounted their adversaries too freely, but it may have been as good an eleven or better. at any rate _britannia_ administered a good beating:-- "britannia." underwood, b robinson cadet delacombe, b mapleton cadet watson, b mapleton cadet evans, c ellis, b mapleton mr. tims, c bearne, b ellis lieut. shortland, c denison, b robinson cadet henslowe, b ellis mr. taylor, c rendell, b ellis cadet gillett, not out cadet carr, c robinson, b ellis cadet walter, b mapleton extras --- total teignbridge. h. s. steele, c and b underwood a. bearne, l b w, b underwood j. b. denison, c underwood, b tims j. t. warner, c tims, b taylor a. robinson, b taylor h. b. mapleton, c gillett, b underwood rev. g. warner, c evans, b underwood w. r. rendell, st, b underwood g. shrubb, b underwood e. f. denison, b tims ellis, not out extras --- total the second eleven played some matches, and came off successfully. result of the season in :-- played, : won, ; lost, ; drawn, . the season of was remarkably successful:-- played, : won, ; lost, ; drawn, . there are not many schools that lose only one match out of seventeen in a season. for some reason, there are no scores inserted in the _britannia magazine_ for this season; it is mentioned that captain bedford rendered good service with the bat on more than one occasion. in there is again a lack of material for comment, the cricket number for this year having unfortunately been lost. one very important event, however, has to be recorded. on july th and th a two-day match was arranged against m.c.c. and ground, and the team was captained by no less a person than "w. g." himself. unfortunately, he could not come down for the first day's play; but let mr. grace speak for himself:-- _ th september, ._ dear captain statham,--in answer to your inquiries _re_ my visit to the _britannia_ in . my son, h. e. grace, was not then on the _britannia_, as he did not join until january, . it was through lieutenant abdy, who had played with me at lord's, that i promised to play. gloucestershire were playing the gentlemen of philadelphia at bristol on the first day, and it was arranged that i should get down for the second day if i could not go for the first. as the match at bristol was not over, i did not get to dartmouth until late in the evening of the first day's play. my friend abdy was just leaving the _britannia_, as he had been ordered off to the manoeuvres, so took no part in the second day's cricket. lieutenant de robeck was deputed to look after me, which i need not say he did right well. you will see by the enclosed score that i was absent the first innings. after the match was over another was started, in which i took part. it ended in a draw. i remember the best form was shown by abdy, de robeck, taylor, and royds. underwood, the professional coach, took the greatest interest in the cadets' cricket, and did wonders for them, considering he had only had them under his charge for two years. i am sorry i do not recollect more details, but to go back fourteen years is a long time. believe me, yours truly, w. g. grace. as will be seen by the score, _britannia_ had to follow on, scoring only against . they did better in their "second venture" (as the "daily" cricket reporter hath it), but m.c.c. won easily by seven wickets. [illustration: cricket, football, and rowing trophies, and the rushworth seal. _photo: cassell & co., ltd._] m.c.c. and g. _v._ h.m.s. "britannia." _played at dartmouth, july th and th, ._ m.c.c. _first innings._ _second innings._ l. f. b. dykes, c and b underwood chatterton, c abdy, b taylor c de robeck, b taylor g. crake, b taylor not out rev. n. copleston, b underwood west, j. e., not out rev. g. t. warner, b underwood mycroft, w., b abdy r. t. warner, b underwood w. g. grace, absent not out p. steele, absent run out c. crowdy, absent c underwood, b taylor byes, ; wides, l b, ; w, ; n b, --- --- total total h.m.s. "britannia." _first innings._ _second innings._ underwood, b mycroft run out taylor, b mycroft b chatterton lieut. de robeck, c and b chatterton b dykes c. stratton, run out c grace, b chatterton p. francklin, c dykes, b chatterton c steele, b dykes lieut. r. abdy, c taylor, b mycroft st west, b dykes c. e. pilkington, b mycroft b chatterton p. m. r. royds, c g. warner, b chatterton b grace e. m. tims, not out st west, b mycroft c. l. lewin, l b w, b mycroft b chatterton p. a. h. brown, c dykes, b chatterton not out byes b, ; l b, --- --- total total m.c.c. won by seven wickets. in the second match m.c.c. went in first and declared at for two wickets. "w. g." made before he was bowled by mr. taylor, hitting out of the ground several times: chatterton, not out . _britannia_ made for nine wickets before time was called; mr. grace took seven of them. in a local account of the match the reporter remarks ironically that the "cadets _fielded_ very well," which scarcely does the _britannia_ justice. their second innings was not at all a bad performance against the bowling of mycroft, chatterton, and grace, all of whom were accustomed to getting their share of wickets in first-class cricket. among other matches played during this season, there is a phenomenal one against torquay, in which _britannia_ made over , and got torquay out for . _britannia_ also beat teignbridge by , and plymouth by . the editor gives some fatherly advice to cricket aspirants: "the practice at the nets is not all that it should be; instead of trying to play with care and learning to defend the wicket, by far the greater number of cadets seem to think it is a good opportunity for a slog. by all means play the ball hard, but it is the ruin of any boy's cricket when once he begins to slog at everything in practice." the bowlers are admonished for trying to bowl too fast and not keeping a good length; the fielding is "damned with faint praise," and finally certain cadets "who take a delight in playing the fool" at the nets are recommended, in good plain english, to stay away. very good advice: let us take our cricket seriously, by all means. the regatta of came off with great _éclat_; and as the editor has no disparaging remarks to make about the "gallery," it may be concluded that his gentle insinuations on former occasions have produced the desired effect. there was a very close race for the rushworth seal in the single sculls, cadet prentis just pulling it off, probably because he was a trifle fresher than withers, who unshipped a scull close to the finish, which is always likely to happen when a pumped-out sculler spurts; and though he recovered pluckily, it lost him the match. some "foreign" football matches are on record in the season - . rugby. blundell's school, tiverton, _britannia_ lost by points. royal naval engineers' college, a similar result. exeter grammar school, _britannia_ lost by goals to . association was more successful:-- against paignton school, _britannia_ won, goals to . return match, _britannia_ won goals to . mannamead school won by goals to . the match with plymouth was a draw. totnes grammar school won by goals to . in the match against torbay football club, as they were a heavier team than schoolboys, lieutenant de robeck and dr. south played; and after an exciting game, _britannia_ won by goal to . [illustration: first eleven, : opponents of "w. g.'s" team. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] "a newcomer"--evidently an executive officer who had passed the _britannia_ in his youth--takes occasion to remark upon the vast improvement in the cricket of the cadets, and attributes this to the careful coaching of the professional. he says--"the form and confidence displayed now is quite different from that of twelve years ago. the bowling is much improved, but it is a bit wild at times, from the very mistaken idea of trying to bowl too fast, which is always prevalent among boys so young. the fielding is also very good, and quite up to the form of any of the public schools, who do not have such a difficult piece of ground to perform on." the year , as many will remember, was remarkable for its long dry summer; indeed, the summer appeared to commence in april, and went right through to september, so that most cricket grounds--the _britannia's_ included--were any colour you like except green. it was naturally a season for batsmen, and _britannia_ made some long scores. against exeter grammar school they declared at for wickets; their opponents were perhaps tired by their leather-hunting, for they did not avail themselves of run-getting weather, being all out for . mannamead school and plymouth cricket club were also handsomely beaten, while south devon, against _britannia's_ for wickets, scored for , and just managed to keep their end up until time was called: a moral victory for _britannia_. the second eleven won nearly all their matches: paignton school were beaten by to , and montpelier school by (for wickets) to . cadets begg and backhouse had each a creditable bowling analysis, the former getting , and the latter wickets for an average of under eight runs each. the editor has something to say about following the beagles:-- "we must review the beagling season up to date (christmas, ). as far as sport goes it has been satisfactory, but as far as the attendance of the cadets goes it has not. now, why is this? we have heard that beagling is considered by some of the senior boys to be 'bad form.' now, we ask you cadets who are sportsmen, are you to be choked off your sport because some big or senior boy--who may play football only, or is more probably a loafer, bred in a town with no knowledge of sport, poor chap--says, 'feign i beagling,' or something of the sort?" there appears to have been a sort of wave of slackness passing through the ship about that time, at least in regard to the winter games; but some brilliant work was done at cricket when the summer came round again--the last season in which the _britannia_ boys were to have the advantage of underwood's coaching. _britannia_ (without the professional) declared at for _one_ wicket against paignton, and got them out for . against the royal marines--also without the professional--they had even more "up their sleeve," for they made against . [illustration: a "britannia" rugby team. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] lieutenant de robeck made some big scores-- against the royal marines, and , not out, against newton blues, a very strong team. matches, : won, ; lost, ; drawn, . some maxims of lord harris are here inserted in the magazine, for the benefit of the "young ideas":-- "don't, when you are at the wicket, go through a variety of attitudes to show how you could play an imaginary pitched up or short ball, but be content with playing it correctly when it is bowled." "don't, when you have been bowled out, say it was the worst ball ever bowled; it detracts from your own merits." "don't, when you miss a catch, think to gain the sympathy of the audience by tearing your hair or grovelling in the dust; save another run by throwing the ball in as quickly as possible, and abase yourself in your own estimation as much as you please afterwards." it is lord harris also who gives the advice: "don't, when you give a chance off your glove, rub your elbow: it is not good form, and will not deceive an efficient umpire." with regard to the second paragraph quoted above, the crack bat of a very good club, who was addicted to finding some special reason for getting out, varied it on one occasion, when a "bailer" had him first ball. he put on a judicially satisfied air, and remarked in a loud and cheerful voice, "i'm not a bit ashamed! it was a splendid ball; might have bowled anyone: not a bit ashamed!" in no fewer than first eleven matches were played, with the following results: won, ; lost, ; drawn, (both in _britannia's_ favour). the second eleven won and lost ; and the third eleven, playing "foreign" matches for the first time, won and lost . a great season this; certainly no school could hope to display greater keenness about cricket, and few would attain such a measure of success. there was a great match against mannamead school, in which only cadets played, on june th. "britannia." cadet greatorex, b knowles cadet lambert, b miller cadet master, b wilkinson cadet bedwell, b wilkinson cadet johnson, b wilkinson cadet alison, b wilkinson cadet gascoigne, c knowles, b read cadet chilton, c tothill, b brock cadet nicholson, not out cadet oliphant, b wilkinson cadet fisher, c ching, b wilkinson extras --- total mannamead. tothill, c master, b alison read, b greatorex knowles, b alison brock, b alison miller, b fisher wilkinson, b fisher c. tothill, b alison roberts, b alison hunt, run out paul, not out ching, b alison extras --- total a fine example of even scoring--three in the forties and two in the thirties. the hero of "cock's score," cadet bedwell, does not appear to have been put on to bowl, or, at any rate, he achieved no success; but in the following effusion he seems to be selected for distinction--perhaps in irony, being more of a bat than a bowler. it is one of several which are contributed by a gifted correspondent of the _britannia magazine_, each in the style of a well-known poet; they are very clever imitations, and probably the author is not a cadet, though there is no saying, of course. it is scarcely necessary to name the poet whose style is here adopted: so all day long the cricket ball was bowled among the wooded heights by western seas, until _britannia's_ champions one by one had fallen, hopeful, though the side was out for only ninety. then, because the score was small, the captain put on bedivel to bowl, and charged him thus: "take this our trusty ball, and fling it straight into the middle stump; and let the scorer watch with anxious care, see what thou doest, and deftly note it down." then forth he fared, the bowler bedivel-- him bold sir bedivel his comrades called, save when they dubbed him bedivel the bowled-- clothed in white flannel, solid, muscular, and taking careful aim, he hurled the ball. the batsman's eyes were dazzled at the sight; he dallied long, dividing his slow mind in act to swipe. but at last it seemed better to block it and to save his stumps. but lo! too late: the yorker hit its mark. then spake the captain to sir bedivel: "hast thou performed the order that i gave? what is it thou hast seen? what hast thou done?" and answer made the bowler bedivel: "i hurled the ball forth, aiming near the crease; i saw the leg-stump prostrate on the ground." this is an excellent piece of fooling, whoever wrote it, and should immortalise not only the writer, but sir bedivel also. there is a footnote appended in the original: "probably the same who was afterwards called bedivere," which leaves a comical sort of uncertainty which way the anachronism works. the cricket season of was marked by two remarkable performances of the third eleven, against totnes school. in the first match _britannia_ made , and won by an innings and runs; in the return they made , winning by an innings and . this is what may be termed "making a holy show" of totnes; and it argues also a very widely spread proficiency among the cadets, for, even paying both sides the poor compliment of assuming that totnes were weak, an innings of under any circumstances argues a capacity for batting which is most unusual in a school third eleven. the first eleven played their two old rivals--plymouth college and mannamead school--amalgamated into one establishment; only cadets took part in the match, and they declared at for six wickets, dismissing their opponents for . the season's record is an exemplary one:-- first eleven.--won, ; lost, ; drawn, . second eleven.--won, ; lost, . the _britannia_ games are never permitted to stand still--there is no such thing as finality recognised. in a regular series of football matches was in full swing, both rugby and association being played. the "soccer" team won four out of five matches. montpelier school won, goals to montpelier school won, goals to plymouth college won, goals to mannamead school lost, goals to mannamead school won, goals to twenty-five goals were thus scored for _britannia_, and only nine against, which is an instructive method of regarding a football season. [illustration: a "britannia" association team. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] at the regatta of a new event was introduced--_hindostan_ _v._ _britannia_--two pinnaces competing, each crammed with cadets. this is a regular piece of marine buffoonery; of course, the oars are very much handicapped by the crowd, but, nevertheless, two or three hands manage to get hold of each oar, while the remainder make as much noise as possible. _britannia_ won, amid shouts of laughter. the list of times, etc., in the various athletic competitions, extending over nearly years, as set forth in the accompanying table, is very interesting. the mile record of min. sec. is discredited; but it was, undoubtedly, done in min. - / sec. by cadet ward, in , so perhaps the hero of has been wrongly deprived of his place. it is certainly astonishingly good time for a boy, if correct, the pace being nearly - / miles an hour. in view of the doubt--possibly attributable, as on a former occasion, to the unduly excited condition of the timekeeper--the alternative record is held by cadet huddart, who subsequently won laurels on a sterner field, but did not, alas! survive to wear them. he was a midshipman in the naval brigade attached to lord methuen's force, and in the assault at graspan, leading his men under the deadly fire, he was hit repeatedly, but refused to fall out, until a mortal wound laid him low. seventeen years' athletics. | long jump ----------+------------ | · | · | · | · - / | · | · | · | · | · | · | · | · | · | · | · | · | · holder of | ballantyne, record | ft. . in. | / mile (open) | / mile (under ft.) ----------+-----------------+----------------------- | | | | | | | | | | | - / | - / | | - / | | ... | | ... | | | - / | | - / | | - / | | ... | - / | - / | - / | - / | - / | - / | - / holder of | chichester, | hallett, record | - / sec. | sec. | high jump (open) | high jump (under ft.) ----------+------------------+------------------------ | · | ... | · | ... | · - / | ... | · | ... | · | ... | · | ... | · - / | · - / | · | · - / | · - / | · | · | · | · | · - / | · | · | · - / | · | · - / | · - / | · | · | · - / | · - / | · | · holder of | yule, ft. | de burgh, record | - / in. | ft. - / in. | throwing cricket ball ----------+------------------------- | - / | | | | | | | | - / | - / | - / | | | | | | holder of | paulet, - / yds., record | with very strong wind. | mile ----------+---------------------------- | | · | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | · | · | · | · | · | · | · | · | · - / holder of | white, min. sec. record | (inaccurate, probably); | huddart, min. - / sec. | yards (open) | yards (under ft.) ----------+------------------+------------------------ | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | - / | - / | | ... | - / | - / | - / | - / | - / | - / | - / | - / holder of | collard, | pawson, record | sec. | - / sec. | hurdles (open) | hurdles (under ft.) ----------+----------------+---------------------- | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | - / | - / | - / | - / | - / | - / holder of | gibbs, | bingham, record | - / sec. | - / sec. | tug of war ----------+----------- | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | port | star | port | port | port holder of | -- record | [illustration: boxing class. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] the association team has been uniformly more successful than rugby; the following remarks of the editor on the subject of rugby football appear to point to a possible explanation:-- "a most important item in football is 'stodge.' i have actually seen a fellow come out of the canteen to play a match--a _match_, mind you--with his mouth full of jam, or some mess or other. he wonders, after a time, why he is a bit off colour; thinks it's the weather, or his boots. mind, no stodge till the game is over." one might adopt the language of the sinister custom house officer in "the smuggler's leap":-- "your words are plain, though they're somewhat rough!" the marvel is that boys so frequently play a good game at "forward," or make a long score at cricket, in spite of "stodge," and that of the most wind-destroying character: they are, presumably, specially constructed in the interior at that age. at christmas, , it is reported that mrs. curzon-howe, the captain's wife, presented a couple and a half of beagles to the pack, which then amounted to - / couples, with some puppies coming on. the beagles started a fox on one occasion, and ran it for nearly two hours. the distance is stated to have been fourteen miles; there is no mention of the number of "footmen" who kept with the hounds, but it must have been rather hot for them. a new feature in was the introduction of hockey matches: cadet captains _v._ ship; officers _v._ ship; _britannia_ _v._ _hindostan_. there is an assault-at-arms twice in the year--in july and december; the summer meeting is held in the fields, and great enthusiasm prevails. competitions take place at the horizontal bar, parallel bars, and other gymnastics, properly so called, including the "human pyramid"; a display with dumb bells; poles, etc.; and contests with gloves and fencing swords, which, of course, are by far the most popular, both with cadets and spectators. the boys get a good grounding in the essential points of fencing and boxing, but to attain to any great degree of proficiency in either requires a good deal more time than can conveniently be devoted to it, and the boxing frequently has a strong spice of the "hammer and tongs" business about it. still, there are some who shape very well; and, at any rate, a few systematic lessons will enable a lad to do something more than assume, like mr. pickwick, "a paralytic attitude," which his friends confidently believed to be intended for a posture of defence. cricket continues to flourish, and a season in which _britannia_ should fail to win a majority of matches would be regarded as a sort of hideous dream. the editor of the _britannia magazine_ would either pass it over in silence or dip his pen in gall and administer such a rating as would, in his editorial opinion, infallibly bring about a different result in the ensuing year; followed, no doubt, by a mild protest against cynicism! [illustration: the beagle whips. _photo: w. m. crockett, plymouth._] these things do not happen, however, as the following figures will demonstrate:-- . first eleven.--won, ; lost, ; drawn, . second eleven.--won, ; lost, : drawn, . third eleven.--won, ; lost, . . first eleven.--won, ; lost, ; drawn, . second eleven.--won, ; lost, ; drawn, . . first eleven.--won, ; lost, ; drawn, . a very exciting match was played, in , against stratford-on-avon wanderers; lord is the _britannia_ professional, a left-hander, and an artful dodger in the matter of an unexpected "break back." wanderers. arlington, b lord deer, c smith, b swan holloway, b glasgow fellows, b glasgow holton, c whetham, b glasgow hastings, b glasgow fish, b glasgow jackson, b lord ashley, l b w, b glasgow whitehead, b lord challaway, not out extras --- total "britannia." dr. bobardt, b arlington cadet abercrombie, c hastings, b whitehead mr. smith, l b w, b whitehead lieut. wood, b arlington mr. swan, c deer, b hastings lieut. lewis, l b w, b hastings mr. benn, c hastings, b arlington lord, c fish, b arlington rev. w. royse, not out cadet whetham, b hastings cadet glasgow, b arlington extras --- total _britannia's_ score was at the fall of the eighth wicket; cadet whetham was bowled first ball--six runs still wanted when glasgow came in. he had taken six wickets, and now he came to the rescue with the bat, and he and mr. royse, the chaplain, won the match by steady play at a critical moment. to a lover of beautiful scenery and keen cricket, it would be difficult to find a more attractive spot than the _britannia_ cricket grounds on a fine half holiday. for the benefit of readers who have not enjoyed the privilege of being present on such an occasion, let us pay a visit in spirit to the _britannia_ on a certain saturday during the summer of ; a perfect day, which would have been too hot but for a light westerly breeze with never a touch of chill in it. [illustration: the cricket field. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] the cadets' dinner is at noon on saturday, and by . there is scarcely a boy left on board the ship. some are away in boats or sailing cutters, some are off for a walk, others to visit friends in the neighbourhood, and so on; but we must follow the large contingent which makes its way to the cricket grounds. landing at the solid stone pier abreast the ship, we cross the asphalt tennis courts, and mount the concrete steps in the far right-hand corner. there are many of these steps, intercepted by level landings, and winding up the hillside past the racquet courts, all overshadowed by trees, which lend a welcome shade, but do not prevent one getting pretty hot during the ascent. at length the last flight is surmounted, and a broad, well-kept path, still under trees, leads on past the beagle kennels, where a loud and inquisitive chorus greets a stranger, to the lower ground. play is already in progress, so we dutifully keep to the right behind the white screen, and passing across the end of the cricket ground, mount to the upper ground, which is separated from the lower one by a steep grassy bank some or feet high, with several flights of stone steps. here, standing by the edge of the bank, you can see both grounds to advantage. on the far side is the pavilion, a long bungalow, with an elevated scoring-box in the centre; and here are spacious dressing-rooms, a canteen, where excellent "stodge" may be obtained at the most moderate charges, and a large amount of sitting accommodation for onlookers. a large tent to the left contains tea and refreshments for the officers and their friends. the view is magnificent in every direction, and the full benefit of the summer breeze is felt at this elevation. furthermore, there is a great deal of cricket going on; the first and third elevens are playing matches on the lower, and the second eleven on the upper ground; and there is plenty of room for a couple of picked sides to play in addition. anticipating a thoroughly enjoyable afternoon in such surroundings, we take up a commanding position on a seat overlooking the first eleven pitch. the match is against teignbridge, who always play a strong team, including several county players; so _britannia_ naturally does all she knows, and her eleven only contains two cadets, while the "pro" is included as a matter of course. the remaining eight comprises two lieutenants, two engineer lieutenants, the paymaster, the science master--whose science is not confined to the lecture room--the chaplain, and one of the doctors. the "foreigners" have first knock, and are not doing as well as their strength would lead one to expect. already several wickets are down, and the score is small. the deliveries of lord, the professional, and mr. warner, the science master, are evidently too much for the batsmen. the fielding, moreover, is very keen; quite up to the mark. the boundaries are liberal, especially on the north and north-east; indeed, the former looks well worth five runs. there goes their crack player! bowled by lord for a "duck." this is an extremely good riddance, for he is a doughty bat; a left hander, with a strong defence, and a dangerous capacity for scoring if he once gets set. two more wickets in rapid succession, both to the science master; and the end comes with surprising rapidity. the first lieutenant, his many-coloured blazer showing up to advantage in the strong sunlight, comes along with a joyous countenance. "lucky! got 'em out for ; strong team, too!" very lucky: and not all luck, either. being, of course, strong partisans of _britannia_, we rejoice with him, and hope his side will be in form with the bat. the "gallery" is mustering rapidly. nearly all the officers of the ship are on the ground; the captain strolls up, with two or three children and a happy dog; officers' wives, and outside friends, make a goodly show on the seats along the terrace, half-way down the bank. time for _britannia_ to go in, and engineer lieutenants benn and smith are deputed to open the ball. athletics, as is well known, are by no means neglected at the engineers' training college; and these two gentlemen, whose duty it is to look after the engines of the tenders attached to the _britannia_, and initiate the cadets into the mysteries of steam, are well able also to show them a wrinkle or two in handling the willow. the bowling starts well. looking at the pitch, in nautical parlance, "broadside on," one is able to see what a good length the left hander keeps: shoots unpleasantly, too, at times, so that you have to be wide awake to get down on them. these two are bad men to bowl at, though; they "keep their hair on," watching the ball keenly, and contenting themselves at first with a snick or two through the slips, or a "pull" of moderate dimensions. but the left hander is beginning to lose his length a little, and pitches them up; so the batsmen may get a chance of "opening their shoulders." lieutenant benn faces him for a fresh over. ah! there is one well pitched up: he won't let that off! not he: a lovely off-drive, going at a tremendous pace, all along the ground, just outside mid-off, who makes a wild grab, but fails to reach it. away it goes, the man behind the bowler tearing after it, without the remotest chance of catching it, until the little dark speck disappears from view over the gentle slope on the northern boundary. really now, anyone, "w. g." or "c. b." included, might be proud of that drive: and there are several more of the same kind to follow, though the foe discounts them by putting a man there. meanwhile, lieutenant smith is not idle; he is not as fierce a driver as his companion, but his wrist play through the slips is delightfully clean and well timed. the opponents' score is passed long since, and still no wicket. ah! there is one at last. lieutenant benn is caught, for an innings of , thoroughly well played: and the score is for one wicket; very good business! lieutenant de burgh, of whom great things are usually expected, is bowled by a shooter from the left hander; lieutenant smith is caught for a capital innings of ; cadets sparling and beal show nice form with the bat, the latter scoring ; then dr. bobardt and the "pro" get together and play out time. the doctor is a left hander, and smites very hard when he gets his opportunity; mid-on has occasion to wring his fingers and inspect them dubiously more than once, testifying mutely to the vigour of the doctor's drives--or, possibly, not mutely; but his remarks are not audible to the gallery. total, for six wickets, ; and of course, being a one day match, it was in reality a victory by ten wickets, dr. bobardt and lord taking out their bats for and respectively. and what about the second eleven? they are playing montpelier school; lieutenant chetwode plays with them, as a set off against the master on the other side, who is a very big man and a very keen cricketer. _britannia_ bats first, and does very creditably: powell , cull , ling , nicholson , and no ducks; "extras" comes out with an unusually long score, ; total, . towards the end of the innings montpelier's bowling was very slack, and cadet powell displayed good capacity for availing himself of it, repeatedly getting boundaries away to the bank under the trees on the west side; big leg hits, well timed. the school would have come off badly, indeed, without their master, who went in first wicket down and scored ; no one was able to keep him company very long, and it looked like a certain victory for _britannia_ when the ninth wicket fell with some time to spare. however, the last two men kept their ends up, and the result was a draw, greatly in _britannia's_ favour, the school score having only reached . the third eleven had a similar experience against king edward school, but the "morality" of the victory was much more pronounced, _britannia_ scoring to their opponents' for nine wickets; obviously, a declaration at or so would have been sounder tactics. cadet scott scored in this match ; and he and cadet alexander did some remarkable scoring together, actually compiling runs off the first nine overs! an average of over runs an over; rather demoralising for the bowlers! well, this delightful afternoon is over, all too soon; "time" is called all round, and soon there is a general exodus from the fields, cadets and officers streaming off in groups down the steps, discussing the play in enthusiastic fashion; and so off to the ship, happy and hungry, in spite of the "stodge" in the pavilion. during a first eleven match this season a curious misunderstanding occurred. it was a "full strength" game, and _britannia_, going in first, scored freely, declaring at for eight wickets. there was time to dispose of the other side, with good luck, but not too much; and of course their policy was to play for a draw. however, they began to go out pretty fast towards the close, and with about a quarter of an hour left the ninth wicket fell. the last man came in, and after a couple of overs the visitors' umpire announced, as he came up to the wicket, "last over." everyone who had a watch on looked at it, and saw that it was only . ; the large clock fixed on the base of the flagstaff in the corner of the ground, however, said . within a minute or so. the over was bowled, with no result, and the aforesaid umpire calmly took the bails off, and walked off the ground. then there was a row. _britannia's_ captain pointed out that the clock was wrong, and that there was nearly ten minutes more play; the umpire maintained that they were bound to go by the ground clock, and was not at all sporting about it. _britannia's_ captain, being a man in authority, gave him a good slice of his naval executive mind, but the umpire was stubborn, and time was fleeting. luckily, however, the visitors' captain, who was changing in the pavilion, was a sportsman of different kidney; and he immediately decreed, upon being appealed to, that, time or no time, the innings should be played out. so the recalcitrant umpire, and the batsmen, who had taken off their pads, had to come back again, and one of them was so long about it that the bowler did not realise that he had not arrived until he had commenced his run, and found that he was attacking an empty wicket! so, amid some merriment, the batsman at length got fixed up, and a few balls sufficed to decide the match, the last man being dismissed, just on the stroke of time, by a clever catch in the slips. moral: have your ground clock kept right. the season of has been a most successful one, as the following figures testify:-- first eleven.--played, : won, ; drawn, ; lost, (one abandoned). second eleven.--played, : won, ; lost, ; drawn, . third eleven.--played, : won, ; lost, ; drawn, . in addition to the remarkable performance of two cadets in a third eleven match, mentioned above, it is on record that dr. bobardt on one occasion scored runs off two consecutive overs; that lieutenant de burgh made what is believed to be the record score for _britannia_ of not out (he also scored on another occasion not out); and, the bowlers being determined not to be left out in the cold, the "hat trick" has been performed five times, the rev. h. royse, the chaplain, doing it twice. enough has been said, perhaps, about the games to indicate what an important place they are assigned in the general programme of the _britannia_, and with what keenness and uniform success they are pursued. as the editor remarks, in the opening number of the magazine, no school has such a variety of fixtures; "we want a whole _bell's life_ to ourselves," he says. the playing fields could scarcely be surpassed, one would imagine: a good idea of their extent and quality and also of the amount of work entailed in their construction may be obtained from the illustrations. that high bank which separates the two cricket grounds, and the smaller one at the further side of the upper ground, mean a lot of navvies' work; but no expense or trouble has been spared in the matter, the admiralty possibly holding the view that if, as was said by a great soldier, british military victories are won on the playing fields at eton, they are not going to give the navy any excuse for not winning victories on the score of inefficient playing fields! certainly, money so expended is money well spent. since the early days of the _britannia_ a complete revolution has taken place in the matter of recognised recreation for both soldiers and sailors--officers and men. formerly they had to do as best they could, by private subscriptions, both for indoor and outdoor games; now a large sum is voted annually for the purpose, and the _britannia_ games and playing fields bear witness that the admiralty is not behind the times in this respect. [illustration: view from the new college. _photo: smale & son, dartmouth._] chapter ix. conclusion. forty-six years' record--internal arrangements--swimming baths--"on their honour"--no more sails--the _revenge_ as a picture--the _isis_ and _aurora_--lieutenants' adventure--scotch hospitality--shooting instruction--"good fishing"--a creditable record--the cost of the _britannia_--the instructional staff--an excellent arrangement--a heavy responsibility--discharged right well--the new scheme-- utilitarian buildings--the _racer_ again--popularity of practical mechanics--no half measures. having followed the story of the _britannia_ from her cradle--but not to her grave, as interment would be premature at present--it only remains to add a few details and remarks on the general arrangements as now existing, and on the results of the work performed in the training of young officers during the period of forty-six years since the institution of the _illustrious_ under captain harris, together with a brief description of the new scheme which is now in operation, concurrently with the last days of the _britannia_. the arrangements and general condition of the two ships which constitute the establishment, as the result of many years of experience and successive improvements under various captains, are such as to impress most favourably anyone who has had experience in naval discipline and the adaptation of ships to such purposes. whatever may be the views held by various officers and others as to the advisability of using a stationary ship in preference to a college--and they are many and diverse, as we have seen--there can be but one opinion as to the high state of perfection which has been attained in the _britannia_, whether from a sanitary, a disciplinary, or an educational point of view. the cadets' chests and hammocks are divided between the two ships--which are, of course, practically one, by virtue of the connecting bridge--the first and second terms being located on the lower deck of the _hindostan_, the third and fourth on the main deck of the _britannia_. at the fore end of each of these decks are large salt water baths, with fresh water shower-baths; every cadet, on turning out in the morning, has to go through the bath, and is also provided with hot water at his washing place for supplementary ablutions. arrangements are also made by which about one hundred cadets get a hot fresh water bath each week. the hot and muddy followers of the beagles are not forgotten, a very acceptable warm bath being provided for them when they return on board. the cadets' chests and clothes are under supervision by the lieutenant in charge of each term, who supplies the captain with a list of deficiencies once a month, and frequently inspects the chests and clothing, to see that they are kept in good order. naval uniform, etc., is very strictly prescribed nowadays, down to the most minute details--such as neckties, and toe-caps on boots--in great contrast to the laxity of former days; and the cadets are bound by these to the very letter. the studies are divided between the two ships, and are as good as they could be made on board a ship; gangways are built at the sides, so as to utilise the full breadth of the ship, without the necessity of passing through one study for access to another. the lecture-room is on board the _britannia_, fitted with rising tiers of seats, and all appliances for practical demonstration in physics, etc. the messroom is on the lower deck of the _britannia_; and a bulkhead separates this and the steward's pantries, etc., from the ship's company's quarters at the fore end. the wardroom officers have an excellent messroom at the after end of the middle deck, with anteroom and billiard-room. it may sound odd to landsmen to hear of such a nicely adjusted article as a billiard-table on board ship; and, of course, in a sea-going ship or one moored in an exposed position it would be futile. in a close and quiet harbour such as dartmouth, however, it is quite feasible, and any little alterations in the trim of the ship are compensated by means of a screw on each leg of the table and a spirit level. the captain has his quarters on the main deck, above the officers. the poop of the _hindostan_ is roofed in and fitted permanently as a chapel, the only adaptation necessary for sunday being the covering of the skylights which light the studies below, and which otherwise interfere with the arrangement of the seats. this is a vast improvement on the old style of "rigging church" with messroom forms, etc., on the middle deck, which is all very well in a sea-going ship, where you cannot devote a portion of a deck to the purpose. [illustration: captain c. h. cross.] the upper deck of the _britannia_ is covered in, and used as a place for recreation and skylarking in bad weather, also for such functions as prize day, etc. there are two floating swimming baths attached to the ship: one is moored a little way off, and the other, in which the water can be heated when necessary, is secured under the bridge which connects the two ships. these are used for the purpose of instruction in swimming; every cadet is tested as to his capabilities in this respect on joining; should the weather be too cold at the time, he must produce a statement from his parents or guardian that he can swim. the test is to swim sixty yards without stopping; any boy who is unable to do this is placed under instruction, and his progress regularly reported until he can pass in swimming. no cadet is allowed to use the boats for recreation, or to present himself for final examination, unless he is able to swim. the first paragraph of the regulations to be observed by cadets when away from the ship explains clearly enough the spirit in which the rules are imposed:-- "cadets when on shore for recreation enjoy complete freedom from surveillance. this advantage can only be enjoyed with their co-operation, and it is obviously to their interest, in every way, to show that the confidence reposed in them is not misplaced. certain rules and regulations are laid down for their guidance, and they are '_on their honour_' to abide by them." the rules are by no means too harsh or exacting, and the system is found to work perfectly. the youth "navilus," in his booklet, it will be recollected, records how he and his companion went on board the german man-of-war. this was a breach of rules, without first obtaining permission, but not a very terrible offence; indeed, it would have been almost too much to expect that they should, in response to such a cordial invitation, reply that they were not permitted to do so. the course of studies and seamanship as at present pursued is contained in the appendix, and needs but little notice here. it will be observed that instructions as to working sails and masts, manoeuvring a ship under sail, etc., are wiped out; all that is taught is the names of sails and how to "bend" fore and aft sails. all fitting of rigging is also abolished, and only such bends and hitches, knots and splices, retained as may be occasionally useful. it was quite time, no doubt, to take this step, seeing how much else there is to learn, and that none of these lads will ever see a sail set in their future ships; still, there is a certain feeling of regret about it. england attained her unrivalled place on the ocean by her sailors' smartness in the old style of seamanship; she will have to maintain it with the new appliances when the time comes. another source of regret--entirely sentimental, no doubt; but are not sailors proverbially sentimental?--is the final disappearance of the big ship under a cloud of canvas. such a sight as the cadets were called from their studies to witness one day at portland, when the _revenge_, a very handsome two-decker, was beating into the roads; captain harris stood on the poop, a veritable sea-dog, and criticised every movement. a big battleship or cruiser is a fine sight, the embodiment of power and dangerous energy; but she cannot hold a candle to the _revenge_ as a picture! in great excitement was caused by the news that the _racer_ was doomed; and in due course her successor put in an appearance--a very different sort of craft. the _isis_ is a second-class cruiser of , tons and , horse-power, though she is capable of developing a good deal more than this when it is found necessary to press her. she is reckoned as a - or -knot vessel, and, as will be seen from the illustration, is a very business-like looking craft, presenting quite an imposing appearance in the narrow waters of the dart. her first cruise commenced on october nd, , when she took the fourth term cadets to sea for a blue-water cruise; the first since the days of the _ariadne_ in the early 'seventies. it was during this trip that, while at santa cruz, in teneriffe, some idiotic canary islanders attacked captain mundy, and injured him rather seriously. the _isis_, however, did not provide sufficient accommodation for the cadets who were ripe for sea training, so another vessel was attached to the _britannia_--the _aurora_, an older vessel, and, though of the same tonnage and lower speed, rated as a first-class cruiser; she has a considerable amount of protective armour. these two vessels are kept going, and in the summer number of the magazine for there is quite a long yarn about their doings, with scores of the cricket matches played by the cadets at various ports. when the cadets joined for their cruise on may th, , at plymouth, it is recorded that all turned up punctually except one boy, whose parents had sent him to portsmouth by mistake; and, as he came from wales, he had rather a roundabout journey to plymouth! they visited the scilly isles, where mr. smith-dorrien, who owns large property there, extended liberal hospitality to them. here a somewhat awkward mishap attended two of the lieutenants. they went out in a skiff, when the weather became somewhat rough--as everyone knows it can at the scillies--and their small craft capsized, out of sight of the ship. however, they managed to swim on shore, and were well looked after by a fisherman's family until a ship's boat brought them on board, luckily none the worse. from the scillies they went to milford haven, thence to the isle of man, and on to oban. they were to have gone on to the "land of the midnight sun," but one of the lads had to be landed for an operation for appendicitis, so their stay at oban was prolonged, and the norway trip abandoned. two of the ship's boats took part in a sailing race, and the gig of the _isis_, steered by the first lieutenant, succeeded in carrying off the prize, being, indeed, minutes ahead of her time allowance; which must have astonished the members of the local yacht club who admitted them to the competition; for it is, curiously enough, a sort of axiom among yachtsmen, that naval officers cannot sail a boat. from oban they went to invergordon, tobermory, and stornoway. but the weather-god of the hebrides is an unrestful sort of person, and treated them to a little of the bluster which he always has up his sleeve, even in the summer months; and before they arrived at milford haven, on july th, a good many of the cadets had had a good opportunity of getting their "sea-legs." all naval officers who have visited scotland in their cruises carry away pleasing recollections of much kindness and hospitality, and the experience of the officers and cadets on board the _isis_ formed no exception to the rule. the _aurora_, meanwhile, sailing on the same day, visited guernsey, yarmouth (isle of wight), weymouth, torquay, falmouth, the scilly isles, kingstown, bangor, lamlash bay (in the isle of arran), thence to the isle of man, and finally to milford haven, where they found their "opposite number," the _isis_, and compared notes as to their respective cruises. it is quite obvious, from the tone of the letters from the two ships, that these cruises, teeming as they do with opportunities of acquiring valuable knowledge and experience, are also a source of much pleasure and enjoyment to the lads. it is recorded in the magazine that the captain has started a shooting class among the cadets of the senior term; giving preference to those who have not had an opportunity at home of using a fowling piece. clay pigeons are provided, and the cadets are instructed in all the precautions which should be used when out shooting, so as to minimise the risk of accident. this is an excellent idea, and the boys ought to be very grateful to captain cross for originating it. every shooting season has its tale of accidents, many of them arising from an utter disregard of precautions and lack of common sense; opportunities often occur of shooting on foreign stations, and the experience gained with the clay pigeons at dartmouth will come in handy afterwards, no doubt. the practice of dragging a loaded gun through a hedge is responsible for many deaths, the culprit being usually also the victim; and the extraordinary things that people who are supposed to be experts in the use of fire-arms will do sometimes are almost incredible. let us hope that these young gentlemen, being forewarned, will learn the value of caution and common sense in the use of both sporting and service weapons; not forgetting the revolver, which, in the hands of careless or incompetent persons, is the most dangerous weapon of all. the king's birthday "whole" was curtailed to a "half" in , owing to the presence of scarlet fever in dartmouth; but, as it was held on june th, the day was long, and was well filled up. three cricket matches, a picnic of about up the river, and a sea-fishing party of forty or fifty comprised the entertainments, which were all eminently successful. the fishermen were piloted by mr. james, of dartmouth, to an ideal fishing ground, where they hauled up many big fish, including huge conger eels--which often give exciting sport by their antics when landed, getting mixed up with all the tackle in the boat, and going for the fishermen open-mouthed when they endeavour to disentangle them--rock-cod, and other marine monsters; they also had a parallel experience with that of the apostolic fisherman of old, for, though they were not using nets, one of their best lines broke from the weight of fish upon it. the spot selected by this acute dartmouth gentleman presents a strong contrast to some places which are marked "good fishing" on the admiralty charts, where, indeed, the words hold good in an ironical sense, for you may fish all day there; but, whether your fishing be good, bad, or indifferent, there is no "catching"! before proceeding to describe the arrangements which are to supersede the old _britannia_ course, it may be interesting to give a few figures showing the numbers who have passed through the ship. these are not available earlier than january st, . since that date the number of cadets actually entered, up to the close of , is , ; the number who have presented themselves for final examination out of the ship, from december, , to august, , is , ; and out of these there have been failures-- · per cent. this is not a large percentage over so long a period; but taking the last ten years separately there is a very marked improvement, , cadets examined giving only failures, or - / per cent.; and the last five examinations--up to august, --have brought no failures. there is no record easily available as to the numbers withdrawn, or discharged, for misconduct, earlier than midsummer, ; since then, up to august, , have been withdrawn, and eleven discharged for misconduct, or · per cent. in all; and these numbers include six who were discharged at the time of the bullying investigation, during captain digby's command. during the last ten years, however, only · per cent. have left before completing their course, there being only one case of dismissal for misconduct. since , cadets have entered the service from the two training-ships of the mercantile marine service association, the _conway_ in the mersey, and the _worcester_ in the thames. these lads, after two years in the training ships, provided they fulfil certain conditions as to age, etc., are admitted for examination with the cadets in the _britannia_. some details as to the cost of the _britannia_ will be found in the appendix; the figures are high, and do not include the cost of the sea-going training ships now in commission, which is not small. [illustration: mr. j. h. spanton.] if the gross amount named in the estimates be taken, without deducting the parents' contributions, the rate per head per annum in - would be £ , and in - £ . whether this is excessive in respect of what is obtained for it, or how it compares with the cost per head at the most expensive public schools, it is not precisely within the scope of this volume to inquire; but probably a ship school of the high type of the _britannia_ is a very expensive affair, and, after all, when the amount of the navy estimates, year by year, is taken into consideration, forty or fifty thousand pounds does not seem an extravagant sum to pay for the training of executive officers: it will come a good deal heavier in the future, however. the course of study will be found in the appendix; but something should be said about the masters and their work. the instructional staff consists of the chief naval instructor, eight naval instructors, two french masters, two drawing masters, one english master, and one natural science master. of these, mr. j. h. spanton, the senior drawing master, has been years in the ship; mr. p. brunel, the senior french master, years; mr. hamilton williams, the english master, years; and mr. tims, the chief naval instructor, is in his twentieth year. in the past, there have been several naval instructors who have remained for over years--to wit, mr. a. c. johnson, years; the rev. j. c. p. aldous, years; mr. w. w. lane, years; mr. g. b. mason, years. mr. aldous, it will be recollected, was appointed, in , as chief naval instructor, though he had never been connected with the service in any capacity; during his long tenure of office he retained the goodwill of all his colleagues, and entirely justified his selection by the admiralty for this important post. mr. johnson was--and is--an enthusiast in the science of navigation, and has published several books on the subject, one of which--on finding the position of the ship at sea, by observations, in cloudy weather--has run into over five-and-twenty editions. he also edited a text-book on trigonometry for the use of the cadets. [illustration: mr. g. b. mason.] the cadets are divided into two watches, and those who join each term are divided into two classes, half of each class being in either watch. thus, if cadets join in one term, they would be known as first and second class starboard and first and second class port; and as one watch is always "out of study"--_i.e._ at seamanship or other work--the class actually present with the naval instructor would number sixteen. a cadet captain has charge of this sixteen, and has to see that they enter and leave the study quietly, and pay due attention to whatever work they may be about, in the absence of the instructor. there is also an excellent arrangement by which the boys of each class have to inform their captain every evening how they have employed their leisure time; and this has to be accounted for under numerous headings on a regular form provided for the purpose, and covering a week, sunday excepted. thus, so many will be swimming, or photographing, walking, playing cricket, tennis, racquets, fives, etc.; or out in sailing boats or blue gigs, and so on; headings in all, including "punishment," the total number in the last column showing that all the class have been accounted for each day; and this form is presented to the captain on sunday. [illustration: officers' quarters. _photo: cassell & co., ltd._] the cadet captains are by this means made to feel that they have certain responsibilities, while it constitutes a decided check on aimless loafing, which is a bad thing for all boys. it is now time to take leave of the _britannia_. her story has been followed pretty closely for years, from the day on which captain harris received his first batch of cadets on board the _illustrious_; and it is hoped that the life on board and the various vicissitudes of the ship under successive administrations have been described with sufficient accuracy to give a true picture of this institution--an institution which has had a bearing and influence upon the efficiency of the navy during all these years, the importance of which can scarcely be overrated. sir william martin stated nothing but the truth when he wrote to captain harris, in : "there is no man in england whose opportunity of doing good to our country, for ages to come, is greater than yours." and if it was true in regard to captain harris, it must be held to be equally applicable to his successors in command, and, in a lesser degree, to the large number of officers and masters who have assisted them. how have they discharged this heavy responsibility? [illustration: cadets' dormitory. _photo: cassell & co., ltd._] it is impossible to pass a verdict otherwise than favourable on the whole, keeping in mind, of course, the fact that those immediately responsible for the conduct of the establishment were always under orders, with regard to general principles, from the admiralty. mistakes may have been made at headquarters, errors in discipline, teaching, and so on, may have crept in on board from time to time. to err is human, and a great administrative department such as the british admiralty must, of necessity, deal largely in compromises. you cannot find, on this earth, any corporation, institution, or structure which combines the highest degree of excellence in all the attributes which go to make up its composition; and in the conduct of the _britannia_ there must always have been conflicting elements difficult to reconcile. taking it all round, however, the general conclusion must be that the _britannia_ has done right well, and that those who have been responsible for her management have done their best in the interests of the service. that no pains have been spared in perfecting equipment, organisation, discipline, recreation, must be patent to all who have taken the trouble to read these pages--otherwise they have certainly been written in vain--and if any further proof be needed, a visit to dartmouth will dispel all doubts. the visit must not be delayed too long, however; the last days of the _britannia_ are approaching, and in a year or two the familiar twin hulls, with the connecting bridge, and the flotilla of steam and sailing boats clustered about them, will have disappeared. the last batch of cadets under the old regulations will be entered in november, ; and it is probable that, if space permit, they will be housed in the college now rising on the hill, while the ship may be kept on for a time as an overflow, or as a store for marine appliances, etc. the old gives place to the new; but for many years to come there will remain hundreds of officers who will look back with pleasure on their life at dartmouth, and who will ungrudgingly acknowledge the many valuable lessons they learned in the "good old _brit._" * * * * * a few concluding words are necessary in order to describe the new system which is to take the place of the _britannia_. years ago, when the naval academy was first instituted, the question of the necessity, or at least the advisability, of some previous training for boys, before sending them to sea, was mooted. in those days it was partial, a large number continuing to join their ships straight from school; then the scheme was dropped for twenty years, until captain harris came to the front, and previous training was made compulsory. there were many dissentient voices at that time, and for years subsequently there were not wanting those who maintained that more efficient officers would ultimately be obtained upon what we have alluded to as the "pitchfork" system. time, with its abnormally rapid changes of the last century, has, however, solved the problem--as it eventually solves all questions--and he would be a bold man, and a somewhat foolish one withal, who would venture nowadays to advocate a policy of no previous training. the new regulations are of a revolutionary character, and--without going into the merits of the question with regard to the amalgamation, during probation, of the executive officers, engineers, and marine officers, which has raised some discussion--the principal points are as follow:-- the average age of entry is between and . all candidates are admitted, as before, by the nomination of the admiralty. all are liable, at the expiration of their training, to be placed on the strength as sub-lieutenants, engineer sub-lieutenants, or subalterns of marines, as may be required; but the wishes of each officer will be consulted as far as is compatible with the needs of the service. in giving nominations, preference will be given, other things being equal, to those applicants whose parents or guardians declare for them that they are prepared to enter any of the three branches. in the first circular issued, a competitive examination of a stiff character was provided for; by a subsequent amendment, however, this has been replaced by a qualifying examination, not of a very formidable nature. so it is to be hoped that the anomaly of bestowing a number of nominations, two-thirds of which cannot possibly come to anything, is to be finally relegated to the past. examinations will be held three times each year, preceded by a medical examination, the subjects being as follow:-- part i. . english (including writing from dictation, simple composition, and reproduction of the gist of a short passage twice read aloud to the candidates). . history and geography: (_a_) history (simple questions in english history and growth of the british empire). (_b_) geography (simple questions with special reference to the british empire). . french or german (importance will be attached to the oral examination). . arithmetic and algebra: (_a_) arithmetic (elementary, including vulgar and decimal fractions). (_b_) algebra (to simple equations with easy problems). . geometry (to include the subject matter of the first book of euclid, or its equivalent in experimental geometry and mensuration). the use of instruments and of algebraical methods will be allowed. part ii. (_one only to be taken._) . latin (easy passages for translation from latin into english, and from english into latin, and simple grammatical questions). . a second modern language (of which, if not french or german, notice must be previously given), or an advanced examination in the language selected under part i. . experimental science (easy questions with the object of testing practical knowledge and powers of observation). on passing this examination candidates will be sent to the training establishments for four years. instruction will comprise an extension of the present _britannia_ course, and a thorough elementary instruction in physics, marine engineering, etc., including the use of tools and machines. instruction will also be carried out in small vessels attached to the establishment. examinations will be held during the second and fourth year of training. cadets who fail to pass will be withdrawn. parents or guardians are required to sign a declaration on the admission of a cadet to the training establishment to the effect that he shall be immediately withdrawn on the receipt of an official intimation of his being considered unfit for the navy. after leaving the training establishment cadets will go to sea, and will then be instructed in seamanship, navigation, pilotage, gunnery, mechanics, and engineering by the specialised officers of the ship. after three years, each midshipman who has passed the qualifying examinations will become an acting sub-lieutenant. acting sub-lieutenants go to greenwich royal naval college and to portsmouth for final instruction in the subjects they studied while midshipmen at sea. on conclusion of their examination in these subjects, having reached the age of or , sub-lieutenants will be distributed between the executive and engineer branches of the navy and the royal marines. no sub-lieutenant will be required to join any branch for which he did not enter as a boy when applying for a nomination. such are, briefly, the regulations under which--simultaneously with those who, between - / and - / years of age, are going in for the last of the old system--cadets are now being entered. the training establishments alluded to consist of the colleges at dartmouth and osborne, with such steam vessels as may be necessary for instruction afloat. the dartmouth college is, however, very far from being completed, but our illustration gives a truthful picture of its future appearance. it is reproduced from an original drawing, kindly lent by mr. aston webb, r.a., the architect. the dartmouth college has some pretensions, as has been seen, to artistic merit in appearance, and will, in fact, be a very handsome and effective building on its commanding site. those who look for anything of this nature at osborne will, however, be grievously disappointed. the college in the isle of wight is utilitarian to the last degree; so much so as to render any criticism of the buildings from an artistic point of view quite out of the question. there is a reason for this, however; and the reason is that it had to be prepared for the reception of the first batch of cadets under the new scheme in july, ; and at the beginning of that year it had literally no existence. having decided upon the adoption of this scheme, and deeming it imperative that it should be brought into operation as speedily as possible, the admiralty had no option but to "rush" the college into existence; and the king having sanctioned its erection at osborne, it was rushed accordingly. sir john fisher, who had this arrangement in hand, and very much at heart, is perhaps better qualified for getting the maximum amount of work done in the minimum time than any officer in the service. [illustration: the old stable yard, osborne.] the stables at osborne house formed the nucleus of the new building; and in close proximity to these--which were promptly adopted for various purposes--there were run up a series of bungalow erections--dormitories, officers' quarters, and so on--constructed of timber and a kind of hard plaster known as "uralite." [illustration: the new college, dartmouth. _from the design by aston webb, r.a._] the illustrations give a correct idea of their general appearance; and though, as has been observed, they are utilitarian rather than ornamental, they are very well fitted in every way, and quite up to date. there are twenty-five beds in a dormitory, and room for a few more if necessary; each cadet's chest stands at the foot of his bed, and a wash-stand beside it; there is a plunge bath, with three ordinary ones, at the end of the dormitory, and a capital lavatory besides, for use in the daytime. the officers' quarters are very comfortable and well furnished, and the cabins are of sufficiently liberal dimensions to be dignified by the name of rooms. the whole establishment is lit by electric light, the current being brought from newport at a high voltage, and transformed at east cowes, so as to be delivered at volts. the playing fields are very large in extent--much larger than those at dartmouth--and though they are now somewhat in the rough, they will in time be excellent, the subsoil being gravel and the drainage consequently very good. the officers of the osborne college are to be found in the "navy list" under our old friend the _racer_, formerly attached as a rigged cruising vessel to the _britannia_, but now denuded of her yards and sails, and used as an instructional ship for the college. captain r. e. wemyss is in command at osborne, and his staff comprises a commander, four lieutenants, two engineer lieutenants, and an engineer sub-lieutenant, a captain royal marine artillery, chaplain, staff surgeon, surgeon, staff paymaster, and assistant paymaster, besides some warrant officers and petty officers for instructional and disciplinary purposes. there are also eight masters for studies, who do not, however, at present reside in the college, but have a comfortable sitting-room appropriated to them. more dormitories, etc., are in course of construction, in anticipation of a considerable increase of numbers in the near future. this does not, however, include the whole establishment, for down by the river-side, about three-quarters of a mile distant, there is an excellent workshop, with all necessary machines of the latest description, run by electric motors. this was also run up in record time, but is built of brick, and in every respect most workmanlike and suitable for its purpose. there are--in october, --about eighty cadets, whose course is in full swing, and who appear to be thoroughly happy and comfortable, and keen about work and play alike. the workshop appears to possess a tremendous attraction for them; and, judging by the eagerness with which they race for their places and tackle the tools, practical mechanics is not going to be a difficulty in the new scheme. a substantial pier is being constructed on the river, and various improvements are being rapidly carried out. how the course is to be apportioned between the two colleges is not precisely settled at present; but it is almost certain that the cadets will commence at one--probably osborne--and, after two years or so, be transferred to the other to complete their course. such is briefly the educational arrangement for our future naval officers; the scheme excited a good deal of adverse comment when it was announced, and only experience, of course, can demonstrate its merits and defects. it has been inaugurated with a great deal of energy, and certainly appears to promise well, at any rate in the probationary stage. with later developments, which some people predict will bring a certain degree of failure, we are not concerned just now. it is obvious, however, that some radical change was necessary, and half measures are seldom successful; so it is as well, perhaps, that the authorities have "taken the bull by the horns," and had the courage of their convictions. appendix i. _rules and orders for the naval academy (issued from the admiralty, november st, )._ article i. sons of noblemen and gentlemen only are eligible for admission, not under twelve or over fifteen; except fifteen sons of commissioned officers of h.m. fleet, who are to be educated at the public expense, and (by order in council of october th, ) may be admitted from eleven to fourteen years of age. article ii. every scholar is to pass a preliminary examination, to show that he is qualified to enter upon the plan of education adopted at the academy. article iii. the master, ushers, and scholars are to be appointed by the lords commissioners of the admiralty, who may dismiss them at any time. article iv. the commissioner of the dockyard for the time being is to be governor of the academy. article v. the master is to reside in quarters provided in the building. article vi. teachers are also to reside in the building, provided there is room, and are to furnish their quarters at their own expense. article vii. the scholars are to have separate chambers, and to board with the master, who is to receive £ per head per annum, and no more; to keep a decent table, find washing, fire, candles, towels, table and bed linen, and necessary utensils. article viii. the master is to keep a register of the scholars, showing the day of their first appearance, times absent, and day of discharge. article ix. the master is to treat all scholars alike, and to see that the teachers do likewise, except in the matter of such encouragement as may be due to those who distinguish themselves by diligence. article x. no scholar is to keep a servant, but is to content himself with the attendance provided. article xi. every scholar is to be provided yearly, at his own expense, with a new suit of blue clothes against his majesty's birthday, conformable to a pattern lodged with the master, except sons of sea officers, who are to be allowed £ to provide the said suit. article xii. the master is to see that the scholars are neat and decent in dress, and that they pay due respect to the officers of the yard when they meet. article xiii. the scholars are to be instructed in writing, arithmetic, drawing, navigation, gunnery, fortification, and other useful parts of mathematics; also in french, dancing, fencing, and the exercise of the firelock. the master is to settle a plan for a regular course of studies, subject to the approval of the lords commissioners of the admiralty. article xiv. the hours are to be the same as those of the shipwrights, except half an hour for breakfast and one and a half hour for dinner; no intermission or holiday being allowed except such as are observed in the dockyard, and saturday afternoon. article xv. the scholars are constantly to go to church on sundays and other days of public worship. article xvi. a complete set of arms and accoutrements is to be provided for each scholar at his majesty's expense, to be kept by the fencing master until issued. article xvii. after one year scholars are to be taught fencing and the use of the firelock. article xviii. the fencing master is to see that the arms, etc., are kept in good order. article xix. if any of the scholars shall lose or spoil their arms or accoutrements, the master is to provide others for them at their parents' expense, and to give them due correction. article xx. scholars when at drill are to wear their blue clothes, unless dispensed by the governor. article xxi. the commissioner is to visit and inspect the studies and behaviour of the scholars and methods of instruction, and report to the lords commissioners of the admiralty. article xxii. no scholar is to be allowed out of the dockyard without the commissioner's leave, after obtaining written permission from the master to apply for it. a second offence against this rule is to be reported to the lords commissioners of the admiralty. article xxiii. during the first year punishments shall consist of the rod, task, or confinement, at the discretion of the master. more serious faults to be punished by expulsion by the lords commissioners of the admiralty. article xxiv. after one year punishments shall consist of task or confinement by the master, confinement under sentry's charge by the governor, loss of time for passing, or expulsion. article xxv. a scholar who has been expelled shall never be admitted into the royal navy. article xxvi. the commissioner, upon application of parents or guardians, may give leave either at christmas or whitsuntide for three weeks. any scholar who absents himself at other times, even by leave, or breaks his leave, shall lose the time. absence without leave shall be punished by expulsion or otherwise by the lords commissioners of the admiralty. article xxvii. after one year scholars shall be excused from school two afternoons in each week, and the commissioner shall direct one of the masters attendant to carry them one afternoon into the rigging house, storehouses, and sail lofts, and to take them afloat, etc. article xxviii. on another afternoon the master shipwright is to instruct them in ship construction, etc. article xxix. the commissioner may order a vessel of small size to be placed near, and make the scholars rig and unrig her; and two guns are to be placed on board, with powder and shot and all accessories, with an experienced gunner from a ship-in-ordinary to instruct them. article xxx. no scholar is to remain less than two, or more than three, years, except the sons of sea officers, who must remain three, and may remain five, years, unless they have finished their plan sooner and their parents desire them to go to sea. but they are not in any case to remain beyond the age of seventeen. in the first week of march each year an account of the qualification of each scholar is to be sent in, with a view to sending him to sea if qualified. article xxxi. on a scholar being discharged to sea the master is to give a certificate of the time spent in the academy, deducting times of absence (except three weeks each year), and time forfeited as punishment. article xxxii. a scholar on leaving is to leave his arms with the fencing master. article xxxiii. on scholars leaving, vacancies are to be filled and numbers kept up in each class. article xxxiv. scholars on joining his majesty's ships shall be kept to the duties of seamen, but with the privilege of walking the quarter-deck, and shall be allotted a proper place to lie in, but no cabins; and shall be rated on the ship's books as "volunteers by order," and receive able seaman's pay. article xxxv. the captain shall make volunteers keep journals, and draw the appearance of headlands, coasts, bays, and such like; and the master, boatswain, and schoolmaster shall instruct them. article xxxvi. after two years at sea the captain shall rate them midshipman ordinary--or midshipman, if qualified. article xxxvii. scholars shall have liberty while at portsmouth to visit the academy and be instructed there, and in the yard, gratis. article xxxviii. on returning from a foreign voyage they shall bring their journals to the master of the academy for his inspection, and he will also examine them and represent to the secretary to the admiralty how he finds they have improved. article xxxix. the captain shall give a certificate on their leaving the ship as to sobriety, obedience, diligence, and skill; and also of the time they have served as volunteer or midshipman. article xl. when a volunteer by order is paid off, upon bringing his certificate of good behaviour to the lords commissioners of the admiralty they may, if he desires it, give orders for him to have free use of the academy. article xli. volunteers educated in the academy, and sent from thence by order of the lords commissioners of the admiralty to serve in his majesty's ships, shall be qualified, in point of time, for lieutenants after so many years' service at sea as, together with the time specified in the certificate given them upon leaving the academy (not exceeding three years for the sons of sea officers before mentioned) shall complete the term of six years, provided they have served two years thereof as mates, midshipmen, or midshipmen ordinary in his majesty's ships, and are not under twenty years of age, but shall pass the usual examination of their abilities before they can be preferred. appendix ii. _admiralty circular of february rd, (in so far as it relates to naval cadets)._ i. a naval cadet must, on nomination, be not less than thirteen or more than fifteen years of age. ii. he must undergo the examination at the royal naval college within three months of the date of nomination. iii. he must produce a certificate of birth, or a declaration of the date of birth, made before a magistrate. iv. he must be in good health, free from impediment of speech, defect of vision, rupture, etc. v. the subjects in which a cadet is required to pass are as follows:-- between thirteen and fourteen years of age: ( ) to write from dictation legibly and correctly. ( ) to read, parse, and translate an easy passage from some latin or french author (the use of a dictionary is allowed). ( ) to have a satisfactory knowledge of the leading facts of scripture and english history. ( ) modern geography, including the principal countries, capitals, mountains, and rivers, etc.; and to be able to point out a place on the map if the latitude and longitude are given. ( ) arithmetic, including the four first rules, proportion, and a fair knowledge of vulgar and decimal fractions. ( ) algebra, including fractions. above the age of fourteen, in addition to the above: ( ) the use of the globes, correct definition of latitude, longitude azimuth, amplitude, and other circles. ( ) vulgar and decimal fractions. ( ) algebra, simple equations. ( ) the first book of euclid. ( ) plane trigonometry and its application to the solution of easy problems. a knowledge of drawing is recommended. vi. a cadet on passing will be appointed to a training ship at portsmouth or devonport for at least three months. vii. quarterly examinations will be held on board the training ship, and any cadet who considers that he is competent may present himself for examination in sheet no. and seamanship. if found qualified, he will be sent to a sea-going ship. viii. any cadet who fails to pass his examination within the periods stated below will be rejected:-- years months on joining the second quarterly examination. years and under months the third quarterly examination. under years the fourth quarterly examination. any cadet of indifferent conduct will be reported by the captain to the lords commissioners of the admiralty, who may dismiss him summarily. ix. no cadet will be allowed to count more than three months in the training ship towards sea-time. books, etc. required on entry. sextant, box of mathematical instruments, spyglass, french grammar and dictionary (including sea terms), a book on navigation, euclid's elements, geography, book on the use of mathematical and nautical instruments, book on the steam engine, colenso's arithmetic and algebra, jeans' trigonometry. the examination on leaving the training ship is to include all the subjects of the examination on entry except latin, and the following in addition:-- arithmetic: involution, extraction of square root. algebra: simple equations. the elements of geometry. plane trigonometry, including the solution of practical and useful problems. spherical trigonometry: solution of triangles, and application to nautical astronomy. navigation: day's work--meridian altitude, longitude by chronometer, to be able to explain and use the sextant, azimuth compass, artificial horizon, and theodolite. french: any selection from the first fifty lessons in ollendorf, and to read, parse, and translate a passage. a certificate must be obtained from the captain and the master of proficiency in rigging, seamanship, etc.; also one of conduct and attention from the naval instructor. appendix iii. _admiralty circular, august rd, ._ the lords commissioners of the admiralty having decided-- i. to increase the time during which naval cadets will be under training; ii. to introduce the system of limited competition for naval cadetships; iii. still further to reduce the number of naval cadets entered annually; have been pleased to make the following regulations:-- ( ) these regulations will take effect after the examination in august, . ( ) two examinations for naval cadetships will be held annually, under the direction of the admiralty director of education--viz. on the third wednesday in june and the last wednesday in november; but the appointments as cadets of the successful candidates will date from july th and january th. ( ) the first examination under these regulations will take place in november, . ( ) no candidate will be eligible for examination whose age will not be within the prescribed limits on january th following; nor for examination in june whose age will not be within the prescribed limits on july th following. ( ) the limits of age for examination in november, , will be not less than or more than ; for june, , to - / ; and subsequently to . ( ) the number to be entered at each examination is , and twice that number will be nominated. ( ) every candidate will be required to pass a medical examination. ( ) every candidate must produce a certificate of birth, or declaration before a magistrate; also of good conduct from his former school, or from his tutor or clergyman. ( ) every candidate will be required-- marks. (_a_) to read a passage from a modern english author with intelligence (_b_) to write english correctly from dictation (_c_) to read, translate, and parse a passage from some french author (_d_) to be acquainted with the first four rules in arithmetic, and vulgar and decimal fractions (_e_) to have a fair knowledge of scripture history no candidate will be allowed to compete unless he obtain four-tenths of the maximum marks in each subject, or marks in the aggregate. ( ) candidates so qualified will be examined in the following subjects, as they may select:-- marks. (_f_) arithmetic: miscellaneous examples (_g_) algebra: first four rules, and fractions (_h_) euclid, to book i., proposition xxii. (_i_) translate english into french (_k_) latin: to translate a passage from cæsar or virgil, and a passage of english into latin (_l_) english history: james i. to the present day (_m_) outlines of modern geography (_n_) any living language except french (_o_) elementary drawing no marks amounting to less than one-sixth in voluntary subjects will be counted towards the total. ( ) candidates obtaining the necessary number of marks for passing, but who are not successful, will be allowed a second trial without a fresh nomination. ( ) candidates who are rejected for the first time in august, , will be allowed a second trial, but they must compete with the others on the same terms, and will be allowed no further trial. ( ) candidates who fail to appear at the next examination after nomination must obtain a fresh nomination, unless they are certified as unfit to appear by a doctor, in which case non-appearance will be considered equivalent to one failure, and they will be allowed a second trial. ( ) every flag officer (except an admiral superintendent of a dockyard) will, on hoisting his flag, be allowed three nominations for competition; commodores of the first class, two nominations; captains appointed to a ship of any class (except captains of stationary ships, captain superintendents of dockyards or victualling yards, and the captain of the royal yacht), one nomination; but no officer will be allowed to exercise this right a second time within three years. and no captain appointed to a ship during her commission will be allowed a nomination if the right has been exercised within one year by the previous captain. ( ) seven nominations will be allowed annually to the colonies. ( ) cadets will be required to pay £ per annum while in the _britannia_, and £ for the twelve months in the sea-going training ship; but a number, not exceeding twelve, of sons of royal naval or royal marine officers, or of civil officers under the board of admiralty, may be selected by the admiralty for a payment of £ per annum. ( ) successful cadets will be appointed to the _britannia_. ( ) the date of entry of those who pass in june is to reckon from july th following, and of those who pass in november from january th following. ( ) the period of training will be, as now, four terms, but there will be two terms in each year instead of three--viz. from february to july, and from august to december. ( ) an examination will be held at the end of each term, and an intermediate one at easter for cadets in their first year. ( ) cadets who join in august, and pass an unsatisfactory examination in december, will be warned that they will be discharged at easter if they do not improve. cadets entered in january who pass unsatisfactorily at easter will be similarly warned for july. any cadet who passes badly at a subsequent examination will be discharged. ( ) notice will be given of the minimum number of marks which must be obtained at each examination. ( ) at the fourth term examination cadets will be classified according to their merits in seamanship, study, and conduct, and will be allowed time for their service in the _britannia_ as follows:-- study. seamanship. conduct. first class months months months. second class months none months. third class none none months. ( ) the examination and rating of cadets as midshipmen in the sea-going training ship is to be regulated according to the time noted on their certificates:-- months' time become midshipmen at once. months' time serve months. months' time serve months. no time serve months. ( ) after passing their examination in the _britannia_, cadets will be appointed to a sea-going training ship for one year. ( ) any cadet or midshipman who may during the three years' probation have become subject to any physical defect likely to render him unfit for service will be discharged. ( ) after six months in the sea-going training ship an examination will be held, and again after twelve months. any midshipman or cadet failing at either will be discharged. appendix iv. (_from "britannia" regulations, ._) regulations respecting cadets while under training. ( ) the naval cadets who join the _britannia_ are allowed four terms (two in each year) to complete their course of study, at the expiration of which they go up for final examination. ( ) the terms are from about february st to july th, and from about august st to december th; and the vacations will be six weeks at midsummer, five weeks at christmas, and two weeks at easter, the dates of commencement of vacation depending upon the completion of the examinations by the president, royal naval college, greenwich. ( ) the friends of the cadets must be prepared to receive them during all the vacations. ( ) the following payment will be required from the parents or guardians of each cadet while in the _britannia_:--before the commencement of each term, £ , except in the case of those received at the reduced rate of £ a year, whose half-yearly payments will be £ only. ( ) the payments are to be made according to instructions which will be given in the half-yearly claim that will be made by the accountant-general upon the parents or guardians of the cadets. ( ) great inconvenience having been experienced from these payments not having been punctually made, cadets, although received until their friends are communicated with, will not be considered as entered for tuition until the amounts due have been received. ( ) all travelling expenses for cadets will be advanced by the paymaster of the _britannia_, who will charge the same to the cadet's personal account at the end of each term. ( ) the cadets have a weekly allowance, and all expenses attending their amusements are paid for by the ship. it is, therefore, requested that their friends do not give them any money except on joining or on their return from the vacations, and then the amount must not exceed ten shillings. it is particularly requested that this regulation be adhered to. such money as may be required by a cadet for any special circumstances will be advanced by the paymaster under the authority of the captain of the _britannia_. ( ) it is particularly requested that the cadets bring their linen clean and clothes and boots in good order when they join the ship, and also when they return from leave, and that the outfit as required be complete. ( ) cadets are not permitted to open an account with tradesmen. parents and guardians are, therefore, requested to pay no bills that may be sent to them. ( ) should there have been any infectious disease in the house where the cadets have been staying during their holidays, notice of the circumstance is to be given to the commanding officer of h.m.s. _britannia_; and they are not to join until they have received a communication from him to that effect. ( ) all letters relative to the cadets should be addressed as follows:--"the commanding officer, h.m.s. _britannia_, dartmouth." ( ) should cadets bring valuable gold watches or chains with them to the training ship, they will be taken from them and placed in security until they return to their homes. silver watches will be allowed to be used. ( ) parents or guardians of cadets must in all cases of permanent change of residence communicate the same to the captain of the training ship without delay. routine for cadets (summer). . a.m. turn out cadets for no. punishment, etc. . a.m. punishment no. fall in. . a.m. bugle call. cadets turn out. baths. wednesday and saturday, bathe from shore if weather permits. . a.m. dismiss no. punishment cadets. . a.m. warning bugle. . a.m. muster and drill. . a.m. bugle dismiss drills. . a.m. prayers. breakfast. . a.m. bugle for cadet defaulters. defaulters seen. . a.m. muster. studies as ordered. . a.m. warn studies. captains' reports. defaulters seen. . a.m. studies dismissed. bugle wash hands, etc. . p.m. dinner. . p.m. muster. studies as ordered. . p.m. dismiss studies. messroom muster (except wednesdays, saturdays, and sundays). . p.m. cadets land. defaulters drill. bathe if weather permits. . p.m. return on board. . p.m. warning bugle. . p.m. muster and dismiss. . p.m. tea. . p.m. evening study. . p.m. dismiss evening studies. . p.m. prayers. . p.m. cadets turn in. officer of the day goes round. saturdays, at noon, muster for payment. routine for cadets (winter). . a.m. turn out cadets for no. punishment, etc. . a.m. punishment no. fall in. . a.m. bugle call. cadets turn out. baths. . a.m. dismiss no. punishment cadets. . a.m. warning bugle. . a.m. muster and drill. . a.m. bugle dismiss drills. . a.m. prayers. breakfast. . a.m. bugle for cadet defaulters. defaulters seen. warning bugle. . a.m. muster. studies as ordered. . a.m. interval of ten minutes. captains' reports. . a.m. studies dismissed. bugle wash hands, etc. . p.m. dinner. cadets land. defaulters muster and drill. . p.m. return on board. shift clothing and boots. . p.m. messroom muster. . p.m. warning bugle. . p.m. muster. studies as ordered. . p.m. interval of ten minutes. . p.m. dismiss studies. . p.m. tea. . p.m. evening study. . p.m. study ceases. . p.m. prayers. . p.m. cadets turn in. officer of the day goes round. wednesdays and saturdays, return on board p.m. appendix v. h.m.s. "britannia." course of studies. =====================+=======================+======================== subjects. | first term. | second term. ---------------------+-----------------------+------------------------ | | algebra |chaps. - , omitting |recapitulation. _hamblin smith._ | s. , - , , |chaps. - , omitting (new edition.) | , , , and | chap. and s. - . | chaps. , , and .| | | euclid |books i.-iii. revised, |recapitulation. _todhunter._ | vi. - , _a_. |book iv. - ; xi. , , | | , . | | trigonometry |chaps. - , omitting |recapitulation. _goodwin._ | circular measure. |chaps. , , , , plane theoretical, | , , only a. | . part i. |exercises in logs. and |omit s. , - . | in solution of |proofs of methods used | triangles. | in solution of | | triangles, with their | | adaptation to | | logarithmic | | computation, with | | examples. | | spherical | |chaps. , to s. theoretical, part | | inclusive. ii. | | | | navigation |plane sailing, traverse|parallel, mid. latitude, | sailing, definitions, | and mercator's | and examples. | sailings. | |correcting courses. | |all necessary | | definitions. | |windward and current | | sailing. | | nautical astronomy | |lat. by mer. altitude. | | instruments |sextant.--parts and adjustments, principles of | construction of sextant, vernier, and | artificial horizon. reading, taking angles | and index error. |compass.--thomson, parts of, and use. taking | bearings by. | | charts |admiralty charts and plans.--use of. plotting | positions by latitude and longitude, and by | cross bearings. |mercator's chart.--drawing. plotting positions | on. course and distance made good. set and | drift of current. shape a course. | |practical use of chart and compass when away | in _racer_. | | steam and steam |measurements. |recapitulation. machinery |metals. |combustion. |riveted joints. |evaporation. |screw fastenings. |valves and cocks. |friction. |heat. |mechanics. | | | french |practical instruction. |practical instruction. |grammar: substantive, |recapitulation. | adjective, pronoun, |elementary syntax. | regular and irregular |past participle, etc. | verbs. | |interrogative and | | negative sentences. | |conversation. |conversation. | | drawing |simple models, and | | copies. | | | drawing, mechanical |simple solids. |orthographic projection, |plans and elevations. | simple solids, plans, | | elevations, and | | sections. =====================+=======================+======================== subjects. | third term. | fourth term. ---------------------+-----------------------+------------------------ | | algebra | | _hamblin smith._ | | (new edition.) | | | | euclid | | _todhunter._ | | | | trigonometry |revision. |revision. _goodwin._ |circular measure. | plane theoretical, |chap. ( deg.- | part i. | deg.). | |problems. | | | spherical |chap. , omitting s. |solution of spherical theoretical, part | , , , with | triangles as applied ii. | examples. | to astronomical |chap. , s. , . | problems. |chap. , s. . | | | navigation |dead reckoning. |practical navigation |great circle sailing. | paper, explanations | log line. | of all necessary |conversion of arc into | rules and definitions. | time. | |necessary proofs, | | definitions, and | | corrections. | | | nautical astronomy |longitude by sun chron.| |problems in hour angle |astronomical problems. | triangle. | | | instruments |sextant.--parts and adjustments, principles of | construction of sextant, vernier, and | artificial horizon. reading, taking angles | and index error. |compass.--thomson, parts of, and use. taking | bearings by. | | charts |admiralty charts and plans.--use of. plotting | positions by latitude and longitude, and by | cross bearings. |mercator's chart.--drawing. plotting positions | on. course and distance made good. set and | drift of current. shape a course. | |practical use of chart and compass when away | in _racer_. | | steam and steam |recapitulation. |recapitulation. machinery |pump (lift, force, and |shafts, bearings, etc. | centrifugal). |condenser. |hydraulic jack. |expansive working. |boiler mountings. |i.h.p. screw propeller. |cylinder and piston. | |slide valve, eccentric | | and link motion. | |hydrostatics. | |conversion of motion. | | | french |practical instruction. |practical instruction. |recapitulation. |recapitulation. |syntax of subjunctive. |dictations, |dictations, | translations, naval | translations, naval | terms. | terms. | |conversation. |conversation. | | drawing |topographical |topographical | sketching. | sketching from outside |oblique perspective. | nature. | | drawing, mechanical |plans, elevations, and |rough figured sketches | sections of parts of | from parts of machinery | machinery. | and fair drawings from | | them. seamanship course. h.m.s. "britannia." . -------------------+--------------------+--------------------+------ | first term. | second term. | -------------------+--------------------+--------------------+------ subject. | amount required. | amount required. |marks. -------------------+--------------------+--------------------+------ construction. |a knowledge of the |names of all parts | | different rigs of | of a modern | | all british sailing| battleship. keels, | | ships and boats, | frames, plating, | | and general | planking, armour | | appearance. | and protection. | |description of "men | subdivision and | | of war." | double bottom. | | | | bends and hitches. |general knowledge |as taught. long, | knots and splices. | as taught. | short, and eye. | stropping blocks. | | | | | | tackles. | ---- | ---- | | | | rigging and spars. |to know the names |as in first term, | | and parts of all | and to name all | | spars, masts, and | running rigging. | | yards of modern | | | ships. | | |to point out and | | | name all standing | | | rigging. | | | | | practical. |going aloft over |as in first term. | | mast head, and | | | laying in and out | | | on yards. | | | | | sails. | ---- |names of sails. | | | | compass. |to box in points. |to box in / | | | points. | | | | signals. |to describe pendants|to describe | | and numeral flags. | alphabetical flags,| |foreign ensigns. | numerals with | |make and take in | meanings, pendants | | semaphore. | with meanings. | | |semaphore with | | | signs. | | |morse with flags. | | | | rule of the road. | ---- | ---- | | | | anchors and cables.| ---- | ---- | | | | log and lead. | ---- |hand log and lead, | | | and sir w. | | | thompson's sounding| | | machine. | | | | boats. |pulling and |handling a boat | | steering. | under oars, and | |general knowledge | making and | | under oars. | shortening sail. | -------------------+--------------------+--------------------+------ | third term. | fourth term. | -------------------+--------------------+--------------------+------ subject. | amount required. | amount required. |marks. -------------------+--------------------+--------------------+------ | | | construction. |ventilation, |as in previous | | pumping and | terms and all | | flooding, etc. | definitions. | | buoyancy and some | | | definitions. | | | | | bends and hitches. |as in previous |as in previous | knots and splices. | terms. | terms. | stropping blocks. | | | | | | tackles. |description and use |as in previous terms| | of principal ones. | and knowledge of | | | power. | | | | rigging and spars. |as in previous |as in previous | | terms, with the | terms, with | | use, etc. | knowledge of | | | derricks modern | | | ships, working by | | | hand and steam. | | | hoisting boats in | | | and out. | | | | practical. |rigging sheers and |as in previous | | derricks for | terms. | | lifting weights. | | | | | sails. |as in previous |as in previous | | terms. | terms, and bending | | | fore and aft sails.| | | | compass. |good general |a thorough | | knowledge. | knowledge. | | | | signals. |to describe |as in previous | | alphabetical flags | terms, with | | and meanings. | application of | | special flags and | boat's signal book.| | meanings. |night signalling. | | semaphore flags. |fog signals. | | international code.| | | flashing lamp. | | | helm and speed | | | signals. | | | | | rule of the road. |a knowledge of |as in previous | | lights carried by | terms, and the | | vessels and boats | general knowledge | | under way and at | of the principles | | anchor. | of the rule of the | | | road. | | | | anchors and cables.|general knowledge of| as in the previous | | parts of anchors, | term. | | cables, shackles, | the principles of | | swivel and deck | mooring and the | | stopper. number | meaning of foul | | supplied. also to | hawse. | | bring ship to an | | | anchor, and weigh | | | and cat. | | | | | log and lead. |as in previous |as in previous | | term. hand and | terms. marking of | | patents. | deep sea line. | | | | boats. |management of boat |as in previous | | under oars, sail, | terms. principal | | and steam. | duties of | |hoisting and | midshipman of boat | | lowering boats. | under oars, sail, | | | and steam. | appendix vi. _the cost of the "britannia."_ parliamentary papers called for in show the cost from september, --when the ship was brought to dartmouth--to january st, , as follows:-- £ ( ) the breaking up value of _britannia_ and _hindostan_ , ( ) cost of fitting new ship (_prince of wales_) and _hindostan_, and subsequent alterations , ( ) cost of moving ship, and moorings , ( ) repairs since first fitted, all changes, etc. (including all tenders, boats, etc.) , ( ) sick quarters, lodgings, recreation grounds, and all shore expenses , ( ) pay and provisions for officers, cadets, ship's company, travelling expenses, etc. , -------- £ , contributions from parents , -------- £ , in order to arrive at amount actually expended for maintenance, deduct amounts , , and , -------- £ , ======== expense per annum for - / years, £ , . this is at the rate of something like £ per head per annum; but so much was done in making the recreation grounds, improving the ships, etc., that it is scarcely a fair statement of maintenance. the estimates for - :-- £ gross , parents' contributions , ------- £ , provision is made for cadets. cost per head per annum, £ . * * * * * the estimates for - :-- £ gross , parents' contributions , ------- £ , provision is made for cadets. cost per head per annum, £ . index. academy, the royal naval: letters from admiralty to navy board, , ; delay and alterations in building, ; course of study, ; instructional staff, ; governor, ; expenses for furniture, ; uniform introduced, ; expenses of scholars, ; new regulations, ; reports of head master and governor, ; final certificate, ; captain broke's work book, ; prejudice against scholars, admiralty committees: of , ; drastic changes, ; competition detrimental, ; good physique of cadets, ; a college on shore recommended, ; an academic view, ; captain foley's improvements, ; cadets as witnesses, ; the captain as schoolmaster, ; admiral ryder's evidence, ; dr. woolley's evidence, ; report presented, ; test examination, ; latin _v._ french, ; of , ; points for consideration, ; heads of report, ; suggestions, ; recommendations, ; result _nil_, admiralty nominations, ; king's letter the forerunner of, ; abolition of suggested, age regulation, absence of, ; changes in, , , , , , , aldous, rev. j. c. p., , alfred, prince, ambulance lessons, _ariadne_, sea-going training ship, supersedes _bristol_, ; boat disaster, ; paid off, _arrow_ schooner, assault at arms, , _aurora_, sea-going training ship, commissioned, ; her cruise, bass, mr. m. t., m.p., bathing, beagles, institution of, ; prosperity of, ; prizes for whips, ; editor's advice on, ; presentation of new hounds, ; start a fox, bedford, captain f. g. d., , billiards, black hole, the, , bounds a source of trouble, bowden-smith, captain n., , bowles, mr. t. g., m.p., boxing, , breakfast, a good, _britannia_: her story commences, ; selected to supersede _illustrious_, ; former ships of the name, ; cadets turned over to her, ; in the 'sixties, - ; early arrangements on board, ; voyage to portland, ; voyage to dartmouth, ; the fifth of the name, ; in the 'seventies, - ; in the 'eighties, - ; in the 'nineties, - ; unaccountable jealousy of, ; games, - ; latest arrangements on board, ; cost of, ; conclusion and summing up, _bristol_, sea-going training ship, broke, captain philip b. v.: his work book, ; _shannon_ and _chesapeake_, , ; inman's hints to, brunel, mr. p., bullying, at royal naval college, ; in captain randolph's time, ; in , ; held to be a most serious offence, ; in captain digby's time, ; the _times_ on, ; correspondence on, - ; views of "navilus" on, cadet captains, , , , , cadet corporals, ; a ribald rhyme about, ; rousing cadets, ; abolished, cadet cox, fatal accident to, captain's servants, chapel on board, , "cheeky new fellows," chief gunner's mates, , chief of the staff, childers, mr., children entered as officers, , college on shore, discussed in , ; recommended by committee of , ; committee on site for, college, the new, at dartmouth, ; laying the foundation-stone, ; at osborne, ; the royal naval, ; order in council establishing, ; professor inman appointed, ; date of opening, ; a master's untimely optimism, ; close quarters, ; course of study, ; the "college sheet," ; opened to commissioned officers, ; the end approaches, ; closed, ; a new phase of existence, college volunteers, , competition introduced on entry, ; abolished, ; reintroduced, ; modified, ; finally abolished, corbett, captain j., corfield, professor, corporal punishment, at the royal naval college, , ; introduced on _britannia_, ; questions on in house of commons, ; abolished, ; humanitarian fads on, ; mentioned in regulations, ; referred to in the _times_, corry, mr. w., cricket, no early records, ; proficiency of officers in, ; presumptuous youngsters, ; improvement in form, ; a dry season, ; lord harris's maxims, ; great scores by third xi., , , ; sir bedivel the bold, ; description of a match day, ; good play by engineer lieutenants, ; lieutenant de burgh, , ; a curious misunderstanding, ; keep your ground clock right, ; a successful season, ; dr. bobardt, , ; splendid playing fields, . matches: officers _v._ cadets, ; _britannia_ _v._ mr. denison's xi., ; engineer students, , ; exeter grammar school, ; king edward's school, ; mannamead school, , ; m.c.c., ; montpelier school, , ; newton blues, ; newton college, ; paignton school, , ; plymouth c.c., ; plymouth garrison, , ; royal marines, , , , ; royal naval college, ; stratford-on-avon, ; teignbridge, , , , ; torquay, , ; totnes school, dacres, admiral sir s. c., dancing, , , , _dapper_, tender to _britannia_, , dartmouth, arrival of _britannia_, ; bluejackets as navvies, ; selected as best site for a college in , digby, captain n. s. f., , , , , dinner, a satisfactory, ; result of misbehaviour at, discipline, , dobson, mr. n. c., drawing, how taught in early days, drill, extra, dundonald, earl of, easy, mr. midshipman, , edye, admiral w. h., electric light, entry of officers, old methods, ; at the academy, ; at the college, ; changes in regulations for, , , , , , , , , ; complete revolution in, erskine, admiral sir j. e., examinations, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , failures, very few, ; percentage of, fatherly advice, fencing, , , , fighting by authority, fishing, fitzhardinge, lord, foley, captain the hon. f. a. c., food, cadets', football, association matches: _britannia_ _v._ mannamead school, , ; montpelier school, ; paignton school, ; plymouth college, ; plymouth f.c., ; torbay, ; totnes school, . rugby matches: port watch _v._ starboard, ; oxford _v._ cambridge, ; odd class _v._ even, ; _britannia_ _v._ _hindostan_, ; _britannia_ _v._ blundell's school, ; royal naval engineers' college, ; exeter grammar school, ; editorial remarks, "fours," doing, fox, mrs., franklin, sir john, french, how taught in early days, ; discounted in circular of , games, advantages of dartmouth for, , ; proficiency in a recommendation for appointment, german training ship visits dartmouth, ; photographing her, ; an unauthorised visit to, goose dinners, goschen, the right hon. g. j., grace, mr. w. g., half-holiday, a successful, hamilton, sir edward, hammock, a slip on, hampers from home, harris, captain robert, his birth and early career, ; promotion to lieutenant, commander, and captain, ; appointed to _illustrious_, ; eulogy in _fraser's magazine_, , ; his views of preliminary training, ; he enters his son, ; his views are adopted, ; various testimony to his success, ; the excellence of his rule, ; he suffers for his efficiency, harris, vice-admiral sir robert h., k.c.b., hastings, admiral sir thomas, - health regulations, _hindostan_ arrives, hockey matches, hood, captain the hon. h. l. a., house of commons, questions in, ; discussion on competition in, huddart, cadet, hunt breakfast, hunt, mr. ward, _illustrious_, selected as novices' training ship, ; cadet harris joins, ; the first batch of cadets join, ; the staff, ; early days, , ; appropriated for cadets only, ; superseded by _britannia_, inadequate legislation, results of, influenza, epidemic of, ; curious views respecting, inman, professor james, appointed to royal naval college, ; his love of fair play, ; his early life, ; president of the school of naval architecture, ; his navigation and nautical tables, ; his plan of study, ; his system of recording progress, ; his retirement and pension, inskip, rev. r. m., ; his interest in the cadets, ; his sea yarns, ; he leaves the ship, ; his diagram of progress, ; analysis and vindication of _britannia_ education, , , instructional staff, irving, lieutenant john, _isis_, sea-going training ship, commissioned, ; her cruise, "jim," the ship's terrier, , johnson, mr. a. c., , jubilee of , , keppel, admiral sir h., , , key, admiral sir cooper, king, the, lays the foundation-stone of the new college, king's birthday, the, , king's letter boys, "king of otaheité, the," knapp, mr. kempster m., ; "knapp's circles," ; sudden retribution for fidgeting, ; succeeds as chief instructor, and retires, late in dressing, lieutenants, not much to do in , ; new duties, ; "sea-daddies," lightning, ship struck by, lloyd, cadet j. e., case of, loring, captain j. w., "magazine, the _britannia_," editorial introduction, ; editor _ex officio_, ; a time-honoured subterfuge, ; a doubtful pseudonym, ; popular advertisements, ; warning from a cadet, ; also from "old meddler," ; editorial comments on regattas, main, professor t. j., mainwaring, lieutenant g., , "man overboard!" marryat, captain f., ; his spectacles, martin, admiral sir w. f., , , mason, mr. g. b., mends, admiral sir w. r., "middle watch relief," mildmay, frank, misconduct, percentage of discharges for, morning amenities, morning drum, the, moore, captain a. w., , mundy, admiral sir g. rodney, his letters: keeping a "mess," ; the "black hole," ; a "blow out," ; and its results, nares, lieutenant geo. s., appointed, ; his seamanship book, ; his life-saving kite, ; a pleasing reminiscence, ; a lesson on foolhardiness, ; leaves _britannia_, naval cadet, title introduced, ; certificates to be signed by captain of _excellent_, ; to be entered on the books of the flagship, naval education, a dead letter, ; controversy on in the _times_, ; letter of "veritas" in the _times_, navigation, rough-and-ready, ; "rule of thumb," "navilus," his book, , navy board, the, , nelson, lord, , new arrival, treatment of a, "nibs," a game of, officer of the day, , , osborne, royal naval college at, pasley, admiral sir t. s., "paying footing," penalty for being late, "pitchfork" system, the, ; its death knell sounded, ; revived, ; abolished, playing fields at haslar, ; at dartmouth, pocket money, portland, selected as station, ; its many drawbacks, , ; _britannia_ arrives there, ; leaves, powell, captain r. a., punishments (_see_ corporal), second and third class, ; the cane as a substitute, ; cockpit mess, , ; "fours," ; admonished by the captain, ; commander's, queen's medal, the, _racer_, the cruising tender, , , , randolph, captain geo. g., appointed, ; his reputation for severity, ; a futile complaint, ; stern measures, ; superseded, reefing topsails, regatta, cadets', ; events in, ; a festive occasion, ; editor's bitter comments on, ; a new event introduced, regulations of , richards, admiral g. h., , royal cadets, rushworth seal, the, , , ryder, admiral a. p., sailing cutters, , sailing matches, sails, instruction in, abolished, salmon, admiral sir nowell, scanty accommodation, sea-going training ships, a dead letter, ; properly established, ; abolished, ; reintroduced, _sealark_, brig, , seamanship, in the old days, ; at the academy, ; at the college, ; on the _illustrious_, ; "an obsolete art," ; arrangement of classes for, selborne, earl of, sextant, reading, under difficulties, shaw lefevre, mr., m.p., shooting, instruction in, "simple, peter," , sling the monkey, smart, admiral sir r., smoking, , spanton, mr. j. h., sports, ; events in, ; excited timekeeper, ; why williams didn't win, ; seventeen years' record of, stoke fleming, a walk to, studies, arrangement of, study, arrangement of classes for, sulivan, admiral sir b. j., life and letters of: joins the college, ; bullying studious boys, ; joins the _thetis_, ; the captain hates collegians, ; but is converted, sulphur room, sunday afternoon on shore, a, surveillance, freedom from, symonds, sir william, _syren_, schooner, , tennis tournament, thomas, lieutenant evan, , "three-decker," a, tims, mr. e. m., , , "tinned air," _trafalgar_, h.m.s., , training, preliminary, partially introduced, ; abolished, ; made compulsory, "two-decker," a, underwood, c., his average in , _victoria_, h.m.s., model of, volunteers of the first and second class, - ; "per order," , wallis, sir provo w. p., warrant officers, warry, captain a. w., his reminiscences, , , _wave_, the steam tender, appears on the scene, ; a prophetic utterance, ; her trip to plymouth, ; a day's cruise in, webb, mr. aston, wells, captain r., wemyss, captain r. e., _western morning news_, , weymouth, , whole holiday, a, williams, mr. hamilton, wood, sir charles, , _worcester_, training ship, "ye mariners of england," youthful aspirant, a, printed by cassell & company, limited, la belle sauvage, london, e.c. _new and revised edition, price / net._ "the shop." _the story of the royal military academy._ by captain f. g. guggisberg, r.e. _with coloured plates and numerous illustrations._ [decoration] contents. early days ( - ). the period - . the period - . a period of transition ( - ). the "shop," - . the "shop" in the 'seventies. the "shop" in the 'eighties. the "shop" in the 'nineties. the g. c. of the present day. games at the "shop." [decoration] _the spectator says_:-- "a book which is both instructive and entertaining.... the story is relieved by various amusing anecdotes, and, more seriously, by notices of some distinguished foreigners who have made use of the academy, the prince imperial being, perhaps, the best known.... excellent illustrations." _the daily chronicle says_:-- "the writer of a military school history runs the risk of having to fill many pages with technical details of changes of organisation and regulations which have little interest for the average reader. captain guggisberg has avoided this pitfall. while the story of the gradual development of the college is duly set forth in his book, he gives greater prominence throughout to the social and human side of the life of 'the shop.'... it is written in a bright and interesting style throughout, and the author's descriptions are helped by a series of illustrations, many of them in colours, which help us to realise the changes that more than a century has seen at woolwich." _vanity fair says_:-- "for such a book as this there are thousands of readers scattered over the world to welcome the record of the place where they first underwent the discipline of their profession. the author has spared no trouble to make his book interesting from all points of view.... safe to prophesy success to this venture." _the academy says_:-- "those who wish to know how it ('the shop') prospered in the th century, during the great war with france, and through the th century to our own day, must be referred to captain guggisberg's fascinating pages, where they will find everything set out in full.... valuable appendices deal with the officers, staff, and sport at 'the shop'; and in the roll of honour will be found some notable names. many of the illustrations are in colour.... the majority are from photographs very well reproduced." _the athenÆum says_:-- "captain guggisberg traces the history with considerable minuteness.... illustrations specially good and well chosen; indeed, author and publishers may both be congratulated." _the united service gazette says_:-- "this admirable history of the royal military academy will be very welcome.... even the reader who has not the honour of belonging to either of the ordnance corps will find the book most interesting reading.... finally, the illustrations alone would render the book very valuable." _the morning post says_:-- "the illustrations generally are excellent, the history has been compiled with judgment, and the book will be found attractive even outside the famous corps whose nursery it depicts." _navy and army says_:-- "a most entertaining and instructive account.... he tells the later story of the academy in much detail and in a very interesting manner.... illustrated by excellent photographs.... the coloured illustrations are very good, and the whole book is attractively got up." _the daily news says_:-- "a very readable history.... the asmodeus who takes us behind the scenes of the academy is an interesting guide, and by the time we have read his pages, which, by the way, are very well illustrated, we have got an excellent idea of the life of the woolwich cadet." _from "proceedings of the r.a. institution"_:-- "the story of 'the shop' has been admirably told in the smart little volume ... told clearly and succinctly. all important events are mentioned, yet none are over accentuated; and the book from start to finish is most readable and interesting.... admirably got up. paper, printing, illustrations, and binding are all as good as possible." cassell & company, limited, _london_; _paris, new york & melbourne_. _a selection_ from _cassell & company's publications_. illustrated, fine art, and other volumes. =aconcagua and tierra del fuego.= a book of climbing, travel, and exploration. by sir martin conway. with numerous illustrations from photographs. s. d. net. =a daughter of the pit.= by margaret doyle jackson. s. =adventure, the world of.= with stirring pictures and coloured plates. in three vols., s. each. =adventures of harry revel, the.= by a. t. quiller-couch. s. =afield and afloat.= by frank stockton. s. =aladdin o'brien.= by gouverneur morris. s. =alice of old vincennes.= by maurice thompson. s. =alternate currents, notes on, for students.= by h. h. simmons, a.m.i.e.e. illustrated. s. d. net. =america at work.= by john foster fraser. _popular edition_, s. d. =anarchism in art.= by e. wake cook. s. net. =angels, and devils, and man.= by winifred graham. s. =animals, popular history of.= by henry scherren, f.z.s. with coloured plates, &c. s. =art, sacred.= with nearly full-page illustrations. s. =art, the magazine of.= with a series of full-page plates, and hundreds of illustrations. yearly vol., s. =artistic anatomy.= by prof. m. duval. _cheap edition._ s. d. =australian goldfields, my adventures on the.= by w. craig. s. =australasia: the britains of the south.= by philip gibbs. with coloured plates and numerous illustrations. s. d. =automobile, the.= a practical treatise on the construction of modern motor cars: steam, petrol, electric, and petrol electric. edited by paul n. hasluck. with illustrations. s. net. =avenger of blood, the.= by j. maclaren cobban. s. d. =ballads and songs.= by w. m. thackeray. illustrated. s. =ballads and songs of spain.= by leonard williams. s. net. =birds' nests, british: how, where, and when to find and identify them.= by r. kearton, f.z.s. illustrated from photographs direct from nature by c. kearton. s. =birds' nests, eggs, and egg-collecting.= by r. kearton, f.z.s. with coloured plates. s. =birds, our rarer british breeding: their nests, eggs, and breeding haunts.= by r. kearton, f.z.s. illustrated from photographs direct from nature by c. kearton. _popular edition_, s. d. =black arrow, the.= by r. l. stevenson. s. _popular edition_, s. d. _pocket edition_, cloth, s. net; leather, s. net. =black watch, the. the record of an historic regiment.= by archibald forbes, ll.d. with illustrations. _popular edition._ s. d. =black, william, novelist.= by sir wemyss reid. with portraits. s. d. net. =boer war, cassell's illustrated history of the.= two vols., s. =britain at work.= a pictorial description of our national industries. by popular authors, and containing nearly illustrations. s. =britain's sea-kings and sea-fights.= profusely illustrated. s. d. =britain's roll of glory.= by d. h. parry. _new and enlarged edition._ illustrated. s. ="britannia" training ship for naval cadets, the story of.= with some account of previous methods of naval education, and of the new scheme established in . by commander e. p. statham, r.n. with numerous illustrations. s. d. net. =british ballads.= with original illustrations. _cheap edition._ two vols. in one. cloth, s. d. =british battles on land and sea.= by james grant. with about illustrations. _cheap edition._ in four vols., s. d. each. =british nigeria.= by lieut.-col. mockler-ferryman. with map and illustrations. s. d. net. =british sculpture and sculptors of to-day.= by m. h. spielmann. illustrated. s. net; cloth, s. d. net. =building world.= half-yearly vols., s. d. each. =bulb growing, pictorial practical.= by walter p. wright. with numerous illustrations. paper covers, s.; cloth, s. d. =butterflies and moths of europe, the.= by w. f. kirby, f.l.s., f.e.s. with coloured plates and numerous illustrations. s. net. =cairo and the khedive.= illustrated. d. net. =campaign pictures of the war in south africa ( - ). letters from the front.= by a. g. hales. s. =canaries and cage-birds, the illustrated book of.= with coloured plates, s.; half-morocco, £ s. =cassell's magazine.= half-yearly volume, s.; yearly volume, s. =cat, the book of the.= by frances simpson. with full-page plates in colour and numerous illustrations. s. net. =cathedrals, abbeys, and churches of england and wales.= descriptive, historical, pictorial. _popular edition._ two vols., s. the set. =catriona.= by r. l. stevenson. s. _popular edition_, s. d. _pocket edition_, cloth, s. net; leather, s. net. =chinese pictures. notes on photographs made in china.= by mrs. bishop, f.r.g.s. (isabella bird). with illustrations. s. d. =chrysanthemum culture, pictorial practical.= by walter p. wright. paper covers, s.; cloth, s. d. =chums.= the illustrated paper for boys. yearly volume, s. =clinical manuals for practitioners and students of medicine.= a list of volumes forwarded post free on application to the publishers. =cloistering of ursula, the.= by clinton scollard. s. =clyde, cassell's pictorial guide to the.= with coloured plate and maps. cloth, s. =colour.= by prof. a. h. church. with coloured plates. s. d. =conning tower, in a; or, how i took h.m.s. 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cloth, s. d. =gulliver's travels.= with upwards of illustrations. _new fine art edition._ s. d. =gun and its development, the.= by w. w. greener. with illustrations. _entirely new edition._ s. d. =handyman's book, the, of tools, materials, and processes employed in woodworking.= edited by paul n. hasluck. with about , illustrations. s. =heavens, the story of the.= by sir robert ball, ll.d. with coloured plates. _popular edition._ s. d. =her majesty's tower.= by hepworth dixon. with an introduction by w. j. loftie, b.a., f.s.a., and containing coloured plates specially prepared for this edition by h. e. tidmarsh. _popular edition._ two vols., s. the set. =heroes of britain in peace and war.= with original illustrations. _cheap edition._ complete in one vol. s. d. =holbein's "ambassadors" unriddled.= the counts palatine otto henry and philipp. a key to other holbeins. by william frederick dickes. illustrated. s. d. net. =houghton, lord: the life, letters, and friendships of richard monckton milnes, first lord houghton.= by sir wemyss reid. in two vols., with two portraits. s. =hygiene and public health.= by b. arthur whitelegge, m.d. s. d. =ia: a love story.= by a. t. quiller-couch (q). s. d. =impregnable city, the.= by max pemberton. s. d. =india, cassell's history of.= in one vol. _cheap edition._ illustrated. s. d. =india: our eastern empire.= by philip gibbs. with coloured plates and numerous illustrations. s. d. =in royal purple.= by william pigott. s. =iron pirate, the.= by max pemberton. s. d. _people's edition_, d. =john gayther's garden.= by frank stockton. s. =joseph's letters upon egypt.= d. net. =joy, the work of george w.= with rembrandt photogravures and reproductions in colour of pictures and drawings. =kate bonnet: the romance of a pirate's daughter.= by frank r. stockton. with illustrations. s. =khedive's country, the.= the nile valley and its products. edited by g. manville fenn. illustrated. s. =kidnapped.= by r. l. stevenson. s. d. _people's edition_, d. _pocket edition_, cloth, s. net; leather, s. net. =kilogram, the coming of the; or, the battle of the standards.= by the rt. hon. h. o. arnold-forster, m.a. illustrated. _cheap edition._ d. =king solomon's mines.= by h. rider haggard. illustrated. s. d. _people's edition_, d. =kiss of the enemy, the.= by headon hill. s. =koreans at home.= by constance j. d. tayler. with plates in colour and in black and white. s. d. =kronstadt.= by max pemberton. s. =ladies' physician, the.= by a london physician. s. d. =laird's luck, the, and other fireside tales.= by a. t. quiller-couch (q). s. =land of the dons, the.= by leonard williams, author of "ballads and songs of spain," &c. with about illustrations. s. net. =landels, william, d.d. a memoir.= by his son, the rev. thomas d. landels, m.a. with portrait. s. =landscape painting in water-colour.= by j. macwhirter, r.a. with coloured plates. s. =lepidus the centurion: a roman of to-day.= by edwin lester arnold. s. =letts's diaries and other time-saving publications= published exclusively by cassell & company. 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half-leather, s. each. =natural history, cassell's.= _cheap edition._ with about , illustrations. in three double vols. s. each. =natural history, cassell's concise.= by e. perceval wright, m.a., m.d., f.l.s. with several hundred illustrations. s. d. =nature and a camera, with.= by richard kearton, f.z.s. with frontispiece, and pictures from photographs direct from nature by c. kearton. _cheap edition._ s. d. =nature's riddles.= by h. w. shepheard-walwyn, m.a., &c. with numerous illustrations. s. =nebo the nailer.= by s. baring-gould. s. =o'connell, daniel, the life of.= by michael macdonagh. with rembrandt frontispiece. s. net. =old fires and profitable ghosts.= by a. t. quiller-couch (q). s. ="ophir," with the, round the empire.= with illustrations. by wm. maxwell. s. =our bird friends.= by r. kearton, f.z.s. with illustrations from photographs direct from nature by c. kearton. s. =our own country.= with , illustrations. _cheap edition._ three double vols. s. each. =oxford, reminiscences of.= by the rev. w. tuckwell, m.a. with full-page illustrations. s. =painting, practical guides to.= with coloured plates:-- italian painting. s. china painting. s. neutral tint. s. flowers, and how to paint them. s. manual of oil painting. s. d. macwhirter's landscape painting in water-colour. s. wyllie's marine painting in water-colour. s. =paris, cassell's illustrated guide to.= paper, d.; cloth, s. =peel, sir r.= by lord rosebery. s. d. =penny magazine, the.= with about illustrations. in quarterly volumes. s. d. each. =peoples of the world, the.= by dr. robert brown. in six vols. illustrated. s. d. each. =peril and patriotism. true tales of heroic deeds and startling adventures.= two vols. in one. s. =pictorial scotland and ireland.= with copyright illustrations from photographs. s. =pictures of many wars.= by frederic villiers. s. =picturesque america.= in four vols., with steel plates and wood engravings. £ s. the set. _popular edition._ s. each. =picturesque canada.= with original illustrations. two vols. £ s. the set. =picturesque europe.= _popular edition._ the continent. in three vols. each containing litho plates and nearly illustrations. s. each. =picturesque mediterranean, the.= with magnificent illustrations by leading artists. complete in two vols. £ s. each. =pigeons, fulton's book of.= edited by lewis wright. revised and supplemented by the rev. w. f. lumley. with full-page illustrations. _popular edition_, s. d. _original edition_, with coloured plates and numerous wood engravings. s. =planet, the story of our.= by prof. bonney, f.r.s. with coloured plates and maps and about illustrations. _cheap edition._ s. d. =playfair, lyon, first lord playfair of st. andrews, memoirs and correspondence of.= by sir wemyss reid. with two portraits. _cheap edition._ s. d. =poultry club standards, the.= with introduction by l. wright. edited by t. threlford. s. net. =poultry, the book of.= by lewis wright. _popular edition_, s. d. =poultry, the new book of.= by lewis wright. with coloured plates by j. w. ludlow, and other illustrations. s. =poultry keeper, the practical.= by lewis wright. with eight coloured plates and numerous illustrations. s. d. =postcards, cassell's art.= series, each containing reproductions of six of barnard's character sketches from dickens. d. each series. series nation's pictures, each containing six beautiful reproductions in colour of standard works of art. d. each series. =profitable home farming, specially adapted to occupants of small homesteads.= by 'yeoman.' s.; cloth, s. d. =q's works.= s. each. + * dead man's rock. + * the splendid spur. + the astonishing history of troy town. "i saw three ships," and other winter's tales. noughts and crosses. the delectable duchy. wandering heath. * also at s. d. + also _people's editions_ at d. =queen's london, the.= containing about exquisite views of london and its environs. s. =queen victoria. a personal sketch.= by mrs. oliphant. with three rembrandt plates and other illustrations. s. d. also s., half-morocco. =rabbit-keeper, the practical.= by "cuniculus," assisted by eminent fanciers. with illustrations. s. d. =railway guides, official.= with illustrations, maps, &c. price s. each; or in cloth, s. d. each. london and north western railway. great western railway. midland railway. great northern railway. great eastern railway. london and south western railway. london, brighton and south coast railway. south eastern and chatham railway. =red morn.= by max pemberton. s. =rivers of great britain=: descriptive, historical, pictorial. rivers of the south and west coasts. _popular edition_, s. rivers of the east coast. _popular edition_, s. =rogue's march, the.= by e. w. hornung. s. d. =royal academy pictures.= annual volume. s. d. =ruskin, john: a sketch of his life, his work, and his opinions, with personal reminiscences.= by m. h. spielmann. s. =saturday journal, cassell's.= yearly volume, cloth, s. d. =scales of heaven, the. narrative, legendary and meditative.= with a few sonnets. by the rev. frederick langbridge. s. =science series, the century.= consisting of biographies of eminent scientific men of the present century. edited by sir henry roscoe, d.c.l., f.r.s. crown vo. _new edition._ vols. s. d. each. =science for all.= edited by dr. robert brown. _cheap edition._ in five vols. s. d. each. =scientific truth, the criterion of.= by george shann. s. d. =sea, the story of the.= edited by q. illustrated. in two vols. s. each. _cheap edition._ s. each. =sea wolves, the.= by max pemberton. s. d. _people's edition_, d. =sentimental tommy.= by j. m. barrie. illustrated. s. =shaftesbury, the seventh earl of, k.g., the life and work of.= by edwin hodder. _cheap edition._ s. d. =shakespeare, the plays of.= edited by professor henry morley. complete in thirteen vols., cloth, s.; also vols., cloth, in box, s. =shakespeare, the england of.= _new edition._ by e. goadby. with full-page illustrations. s. d. =shakspere, the leopold.= with illustrations. _cheap edition._ s. d. cloth gilt, gilt edges, s.; half-persian, s. d. net. =shakspere, the royal.= with full-page illustrations. complete in three vols. s. the set. =ship of stars, the.= by a. t. quiller-couch (q). s. =siberia, the real.= by j. foster fraser. with numerous illustrations from photographs. _popular edition_, s. d. =sights and scenes in oxford city and university.= described by thomas whittaker, b.a. with illustrations after original photographs. _popular edition_, s. d. net. =social england.= a record of the progress of the people. by various writers. edited by h. d. traill, d.c.l., and j. s. mann, m.a. _new illustrated edition_ in six vols. vols. i. to v., s. net each. =sports and pastimes, cassell's book of.= with numerous illustrations. _new edition._ s. d. =sports of the world.= edited by f. g. aflalo, f.r.g.s., f.z.s. with several hundreds of new and original illustrations. s. =standard library, cassell's.= s. net each. (list free on application.) =star-land.= by sir robert ball, ll.d. illustrated. _new and enlarged edition._ s. d. =sun, the story of the.= by sir robert ball, ll.d. with eight coloured plates and other illustrations. _cheap edition._ s. d. =swiss family robinson.= in words of one syllable. d. =technical instruction.= a series of practical volumes. edited by p. n. hasluck. illustrated. s. each. practical staircase joinery. practical metal plate work. practical gas fitting. practical draughtsmen's work. practical graining and marbling. =toledo and madrid: their records and romances.= by leonard williams. with illustrations. s. d. net. =tidal thames, the.= by grant allen. with india proof impressions of magnificent full-page photogravure plates, and with many other illustrations in the text after original drawings by w. l. wyllie, a.r.a. s. net. =tommy and grizel.= by j. m. barrie. s. =tomorrow's tangle.= by geraldine bonner. s. =treasure island.= by r. l. stevenson. _cheap illustrated edition._ s. d. =turner, j. m. w., r.a., the water-colour sketches of, in the national gallery.= with facsimile reproductions in colour, comprising the rivers of france--the seine--the rivers of england, the ports of england. the descriptive text written by theodore a. cook, m.a., f.s.a. £ s. net. ="unicode": the universal telegraphic phrase book.= _desk or pocket edition._ s. d. =westminster abbey, annals of.= by e. t. bradley (mrs. a. murray smith). illustrated. _cheap edition._ s. =wild flowers, familiar.= by f. edward hulme, f.l.s., f.s.a. with beautiful coloured plates. _cheap edition._ in seven volumes. s. d. each. =wild nature's ways.= by r. kearton, f.z.s. with illustrations from photographs by the author and c. kearton. s. d. ="work" handbooks.= edited by paul n. hasluck, editor of _work_. illustrated, s. each. =wrecker, the.= by r. l. stevenson. s. _popular edition_, s. d. illustrated magazines and practical journals. =the quiver.= monthly, d. =cassell's magazine.= monthly, d. =little folks.= monthly, d. =the penny magazine.= weekly, d.; monthly, d. =cassell's saturday journal.= weekly, d.; monthly, d. =the magazine of art.= _new series._ monthly, s. net. =chums.= the paper for boys. weekly, d.; monthly, d. =tiny tots.= for the very little ones. monthly, d. =work.= weekly, d.; monthly, d. =building world.= weekly, d.; monthly, d. =the gardener.= weekly, d. cassell & company, limited, _ludgate hill, london_. bibles and religious works. =aids to practical religion.= selections from the writings and addresses of w. boyd carpenter, lord bishop of ripon. by the rev. j. h. burn, b.d., f.r.s.e. s. d. =atonement, the.= by william connor magee, d.d., late archbishop of york. =bible biographies.= illus. s. d. each. the story of moses and joshua. by the rev. j. telford. the story of the judges. by the rev. j. wycliffe gedge. the story of samuel and saul. by the rev. d. c. tovey. the story of david. by the rev. j. wild. the story of joseph. its lessons for to-day. by the rev. george bainton. the story of jesus. in verse. by j. r. macduff. d.d. =bible commentary for english readers.= edited by bishop ellicott. with contributions by eminent scholars and divines:-- new testament. _popular edition._ unabridged. three vols. s. each. old testament. _popular edition._ unabridged. five vols. s. each. special pocket editions. s. each. =bible dictionary, cassell's concise.= by the rev. robert hunter, ll.d. illustrated. _cheap edition._ s. d. =bible student in the british museum, the.= by the rev. j. g. kitchin, m.a. _new and revised edition._ s. d. =child's bible, the.= with illustrations and coloured plates. _new edition._ s. d. =child "wonderful," the.= a series of pictures in colours by w. s. stacey, illustrating incidents in the life of christ. s. d. =church of england, the.= a history for the people. by the very rev. h. d. m. spence, d.d., dean of gloucester. illustrated. complete in four vols. s. each. =church reform in spain and portugal.= by the rev. h. e. noyes, d.d. illustrated. s. d. =early christianity and paganism.= by the very rev. h. d. spence, d.d. illustrated. _cheap edition._ s. d. =early days of christianity, the.= by the very rev. dean farrar, d.d., f.r.s. _library edition._ two vols., s.; morocco, £ s. _popular edition._ complete in one volume. cloth, gilt edges, s. d. _cheap edition._ cloth gilt, s. d.; paste grain, s. net. =family prayer-book, the.= edited by the rev. canon garbett, m.a., and rev. s. martin. with full-page illustrations. s. d. =gleanings after harvest.= studies and sketches by the rev. john r. vernon, m.a. illustrated. _cheap edition._ s. d. ="graven in the rock."= by the rev. dr. samuel kinns, f.r.a.s. illustrated. _library edition._ two vols. s. ="heart chords."= a series of works by eminent divines. s. each. my comfort in sorrow. by hugh macmillan, d.d. my bible. by the right rev. w. boyd carpenter, bishop of ripon. my father. by the right rev. ashton oxenden, late bishop of montreal. my work for god. by the right rev. bishop cotterill. my emotional life. by the rev. preb. chadwick, d.d. my growth in divine life. by the rev. preb. reynolds, m.a. my soul. by the rev. p. b. power, m.a. my hereafter. by the very rev. dean bickersteth. my aid to the divine life. by the very rev. dean boyle. my sources of strength. by the rev. e. e. jenkins. m.a. my walk with god. by the very rev. dean montgomery. =holy land and the bible.= a book of scripture illustrations gathered in palestine. by the rev. cunningham geikie, d.d. _cheap edition._ s. d. _superior edition._ with plates. cloth gilt, gilt edges, s. d. _"quiver" edition._ abridged by the author. with full-page illustrations, s. d. net. =life of christ, the.= by the very rev. dean farrar. _cheap edition._ with full-page plates. s. d.; paste grain, s. net. _illustrated quarto edition._ cloth gilt, gilt edges, s. d. _biographical edition_, s. d. net. _original illustrated edition_, s. =life of lives, the: further studies in the life of christ.= by dean farrar. s. _popular edition_, s. d. =life and work of the redeemer.= illustrated. _"quiver" edition._ with full-page illustrations. s. d. net. =matin and vesper bells.= earlier and later collected poems (chiefly sacred). by j. r. macduff, d.d. two vols. s. d. the set. =methodism, side lights on the conflicts of.= during the second quarter of the nineteenth century, - . from the notes of the late rev. joseph fowler of the debates of the wesleyan conference. cloth, s. _popular edition._ unabridged. cloth, s. d. =miracles.= by the rev. brownlow maitland, m.a. s. =moses and geology; or, the harmony of the bible with science.= by the rev. samuel kinns, ph.d., f.r.a.s. illustrated. s. d. net. =pilgrim's progress, the.= by john bunyan. _superior edition._ with notes by the rev. robert maguire, m.a., and containing numerous illustrations by h. c. selous and m. paolo priolo. s. d. =plain introductions to the books of the old testament.= edited by bishop ellicott. s d. =plain introductions to the books of the new testament.= edited by bishop ellicott. s. d. =protestantism, the history of.= by the rev. j. a. wylie, ll.d. containing upwards of original illustrations. _cheap edition._ three vols. s. each. =quiver postcards.= set of pictures entitled "fair flowers of british womanhood." d. =quiver yearly volume, the.= with about original illustrations. s. d. =st. paul, the life and work of.= by the very rev. dean farrar. _cheap edition._ with full-page plates, s. d.; paste grain, s. net; _popular edition_, s. d.; _illustrated to edition_, s. d.; _original illustrated edition_, £ s. ="six hundred years"=; or, historical sketches of eminent men and women who have more or less come into contact with the abbey and church of holy trinity, minories, from to . with illustrations. by the vicar, the rev. dr. samuel kinns. s. d. net. ="sunday," its origin, history, and present obligation.= by the ven. archdeacon hessey, d.c.l. _fifth edition._ s. d. educational works and student's manuals. =Æsop's fables.= in words of one syllable. with coloured plates and numerous illustrations. d. =alphabet, cassell's pictorial.= s. and s. d. =architectural drawing.= r. phené spiers. with plates. _new edition._ s. d. net. =atlas, cassell's popular.= containing coloured maps. s. d. =blackboard drawing.= by w. e. sparkes. illustrated. s. d. =brushwork series, cassell's.= series i.--wild flowers. series ii.--pictures wanting words. series iii.--entertaining pictures. d. per set, each containing sheets. each sheet includes a set of six water-colours. =book-keeping.= by theodore jones. for schools, s.; cloth, s. for the million, s.; cloth, s. books for jones's system, s. =chemistry, the public school.= by j. h. anderson, m.a. s. d. =dulce domum.= rhymes and songs for children. edited by john farmer, s. =england, a history of.= by the rt. hon. h. o. arnold-forster, m.a. illustrated. s. =euclid, cassell's.= edited by prof. wallace, m.a. s. ="eyes and no eyes" series (cassell's).= by arabella buckley. with coloured plates and other illustrations. six books. d. and d. each. complete volume, s. d. =founders of the empire.= by philip gibbs. illustrated. s. d.; cloth, s. d. =french, cassell's lessons in.= _cheap edition._ in two parts. cloth, s. d. each. complete in one vol., s. d. key, s. d. =french-english and english-french dictionary.= , pages. cloth or buckram, s. d.; half-morocco, s. =french-english and english-french dictionary, cassell's new.= edited by james boielle, b.a. s. d. =gaudeamus.= songs for colleges and schools. edited by john farmer. s. words only, paper covers, d.; cloth, d. =geography: a practical method of teaching.= book i., england and wales, in two parts, d. each. book ii., europe. by j. h. overton, f.g.s. d. tracing book, containing leaves, d. =german dictionary, cassell's.= (german-english, english-german.) _cheap edition._ cloth, s. d.; half-morocco, s. =greek heroes.= new supplementary reader. with coloured plates and numerous illustrations, d.; cloth, s. =hand and eye training.= by g. ricks, b.sc. two vols., with coloured plates in each. s. each. =hand and eye training.= by george ricks, b.sc., and jos. vaughan. illustrated. vol. i., cardboard work, s. vol. ii., colour work and design, s. =historical cartoons, cassell's coloured.= size in. × in. s. each. mounted on canvas and varnished, with rollers, s. each. =in danger's hour; or, stout hearts and stirring deeds.= a book of adventures for school and home. with coloured plates and other illustrations. cloth, s. d; bevelled boards, s. d. =king solomon's mines.= _abridged edition_, for schools. s. d. =latin-english and english-latin dictionary.= s. d. and s. =latin primer, the first.= by prof. postgate. s. =latin primer, the new.= by prof. j. p. postgate. crown vo. s. d. =latin prose for lower forms.= by m. a. bayfield, m.a. s. d. =laws of every-day life.= by the rt. hon. h. o. arnold-forster, m.a. s. d. =magna carta.= a facsimile of the original document, mounted on cardboard, together with a translation. s. d. =marlborough books=:--arithmetic examples, revised, s. french exercises, s. d. french grammar, s. d. german grammar, s. d. =mechanics and machine design, numerical examples in practical.= by r. g. blaine, m.e. _revised and enlarged._ illustrated. s. d. =mechanics, applied.= by j. perry, m.e., d.sc., &c. illustrated. s. d. =mechanics, cassell's cyclopædia of.= edited by p. n. hasluck. series i., ii., and iii. s. d. each. (each series is complete in itself.) =metric charts, cassell's approved.= two coloured sheets, in. by - / in., illustrating by designs and explanations the metric system. s. each. mounted with rollers, s. each. the two in one with rollers, s. each. =models and common objects, how to draw from.= by w. e. sparkes. illustrated. s. =models, common objects, and casts of ornament, how to shade from.= by w. e. sparkes. with plates by the author. s. =object lessons from nature.= by prof. l. c. miall, f.l.s. fully illustrated. _new and enlarged edition._ two vols., s. d. each. =physiology for schools.= by a. t. schofield, m.d., &c. illustrated. cloth, s. d.; three parts, paper, d. each; or cloth limp, d. each. =poetry for children, cassell's.= books, d. each; in one vol., d. =popular educator, cassell's.= with coloured plates and maps, and other illustrations. vols., s. each. =reader, the citizen.= by the rt. hon. h. o. arnold-forster, m.a. illustrated, s. d. also a _scottish edition_, cloth. s. d. =reader, the temperance.= by j. dennis hird. s. or s. d. =readers, cassell's "belle sauvage."= an entirely new series. fully illustrated. strongly bound in cloth. (_list on application._) =readers, cassell's classical, for school and home.= illustrated. vol i. (for young children), s. d.; vol. ii. (boys and girls), s. d. =readers, cassell's "higher class."= (_list on application._) =readers, cassell's readable.= illustrated. (_list on application._) =readers, cassell's union jack series.= with coloured plates and numerous illustrations. books. from d. each. =readers for infant schools, coloured.= three books. d. each. =readers, geographical, cassell's new.= illustrated. (_list on application._) =readers, the "modern school."= illustrated. (_list on application._) =readers, the "modern school." geographical.= (_list on application._) =reckoning, howard's art of.= by c. frusher howard. paper covers, s.; cloth, s. _new edition._ s. =round the empire.= by g. r. parkin. fully illustrated. s. d. =r. h. s. curves.= by prof. r. h. smith. a set of scaled templates, with pamphlet, s. d. =scholar's companion to "things new and old."= five books. pages, extra crown vo. d. each. =shakspere's plays for school use.= books. illustrated. d. each. =spelling, a complete manual of.= by j. d. morell, ll.d. cloth, s. _cheap edition_, d. =spending and saving: a primer of thrift.= by alfred pinhorn. s. =swiss family robinson.= in words of one syllable. with coloured plates. d. =technical educator, cassell's.= with coloured plates and engravings. complete in six vols. s. d. each. =technical manuals, cassell's.= illustrated throughout. books, from s. to s. d. (_list on application._) =technology, manuals of.= edited by prof. ayrton, f.r.s., & richard wormell, d.sc., m.a. illustrated throughout. books from s. d. to s. each. (_list on application._) =things new and old; or, stories from english history.= by the rt. hon. h. o. arnold-forster, m.a. illustrated. books from d. to s. d. =things new and old, scholar's companion to.= books. d. each. =this world of ours.= by the rt. hon. h. o. arnold-forster, m.a. illustrated. _cheap edition._ s. d. =troubadour, the.= selections from english verse. edited and annotated by philip gibbs. s. d. ="wild flowers" sheets, cassell's.= sheets, each containing examples of familiar wild flowers, beautifully reproduced in colours and varnished, s. d. each. cassell & company, limited, _ludgate hill, london_. books for the little ones. =a sunday story book.= s. d. pages of simple stories, alternating with pictures. =animal land for little people.= by s. h. hamer. illustrated. s. d. =beneath the banner.= being narratives of noble lives and brave deeds. by f. j. cross. illustrated. limp cloth, s.; cloth gilt, s. =birds, beasts and fishes.= by s. h. hamer. with four coloured plates and numerous illustrations. s. d. =bo-peep.= a book for the little ones. with original stories and verses. illustrated with full-page coloured plates, and numerous pictures in colour. yearly volume. picture boards, s. d.; cloth, s. d. =good morning! good night!= by f. j. cross. illustrated. limp cloth, s.; or cloth boards, gilt lettered, s. =heroes of every-day life.= by laura lane. illustrated. s. d. ="little folks" half-yearly volume.= containing pages, with six full-page coloured plates, and numerous other pictures printed in colour. picture boards, s. d. cloth gilt, gilt edges, s. each. ="little folks" plays.= each containing coloured plates and numerous illustrations. d. net each:-- cinderella. by miranda hill. rumpelstiltzkin and dummling. two plays. by miranda hill. how to get up a children's play. by maggie browne. ="little folks" song book.= with four coloured plates. s. d. =little folks' sunday book.= by christian redford. illustrated. s. =little mother bunch.= by mrs. molesworth. illustrated. s. d. =magic at home.= by prof. hoffman. illustrated. cloth gilt, s. d. =master charlie.= by c. s. harrison and s. h. hamer. illustrated. coloured boards, s. d. =micky magee's menagerie; or, strange animals and their doings.= by s. h. hamer. with eight coloured plates and other illustrations by harry b. neilson. s. d. =notable shipwrecks.= _revised and enlarged edition._ s. =peter piper's peepshow.= by s. h. hamer. with illustrations by h. b. neilson and lewis baumer. s. d. =pleasant work for busy fingers.= by maggie browne. illustrated. s. d. =quackles, junior=: being the extraordinary adventures of a duckling. with four coloured plates and other illustrations by harry rountree. written by s. h. hamer. s. d. =the foolish fox, and other tales in prose and verse.= edited by s. h. hamer. with four coloured plates and numerous illustrations. s. d. =the ten travellers.= by s. h. hamer. with four coloured plates and numerous illustrations by harry b. neilson. s. d. =the jungle school; or, dr. jibber-jabber burchall's academy.= by s. h. hamer. with illustrations by h. b. neilson. s. d. =the old fairy tales.= with original illustrations. cloth. s. ="tiny tots" annual volume.= boards, s. d. cloth, s. d. =topsy turvy tales.= by s. h. hamer. with illustrations by harry b. neilson. s. d. =the surprising adventures of tuppy and tue.= a fairy story. by maggie browne. with four coloured plates and other illustrations. s. d. =whys and other whys; or, curious creatures and their tales.= by s. h. hamer and harry b. neilson. paper boards, s. d. cloth, s. d. =cassell's shilling story books.= all illustrated, and containing interesting stories. a pair of primroses. frank's life battle. ella's golden year. in the days of king george. little queen mab. rhoda's reward. the heiress of wyvern court. their road to fortune. won by gentleness. =shilling story books by edward s. ellis.= illustrated. astray in the forest. bear cavern. red feather. a tale of the american frontier. captured by indians. the boy hunters of kentucky. the daughter of the chieftain. wolf ear the indian. =cassell's eighteenpenny story books.= illustrated. aim at a sure end. all in a castle fair. bear and forbear. by land and sea. clare linton's friend. dolly's golden slippers. her wilful way. honour is my guide. on board the _esmeralda_. the bravest of the brave. to school and away. =cassell's two-shilling story books.= illustrated. adam hepburn's vow. a self-willed family. daisy's dilemmas. fairway island. fluffy and jack. the lost vestal. the mystery of master max; and the shrimps of shrimpton. uncle silvio's secret. wrong from the first. =two-shilling story books by edward s. ellis.= illustrated. cloth. tad. lost in samoa. blazing arrow. chieftain and scout. klondike nuggets. ned in the block house. ned in the woods. ned on the river. the path in the ravine. the rubber hunters. the young ranchers. =half-crown story books by edward s. ellis.= illustrated. cloth. a strange craft and its wonderful voyages. camp-fire and wigwam. cowmen and rustlers. down the mississippi. footprints in the forest. in red indian trails. in the days of the pioneers. iron heart, war chief of the iroquois. lost in the wilds. pontiac, chief of the ottawas. red jacket: the last of the senecas. scouts and comrades. shod with silence. the camp in the mountains. the great cattle trail. the hunters of the ozark. the last war trail. the lost trail. the phantom of the river. two boys in wyoming. uncrowning a king. =half-crown story books for girls.= a girl without ambition. mrs. pederson's niece. sisters three. tom and some other girls. =half-crown story books for boys.= an old boy's yarns. at the south pole. by fire and sword. cost of a mistake. freedom's sword. heroes of the indian empire. lost among white africans. lost on du corrig. master of the strong hearts: a story of custer's last rally. pictures of school life and boyhood. rogues of the fiery cross. strong to suffer. the queen's scarlet. the white house at inch gow. through trial to triumph. told out of school. to punish the czar. to the death. wanted--a king; or, how merle set the nursery rhymes to rights. with redskins on the warpath. =books for boys and girls.= fully illustrated. gulliver's travels. with upwards of illustrations from new plates. fine art edition, s. d. cassell's robinson crusoe. with illustrations. cloth, s. d.; gilt edges, s. cassell's swiss family robinson. illustrated. cloth, s. d.; gilt edges, s. strange adventures in dicky-bird land. stories told by mother birds to amuse their chicks, and overheard by r. kearton, f.z.s. with illustrations from photographs taken direct from nature by c. kearton. cloth, s. d.; cloth gilt, gilt edges, s. =three and sixpenny story books for girls.= illustrated. with coloured plates in each. by l. t. meade. a sweet girl graduate. a world of girls: the story of a school. bashful fifteen. beyond the blue mountains. merry girls of england. polly: a new-fashioned girl. red rose and tiger lily. the palace beautiful. the rebellion of lil carrington. bound by a spell. by the hon. mrs. greene. five stars in a little pool. by edith carrington. the king's command: a story for girls. by maggie symington. =three and sixpenny story books for boys.= illustrated. cloth gilt. "follow my leader." by talbot baines reed. for fortune and glory: a story of the soudan war. by lewis hough. for glory and renown. by d. h. parry. the capture of the "estrella": a tale of the slave trade. by commander claud harding, r.n. the red terror: a story of the paris commune. by edward king. the three homes. by the very rev. dean farrar. under the great bear. by kirk munroe. with claymore and bayonet. by colonel percy groves. cassell & company's complete catalogue will be sent post free on application to cassell & company, limited, _la belle sauvage, ludgate hill, london_. transcriber's note variant spellings are preserved as printed, e.g. premisses, crochety, teneriffe. minor punctuation errors have been repaired. hyphenation usage has been made consistent. spelling of proper names has been made consistent where there was a prevalence of one form over another, as follows: page xi--corbet amended to corbett--captain john corbett ... page --corbet amended to corbett--captain john corbett. page --corbet amended to corbett--... by captain john corbett, after having held the appointment ... page --bobart amended to bobardt--dr. bobardt, b arlington ... page --j. c. j. amended to j. c. p.--aldous, rev. j. c. p., , printer errors have been corrected as follows: page viii--succesful amended to successful--... a successful experiment ... page --pioner amended to pioneer--"jim," the pioneer of the pack, ... the table of seventeen years' athletics, originally on page , has been moved so that it is not in the middle of a paragraph. the original large table has been divided into smaller tables for better display on smaller devices. the frontispiece illustration has been moved to follow the title page. other illustrations have been moved where necessary so that they are not in the middle of a paragraph. scapa and a camera [illustration: country life] _first published in ._ [illustration: "the sure shield of britain and of her empire." (_extract from his majesty the king's message to his navy at the outbreak of war._)] scapa and a camera pictorial impressions of five years spent at the grand fleet base. by c. w. burrows with an introduction by vice-admiral f. s. miller, c.b. rear-admiral scapa flow, - london published at the offices of country life, ltd., , tavistock street, covent garden, w.c. , and by george newnes, ltd., - , southampton street, strand, w.c. new york: charles scribner's sons mcmxxi dedicated (by permission) to admiral of the fleet earl beatty, o.m., g.c.b., and the officers and men of the grand fleet and auxiliaries preface the author desires to express his indebtedness to the undermentioned, who, by the loan of photographs or in other ways, have assisted in the production of this book: the photographic bureau, imperial war museum. o. baird, esq., admiralty. p. goodyear, esq., senior constructor, admiralty. lieut.-commander n. a. k. money, r.n., o.b.e., admiralty. paymaster-lieut. humphrey joel, r.n.r., h.m.s. "excellent." t. kent, esq., kirkwall. a. h. dominey, esq., late junior army and navy stores, ltd., s.s. "borodino." jas. mackintosh, esq., kirkwall. guibal house, lee, s.e. , _march, _. introduction it was my privilege to be in administrative charge of the naval base at scapa from august, , to may, , until relieved by rear-admiral prendergast. the author, mr. c. w. burrows, assumed duty as cashier of the dockyard section at the base in may, , and was so employed until march, , and thus had a long and intimate knowledge of local doings and surroundings. he has compiled a unique and profusely illustrated book, which should prove of surpassing interest, not only to those who only know of scapa by hearsay, but particularly to the thousands of officers and men of the naval, marine, and civil services of the crown, the mercantile marine, and others who were employed in and near scapa flow. to the latter it will serve as a remembrance of the incidents, many joyous and some sad and tragic, associated with their sojourn in the northern mists which shrouded scapa from the public eye. part iv., dealing with the german ships at scapa flow, their dramatic sinking on st june, , and the subsequent salvage operations of several of them, is an exceptionally fine pictorial record. owing to the lack of facilities, practically the whole of the base establishment had to be accommodated afloat, and until the arrival of h.m.s. "victorious" in march, , as accommodation ship and workshop for the dockyard staff and workmen, the officers and men experienced considerable discomfort. the men usually found quarters on board the ships upon which they were working, and, owing to the shortness of notice, they were frequently taken to sea. a very marked feature throughout the war was the spirit of loyalty, good comradeship, and emulation which evinced itself among all ranks, ratings, and grades, whether on duty or in recreations. it was this spirit that lightened the discomforts and difficulties which necessarily occurred, maintained the grand fleet and base in a healthy state of efficiency, and brought about the breakdown of the german morale, resulting in the ignominious surrender of the german ships in november, , and their ultimate transfer to scapa flow. the author is to be congratulated in providing such a delightful souvenir of the great war. f. s. miller. long hope, shortheath, farnham, surrey. contents part i page the development of the base part ii scenes around scapa flow part iii the navy at scapa flow part iv the german ships at scapa flow illustrations "the sure shield of britain and of her empire" _frontispiece_ page map of scapa flow and the orkney islands _to face_ xx h.m.s. "cyclops" at long hope st. john's head, hoy drifter net-boom defence at houton sunken ships between st. margaret's hope and burray the grand fleet base at long hope, , looking towards weddel sound closer view of the base ships at long hope h.m.s. "imperieuse" at long hope h.m.s. "victorious" at scapa flow r.f.a. "ruthenia" torpedo sub-depÔt ship "sokoto" lying in the inner hope the brough of birsay, off which h.m.s. "hampshire" was lost on th june, driving off from the first hole on flotta children's race at long hope sports watching the sports a boxing match on flotta a ship's garden at crockness u.s.s. "new york" leading the th battle squadron into scapa after crossing the atlantic harvest festival the "green room" of a battleship; officers making up for a show german battleship "kaiser" entering the boom at scapa flow for internment at dawn on th november, the german ships interned at scapa german battle cruiser "derfflinger" four minutes before finally sinking, . p.m., st june, vice-admiral sir r. j. prendergast making his farewell address on h.m.s. "victorious," th february, good-bye to scapa! view looking south from houton bay wideford hill and the "peerie sea" loading stores at scapa pier kirkwall harbour from the cathedral tower albert street, kirkwall st. magnus cathedral from the earl's palace old houses in kirkwall stromness from the sea houton bay air station the clestron barrier, stromness the standing stones of stennis the ring of brodgar the tumulus of maeshowe the entrance to maeshowe a winding road in hoy ward hill and graemsay island from the sea ward hill--the road to rackwick ward hill from the east the old man of hoy the dwarfie stone the new stone wall and pier, lyness crofts near lyness excavations at lyness in connection with the building of the wharf the first train in orkney sunset over the martello tower, crockness the martello tower, crockness view looking through the martello tower, crockness, towards long hope melsetter--on the road from lyness to long hope long hope pier and post office long hope hotel kirk hope, south walls cantick lighthouse, south walls digging the peats--hoy carting home the peats horse and ox harrowing loading sea-weed for manure an orkney cart making straw-backed chairs, orkney interior of an orkney cottage spinning battle squadron exercising in the flow admiral of the fleet earl beatty on the quarterdeck of h.m.s. "queen elizabeth" h.m.s. "queen elizabeth" h.m.s. "revenge" and ships of the first battle squadron at scapa h.m.s. "ramillies" h.m.s. "resolution" h.m.s. "royal oak" fourth battle squadron exercising in the flow battleships "orion," "monarch," and "conqueror" in the flow battleships "colossus," "st. vincent," and "bellerophon" exercising in the flow h.m.s. "renown" h.m.s. "tiger": a famous ship of the battle cruiser squadron h.m.s. "emperor of india" h.m.s. "whitshed" h.m.s. "barham" light cruiser "calliope" at scapa "make and mend" on light cruiser "yarmouth" the deck of an aeroplane carrier, h.m.s. "furious" submarine "g " alongside h.m.s. "queen elizabeth" submarine "k " under way in the flow officers of submarine "k " in the conning tower marines drilling on the quarterdeck of a battleship general view of captain's sunday morning inspection "tidying up" for inspection officers and men exercising on the quarterdeck "holystoning" washing down decks stokers at work church service on h.m.s. "queen elizabeth" hospital ships at scapa flow h.m. hospital ship "magic ii.," afterwards renamed "classic" transferring a "cot case" from a battleship to the hospital ship drifter dentist at work on a battleship (h.m.s. "collingwood") h.m.s. "imperieuse" with fleet mail steamer "st. ninian" and mail drifters from the fleet alongside mail boat "st. ola" coming alongside h.m.s. "victorious" sorting mails for the fleet on h.m.s. "imperieuse" distributing newspapers for the fleet (h.m.s. "imperieuse") dockyard workmen leaving h.m.s. "victorious" for work in the fleet repairing a steam pinnace on the slipway at lyness school children's entertainment on h.m.s. "victorious" three of the young orcadian guests "no coupons required" crew of drifter "shalot" lifting chain cables mooring vessel "recovery" at scapa flow u.s.s. "patuxent" and " " alongside h.m.s. "victorious" for repairs american minesweepers in the floating dock for repairs a damaged british destroyer being repaired in the dock s.s. "borodino," junior army and navy stores' store-ship with the grand fleet interior of shop on s.s. "borodino" a corner of an officer's cabin fishing for sea-trout a ship's picnic a bathing party the naval cemetery at lyness the "hampshire" memorial an interesting stone to the memory of a chinaman who died at scapa the "malaya" memorial the "vanguard" memorial making for home the scuttling of the german ships h.m.s. "lion" entering hoxa boom, scapa flow, at head of german battle cruisers, th november, h.m.s. "repulse," "renown," "princess royal," and "tiger" escorting german battle cruisers through hoxa boom, th november, german battle cruiser "seydlitz" entering hoxa boom, th november, german battle cruiser "von der tann" entering hoxa boom, th november, german battle cruiser "moltke" entering hoxa boom, th november the interned german ships at scapa german battle cruiser "seydlitz" german battle cruiser "moltke" at scapa flow german battle cruiser "derfflinger" at scapa flow german battle cruiser "hindenburg" at scapa flow german battleship "friedrich der grosse" german battleship "kaiserin" german light cruiser "kÖln" german destroyers at lyness, with battleships in the distance plan of the anchorage of german ships at scapa flow a party of french officers visiting the german ships german battleship "bayern" sinking by the stern, p.m., st june, the final plunge of the "bayern" german destroyers sinking or beached off the island of fara german sailors taking to the boats british boarding party alongside sinking german destroyer general view showing german destroyers sinking on the right and battleships in the distance, at . p.m., st june, german battle cruiser "hindenburg" as she now rests at scapa whaler "ramna" stranded on german battle cruiser "moltke" rd june, , taken just before "ramna" refloated german cruiser "nurnberg" immediately after being refloated at p.m. on rd july, salvage operations on battleship "baden" and cruiser "frankfurt" beached at smoogroo salvage work on the "baden" pumping out the "frankfurt" cruiser "bremse," which capsized whilst being beached battle cruiser "seydlitz," lying on her starboard side in shallow water hoisting the union jack on a sinking german destroyer on the "seydlitz" "baden" being towed south to invergordon salving german destroyer "g " salvage party working on a german destroyer view showing salved ex-german cruisers and destroyers at long hope, october, the salved german cruisers "nurnberg" and "emden" in long hope bay view looking aft from after-control top of "frankfurt" view looking forward from the same position expansion ring marking on -inch gun "nurnberg" a humorous effort on the part of one of our sailors the propeller blade of the "seydlitz" range-finder and searchlight platform, "nurnberg" -mm. guns, "nurnberg" -inch gun on "nurnberg" after-turret · -inch after-breech, "nurnberg" searchlight control platform, "frankfurt" · -cm. gun on a german destroyer torpedo tubes on a destroyer engine-room control board, "emden" lower conning tower, "emden" german destroyer being towed south to rosyth, march, blowing up the minefields closer view of mine explosion salvage operations on s.s. "aorangi" sunset over the hills of hoy [illustration: to face p. xx. map of scapa flow and the orkney islands.] part i the development of the base [illustration: h.m.s. "cyclops" at long hope.] scapa and a camera the development of the base some slight apologia seems necessary to-day for the publication of a book of war reminiscences (even though they be mainly photographic), when so many personages, from admirals and generals downwards to the humbler ranks of w.a.a.c.'s and lady typists in government offices, have seen fit to record in print their experiences during the great war. this little album is being published at the suggestion of various friends in the naval service, with whom the writer has come into contact during the five years he has been associated with the royal navy at the grand fleet base at scapa flow, and, it is hoped, may reach a wider circle of those to whom the name "scapa flow" has hitherto conveyed but a hazy notion of islands shrouded in perpetual northern mist--somewhere north of scotland, c/o g.p.o., where for five years the grand fleet kept its monotonous vigil in readiness for "the day," and where finally it had its reward when, in november, , the german fleet was ignominiously escorted into the waters of the flow, whose defences its submarines had more than once endeavoured, unsuccessfully, to penetrate. various writers--_e.g._, "bartimaeus" and the author of "in the northern mists"--have written vivid pen pictures of the everyday life of the navy, and the photographs reproduced in the following pages, besides recalling many monotonous--and some pleasant--times to those who served at scapa during the war, may help to supplement these books by presenting the actual environment and life of those whose "lawful occasions" necessitated so long a sojourn in these northern waters. to many "scapa" is a name (judging from the warmth of their remarks when the subject is mentioned) that they would like to eradicate for ever from their book of remembrance. their feelings are expressed in a parody of a well-known song which appeared in the _orcadian_ of the th december, , entitled-- scapa flow (a hymn of hate). have you ever heard the story of how scapa got its name? if you haven't then you're slow, because it's earned a world-wide fame. it has caused a lot of howling amongst our tars at sea, so i'll tell to you the story as a sailor told it me: sure a little bit of wastage fell from out the sky one day, and it fell into the ocean in a spot up scotland way. and when the sea lords saw it, sure! it looked so bleak and bare they said, "suppose we start to build a naval base up there." so they dotted it with colliers, to provide the tars with work, with provision boats and oilers, that they dared not dodge or shirk. then they sprinkled it with raindrops, with sleet and hail and snow, and when they had it finished, sure, they called it scapa flow. now the navy's been at scapa ever since we've been at war, and whenever it is over, they won't want to see it more. but for years and years to come, whenever sailors congregate you may bet your life you may hear them sing that scapa hymn of hate. curiously enough, the weather forecast given in the _orcadian_ immediately below read: "showers or drizzling rain; local mist." certainly even the most enthusiastic orcadian has to admit that the islands have few natural features to commend them, and even less of the artificial amenities of civilisation: country practically bare of trees and vegetation, days in winter when the sun hardly seems to rise at all, and a climate that seems to hold the record for rainfall, storms, and unreliability. [illustration: st. john's head, hoy. (the highest cliff in great britain.)] yet, in spite of all the unkindness of nature, to many there hangs a cloud of romance over these far-away northern islands. to those who have the observing eye, they are rich in the remains of a prehistoric past, with a history extending far back into the centuries. they possess a coast of unsurpassed grandeur of form and beauty of colouring, and as they are approached from the south, or seen from one of the hills of hoy on a fair day, appear like some "fairy archipelago set in a summer sea," whilst a distant mirage often heightens the effect of unreality. in few places does one see such wonderful sunsets and cloud effects as in orkney, followed often a little later by the "searchlight" rays of the aurora borealis. but mainly will those who spent long months and years in orkney look back, not without regrets, on the spirit of comradeship which made exile endurable, and which, in face of a common danger, united even the most varied personalities to work in harmony for a common cause. many friendships were made which will long survive the war; many a "cheery night" in the wardroom will recall pleasant memories of those who are now scattered over the seven seas; and few of the many thousands who returned to civil life after serving in the navy during the war but will have some regrets for the days when they took the rough and the smooth together (it was mostly rough) in the northern mists of scapa flow. not a few married into orcadian families, and the writer recalls his embarrassment on one occasion when in stonehouse naval hospital recovering from an operation, in discussing somewhat freely various kirkwall acquaintances with a naval officer invalided from the northern base, he happened to mention a certain lady's name as one of the fairest of the orcadian maidens, whom he understood had married a naval officer. "yes," was the reply, "she is my wife." until quite recently scapa flow and the orkneys were practically unknown to the majority of englishmen, and even to-day very few could point out the exact location of scapa flow on the map. in a well-known london newspaper of rd june, (after the scuttling of the german fleet), scapa flow was marked on a map as north of kirkwall, whereas it will be seen from the map reproduced in this volume that it is actually south of that town. it is recalled also that on one occasion a travelling claim of a certain officer at the base was returned from the admiralty with a query as to the car hire claimed, and the inquiry was made as to why more use had not been made of the railway facilities! [illustration: t. kent. drifter net-boom defence at houton.] scapa flow was used as an exercise ground for the home fleet many years before the war, with headquarters at the north-eastern corner of the flow; but no preparations appear to have been made for its use as a permanent war base prior to , and consequently an enormous amount of pioneer work was needed to render it a safe and efficient harbour for the grand fleet and its auxiliaries. the magic growth of the base from a few ships to many hundreds of vessels of all types--battleships, cruisers, destroyers, submarines, depôt ships, oilers, colliers, store and ammunition ships, hospital ships, etc.--constituting the most powerful fleet ever assembled in one place, was a gradual process, in which many novel situations arose and many difficulties had to be met and contended with. the absence of railway communication, the difficulties of local transport in weather conditions which at times even large vessels could not face, were additional obstacles to the hurried improvisation of arrangements, both ashore and afloat, which were essential to the effectual working of the grand fleet. [illustration: j. phillips. sunken ships between st. margaret's hope and burray.] when admiral jellicoe succeeded sir george callaghan as commander-in-chief of the newly-named "grand fleet" on th august, , there were practically no defences whatever on any of the islands, with the exception of a few -pounder guns landed from the fleet, whilst there were, of course, no booms or obstructions across the numerous entrances (hoxa, switha, hoy, and holm sounds) to the flow. it was not until the end of and the beginning of that sunken ships were placed across the narrower channels, such as burra, water, and holm sounds, and that net-boom defence drifters were placed across the larger ones, and -inch and -inch guns landed at various batteries, which were erected to command these entrances. consequently, during these early months of the war, the grand fleet could not remain in harbour in the flow for more than a very brief period, owing to the danger of submarine attack; indeed, as jellicoe remarks in his book on the grand fleet, it is a wonder that the germans did not make a more determined attack on our fleet during this period. it was on th/ th october, , that the "battle of scapa flow" took place, when a report that a submarine was in the flow caused great excitement, and every available type of craft got under way in the endeavour to locate and sink it, firing at anything remotely resembling a periscope, and at night-time sweeping the seas with their searchlights. it was, i believe, never actually ascertained whether a submarine was present, but, as a result, the grand fleet moved further westwards to lough swilly, and did not return to scapa until a few months later when the defences were somewhat more secure. meantime the organisation of the base proceeded apace, and h.m.s. "cyclops" and "assistance," fleet repair ships, were joined by a large and increasing number of vessels, with rear-admiral f. s. miller in command of the base. even so, continued difficulty was felt to accommodate the even more rapidly expanding personnel, and admiral jellicoe writes regarding the "cyclops" at this period: "the manner in which the great demands on her accommodation were met was a standing wonder to me. in the early part of the war, officers on admiral miller's staff and others were obliged to make their sleeping berths as best they could on the deck or on top of their writing-tables, and it was surprising that the overcrowding in all directions did not affect health." [illustration: the grand fleet base at long hope, , looking towards weddel sound.] [illustration: "cyclops." "victorious." "assistance." "imperieuse." "ruthenia." closer view of the base ships at long hope.] towards the end of october, , the base, owing to weather conditions, was moved from scapa bay to long hope, where it remained until april, , when it was transferred to lyness, where a substantial sea-wall was in process of completion, and where the floating dock was moored. here it still remains, though of it "ichabod" must be written, for it retains only a shadow of its former activities. the fleet itself lay north of weddel sound, and the auxiliaries were disposed between long hope and gutter sound (see map). [illustration: h.m.s. "imperieuse" at long hope.] one of the earliest arrivals at the base was h.m.s. "imperieuse" (previously "fisgard i."). she left portsmouth in september, , in company with "fisgard ii.," with a party of dockyardmen who were coming up for work in the grand fleet; unfortunately "fisgard ii." capsized off portland bill with the loss of several lives, but "fisgard i." arrived safely at scapa flow, and was renamed "imperieuse." during the war she discharged many useful and important functions, and there are few naval officers who served any length of time at scapa who did not at some time pass through her. primarily she was the receiving and distributing centre for the mails for the fleet, and some idea of the enormous number of letters, etc., dealt with may be gleaned from the fact that when the fleet was present some , items were sorted and despatched daily. "imperieuse" was also the headquarters of the staffs of the admiralty port officer (or king's harbour master, as he would be styled at a dockyard port), fleet coaling officer, naval store officer, victualling store officer, naval ordnance officer, cashier, base censor, and also accommodated the dockyard working parties, until at a later stage other vessels arrived which relieved her of some of these functions. in spite of the limited office and cabin accommodation, it was an interesting time: the work and the conditions were novel, and there was always plenty to be done in straightening out the various problems that arose. one could write a small volume on the personalities one met at the base at that time: of a certain genial captain, addicted to forcible but effective speech; of "v.o.s.o.," equally proficient in supplying flour and potatoes, and music; of "n.o.s.o.," who insisted on a duly receipted, countersigned, and approved voucher (in triplicate) before he would part with a minute brass screw; of the "drifter king," whose knowledge of scotch drifter-men and their idiosyncrasies was profound; of a certain officer in charge of water boats, sent to the base by the admiralty as a "gentleman of affairs," whose versatility flowed into such diverse channels as the organisation of a band, sports, the edition of a ship's magazine, the supervision of gifts forwarded by the fresh fruit and vegetables fund, and in numerous other directions; of w---- and b---- (the "bullion brokers"), who could give you _the_ very latest tip straight from the horse's mouth: these are but a few of those who enlivened the base in - . [illustration: h.m.s. "victorious" at scapa flow.] one of the next noteworthy arrivals at the base was that of h.m.s. "victorious," early in . a "dockyard ship" had been awaited for nearly a year to relieve the congestion on "imperieuse," and in september, , the "caribbean," duly fitted out for the purpose, left liverpool for scapa, but, like "fisgard ii.," sank on the journey north off cape wrath. h.m.s. "victorious" was then taken in hand, and reached the base safely in march, . she was well provided with workshops and accommodation--being indeed a miniature "floating dockyard"--and at times over dockyard artisans were accommodated, although these usually lived afloat on the ships of the grand fleet. the presence of such a large body of civilian workmen on a ship officered and manned by service ranks and ratings presented several novel problems, and it was largely due to the tact and consideration of both parties that the experiment, on the whole, was justified by the results. the possession of such a ship at the base, by enabling defects to be adjusted and installations, such as director firing gear, protective deck plating, flying-off platforms, etc., to be fitted by skilled workmen at the base instead of at a southern dockyard, added considerably to the fighting strength of the fleet at a time when ships were badly needed, and when our numerical superiority over the enemy fleet was less marked than at a later period of the war. [illustration: r.f.a. "ruthenia."] early in the addition of a small floating dock enabled much useful work to be done in carrying out minor refits and emergency repairs, and over keels were docked whilst it remained at scapa. the fleet repair ships, h.m.s. "cyclops" and "assistance," have already been referred to, and they should not be overlooked in this connection; both these vessels carried out, with naval ratings, valuable repairs in connection with the maintenance of the machinery, etc., of the ships of the grand fleet. [illustration: torpedo sub-depÔt ship "sokoto" lying in the inner hope.] [illustration: the brough of birsay, off which h.m.s. "hampshire" was lost on th june, .] meantime the duties of "imperieuse" were still further relieved by the arrival of other vessels. r.f.a. "ruthenia," previously a dummy battleship, became the storeship and headquarters of the victualling and naval store officers, and the fleet coaling officer took up his quarters in r.f.a. "perthshire" in the secluded waters of pegal bay; whilst the "sokoto" (a depôt ship for the storing and repair of torpedoes) and m.f.a. "zaria" (repair ship for small craft, such as drifters, trawlers, etc.) were already at long hope. [illustration: driving off from the first hole on flotta.] once the early work of organisation was over, life at scapa, especially for the base ships, settled down to a somewhat monotonous routine, varied by spasms of excitement when the grand fleet received orders to proceed to sea, and one wondered if _this_ time it was actually a "stunt," or merely once more "p.z." the summer of was not, however, without incident. the return of the fleet from jutland, on the morning of nd june, was an exciting moment, followed a few days later by the dramatic news that lord kitchener had been lost in h.m.s. "hampshire" off marwick head, and later in the month the king paid a short visit to the fleet. just over a year later, in july, , the battleship "vanguard" blew up with the loss of practically the entire ship's company. the explosion occurred late at night (about eleven o'clock), and the vivid flames which illumined the twilight sky (it was still fairly light) were followed by a dense column of smoke rising about half a mile into the sky. everyone rushed on deck clad in a varied assortment of night attire, every available craft was rushed to the scene of the disaster, and anti-submarine precautions were ordered to be taken. some idea of the force of the explosion may be gathered from the fact the "vanguard's" pinnace was blown clean over the next ship in the line, and landed in the water on the other side, practically undamaged, whilst it was reported that a packet of treasury notes was picked up intact next day on the neighbouring island of flotta. [illustration: children's race at long hope sports.] [illustration: watching the sports.] [illustration: imperial war museum. a boxing match on flotta.] [illustration: a ship's garden at crockness.] towards the end of december, , our fleet was strengthened by the arrival of four u.s. battleships, which were incorporated into the grand fleet as the sixth battle squadron. the presence of the americans contributed some new features into the life of the base, notably in the domain of sport, and baseball became for a time quite a popular game. the importance of games and sport, incidentally, has always been recognised in the navy, and nowhere was the need for recreation more essential for the maintenance of morale and fitness than at scapa. football was played all the year round (there being no summer to speak of in these northern latitudes) on flotta (the playing ground of the grand fleet), and at long hope and lyness by the base ships, whilst two or three rough golf courses were laid out for the use of officers. admiral jellicoe used often to be seen playing a hurried game round the course at flotta in the few moments of relaxation he was able to snatch from his work on the "iron duke." tennis was hardly a possible game, owing to the inclement weather and the continual winds, but one or two ash and gravel courts were made at the shore batteries. sailing and pulling matches were frequently arranged, and the sports of the base ships at long hope became an annual event greatly looked forward to by the local inhabitants as well as by the ships' companies. another annual event of great interest was the grand fleet boxing championship contest, held outside the y.m.c.a. hut at flotta. these competitions were witnessed by as many as , men, and the writer recalls an inspiring speech made by admiral beatty to this great gathering of sailors in july, , after he had distributed the prizes. prince albert, incidentally, was present on this occasion. [illustration: humphrey joel. u.s.s. "new york" leading the th battle squadron into scapa after crossing the atlantic.] [illustration: "harvest festival. "] the work of the y.m.c.a. huts, at flotta and long hope, and of the church army hut later at lyness, was of great value in providing almost the only recreation and social amusement obtainable outside of one's ship, and the ladies who volunteered for service in these lonely islands deserve every praise for the way in which they cared for the comfort and entertainment of the men during the war. [illustration: imperial war museum. the "green room" of a battleship: officers making up for a show.] gardening became at one period quite a popular, as well as profitable, recreation amongst many of the men and officers, and although neither the soil nor the climate was very promising, some remarkably good crops of vegetables were obtained, which were especially welcome in view of the difficulties of obtaining fresh fruit and vegetables on board ship. one enterprising ship actually raised chickens and pigs on one of the islands, although the uncertain movements of the ships made the feeding question a difficult problem at times. a variety of indoor amusements was provided on board ship. the "movies" were always a standing attraction, whilst billiards proved a popular war-time innovation, the movement of the ship adding a fascinating element of uncertainty to the game! some excellent "shows" were organised, and an improvised stage, with the necessary accessories, was rigged up on the frozen meat ship "gourko," which proved an ideal "theatre ship," although it was advisable to come warmly clad, as the auditorium was over the refrigerating room! very little of interest occurred at the base in the early part of , and the grand fleet spent a considerable time in this year at rosyth, where the completion of the boom defences permitted exercises and firing to be carried out with almost the same degree of safety and convenience as at scapa. the progress of the war was, as elsewhere, watched with great excitement towards the end of the year, and the signing of the armistice on the th november, , came as a great relief after four years of strain and effort. one of the most welcome of the minor changes effected by the armistice was the removal of the censorship which had been rigorously maintained during the war, and for the first time the general public became aware of the jealously guarded secret of the location of the northern base of the grand fleet. [illustration: the german ships interned at scapa. (battle-cruisers "hindenburg" and "derfflinger" in the foreground.)] [illustration: german battleship "kaiser" entering the boom at scapa flow for internment at dawn on th november, .] the entry of the german ships into scapa flow for internment towards the end of the month was a memorable sight, which will not soon be forgotten by those who witnessed it. the vessels came north from rosyth in detachments, and each group of ships entered the flow in the grey dawn of an autumn morning, escorted by our own ships. little groups of spectators who had gathered at points of vantage on the islands identified the various ships as they entered with great interest, and more especially in the case of those who had last met them in action. it was some compensation for those who had spent so many months and years at scapa that "the day" should have culminated in such a dramatic and complete surrender of the german fleet, although it seemed then almost unthinkable that such a surrender should have been made without at least an effort to strike a last blow, or in the last resort to scuttle their ships in port. that some, at any rate, of the officers of the german navy had these feelings was evident from the destruction of one of their submarines just before the armistice in the act of entering the flow, whose outer defences it had indeed penetrated. there seems little doubt that this was a last desperate attempt to sink as many as possible of our fleet before the final and then inevitable surrender, and one cannot but acknowledge the spirit and the bravery of those who took part in such a forlorn hope. [illustration: german battle cruiser "derfflinger" four minutes before finally sinking, . p.m., st june, .] [illustration: vice-admiral sir r. j. prendergast making his farewell address on h.m.s. "victorious," th february, .] even more dramatic was the afternoon of saturday, st june, , when the large majority of the interned vessels sank beneath the waters of the flow. [illustration: n. a. k. money. good-bye to scapa!] in accordance with the terms of the armistice german crews were allowed to remain on board the interned ships, and after the preliminary inspection, there was practically no communication with our own ships except for essential matters of duty. this rather aided the preparation of the plans made by the germans, and shortly after noon on the st the sea-cocks of all the vessels were simultaneously opened, and ensigns, and in some cases the red flag, hoisted. the first battle squadron, which was then at the base, was exercising in the pentland firth at the time, and was not able to return until later in the afternoon, but all available tugs and small craft were immediately ordered to the sinking ships, and as many as possible were run ashore on the surrounding islands. it was a clear afternoon, and probably no more wonderful sight has ever been witnessed than that of these huge vessels on all sides heeling over and plunging headlong--some with their sterns almost vertical above the water, others listing over to port or starboard, with steam and oil and air pouring out of the vents and rising to the surface long after the ships had completely disappeared beneath the water. débris of all sorts, boats, hammocks, lifebelts, chests, etc., littered the sea for miles round. small craft of all descriptions were variously engaged: here a drifter would be seen picking up germans from the water, there a pinnace towing a long string of boats and carley floats full of prisoners to the flagship, whilst other craft were occupied heading off parties of germans who were endeavouring to make for the shore. one or two amusing incidents occurred during the scuttling. one of our water-boats was busily engaged supplying water to one of the ships as she was sinking, and whilst the germans were actually leaving the ship on the other side. some school children from stromness in the tug "flying kestrel" had the unique experience of a trip round the ships in the morning, which on their return journey were sinking or had disappeared. by five or six o'clock the whole of the ships had sunk, except the battleship "baden," which was boarded in time to save her, and three cruisers, which were run ashore or beached. the battle cruisers "hindenburg" and "seydlitz" drifted into shallow water, and with the cruiser "bremse," which turned turtle as she was being beached, are resting on the bottom, and present a spectacle of interest to visitors as they pass in the mail boat to stromness. such was the inglorious end of the german fleet, and with its disappearance the base began slowly to break up. one by one the ships went south, and the acquaintances of many years were severed. on th february, , the base reverted to a peace-time status, and the admiral commanding the orkneys and shetlands (vice-admiral sir r. j. prendergast) hauled down his flag. towards the end of the month and during march the salved german cruisers and destroyers were towed south to rosyth for distribution amongst the allied powers, and on th march the last of the base ships remaining, h.m.s. "imperieuse" and h.m.s. "victorious," left for rosyth and devonport respectively. to-day not a vessel remains of that vast assemblage of ships which were gathered at the base during the war, and scapa will probably in future be an exercising base only for the fleet as in pre-war times. but, whatever its future, the name of scapa is one that has earned an undying fame in the history of the british empire and of the world, and it will remain as an enduring memory to those who were destined by the chances of war to be exiled in those lonely islands of the north. part ii scenes around scapa flow [illustration: view looking south from houton bay.] scenes around scapa flow kirkwall "voir kirkwall, et mourir," a french naval officer remarked to me when visiting scapa flow. without inquiring too closely as to whether there might not have been some ironical "double-entendre" in his apparent admiration of the capital of the orkneys, it was certainly the orcadian "mecca" of the grand fleet, and never in its history has it known such activity and prosperity as during the five years of war. a sleepy little town of four or five thousand inhabitants, it was suddenly called upon to assist in supplying the needs of a floating population of close on , men, and its narrow main (and only) street, "where two wheelbarrows tremble when they meet," bustled with unwonted activity--messmen from the ships loading provisions, naval men and officers engaged in an afternoon's shopping and sightseeing, with an occasional motor lorry or car trying to thread its way amongst the traffic. kirkwall, as will be seen from the map, is approached from the flow by way of scapa pier, whence it is a walk or drive of about a mile and a half to the town. the little hamlet of scapa, incidentally, from which the flow takes its name, assumed importance during the war as a seaplane station, and is the scene of an old custom long forgotten, which is related rather amusingly in a volume on orkney by a rev. john brand, dated . he writes: "in scapha about a mile from kirkwal to south-west, it is said there was kept a large and ancient cup, which they say belonged to st. magnus, king of norway, who first instructed them in the principles of the christian religion and founded the church of kirkwal, with which full of some strong drink their bishops at their first landing were presented; which, if he drank it out, they highly praised him, and made themselves to believe, that they should have many good and fruitful years in his time." he adds rather regretfully: "the countrey to this day have the tradition of this, but we did not see the cup; nor could we learn where it was." the fact that the highland park distillery (the most northern distillery in the british isles) is on the upper scapa road rather tends to confirm the legend! [illustration: loading stores at scapa pier.] [illustration: wideford hill and the "peerie sea."] conveyances known locally as "machines" (they do not speak of traps or chars-à-bancs in orkney) are always available to convey one to kirkwall from the pier, and anyone who has travelled over that bumpy road in one of these vehicles will not forget the experience! [illustration: kirkwall harbour from the cathedral tower.] arrived in kirkwall and suitably refreshed (let me recommend the ayre hotel of many pleasant memories), the most striking building which meets the eye, and which dominates the town, is the cathedral of st. magnus. kirkwall, as its name signifies (kirkevaag or kirk voe), is the bay of the church, although the original church from which the town takes its name was not that of st. magnus. founded before the middle of the twelfth century, it is a very fine example of gothic architecture, which, fortunately, owing to its remoteness, escaped the zeal of the reformers, and remains to-day a stately witness of the norse warriors of old, who played such a prominent and adventurous part in the history of orkney. near by are the bishop's and earl's palaces, both also eloquent relics of the days when feasting and fighting were the main preoccupations of the norse jarls, whose exploits are recounted so graphically in the "orkneyinga saga." [illustration: albert street, kirkwall.] [illustration: st. magnus cathedral from the earl's palace.] kirkwall during the war was an examination base, and hundreds of craft of all nationalities passed through the harbour to be searched for contraband of war. later, after the armistice, it became the headquarters of our own and the american mine clearance service, and the advent of four or five thousand american sailors contributed further to the prosperity and enlivenment of the town. baseball, for example, and the "jazz," had not hitherto penetrated so far north as orkney, and dancing soon became almost as great an obsession amongst the fair maidens of kirkwall as it was further south. to-day kirkwall is again outwardly the same quiet town it was prior to , but the infusion of new ideas and modes of life, which was inevitable from contact with so many of our own and american people, has produced many changes of mental and social outlook, and in no town will the years - be remembered for their historical significance more than in the capital of the orkney islands. [illustration: old houses in kirkwall.] stromness stromness, situate at the western extremity of the mainland, is next to kirkwall in size, and is in many respects the rival of the capital. its position did not give it the same importance as kirkwall during the war, although it was a convenient centre for some of the subsidiary activities of the base. for a considerable period it was the headquarters of the western patrol, and the various building operations, including the wharf at lyness and the air stations at houton and scapa, were supervised from the office of the civil engineer at stromness. the accessibility of stromness to the sea through hoy and burra sounds, and the probability of submarine attacks on the fleet through these channels, rendered defensive measures an imperative necessity, and at the time of the armistice a triple series of boom defences, with the additional safeguards of sunken ships and minefields, rendered ingress a practical impossibility. one of the most remarkable of these defences was the clestron barrier between the island of graemsay and clestron. this was constructed of conical frameworks of steel rails, which were placed in position with their bases resting on the bottom of the channel, an operation rendered the more difficult by the tides which sweep around these shores, which give stromness its name (the ness of the "strom" or current). [illustration: stromness from the sea.] stromness is a picturesquely situated little town, with its straggling houses, rising straight from the water's edge, and its rugged coast scenery. the traveller from kirkwall, after traversing fifteen miles of somewhat monotonous road, is suddenly confronted with the quiet town lying below him in a landlocked bay, with the heights of hoy rising beyond and adding grandeur to the beauty of the scene. [illustration: t. kent. houton bay air station.] amongst the quaint houses in its zigzag mile-long street is one of noteworthy interest, being the house in which sir walter scott wrote the notes of his orkney novel, "the pirate," most of the characters in which are drawn from people who actually lived in stromness. [illustration: the clestron barrier, stromness.] stromness was a popular "week-end" resort for those who, during the war and afterwards, were fortunate enough to get leave, there being an excellent and modern hotel, with good fishing in the lochs, and a nine-hole golf course in the near neighbourhood. close at hand, too, are many places of interest to the historian and antiquarian, which are briefly noticed in the following pages. the standing stones of stennis "the standing stones" are the most noteworthy antiquarian relic in the county of orkney, and their origin, like those of stonehenge, is wrapped in obscurity. they were probably erected by the early celtic inhabitants of orkney, possibly as sacrificial spots, and they were undoubtedly standing when the norsemen overran the islands in the ninth century. standing on the narrow little peninsula in the midst of the loch of stennis, and seen as the shadows of evening are falling, they are impressive in their lonely solemnity, and insensibly carry one back to the dawn of history in these islands--to days of sacrificial rites and strange matrimonial ceremonies, to the worship of thor and woden. [illustration: the standing stones of stennis.] [illustration: the ring of brodgar.] [illustration: the tumulus of maeshowe.] [illustration: the entrance to maeshowe.] maeshowe a mile or two from stennis stands the celebrated tumulus of maeshowe. this is a conical-shaped mound rising to a height of about feet, and surrounded by a moat. the interior is approached by a long, narrow passage, leading into a central stone chamber about feet square, from which a number of crypts or cells branch off at the sides. on the walls are inscribed a number of runes, of which, as one humourist observed, "several professors have given as many translations, apparently all different." there is certainly considerable diversity of opinion as to the age and origin of the mound, but it seems to be generally accepted that it was originally the chambered tomb of some chieftain, dating from early celtic times. [illustration: a winding road in hoy. (pegal burn.)] hoy the island of hoy lies on the western side of the flow, and, as most of the base ships were anchored in its vicinity, it was the island which became the most familiar to and frequented by those going to the "beach" for recreation and exercise. the names of long hope, lyness, melsetter, north ness, are as familiar to the many thousands of naval men who spent so long at scapa, as are the strand and charing cross to londoners. fortunately, hoy is perhaps the most interesting and picturesque of the orkney islands, and some of its hill and cliff scenery is amongst the finest in great britain, whilst the sportsman, the botanist, and the geologist can find ample material for their various pursuits. hoy will probably show more permanent evidences of the "naval invasion" of scapa flow than any of the other islands, as it has now become, at lyness, the headquarters of the permanent peace-time naval establishment at scapa flow. at lyness there are the makings of a miniature dockyard, with a wharf accommodating vessels of feet draught, slipway, storesheds, oil, fuel, and petrol depôts, and a reservoir for fresh water supply, which, in the event of war, would be at once available for meeting the requirements of the fleet. such an establishment would have been of immense value at the outbreak of the present war, and, indeed, had been contemplated for some years prior to . [illustration: ward hill and graemsay island from the sea.] ward hill, hoy ward hill is the highest hill in orkney ( , feet), and from its summit on a clear day a magnificent panorama of the orkney islands unfolds itself, lying at one's feet like "the scattered fragments of some ingenious and parti-coloured toy map," whilst on the further side of the pentland firth the coast of scotland is clearly defined as far as cape wrath. during the war the whole of the grand fleet could be seen in the flow, and it seemed hard to realise that those small and insignificant specks as they appeared in the distance lay as a "sure shield of empire" between our nation and the domination of the german eagle. [illustration: ward hill: the road to rackwick.] [illustration: ward hill from the east.] [illustration: the old man of hoy.] the old man of hoy the lonely pillar of rock standing well out on the western coast of hoy is one of the best-known "sights" of orkney. it stands feet above the sea (as high as st. paul's cathedral) in one of the most inaccessible parts of the coast, but the scene repays the hard walk over the moors which a visit to the rock entails. the photo happens to show the features of the "old man" quite distinctly. the dwarfie stone the dwarfie stone is one of the strange relics of antiquity which abound in orkney. it is a mass of sandstone about feet in length, feet in breadth, and from to feet in height, and lies in a lonely valley at the foot of ward hill. it has been hollowed out on either side of the entrance door shown in the photo into two chambers, each with a stone bed, with a hole in the roof to serve as a window or chimney. nothing appears to be known of the origin or purpose of the stone, but a rather quaint theory is brought forward in an old book on orkney ( ), as follows: "who hewed this stone, or for what use it was, we could not learn, the common tradition among the people is, that a giant with his wife lived in this isle of hoy, who had this stone for their castle. but i would rather think, seeing it could not accommodate any of a gigantick stature, that it might be for the use of some dwarf, as the name seems to import, or it being remote from any house might be the retired cell of some melancholick hermite. the stone also may be called the dwarfie stone, per antiphrasin or by way of opposition it being so very great." [illustration: the dwarfie stone.] sir walter scott refers to the stone at some length in his novel "the pirate," the scene of which is laid in the orkneys and shetlands, and which will be found of interest to the student of orkney traditions and history. lyness [illustration: the new stone wall and pier, lyness.] [illustration: crofts near lyness.] following the rough road on the east coast of hoy from ward hill, by way of pegal burn, one reaches lyness, in pre-war days a few scattered crofts, and now the naval base in orkney. the stone wharf, built by messrs. kinnear and moodie, of glasgow, is now only just nearing completion, and the other buildings (torpedo and paravane depôts, petrol tanks, store sheds, etc.) were not available in time to be of much value during the war, but they will be ready for the next! some idea of the difficulties with which the contractors had to contend will be realised, when it is remembered that every ton of material had to be brought by rail and sea from the south, during a time when, owing to the submarine menace and the shortage of shipping, it was often months before delivery of stores could be made. the work was frequently completely held up by non-delivery of a machine or replacement, whilst the difficulties of recruiting labour in such a desolate spot as the orkneys were a great handicap. on many days work had to be suspended owing to gales, whilst in winter operations were only practicable during the few hours of daylight available. the works, incidentally, were responsible for the introduction of the first train into orkney! [illustration: excavations at lyness in connection with the building of the wharf.] [illustration: the first train in orkney.] crockness [illustration: sunset over the martello tower, crockness.] crockness lies a little beyond lyness, to the south, and is chiefly noteworthy for its martello tower, which, with that at hackness on the further side of long hope bay, was erected during the napoleonic wars, and completed in as a protection for the harbour. it was in long hope harbour that merchantmen bound for america and the continent assembled to await convoy, and it is curious that exactly one hundred years later history has repeated itself, and that during the war just concluded the same system of convoy was adopted from kirkwall, into which harbour all neutral vessels were sent for examination and convoy. it is rather characteristic of our nation that both the martello towers and the works at lyness were completed some time after the napoleonic wars and the european war respectively were over! [illustration: the martello tower, crockness.] the towers are very solidly built structures, with gun mountings on top, and underground cellars for stowing ammunition, etc., but they have never apparently been of any practical use. it is related that it was not until the present war that a monthly payment, which originated in , to a crofter family for certain services rendered to the original occupants of the tower, was at length discontinued, when it was discovered that the tower had been disused for some generations! but the accuracy of the story cannot be vouched for. [illustration: view looking through the martello tower, crockness, towards long hope.] long hope continuing by the road from crockness, the village of melsetter is passed on the road to long hope. at melsetter is the very fine residence of mr. and mrs. middlemore, whose hospitality was always open to the many naval officers who used to call there. the visitors' book among many famous names contains those of the king and the prince of wales, and admirals jellicoe and beatty. a william morris tapestry in one of the reception rooms is noteworthy as recording the exploits of "sir gawaine of orkney," one of the knights of the round table. [illustration: melsetter--on the road from lyness to long hope.] long hope bay during the war was the headquarters of the auxiliaries of the grand fleet, and never in its history were so many vessels of such varied types assembled in the harbour. the village of long hope, where there is a good pier, naturally became much frequented by officers and men from the ships, and eventually a commodious y.m.c.a. was erected, which did much useful work. "tea on the beach" was always a pleasant change from ship life (and tinned milk!), and the post office at long hope became a favourite rendezvous for informal tea-parties. (possibly the attractions of the fair postmistress and her sister had something to do with this!) incidentally, a writer on orkney remarks that "there is a considerable celtic element in the population of south walls brought by some seventy-one highlanders, who, evicted from strathnaver to make room for sheep, settled in the parish between and , and who have thrown in a dash of good looks not so common in other parts of the group." the comment seems hardly fair to the rest of orkney, however true it may be with regard to walls. [illustration: long hope pier and post office.] [illustration: long hope hotel.] the inn at long hope (where the king stayed on one of his visits to the fleet) was transformed into the office of the admiral commanding the orkneys and shetlands, and a wireless station was erected alongside. it has now ( ) reverted to its pre-war condition, much to the gratification of the long hope inhabitants. [illustration: kirk hope, south walls.] [illustration: cantick lighthouse, south walls.] kirk hope and cantick the road from long hope leads past the y.m.c.a. to the lonely little cemetery (shown on the left of the photo above) at kirk hope, and thence to the lighthouse at cantick head. a fine view of the islands is obtained from the lighthouse tower, and the visitors' book contains the names of r. l. stevenson and prince albert, amongst others of interest. peats as there are practically no trees in orkney, wood is not available for fuel, but fortunately peat is very plentiful, and is used almost universally for heating purposes. the peats are cut in the spring, and a peculiar-shaped form of spade, known as a toysker, is employed to cut the turfs, which are stacked on the side of the bank as shown in the photograph. after a few weeks the peats are "raised"--_i.e._, set on end--and arranged in small heaps, so that they may dry more thoroughly. they are then carted home and stacked, each croft possessing its stack for the winter months. [illustration: digging the peats--hoy.] during the war parties of men from the ships could often be seen assisting the crofters in digging the peats--such assistance being very welcome at a time when labour was scarce and there was plenty of work to be done on the land. a day at the peats can be recommended to anyone who wants to know what it is to feel really tired after a hard day's work! [illustration: t. kent. carting home the peats.] primitive methods of agriculture in orkney [illustration: horse and ox harrowing.] [illustration: loading sea-weed for manure.] [illustration: t. kent. an orkney cart.] [illustration: t. kent. making straw-backed chairs, orkney.] the primitive cottages which prevailed in orkney, until a few years ago, are gradually giving way to larger and more substantial dwellings, but some of the crofts are still reminiscent of very early times, consisting only of a "but and a ben," with the beds let into the wall, after the style of the french cupboard beds of brittany, and with the floors made of stone flags. * * * * * orkney has several cottage industries, no doubt due to the long winter evenings and the inclement weather. amongst these is rush plaiting for the famous "orkney chairs," which, with their comfortable rush backs and seats and hoods, are familiar to all who have been in orkney. [illustration: t. kent. interior of an orkney cottage.] spinning spinning is another occupation of the winter evenings, which has been widely revived recently in orkney owing to the high price of wool. the orkneys and shetlands are noted for the softness and quality of their wool, and the various processes of teasing, carding, spinning and dyeing are all carried out on the crofts. [illustration: spinning.] part iii the navy at scapa flow [illustration: battle squadron exercising in the flow.] the navy at scapa flow the photographs which follow depict various aspects of the work and play of the grand fleet and the auxiliaries at scapa, and are more or less self-explanatory. owing to limitations of space, it is not possible to deal adequately with a subject on which so many volumes have been written, but an effort has been made to include as many types as possible of the varied units of the grand fleet, and to depict the various phases of the everyday life and recreations of the personnel of the fleet. owing to the strict photographic censorship during the war, it was not practicable to take many subjects which would otherwise have found a place in this record, but those which are shown in the following pages will give the reader some little idea of how the navy "carried on" during the eventful years - . [illustration: humphrey joel. admiral of the fleet earl beatty on the quarterdeck of h.m.s. "queen elizabeth."] [illustration: h.m.s. "queen elizabeth."] [illustration: h.m.s. "revenge" and ships of the first battle squadron at scapa.] [illustration: h.m.s. "ramillies."] [illustration: h.m.s. "resolution."] [illustration: h.m.s. "royal oak."] [illustration: humphrey joel. fourth battle squadron exercising in the flow.] [illustration: humphrey joel. battleships "orion," "monarch," and "conqueror" in the flow.] [illustration: humphrey joel. battleships "colossus," "st. vincent," and "bellerophon" exercising in the flow.] [illustration: h.m.s. "renown." (in which the prince of wales made his recent visit to the colonies.)] [illustration: h.m.s. "tiger": a famous ship of the battle cruiser squadron.] [illustration: h.m.s. "whitshed." (one of our latest type destroyers.)] [illustration: h.m.s. "barham."] [illustration: h.m.s. "emperor of india."] [illustration: humphrey joel. light cruiser "calliope" at scapa.] [illustration: "make and mend" on light cruiser "yarmouth." (note the bins for "bones" and "pig food.")] [illustration: imperial war museum. the deck of an aeroplane carrier, h.m.s. "furious."] [illustration: humphrey joel. submarine "g " alongside h.m.s. "queen elizabeth."] [illustration: submarine "k " under way in the flow.] [illustration: officers of submarine "k " in the conning tower.] [illustration: imperial war museum. marines drilling on the quarterdeck of a battleship.] [illustration: imperial war museum. general view of captain's sunday morning inspection.] [illustration: imperial war museum. "tidying up" for inspection.] [illustration: imperial war museum. officers and men exercising on the quarterdeck.] [illustration: imperial war museum. "holystoning."] [illustration: imperial war museum. washing down decks.] [illustration: imperial war museum. stokers at work. (over , , tons of coal were supplied to the fleet at scapa from the outbreak of war to the date of armistice.)] [illustration: imperial war museum. church service on h.m.s. "queen elizabeth."] [illustration: hospital ships at scapa flow.] [illustration: h.m. hospital ship "magic ii.," afterwards renamed "classic."] [illustration: imperial war museum. transferring a "cot case" from a battleship to the hospital ship drifter. (the more serious cases from the fleet were sent to the hospital ships--of which there were generally three or four at scapa one of which, h.m.h.s. "agadir," was set aside for infectious cases only. in addition to the drifter "coryphæna," shown in the photograph, two other drifters were detached for hospital ship duties, named, rather suggestively, the "golden harp" and "elysian dawn!")] [illustration: imperial war museum. dentist at work on a battleship (h.m.s. "collingwood").] [illustration: h.m.s. "imperieuse" with fleet mail steamer "st. ninian" and mail drifters from the fleet alongside.] [illustration: mail boat "st. ola" coming alongside h.m.s. "victorious." (the "st. ola" took the place of the "st. ninian" during the last few months of the war, and mails were then distributed by h.m.s. "victorious.") for the first three months of the war all mails for the fleet were landed and distributed at scapa pier. in november , a branch post office was opened on h.m.s. "imperieuse," where the mails and newspapers were sorted and despatched to the fleet. some idea of the volume of business transacted to the date of the armistice can be gathered from the following figures: million letters and parcels sorted and despatched; million letters and parcels delivered; value of postal stamps sold, £ . .] [illustration: imperial war museum. sorting mails for the fleet on h.m.s. "imperieuse."] [illustration: imperial war museum. distributing newspapers for the fleet (h.m.s. "imperieuse.")] [illustration: dockyard workmen leaving h.m.s. "victorious" for work in the fleet.] [illustration: repairing a steam pinnace on the slipway at lyness.] [illustration: school children's entertainment on h.m.s. "victorious." (the navy is renowned for its hospitality, and the above shows a group of school children and their teachers who were entertained to a cinema show and tea on board. many of the children had never seen the "movies" before.)] [illustration: three of the young orcadian guests.] [illustration: imperial war museum. "no coupons required." (the work of victualling the navy at scapa was no small task, as the following figures of the monthly fleet requirements indicate: meat, tons; potatoes, tons; flour, , -lb. bags; sugar, , -lb. bags; bread, , lbs.)] [illustration: crew of drifter "shalot." (attached to the victualling store officer r.f.a. "ruthenia.")] [illustration: lifting chain cables.] [illustration: mooring vessel "recovery" at scapa flow. (the mooring work of the base was performed under the control of the admiralty port officer, h.m.s. "imperieuse." amongst the mooring vessels which did useful work in laying and lifting moorings for the fleet, in addition to the "recovery" pictured above, should be mentioned the mooring craft "strathmaree," "ben doran," "ben tarbet," and "bullfrog.")] [illustration: u.s.s. "patuxent" and " " alongside h.m.s. "victorious" for repairs.] [illustration: american minesweeper in the floating dock for repairs.] [illustration: a damaged british destroyer being repaired in the dock.] [illustration: s.s. "borodino" junior army and navy stores' store-ship with the grand fleet.] [illustration: interior of shop on s.s. "borodino." (the junior army and navy stores was one of the most popular "institutions" at scapa, and from to it was the great shopping centre of the fleet. almost every variety of article was stocked, from "an elephant to a shirt button," and in addition a hairdressing saloon and a laundry were installed.)] [illustration: a corner of an officer's cabin. (an officer's cabin is his exclusive "sanctum," and in this case the occupant appears to have been determined to keep in mind "the girls he left behind him!")] the lighter side of life at scapa flow [illustration: fishing for sea-trout.] [illustration: a ship's picnic.] [illustration: a bathing party.] [illustration: the naval cemetery at lyness. (the naval cemetery at lyness is situate on some rising ground overlooking the waters of the flow. here lie buried those who died whilst serving at scapa, those who fell in the battle of jutland, and those who perished in the "hampshire," "vanguard" and other vessels. their memory is perpetuated by the memorials which have been erected by their shipmates, some of which are here shown.)] [illustration: the "hampshire" memorial.] [illustration: an interesting stone to the memory of a chinaman who died at scapa.] [illustration: the "malaya" memorial.] [illustration: the "vanguard" memorial.] [illustration: making for home. (h.m.s. "victorious" in the irish sea on the way to devonport, march, .)] part iv the german ships at scapa flow [illustration: the scuttling of the german ships.] the german ships at scapa flow although the association of the grand fleet with scapa flow would of itself have given that hitherto almost unknown spot a peculiar and honourable significance in our naval history, it was undoubtedly the choice of scapa as the place of internment of the german ships and their subsequent dramatic sinking, which made scapa a familiar name, not only in this country but all over the world. the photographs which follow show the various phases of the german "occupation" of scapa from the time that the vessels arrived for internment to the final scenes in march, , when those vessels which had been salved after the scuttling in june, , were finally towed south for distribution amongst the allied powers. the first phase took place on rd november, , and the succeeding days, when the surrendered ships were escorted from rosyth to scapa and anchored in the flow, prior to taking up their permanent billets in gutter sound (previously the collier anchorage of the fleet; see map on p. ). the ships arrived in the following order: -------------+----------------------------+--------------------------- _date._ | _german vessels._ | _british escort._ -------------+----------------------------+--------------------------- saturday, | torpedo-boat destroyers.| torpedo-boat destroyers. / / | | | | sunday, | torpedo-boat destroyers.| torpedo-boat destroyers. / / | | | | monday, | battle cruisers, | "lion" and first battle / / | torpedo-boat destroyers.| cruiser squadron and | | torpedo-boat destroyers. | | tuesday, | battleships and light | ships first battle / / | cruisers. | squadron and second | | light cruiser squadron. | | wednesday, | battleships, light | ships first battle / / | cruisers. | squadron and third light | | cruiser squadron. -------------+----------------------------+--------------------------- the german ships carried full navigating parties, and came north under their own steam. the dense clouds of smoke which will be observed in the photographs on pp. and testify to the poor quality of the coal with which they were supplied. the crews were later reduced to care and maintenance parties only. [illustration: j. f. v. guise. h.m.s. "lion" entering hoxa boom, scapa flow, at head of german battle cruisers, th november, .] [illustration: h.m.s. "repulse," "renown," "princess royal," and "tiger" escorting german battle cruisers through hoxa boom, th november, .] the complete list of capital ships (apart from destroyers) interned at scapa is shown below. the battleships "könig" and "baden," and cruiser "dresden," were later arrivals. battleships bayern markgraf kÖnig kaiserin kaiser grosser kurfÜrst kronprinz wilhelm friedrich der grosse kÖnig albert prinzregent luitpold baden battle cruisers hindenburg derfflinger seydlitz von der tann moltke light cruisers brummer bremse dresden kÖln emden karlsruhe nurnberg frankfurt during the period of their internment, communication between the german ships and our own fleet was restricted to a minimum, and no one from our own ships was allowed on board the interned vessels unless on duty of an urgent nature. the germans were required to victual and store their own ships from germany, coal and water only being supplied locally. as german warships were not constructed for living aboard for long periods (the sailors being mostly accommodated in barracks when in harbour), the crews at scapa must have had a rather unenviable time of it, though there was a certain element of poetic justice in interning them in the region where for so long our own fleet had kept its lonely vigil. as one of their officers remarked in writing home and describing the bleakness and desolation of scapa: "if the english have stood this for four years, they deserve to have won the war." the german ships were patrolled by a number of drifters--a somewhat ignominious guard for the much-vaunted german fleet. the germans' love of music was in evidence even at scapa, and it was somewhat strange and at times rather pathetic to hear the unfamiliar strains of "die wacht am rhein" and "die lorelei" rising from the german ships, some of which still retained their bands. [illustration: german battle cruiser "seydlitz" entering hoxa boom, th november, .] [illustration: german battle cruiser "von der tann" entering hoxa boom, th november, .] [illustration: german battle cruiser "moltke" entering hoxa boom, th november, .] [illustration: the interned german ships at scapa.] the anniversary of jutland ( st may) was not forgotten, and most of the ships displayed bunting, on the pretext of drying their flags, as they were not allowed to fly their ensigns after beatty's signal on the evening of the surrender at rosyth. one of the ships prominently displayed a notice in english: "to-day we celebrate the german victory of the battle of jutland." [illustration: german battle cruiser "seydlitz." (one of the ships which bombarded scarborough.)] it was somewhat difficult, owing to the isolation of the german ships, to form an idea of the discipline which prevailed on board. it was evident that on most of the ships there were representatives of the soldiers' and sailors' councils, as the members could be readily distinguished by their white armlets. indeed, there is probably some truth in the report that when the german ships surrendered, the crews confidently expected that our ships, the crews of which they believed to be on the verge of mutiny and bolshevism, would make common cause with them, and they must have been considerably surprised when admiral beatty refused to negotiate with the council representatives. there were undoubtedly disturbances on some of the german ships whilst they were at scapa, and it appears to have been due to a rather serious case of insubordination that admiral von reuter, who was in command of the german ships, changed his flagship from the "friedrich der grosse" to the "emden." on the other hand, the simultaneous sinking of the german ships on st june, , proved conclusively that a certain discipline still prevailed, for the scuttling was undoubtedly organised and carried out with (from the german point of view) very commendable precision and thoroughness. the scuttling of the german ships on st june, , has already been briefly referred to in the earlier part of the book, but as the writer was privileged to be an eyewitness of the events of that afternoon, the reader will perhaps pardon the intrusion of the personal element in a more detailed description of the sinkings. [illustration: german battle cruiser "moltke" at scapa flow.] [illustration: german battle cruiser "derfflinger" at scapa flow.] [illustration: german battle cruiser "hindenburg" at scapa flow.] it was at five minutes past noon that the signalmen reported that the german ships had hoisted ensigns and burgees. the excitement which this announcement produced was intensified a short time later when it became apparent that the ships were sinking, and that the crews were taking to the boats. lunch was completely forgotten, and arrangements were hurriedly made to get all available small craft to the ships to ascertain if anything could be done to save any of them. i obtained permission from the admiral to accompany him on an inspection of some of the nearer destroyers, from which it was ascertained that there was no possibility of saving any of the ships other than by beaching them, as the sea-cocks had not been only opened but the valves had been destroyed. our picket-boat happened to come alongside at this stage, so i jumped aboard and proceeded north up gutter sound, where the larger vessels were anchored. our instructions were to board any german vessels which were still afloat, haul down their ensigns, and to take such steps as were necessary to save life and to direct any boats or carley floats of germans to the flagship. our picket-boat followed the course shown in the sketch map on p. , and we reached the "seydlitz" at about one o'clock, boarded her and hauled down her colours, and at the same time opened the windlass with a view to parting it and allowing the vessel to drift ashore, but unfortunately it brought up at the slip and held. the "seydlitz" was then beginning to list heavily, so we left her and next boarded the "hindenburg," which was also beginning to list heavily to port. [illustration: german battleship "friedrich der grosse." (admiral von reuter's flagship.)] [illustration: german battleship "kaiserin."] [illustration: german light cruiser "kÖln."] [illustration: german destroyers at lyness, with battleships in the distance.] we then proceeded past several of the battleships, which were seen to be rapidly settling down. whilst abreast of "könig albert," our picket-boat was hailed from the deck of a trawler by the german admiral, von reuter, who asked us to save the crew of the "bayern," who were in the water. two drifters which were near by were accordingly ordered close to the "bayern" for this purpose, and we proceeded in the same direction, when the photographs on pp. and were taken. immediately afterwards the ship turned over to port, bottom up, and sank, whilst the crews of the boats cheered loudly and waved their caps. we next headed for the "derfflinger," on the way sending back several boats full of germans to the "victorious." the "derfflinger" foundered a few minutes after taking the photograph on p. . on the way back we passed the "hindenburg," which had then settled on to an even keel with her masts and funnels showing, whilst the "seydlitz" was then resting in shallow water on her starboard side, with her decks nearly vertical, and her port propeller just showing above the water. meantime a considerable number of the destroyers had been beached by tugs and other small craft, in addition to three cruisers, whilst the "baden," the only battleship saved, was still afloat, though very low in the water. on arrival on the "victorious" we found the ship crowded with germans, who, after examination, were sent to the flagship, h.m.s. "revenge"--which had by this time returned to the flow from the pentland, where the st battle squadron had been exercising--from which ship they were sent south. [illustration: plan of the anchorage of german ships at scapa flow.] a large amount of salvage work ensued on the vessels which had been beached, most of them being pumped out and docked in the floating dock, although it was not found possible to get some of the destroyers off, and these still remain as a memento of that eventful day. all the salved ex-german ships have now been towed south, and have been apportioned amongst the allied powers. it is interesting to note that the "baden" and "nurnberg," of which several photographs are shown in the following pages, have been allotted to great britain, whilst the "emden" goes to france, and the "frankfurt" to u.s.a. it appears that most of the salved vessels are to be broken up, thus finally disposing of the remnants of the once great german fleet. [illustration: a party of french officers visiting the german ships.] [illustration: german battleship "bayern" sinking by the stern, p.m., st june, .] [illustration: the final plunge of the "bayern."] [illustration: german destroyers sinking or beached off the island of fara.] [illustration: german sailors taking to the boats.] [illustration: british boarding party alongside sinking german destroyer.] [illustration: general view showing german destroyers sinking on the right and battleships in the distance. at . p.m., st june, .] [illustration: german battle cruiser "hindenburg" as she now rests at scapa.] [illustration: whaler "ramna" stranded on german battle cruiser "moltke" rd june, , taken just before "ramna" refloated.] [illustration: german cruiser "nurnberg" immediately after being refloated at p.m. on rd july, .] [illustration: salvage operations on battleship "baden" and cruiser "frankfurt" beached at smoogroo.] [illustration: salvage work on the "baden."] [illustration: pumping out the "frankfurt."] [illustration: cruiser "bremse," which capsized whilst being beached.] [illustration: battle cruiser "seydlitz," lying on her starboard side in shallow water.] [illustration: hoisting the union jack on a sinking german destroyer.] [illustration: on the "seydlitz."] [illustration: "baden" being towed south to invergordon.] [illustration: salving german destroyer "g ."] [illustration: salvage party working on a german destroyer.] [illustration: view showing salved ex-german cruisers and destroyers at long hope, october, .] [illustration: the salved german cruisers "nurnberg" and "emden" in long hope bay.] [illustration: view looking aft from after-control top of "frankfurt."] [illustration: view looking forward from the same position.] [illustration: expansion ring marking on -inch gun "nurnberg."] [illustration: a humorous effort on the part of one of our sailors.] [illustration: the propeller blade of the "seydlitz."] [illustration: range-finder and searchlight platform, "nurnberg."] [illustration: -mm. guns, "nurnberg."] [illustration: -inch gun on "nurnberg" after-turret.] [illustration: · -inch after-breech, "nurnberg."] [illustration: searchlight control platform, "frankfurt."] [illustration: · -cm. gun on a german destroyer.] [illustration: torpedo tubes on a destroyer.] [illustration: engine-room control board, "emden."] [illustration: lower conning tower, "emden."] [illustration: german destroyer being towed south to rosyth, march, .] epilogue. march, . [illustration: r. j. towers. blowing up the minefields. group of mines exploded in february, , by the quoyness mining station, flotta island.] [illustration: r. j. towers. closer view of a mine explosion. photograph taken a mile away with a telecentric lens.] epilogue a few notes remain to be added to the preceding pages to complete the story of scapa to the present time. the war necessarily left its aftermath at scapa, as elsewhere, and although much of the "clearing up" has been accomplished, there will remain for many years visible traces of the "naval occupation" of the orkneys. the signing of the armistice in november, , entailed only a cessation of active hostilities, and it was not until the summer of that the reversion of the base from a war to a peace footing really began. one of the earliest and most important operations to be undertaken after the armistice was the clearance of the north sea mine barrage between the orkneys and norway, which has already been briefly referred to. this entailed a sweep over an area of , square miles, and the destruction of over , mines. the american minesweeping detachment, to which the major portion of this task was allotted, arrived in kirkwall in april, , and by the end of september of that year their task had been successfully accomplished, and the northern gateway was open once more to the mercantile traffic of the world. the mines which had been laid in the smaller areas around the entrances to the flow were exploded simultaneously in sections--a very much simpler task, as these were connected electrically to shore stations. the photographs on p. give some idea of the force of the explosions, which were audible for miles around. it is of interest to note that the buoy shown on the left of the photograph on the lower part of p. marks the resting-place of the german submarine which was sunk in this minefield a few days before the armistice. the removal of the booms and the release of the boom defence drifters and trawlers was completed before the end of . the fishermen who formed the crews of these vessels, incidentally, deserve to be recognised for their work during the war, the monotony and isolation of which made their task one of the least enviable at the base. [illustration: salvage operation on s.s. "aorangi" in holm sound. . t. kent.] [illustration: salvage operation on s.s. "aorangi" in holm sound. . t. kent.] the raising of the barrier at clestron (see p. ) proved a more formidable operation. the ice-breaker "sviagator," early in , made the unique experiment of crushing some of the hurdles to a sufficient depth to allow vessels of medium draught to pass over with safety, but it was not until the summer of that the removal of the hurdles was undertaken and completed by a salvage company, and the rails shipped south. the raising of the "block" ships, which had been sunk in some of the narrow channels leading into the flow, appears to have presented almost insuperable difficulties, mainly owing to tidal currents, and there does not seem to be much likelihood that the vessels in burra and water sounds will ever be raised. in holm sound, however, one of the sunken ships, s.s. "aorangi," was successfully salved by the east coast wrecking company on th september, , and beached near the churchyard at holm. of the temporary shore establishments at scapa very little now remains, and the buildings which are still standing have nearly all been converted to meet peace-time requirements. the "miniature base" at lyness is in the hands of caretakers, and the completion of the wharf (on which £ , has been spent) has been stopped, whilst the control of the naval area, which since february, , had been in the hands of captain alan g. bruce, r.n., c.b., d.s.o., was on st december, , removed to invergordon. the air stations at houton, smoogro, caldale, and stenness have been closed down or removed, whilst the seaplane station at scapa has been acquired by the orkney county council as a tuberculosis hospital. nearly all the shore batteries have been dismantled, the guns removed, the searchlights withdrawn, and the huts sold or demolished. only at hoy (stromness) are the batteries intact, but these are in charge of a civilian caretaker. the royal marine station at carness (near kirkwall) remains, but as a smallpox hospital under the orkney county council. various schemes have been under consideration for the removal of the sunken german ships, but at present they still remain as they sank on the memorable st june, --a constant source of danger to ships passing through the narrow channels where they lie. it remains to be seen whether steps will eventually be taken to remove the more dangerous of these vessels, or whether they will remain as a permanent memorial of one of the most dramatic episodes of naval history. [illustration: sunset over the hills of hoy. (mast of sunken german destroyer showing in foreground.)] printed in great britain by billing and sons, ltd., guildford and esher transcriber's notes. in the text version, italics are denoted by underscores. some place names have been found with alternative spellings. these alternatives may be legitimate and have been left as found. smoogroo, smoogro burra, burray and stennis, stenness. the cruiser nurnberg should be nürnberg. this spelling has been left as found. [illustration: nelson receiving the swords of the spanish officers on board the "san joseph." (_see page _)] fifty-two stories of the british navy, _from damme to trafalgar_. edited by alfred h. miles. _seventh thousand._ london: hutchinson & co., , paternoster row. printed by hazell, watson, and viney, ld., london and aylesbury. prefatory. this volume contains fifty-two stories of the british navy from damme to trafalgar. these stories are arranged chronologically, and, without pretending to be a complete history of the british navy, provide fifty-two consecutive links of the chain which for a thousand years has bound the sovereignty of the seas to the british throne. in preparing this series many historical and biographical works have been laid under contribution. of these dr. campbell's "lives of the british admirals and naval history," southey's "life of nelson," giffard's "deeds of naval daring," creasy's "fifteen decisive battles of the world," green's "history of the english people," hakluyt's "voyages," and sir walter raleigh's prose epic "the truth of the fight about the isles of azores" are the most important. when a story has been adequately told once there is little to be gained by re-telling it in other words; hence the "story of the _revenge_" is given from sir walter raleigh's account with but slight abbreviation, and the "story of the spanish armada" from sir edward creasy's book with but similar abridgment. many of the stories taken from dr. campbell's work and that of robert southey have been subject to the same treatment, and the editor believes they have, for present purposes, gained by condensation. the editor desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to his friend, mr. a. j. pattle, who collaborated with him in the editorship of his "fifty-two stories of the indian mutiny," published in with so much success, and who has rendered valuable service in the production of this work. he also desires to acknowledge the courtesy of messrs. cassell and co., whereby he is enabled to use the engraving which forms the frontispiece of this volume, from "the story of the sea" published by them. stories of the sea are always welcome to british boys and girls, and the editor has no fear for the reception of this collection. a. h. m. _september st, ._ contents. page the beginnings of the british navy the story of the cinque ports the story of sir edward howard the story of sir thomas howard and sir andrew barton the story of sir john hawkins the worthy enterprise of john fox the story of sir francis drake the voyage made to tripolis in barbary a true report of a worthy fight the story of the spanish armada the story of the "revenge" the story of admiral blake the story of the first dutch war stories of the second dutch war i. the defeat of the dutch off harwich. ii. the capture of dutch convoys by the earl of sandwich. iii. the four days' fight in the channel. iv. the defence of the thames. the destruction of the algerine navy the story of sir john berry the story of the third dutch war the battle of beachy head the victory of la hogue the story of sir george rooke off gibraltar the story of admiral benbow defeat of the spanish fleet off messina the story of captain hornby and the french privateer off cape finisterre the loss of h.m.s. "namur" the loss of h.m.s. "pembroke" the story of admiral the honourable john byng in indian seas. - the story of the "glorious fifty-nine" and the battle of quiberon bay the story of lord rodney the loss of the "ramilies" the loss of h.m.s. "centaur" the loss of the "royal george" the mutiny of the "bounty" the story of lord exmouth the glorious first of june triumph in retreat the mutiny of the battle of camperdown the loss of h.m.s. "repulse" the story of nelson's boyhood first steps up the ladder. a chapter from nelson's career on board the "agamemnon" the evacuation of corsica and the battle of cape st. vincent the story of santa cruz the story of the battle of the nile the bombardment of copenhagen the story of the battle of trafalgar list of illustrations. page nelson receiving the swords of the spanish officers on board the "san joseph" _frontispiece_ the battle off dover the defeat of sir andrew barton the spanish armada admiral duncan addressing his crew after the mutiny at the nore the "victory" at portsmouth fifty-two stories of the british navy. the beginnings of the british navy. _a saxon chronicle._ the founders of the english nation were a maritime people. before they settled in the british isles they had to dare the dangers of the deep, and though for nearly four hundred years after their first arrival they were too much occupied with internal strife to think of external enterprise, no sooner had they apparently completed the subjugation of the britons and effected a settlement of their own differences by uniting the country under one crown, than they were called upon to give vigorous attention to maritime affairs. egbert, king of the west saxons, who, by the conquest of mercia and northumbria, became the first overlord of all england, a.d. , was soon compelled to deal seriously with the danes. according to old chroniclers, threatened with invasion in the south, he engaged these formidable foes at charmouth in dorsetshire, but sustained defeat. two years later, however, when they returned and landed on the coast of wales, uniting with the disaffected britons in a powerful armament, egbert proved equal to the occasion, met them in a general engagement at the battle of hengestesdun, routed their entire forces, and compelled the britons to seek safety in their mountains and the danes to return to their ships. desultory warfare supervened for some time with ever-varying success until, according to the saxon chronicle, the danes were defeated off sandwich in a desperate battle in which nine of their ships were taken by the english, and the rest compelled to seek safety in flight. after this they again returned, this time with a fleet of three hundred and fifty sail, devastated the south country and took canterbury and london by storm. hitherto the english had made the fatal mistake of allowing their enemies to land before attempting to grapple with them, and even the disasters which followed naturally upon such a policy did not arouse them to a sense of the necessity of maintaining an efficient fleet. on the contrary, dispirited by their failures, the english seem to have abandoned all thoughts of naval armament, and to have contented themselves with fortifying their cities and defending them against enemies whom they passively allowed to land. this unhappy condition of things continued through the reigns of ethelbald, ethelbert and ethelred; during which time the danes conquered northumbria and east anglia, and invaded wessex. in a.d. they took york, and in the following year nottingham. in they defeated and put to death edmund, king of east anglia, whose burial-place was named st. edmundsbury--bury st. edmunds--and during the same year fought no less than nine battles in wessex. abbeys, churches and monasteries were burnt, and the whole country was given up to fire and the sword. in the year alfred came to the throne and found himself a monarch without a people, a king without a country. the long-continued struggle with the danes, who, like locusts, "came without number and devoured the fruits of the land," had reduced the people to a state of despairing servitude. the wealth, strength, and spirits of the english, who had sometimes been compelled to fight as many as ten or twelve battles in the course of a year, had become exhausted, and instead of attempting to defend themselves further, they began everywhere to submit to the danes; preferring a settled slavery to a precarious freedom. although the country had been brought to this low condition, the young king did not despair of its restoration, but with equal vigour and prudence applied himself to the prosecution of the war and the conduct of public affairs. encouraged by his example and inspired by his spirit, the english at length took heart again, and ultimately--led by his skill and wisdom--defeated the danes at exeter in , and at edington in the following year, securing the peace of wedmore, which, while it gave them little more than the kingdom of wessex as a possession, ensured them what they needed much more than land, a period of rest and repose, which, but for one short interval, lasted for fifteen years. this period alfred employed in pursuing the arts of peace and preparing himself for the eventualities of war. in the year a.d. he sent envoys to rome and india; and in he took and re-fortified the city of london. from to he was once more engaged with his old enemies the danes. this protracted campaign was by no means a light undertaking. hasting, the danish leader, pitched his camp on the hills gently sloping above benfleet, in essex, and sent two hundred and fifty danish ships cruising along the south-west coast of kent; while he proceeded himself with eighty ships along the thames estuary. having formed a camp at milton, near sittingbourne, he ventured up the river lea where he found himself unexpectedly entrapped; for alfred hit upon the expedient of draining the river, and by this means left the danish ships high and dry. retreating to benfleet, hasting discovered that in his absence his camp had been attacked and captured by one of alfred's aldermen. alfred drove hasting out of wessex in , and out of essex in , after which the danish leader appears to have had enough of english hospitality; for he returned to denmark in the following year. from to the end of his reign, alfred devoted much time to the construction of ships and the equipment of a fleet; a purpose which he effected with so much success that he earned for himself the title of "the father of the british navy." alfred seems to have been the first of the english kings to realise that the true principle of insular defence is to meet one's enemies upon the sea, and destroy them before they have time to effect a landing. once realised, however, he made every effort to carry out this sagacious and far-sighted policy, a policy in which, for a thousand years, he has been followed by the wisest and best of his successors. to do this, the creation and maintenance of a national fleet became an imperative necessity. according to dr. campbell, alfred reflected that, as the fleets of his enemies were frequently built in a hurry, hastily drawn together, meanly provided with victuals and rigging and overcrowded with men, a few ships of a larger size, built in a new manner of well-seasoned materials, thoroughly supplied with food and arms, and manned by expert seamen must, at first sight, surprise, and, in the course of an engagement destroy many with but little danger to themselves; and with this view he constructed a number of ships in most points twice the size of the largest ships then in use, and furnished with accommodation for double the number of rowers. these vessels were longer, higher, and yet swifter than the vessels in common use among the danes; so that alfred was able always to engage his enemies at advantage, and, when necessary, to escape them by flight. as, moreover, these vessels were built upon a new model, they were wholly strange to the enemy, who were a long time learning the way to board them; hence their courage and seamanship did not avail them much. alfred was not long in finding employment for his infant navy. soon after the earlier of these ships were built, six large pirate ships of unusual size appeared off the isle of wight and the coast of devonshire. the king immediately despatched nine of his new vessels in quest of them, with orders to get, if possible, between them and the shore, and to give and take no quarter. on sighting the king's ships three of the pirates ran aground, while the others stood out to sea and boldly offered battle. of these, two were taken and the whole of their crews destroyed, while the third escaped with five men only. turning their attention to the ships that had grounded, the king's men destroyed the greater part of their crews, and when the tide floated them, brought the ships to the coast of the south saxons, where the remainder of their crews endeavoured to escape. they were, however, captured and carried to winchester, where they were hanged by order of the king. this may be regarded as one of the first engagements of the british navy--that is, of ships built on purpose for defensive warfare; though of course there were many famous sea fights of earlier dates. "if," says dr. campbell, "it should be asked how this superiority at sea was lost, we must observe that it was very late in the king's life before his experience furnished him with light sufficient for this noble design, which very probably his successors wanted skill to prosecute; though, as history shows, they were moved by his example to make great efforts for preserving their territories on shore by maintaining the sovereignty of the sea." alfred the great died in the year , and was succeeded by edward the elder. opposed by his cousin ethelwald, who laid claim to the crown and who invited the danes over to help him in securing it, edward was unable to prevent the northmen from landing; but marching into kent he engaged the united forces of his enemies in a desperate battle in which his cousin ethelwald and eric, the king of the danes, were slain. still troubled by successive hordes of northmen, who--like the heads of the fabled giants--seemed to multiply as they were destroyed, edward had recourse to his fleet, and gathering a hundred ships upon the coast of kent, totally defeated the invaders; forcing most of their ships upon the shore, and destroying their commanders on the spot. athelstan, who succeeded his brother in , was also a wise and powerful ruler. called upon to defend himself against a confederacy which included constantine, king of the scots, anlaff, a danish prince, settled in ireland, and a host of disaffected britons, he attacked them both by sea and land at the same time with equal valour and success. in this battle, fought in , there fell five kings and seven danish chiefs. it is said to have been the bloodiest engagement which up to that time had ever taken place in england; and, as a result, athelstan became the most absolute monarch that had ever reigned in britain. edmund, edred, and edwy followed in lineal succession, but without adding anything of importance to our naval annals. in edgar, who came to the throne in , alfred had a successor who proved himself worthy of carrying on his great traditions. he thoroughly understood and successfully pursued the maxims of his great ancestor, and applied himself from the beginning of his reign to the raising of an efficient maritime force. it is said that his fleet was far superior to those of any of his predecessors, as well as much more powerful than those of all the other european princes put together. this navy--variously estimated by the monkish chroniclers to number from three thousand to four thousand ships--he is said to have divided into three fleets each of twelve hundred sail, which he stationed respectively on the north, the east, and the west coasts of england. not content with making these provisions, it is said that "every year after easter, he went on board the fleet stationed on the eastern coast, and, sailing west, scoured all the channels, looked into every creek and bay, from the thames mouth to land's end in cornwall; there, quitting these ships, he went on board the western fleet, with which, steering his course northward, he did the like not only on the english and scotch coasts, but also on those of ireland and the hebrides--which lie between them and britain; then meeting the northern fleet, he sailed in it to the mouth of the thames. thus surrounding the island every summer, he rendered invasion impracticable, kept his sailors in continual exercise, and effectually asserted his sovereignty over the sea." in the winter, edgar is said to have travelled by land through all parts of his dominion to see that justice was duly administered, to prevent his nobles from becoming oppressors, and to protect the meanest people from suffering wrong. by these arts he secured tranquillity at home while he engendered respect abroad. by being always ready for war he avoided it, so that in his whole reign there happened but one disturbance, and that through the britons, who, while he was in the north, committed disorder in the west. it is further said of this prince that "he reigned sixteen years without a thief being found in his dominions on land, or a pirate being heard of at sea." edgar died in , and was succeeded by edward the martyr, who reigned three years, and then gave place to ethelred the unready. then followed the period of decadence which prepared the way for danish supremacy. ethelred adopted the fatal plan of buying off his invaders, the effect of which policy was to increase the numbers and the demands of his enemies. accordingly, in , sweyn, son of the king of denmark, and olaf, king of norway, made a descent upon london and devastated kent, sussex, and hampshire. olaf was bought off with a payment of £ , , but the danes were insatiable. a truce, purchased by ethelred in , was brought to an abrupt conclusion by his own weakness and cruelty; for in that year he planned and effected the massacre of all the danes in his dominions, on st. brice's day. among the victims was a sister of sweyn of denmark, and sweyn's revenge was sharp and swift. in he laid exeter waste, and in destroyed norwich; and when two years later the "great fleet" of the danes arrived off sandwich, ethelred was obliged to purchase peace with a supply of provisions and a sum of thirty thousand pounds. great efforts were made during this truce to reconstruct the navy. the king commanded ships to be built throughout the country and levied taxes to pay for them. within a year it is said that eight hundred ships, equipped with thirty thousand men, were ready for the national defence. but no armament can be strong that is directed by weak hands, and the want of a wise and vigorous leader led to internal quarrels, which effectually destroyed ethelred's chances of successfully resisting the danes. in sweyn was practically king of england, and ethelred fled to normandy. in the death of ethelred left edmund ironside his son, and canute, the son of sweyn of denmark, rival candidates for the throne. after fighting two battles, they agreed to divide the kingdom between them; but the death of edmund the same year left canute the master of the whole. under canute, peace prevailed and commerce began to thrive. "men from the rhineland and from normandy moored their vessels along the thames, on whose rude wharves were piled a strange medley of goods: pepper and spices from the far east, crates of gloves and gay cloths, it may be from the lombard looms, sacks of wool; ironwork, from liège, butts of french wine and vinegar, and with them the rural products of the country itself--cheese, butter, lard and eggs, with live swine and fowls." such was canute's influence that it became unnecessary to maintain more than forty ships for the protection of the coast, and this number was afterwards reduced to sixteen. with the death of canute the danish rule began to collapse, and with the accession of edward the confessor the danes resumed their aggressive expeditions, though with but little success. william of normandy found england without a fleet, for harold had been compelled to disband the navy from want of supplies; and, as he destroyed his own ships after he had effected a landing, he began his reign without means of maritime defence. the story of the cinque ports. the battle of damme.--the battle of dover.--the battle of sluys.--the battle of lespagnols-sur-mer.--the victories of the earl of arundel, the duke of bedford, the earl of huntingdon, and warwick, the king maker. the history of the english navy from the conquest to the fifteenth century is, in effect, the history of the great and powerful corporation known as "the five cinque ports and two ancient towns"--hastings, sandwich, dover, romney, hythe, winchelsea, and rye. in the domesday book only three such ports are mentioned--sandwich, dover, and romney--but in the charters and royal writs mention is always made of, and precedence assigned to, hastings. winchelsea and rye were added to the first five soon after the conquest, but the title of "cinque" ports was retained. in addition to the seven head ports there were eight "corporate members"--deal, faversham, folkestone, fordwich, lydd, pevensey, seaford, and tenterden--and twenty-four non-corporate members, which included birchington, brightlingsea, bulverhithe, grange, kingsdown, margate, ramsgate, reculver, sarre, and walmer, all of which were called cinque ports. some writers have endeavoured to connect the cinque ports with the five roman fortresses which guarded the south-eastern shores of britain, and the lord warden of the cinque ports with the _comes littoris saxonici_--the count of the saxon shore, but it seems sufficiently clear that the confederation of the ports was of teutonic origin. originally, trading communities banded together to protect and control the herring-fishery, the principal industry and food-supply of the people; the regular descents of the danes supplied the motive for the military character the union afterwards assumed. the danish invasion, which ended in canute's supremacy, raged most fiercely round sandwich, which was the head-quarters of the danish fleet, and acquired the title of "the most famous of all the english ports." as far back as the year , hengist the saxon conferred the office of warden of the cinque ports upon his brother horsa, and since the time of godwin, earl of kent, who died in the year , nearly one hundred and fifty persons have held that distinguished office. these include many whose names are illustrious in english history, amongst them being odo, bishop of bayeux, eustace, earl of boulogne, william longchamps, hubert de burgh, sir stephen de pencester, edmund plantagenet, king henry v., simon de montfort, richard iii., prince henry, afterwards henry viii., james ii., and prince george of denmark. william pitt was lord warden in , and from that date until the year the holders of the office have been the earl of liverpool, the duke of wellington, the marquis of dalhousie, lord palmerston, earl granville, mr. w. h. smith, the marquis of dufferin and the marquis of salisbury. the privileges and distinctions of the inhabitants of the ports in those days were of a very substantial character. amongst other things "pains and penalties" were imposed on any one entering or quitting the kingdom from or for the continent except by way of dover. the grand court of shepway, at which the lord warden takes the oath of office, in the presence of the "barons," was formerly held in the open air at lympne, a roman port, the remains of which are now several miles inland, in the neighbourhood of hythe, but the site of the court was removed to dover as a more convenient place in . to edward the confessor may be attributed the incorporation of the cinque ports in the form of a royal navy bound to stated service. to attach them to the throne he granted them lands and franchises, in return for which they undertook, on a stated notice, to provide ships for fighting purposes for a specified time. the domesday book, for instance, records that "dover, in the time of king edward, rendered eighteen pounds, of which moneys king edward had two parts, and earl godwin the third. the burgesses gave the king twenty ships once a year for fifteen days, and in each ship were twenty men. this they did in return for his having endowed them with sac and soc"--the right of independent jurisdiction and free courts. soon after the norman conquest, the danes once more threatened invasion with a powerful fleet, and dover, sandwich, and romney were called upon to provide, at their own expense, twenty vessels equipped for sea, each with a crew of twenty-one men and provisions for fifteen days. rye and winchelsea rendered similar assistance, and in return received privileges similar to those enjoyed by the older ports. the fleet thus provided was so fully maintained by william rufus that england's maritime supremacy may be dated from that early period. but, for more than a century after the conquest, english ships seldom ventured beyond the bay of biscay or the entrance to the baltic. the reign of henry i. was marked by the tragic death of prince william in the year while crossing from normandy to england in _the white ship_. the rowers, hilarious with wine, ran _the white ship_--probably an undecked or only partially decked vessel, of not more than fifty tons burden steered by two paddles over the quarter--violently on to a ledge of rocks, now called ras de catteville. the sea rushed in, and all on board, except two men, were lost. as soon as his ship struck, the prince and a few others got into a small boat and pushed off, but, returning to the aid of his sister, many persons jumped in the boat and all were drowned. the prince's body was carried away by the current and never recovered. fitzstephen, the captain, whose father had carried william the conqueror to england, and who held his office by virtue of providing a passage for his sovereign, rose once to the surface and asked, "what has become of the king's son?" being answered, "we have not seen him, nor his brother, nor his sister, nor any of their companions," he exclaimed, "woe is me!" and sank back into the sea. for three days no one ventured to break the news to henry who, the old chroniclers say, was so stricken with the tidings that he fainted away and was never seen to smile again. not until the time of the crusades, however, did maritime commerce undergo any marked development, and england take her place among sea-faring peoples. whatever the crusades may have done for the cross, they gave the first impetus to english maritime enterprise, and european industry progressed with the conquests of the crusaders. on ascending the throne richard coeur de lion made vast levies to equip an expedition to the holy land. the fleet numbered one hundred vessels, the most of which had been collected from the south and west of england, and from the continental ports of the house of anjou, richard's own ship being named "_trenche-le-mer_," presumably because it was a swift sailer. it was from messina, on march th, , that richard dated his charter to the cinque ports. the reign of richard marked another epoch in the naval history of britain, for he issued the first articles for the government of an english fleet. if any man slew another on board a ship, he was to be fastened to the dead body and thrown with it into the sea; if the murder was committed on shore, he was to be bound to the corpse, and buried with it. if any one was convicted by legal testimony of drawing his knife upon another, or of drawing blood in any manner, he was to lose his hand. for giving a blow with the hand without producing blood, the offender was to be plunged three times into the sea. if any one reviled or insulted another, he was on every occasion to pay to the offended party an ounce of silver. a thief was to have his head shaven, boiling pitch poured upon it, and feathers shaken over him, as a mark by which he might be known; and he was to be put ashore at the first land at which the ship might touch. in the reign of john a close approach was made to a regular naval establishment, and a kind of dockyard appears to have existed at portsmouth, for the sheriff of southampton was commanded to cause the docks at portsmouth to be enclosed with a strong wall to preserve the king's ships and galleys, and to cause pent-houses to be erected for their stores and tackle. the king had galleys, long ships, and great ships; all allusions to which, however, make it clear that the largest vessels had only one mast and sail. but no admiral or commander of the fleets appears to have been created, and the chief management of the navy was for many years entrusted to william de wrotham, archdeacon of taunton, who was designated "keeper of the king's ships," and also "keeper of the seaports." the expulsion of john from his dominions in normandy in opened a new chapter in english history and brought the cinque ports prominently into notice, as frequently repeated orders were issued to the barons of the ports to "guard the seas." by their vigilant guard, it is alleged, the excommunication which followed the pope's interdict in was so long prevented from making its way across the channel, and they were certainly the moving spirits in the great maritime exploit which help to redeem the gloom of john's reign. philip of france, obeying the exhortation of the pope to assist in dethroning john, had made extensive preparations for the invasion of england, and when in john became the pope's vassal philip did not like the idea of giving up the project. john, therefore, found it necessary to adopt retaliatory measures. all men capable of bearing arms were ordered to assemble at dover "for the defence of the king's and their own heads, and the land of england," and the bailiffs of all the ports were forbidden to suffer any ship to sail without the king's express authority. the french king entered flanders to punish the count, who had refused to join the expedition against john, and despatched all the ships which he had collected to the port of damme, the harbour of which, though of "wonderful size," could not contain all the french ships, which are said to have numbered one thousand seven hundred sail. thither the english fleet, of five hundred sail the greater portion consisting of ships from the cinque ports, under william longsword, proceeded at the urgent summons of the count. on the arrival of the english they found that the french had landed and were ravaging the surrounding country, whereupon they attacked the fleet in the harbour, and three hundred vessels laden with corn, wine, and arms, fell into english hands. the cables of the captured vessels were cut, and the wind being off the land, they were soon on the passage to england. about a hundred others were burnt, and the first great naval victory recorded in english annals was complete. the attitude of the cinque ports during the period immediately preceding the granting of the great charter of english liberties is obscure. they are mentioned as guaranteed in their franchises when the charter took its final shape under henry iii., and it is clear that, when the baronage invited louis of france to depose the faithless king of england, the ports resolved to stand by the house of plantagenet. john's unexpected death in , at a time when london and a great part of kent were in the power of louis, found the cinque ports--though sandwich had been burnt by the french--staunch to the loyal earl of pembroke--marshal of the kingdom, and supporters of the boy-king, henry iii. the following year, however, was destined to become memorable in the history of naval warfare, for in august, , the french fleet of one hundred vessels put to sea with a view to a descent upon the thames. hubert de burgh, with the seamen of the cinque port ships, assembled in dover harbour, and as the hostile fleet was descried from dover cliffs, on the th forty ships dashed out of the harbour to challenge french supremacy in england by engaging in the first regular sea-fight of modern history. "it appears," says sir w. h. nicholas, "that the wind was southerly, blowing fresh; and the french were going large steering round the north foreland, little expecting any opposition. the english squadron, instead of directly approaching the enemy, kept their wind as if going to calais, which made eustace, the french commander, exclaim, 'i know that those wretches think to invade calais like thieves; but that is useless, for it is well defended!' as soon as the english had gained the wind of the french fleet, they bore down in the most gallant manner upon the enemy's rear; and the moment they came close to the sterns of the french ships they threw grapnels into them, and, thus fastening the vessels together, prevented the enemy from escaping--an early instance of that love of close fighting for which english sailors have ever since been distinguished. the action commenced by the english cross-bowmen and archers pouring volleys of arrows into the enemy's ships with deadly effect; and to increase their dismay, the english threw unslaked lime, reduced to a powder, on board their opponents, which being blown by the wind into their eyes, completely blinded them. the english then rushed on board; and cutting away the rigging and halyards with axes, the sails fell over the french 'like a net over ensnared small birds.' ... thus hampered, the enemy could make but a feeble resistance; and after an immense slaughter were completely defeated. though the french fought with great bravery, very few among them were accustomed to naval tactics; and they fell rapidly under the lances, axes, and swords of their assailants. in the meantime, many of their vessels had been sunk by the galleys, which, running their own prows into them, stove their sides. "of the whole french fleet, fifteen vessels only escaped; and as soon as the principal persons had been secured, the english taking the captured ships in tow, proceeded in triumph to dover, 'victoriously ploughing the waves,' and returning thanks to god for their success.... the battle was seen with exultation by the garrison of dover castle, and the conquerors were received by the bishops and clergy in full sacerdotal habits, bearing crosses and banners in procession." though the ships, compared with those of the present age were small, yet the mode of attack, the bravery displayed, and the great superiority of the enemy render the event worthy of an honourable place in the list of our naval victories. it was actually a hand-to-hand fight against double the number of ships, and probably four times the number of men. the political effect of the battle was that louis relinquished all hopes of the english crown. england was saved. "the courage of the sailors who manned the rude boats of the cinque ports first made the flag of england terrible on the seas." for this celebrated action, which saved england from the domination of france, the cinque ports obtained further privileges, amongst which was liberty to "annoy the subjects of france"--in other words, to plunder as they pleased the merchant vessels of that country. few naval events of any importance occurred for many years after the signal victory off dover. the cinque ports were at their highest tide of prosperity during the reign of edward i., who, in , took thirty of their ships with him in his expedition against scotland. during the reign of edward ii. the ports did not lack employment on the king's service, though they acted merely as coast-guards. the sovereignty of the channel was gradually challenged in this reign by the french, who were encouraged by the revolutions and disorders of the time, and edward iii. had not been many years on the throne before it became evident that the nation must bestir itself in view of the increasing power of the french fleet. a formal proclamation declaring england's sovereignty of the seas was issued. a new spirit at once declared itself, but not a moment before it was necessary; for in the french fleet burnt portsmouth, inflicted severe disaster upon southampton, threatened sandwich, and, diverging to rye, landed and ravaged the immediate neighbourhood. on the approach of the english fleet the french took to flight and were chased into boulogne. the english gallantly entered the harbour, captured several french vessels, hanged twelve of their captains, burnt part of the town, and returned with their prizes to england. towards the end of a new invasion was planned. the french ships and galleys assembled off the town of sluys, in flanders, and their crews solemnly vowed not to return to their own ports till they had taken one hundred english ships and five hundred english towns. in view of this invasion parliament was summoned in january "to adopt various measures relating to the navy." the sailors of the cinque ports undertook to have their ships ready, and in due course a fleet of two hundred vessels was formed, and more soldiers and archers assembled than could be employed. on his arrival on the coast of flanders, edward found that the various sections of his fleet had met, and discovered the french fleet of one hundred and ninety ships, manned by thirty-five thousand normans and genoese, lying at anchor off sluys. the french fleet was in four divisions, their ships being fastened to each other by iron chains and cables. to the masts a small boat was suspended, filled with stones, which were to be hurled by the soldiers stationed on the tops. trumpets and other martial instruments resounded from the french ships. the fight was long and fierce, for "the enemy defended themselves all that day and the night after." in one french ship alone four hundred dead bodies were found, the survivors leaping headlong into the sea. only twenty-four of the french ships escaped, and no less than twenty-five thousand french and genoese perished. the english loss was, perhaps, four thousand men, and all writers agree that it was one of the most sanguinary and desperate sea-fights recorded in the pages of history. edward's modest letter regarding this victory is the earliest naval despatch in existence. though the annihilation of the french fleet at sluys did not surpass in importance the victory off dover in the preceding century, it established the maritime supremacy of england. to supply a covering force for the army which was besieging calais in and to guard the channel, england made a general demand for ships and seamen. the total number of ships mustered was seven hundred and ten; these were equipped with a full complement of fighting men. the "five cinque ports and two ancient towns," together with seaford, faversham, and margate, contributed one hundred and five ships; london sent twenty-five ships, fowey forty-seven, and dunwich six. three years later on august th, , the battle known as "lespagnols-sur-mer" was fought off winchelsea, when edward defeated a spanish squadron of forty sail which had plundered several english ships, capturing twenty-six large vessels, the crews of which were put to death. this action firmly established the reputation of edward iii. as the king of england, whose name is more identified with the naval glory of england than that of any other sovereign up to the sixteenth century. but reverses of fortune clouded the end of what had promised to be a glorious reign. in an engagement with the flemings resulted in the capture of twenty-five ships by the english, but in june, , the spaniards completely defeated the english fleet of forty sail under the earl of pembroke off la rochelle; the spaniards not only having the advantage of size and numbers in their ships, but also in being provided with cannon, said to have been first used at sea in this battle. immediately upon edward's death an overwhelming fleet of french and spanish ships swept the channel, and winchelsea, rye, hastings, plymouth, portsmouth and other ports suffered from the fury of the invaders. the reign of richard ii. was redeemed from absolute barrenness in naval affairs by the victory of the earl of arundel in . taking advantage of the absence from england of john of gaunt, duke of lancaster, who had sailed the year before to enforce his claim upon the crown of spain, the french raised a powerful armament with a view to invading the british isles. these preparations were made upon a most extensive scale, and were said to have included an army of a hundred thousand men and a fleet of ships which, if laid side by side, would have reached from calais to dover. the news of this terrible armament caused great excitement in england, and various preparations were made to receive it. the earl of arundel was made high admiral and was dispatched to sea with instructions to destroy the ships of the enemy as they disembarked; while the people on shore laid waste the country, and dealt with them as opportunity served. the winds and the waves, however, fought on england's side, and under stress of weather the army was disbanded and the enterprise abandoned. the earl of arundel, taking advantage of the situation, attacked the french fleet with great vigour, captured a hundred and sixty vessels, and proceeding to the port of sluys, destroyed the ships that had taken refuge there, and laid waste the country for ten leagues round. the reign of henry iv. was likewise characterised by abortive invasions on the part of the french. in - , la marche, a young french prince, made a descent upon falmouth with a view to helping owen glendower, the leader of the welsh rebellion; but the attempt was an entire failure. in the spring of , however, a second french fleet, consisting of a hundred and twenty sail and carrying large numbers of cavalry, bore down upon our southern coast. once more our old allies, the winds and the waves, did us good service; for most of the horses fell victims to the rigours of the journey, and no sooner were the ships moored off milford haven than they were attacked by the squadron of the cinque ports, which burnt fifteen ships, captured six transports laden with food and ammunition, and cut off all supplies at sea. the french were rather more successful on land, but before the end of the year they were glad of an excuse for sailing back to france. but the corporation of the cinque ports had practically fulfilled its purpose, and was now to give way to other organisations better adapted to the requirements of the times. even at this early date some of the ports had begun to suffer from "the sea change," which eventually caused the majority of them to be deserted by the routes of commerce; and henry v., finding that their harbours were no longer capable of building or sheltering the large ships which were required in his time, determined to establish a king's royal navy. so successful was he, that in his fleet which invaded france in , and which consisted of one thousand four hundred vessels, carrying about six thousand men-at-arms and twenty-four thousand archers, were twenty-seven royal ships, some perhaps of the size of five hundred tons. after the return of henry v. from the battle of agincourt, and during the negotiations which were to settle the relationships of england and france for the future, the count of armagnac, who had succeeded d'albret, slain at agincourt, as constable of france, determined to attempt the recapture of harfleur, held for the king by the earl of dorset, and with this view laid siege to the town by land, and sent the french fleet with a number of genoese caracks and spanish ships hired for the occasion to blockade the port from the sea. henry v. in a great rage dispatched his brother, the duke of bedford, to deal with this formidable armament. the duke assembled his ships at rye in august , and on the th of the same month reached the mouth of the seine, at the head of a fleet said to number four hundred sail and to carry twenty thousand men. he found the genoese galleys so tall that the largest of his ships could not reach to their upper decks by a spar's length, while the spanish ships far out-matched his own for size and for the number of their crews. notwithstanding the disparity of the forces the duke determined to attack the enemy on the following day; and on the morning of august th, , taking advantage of the wind, he engaged the combined fleets with such vigour that he succeeded in capturing or destroying nearly five hundred ships, his men clambering up the genoese galleys like so many squirrels and boarding them in gallant style. having destroyed the fleet, the duke joined his forces with those of the garrison in repelling the attacks on land and sea, and compelled the count of armagnac to raise the siege and retire. the duke remained long enough to see the town placed in a state of defence and then returned to england. in the earl of huntingdon being sent to sea with a strong squadron, met with the united fleets of france and genoa, which he fought and defeated, though they were much superior to his--not only in number, but in the strength and size of their ships--taking the french admiral prisoner, and capturing four large genoese ships, containing a quarter's pay for the whole navy. the reign of henry vi. added but little to the naval glory of england. in august a fleet fitted out in normandy made a descent upon the coast of kent and landed nearly two thousand men about two leagues from sandwich, with instructions to attack the port by land while the fleet engaged it from the sea. in this case the english were taken by surprise, and the town pillaged and burnt, with great loss on both sides. other attempts of the kind were also made at other parts of the coast. in the following year, warwick, the king maker, having been made admiral, caused several squadrons to be put to sea, to the officers of which he gave such instructions as he thought proper. on trinity sunday, , one of these squadrons fell in with the spanish fleet and quickly came to hostilities; with the result that the english captured six ships laden with iron and other merchandise and destroyed twenty-six others. a year later warwick himself put to sea from calais with fourteen sail, when he encountered five large ships in the english channel, three of which were genoese and two spanish, all of them being richly laden with merchandise. after an engagement which lasted two days he succeeded in capturing three of these, which were hauled into calais, where their cargoes realised £ , . it is said that in this engagement warwick lost fifty men and the enemy nearly a thousand. jealous of the successes of warwick, the french queen of henry vi. sent lord rivers down to sandwich to seek the assistance of the cinque ports in depriving the earl of the government of calais; but when the ships were almost ready, warwick sent a squadron under sir john dineham, which captured the whole fleet, carrying away lord rivers and anthony woodville, his son, who long remained prisoners in calais. after this, one sir baldwin talford undertook to burn the earl's fleet in the haven of calais; this, however, proved but a vain vaunt. at last the duke of exeter, who had been made admiral, received information that the earl of warwick had set sail for ireland, and stood out to sea to intercept him; the sailors in the king's ships, however, showed so much coldness in the cause, that it was not judged safe to risk an engagement, and warwick, not wishing to destroy the king's fleet, passed by without molesting it. later, warwick, on an invitation from kent, made a descent upon the country and encountered sir simon de montfort, then warden of the cinque ports, with his squadron off sandwich, which he attacked, defeated and destroyed, sir simon being killed in the engagement. thenceforward the decline of the cinque ports fleet as a fighting force was sure. it was called out occasionally for the transport of royal personages and was employed by henry vii. and henry viii. to transport troops to france; it furnished some of the ships which harassed the armada in its passage up the channel; but that was its final effort. the king's navy with difficulty survived the chaos of the reign of henry vi., but it never wholly disappeared. the revival of commerce in the reigns of edward iv. and henry vii., both of whom were engaged largely in mercantile speculations, created additional interest in maritime affairs; but it was left to henry viii. to make the vital change which firmly established the royal navy as an organisation independent of the merchant service. the story of sir edward howard. by john campbell. sir edward howard was the second son of thomas, earl of surrey, afterwards duke of norfolk, and treasurer to henry viii. he seems to have begun early in life to testify his inclination for the sea service, and we find him employed in the flanders expedition in , when king henry vii. thought fit to assist the duke of burgundy against his rebellious subjects. the flemings, naturally a brave people and fond of freedom, grew uneasy under the yoke of the house of austria, and under the command of the baron de ravenstein began to throw off allegiance. in doing this, they seized the town and harbour of sluys, whence they fitted out a number of vessels of considerable force; and, under colour of pursuing their enemies, took and plundered vessels of all nations without distinction. as the english trade with flanders was then very extensive, english ships suffered at least as much as any others; and this was the reason why king henry, upon the first application of the duke of burgundy, sent a squadron of twelve sail to his assistance under the command of sir edward poynings, with whom went out sir edward howard, then a very young man, to learn the art of war. the duke of saxony, in consequence of his alliance with the duke of burgundy, marched with an army into flanders, and besieged sluys by land; and sir edward poynings thereupon blockaded it by sea. the port was defended by two strong castles, which the flemings, who had nothing to trust to but force, defended with unparalleled obstinacy; insomuch, that though poynings attacked them constantly every day for twenty days successively, yet he made no great impression, till at last, through accident, the bridge of boats, by which the communication between the castles was preserved, took fire; whereupon the besieged were glad to surrender their city to the duke of saxony, and their port and castles to the english. after this expedition sir edward was made a knight for extraordinary bravery, of which quality he gave many proofs during the reign of henry vii., so thoroughly establishing his reputation that henry viii., on his accession, made choice of him for his standard-bearer, which in those days was considered not only as a mark of particular favour, but as a testimony also of the highest confidence and esteem. in the fourth year of the same reign he was created lord high-admiral of england, and in that station convoyed the marquis of dorset into spain. the admiral, after the landing of the forces, put to sea again; and, arriving on the coasts of britanny, landed some of his men about conquet and brest, who ravaged the country and burnt several of the small towns. this roused the french, who began immediately to fit out a great fleet, in order, if possible, to drive the english from their coasts; and, as this armament was very extraordinary, king henry sent a squadron of five-and-twenty tall ships, which he caused to be fitted out under his own eye at portsmouth, to the assistance of the admiral. among these were two capital ships; one called the _regent_, commanded by sir thomas knevet, master of the horse to the king; and the other, which was the _sovereign_, by sir charles brandon, afterwards duke of suffolk. when these vessels had joined the admiral, his fleet consisted of no less than forty-five sail, with which he immediately resolved to attack the enemy, who were by this time ready to come out of the harbour of brest. authors differ much as to their number, though they agree pretty well as to the name of the admiral, whom they call primauget; yet it seems they agree in a mistake, for the historians of britanny assure us they have no such name in that province, and that undoubtedly it ought to be porsmoguer. whatever his name was, or whatever the force of his fleet might have been (our writers say it consisted of thirty-nine, and the french only of twenty, sail), he was certainly a very brave man. the ship he commanded was called the _cordelier_, and was so large as to be able to carry twelve hundred fighting men, exclusive of mariners. at this time there were nine hundred on board; and, encouraged by their gallant officer, they did their duty bravely. sir thomas knevet, in the _regent_, which was a much smaller ship, attacked and boarded the _cordelier_, and the action lasted for some time with equal vigour on both sides. at last, both flag ships took fire and burnt together, wherein the two commanders and upwards of sixteen hundred valiant men were lost. it seems this accident struck both fleets with amazement; so that they separated without fighting, each claiming the victory, to which probably neither had a very good title. in the beginning of the next april the admiral put to sea again with a fleet of forty-two men-of-war, besides small vessels, and forced the french into the harbour of brest, where they fortified themselves, in order to wait the arrival of a squadron of six galleys from the mediterranean. sir edward howard, having considered their position, resolved, since it was impossible to attack them, to burn the country round about; which he accordingly did, in spite of all the care they could take to prevent it; and yet the french lay still under the cover of their fortifications and of a line of twenty-four large hulks lashed together, which they proposed to have set on fire in case the english attempted to force them to a battle. while the admiral was thus employed, he had intelligence that m. pregent, with the six galleys from the mediterranean, had arrived on the coast, and had taken shelter in the bay of conquet. this circumstance induced him to change his plans; and he now resolved first to destroy the galleys, if possible, and then to return to the fleet. upon his advancing to reconnoitre pregent's squadron, he found them at anchor between two rocks, on each of which stood a strong fort; and, what was likely to give him still more trouble, they lay so far up in the bay that he could bring none of his ships of force to engage them. the only way open to him now was to put the bravest of his sailors on board two galleys which were in his fleet, and with these to venture in and try what might be done against the six. this being resolved on, he went himself, attended by sir thomas cheyne and sir john wallop, on board one of the galleys, and sent lord ferrers, sir henry sherburn, and sir william sidney on board the other; and, having a brisk gale of wind, sailed directly into the bay, where, with his own galley, he attacked the french admiral. as soon as they were grappled, sir edward howard, followed by seventeen of the bravest of his sailors, boarded the enemy, and were very gallantly received; but it so happened that, in the midst of the engagement, the galleys sheered asunder, and the french, taking advantage of this circumstance, forced the english overboard, except one seaman, from whom they quickly learned that the english admiral was among the slain. lord ferrers, in the other galley, did all that was possible for a very brave man to do; but, having spent all his shot, and perceiving, as he thought, the admiral retire, he likewise made the best of his way out of the harbour. in lord herbert's "life and reign of henry viii., ," there are some very singular circumstances given relating to this unlucky adventure. he says that sir edward howard having considered the position of the french fleet in the haven of brest, and the consequences which would attend either defeating or burning it, gave notice thereof to the king, inviting him to be present at so glorious an action; desiring rather that the king should have the honour of destroying the french naval force than himself; a loyal, generous proposition--supposing the honour, not the danger, too great for a subject, and measuring (no doubt very justly) his master's courage by his own; the only standard men of his rank and temper of mind ever use. but, his letter being laid before the council, they were altogether of another opinion; conceiving it was much too great a hazard for his majesty to expose his person in such an enterprise; and therefore they wrote sharply to the admiral, commanding him not to send excuses, but to do his duty. this, as it well might, piqued him to the utmost; and as it was his avowed maxim that a seaman never did good who was not resolute to a degree of madness, he took a sudden resolution of acting in the manner he did. when he found his galley slide away and saw the danger to which he was exposed, he took his chain of gold nobles which hung about his neck, and his great gold whistle, the ensign of his office, and threw them into the sea, to prevent the enemy from possessing the spoils of an english admiral. thus fell the great sir edward howard, on april th, , a sacrifice to his too quick sense of honour in the service, and yet to the manifest and acknowledged detriment of his country; for his death so dejected the spirits of his sailors that the fleet was obliged to return home. sir edward howard, we are assured, was very far from being either a mere soldier or a mere seaman, though so eminent in both characters; but he was what it became an english gentleman of so high a quality to be--an able statesman, a faithful counsellor, and a free speaker. he was ready at all times to hazard his life and fortune in his country's quarrels; and yet he was against her quarrelling on insufficient occasion or against her interests. he particularly dissuaded a breach with the flemings, for the wise and strong reasons that such a war was prejudicial to commerce abroad; that it diminished the customs, while it increased the public expenses; that it served the french, by constraining the inhabitants of flanders to deal with them against their will; and that it tended to the prejudice of our manufactures, by interrupting our intercourse with those by whom they were principally improved. thus qualified, we need not wonder he attained such high honours, though he died in the flower of his age. henry conferred upon him many titles and other rewards, making him admiral of england, wales, ireland, normandy, gascony, and aquitaine, for life, and causing him to be chosen knight of the garter; believing that he should thereby command, as indeed he did, not only the utmost service of sir edward, but also all the force and interest of his potent family; an interest in later years which he but ill requited. as soon as the news of his unfortunate death reached the ears of his royal master he was succeeded in his high office by sir thomas howard, his elder brother. the story of sir thomas howard and sir andrew barton. by john campbell. in the third year of the reign of henry viii., sir andrew barton, a scots seaman, with two stout vessels--the _lion_ and the _jenny perwin_--ranged the coasts of england and interrupted all trade and navigation; his authority being letters of reprisals against the portuguese, granted him by james iii., late king of scotland, under which he did not hesitate to attack and appropriate ships of all nations, alleging that they had portuguese goods on board. on complaint of these grievances being made to the privy council of england, the earl of surrey, afterwards duke of norfolk, treasurer to henry viii. and father of sir edward howard referred to in the previous story, and of sir thomas howard, who forms the subject of this sketch, said the narrow seas should not be so infested while he had estate enough to furnish a ship and a son capable of commanding it. upon this, two ships were immediately fitted out by the brothers, probably at their own, or at their father's cost; for if they had gone with the king's commission they would most likely have sailed at the head of a squadron. upon an expedition of this kind, however, they needed no commission, for pirates being _hostes humani generis_, enemies to mankind in general, every man was at liberty to act against them. the brothers having been some days at sea, were separated by a storm, which gave sir thomas howard an opportunity of coming up with sir andrew barton in the _lion_, whom he immediately engaged. the fight was long and doubtful; for barton, who was an experienced seaman, and who had under him a determined crew, made a most desperate defence; cheering his men with a boatswain's whistle to his last breath. on the loss of their captain, however, they were induced to submit, and were received to quarter and fair usage. in the meantime, sir edward fought and took the consort of the _lion_, which was likewise a strong vessel, and exceedingly well-manned. both these ships, with as many men as were left alive, being in number one hundred and fifty, they brought on august nd, , into the river thames, as trophies of their victory. king james iv., who then governed the scots, exceedingly resented this action, and instantly sent ambassadors to henry to demand satisfaction; on which the king gave the memorable answer: "that punishing pirates was never held a breach of peace among princes." king james, however, remained still dissatisfied; and, from that time to his death was never thoroughly reconciled to the king or english nation. sir thomas howard accompanied the marquis of dorset in his expedition against guienne; which ended in king ferdinand's conquering navarre; and the commander-in-chief falling sick, sir thomas succeeded him, and brought home the remains of the english army. he had scarcely returned, however, before the news arrived of the death of his brother, sir edward the lord-admiral; whereupon the king instantly appointed him his successor. the french ships were at that time hovering about the english coasts; but sir thomas quickly scoured the seas, so that not a barque of that nation durst appear; and, on july st, , landing in whitsand bay, he pillaged the country adjacent and burnt a considerable town. henry viii. was at this time engaged in picardy, and in the absence of the king and his admiral, james iv. seized the opportunity to invade england with a mighty army, supposing he should find it without defence. thomas, earl of surrey, father of the admiral, however, quickly convinced him of his mistake, marching towards scotland with a powerful army, which strengthened as it moved; while sir thomas howard, returning, on the news of the invasion, landed five thousand veterans, and made haste to join his father. the earl of surrey despatching a herald to bid the scots king battle, the lord-admiral sent him word, at the same time, that he was come in person to answer for the death of sir andrew barton. this defiance produced the famous battle of flodden field, which was fought on september the th, , when sir thomas howard commanded the van-guard, and, by his courage and conduct, contributed not a little to the glorious victory in which james iv. of scotland fell, with the flower of his army. king henry, for this and other services, restored thomas, earl of surrey, to the title of norfolk, and created the lord-admiral earl of surrey. the war being ended with france, the admiral's martial talent lay some time unemployed; but certain disturbances in ireland calling for redress, the active earl of surrey was sent thither, with a commission as lord-deputy, where he suppressed desmond's rebellion, humbled the o'neals and o'carrols, and, without affecting severity or popularity, brought all things into good order, leaving, when he quitted the island, peace and a parliament behind him, and carrying with him the affections of the people. the pretence for recalling him was the breaking out again of a french war. before it was declared, the french ships of war interrupted (according to custom) the english trade, so that we suffered as their enemies, while their ambassadors were treated as our friends. the lord-admiral, on his arrival, immediately fitted out a small squadron of clean ships, under a vigilant commander, who soon drove the french privateers from the sea. in the spring, sir william fitz-william, as vice-admiral, put to sea, with a fleet of twenty-eight men-of-war, to guard the narrow seas; and it being apprehended that the scots might add to the number of the king's enemies by sea as well as by land, a small squadron of seven frigates sailed up the firth of forth, and burned all such vessels as lay there and were in a condition of going to sea. in the meantime, the admiral prepared a royal navy, with which that of the emperor charles v. (of spain) was to join; and as it was evident that many inconveniences might arise from the fleets having several commanders-in-chief, the earl of surrey, by special commission from henry viii., received the emperor's commission to be admiral also of the united navy, which consisted of one hundred and eighty tall ships. with the united fleets, the admiral sailed over to the coast of normandy, and landed some forces near cherbourg, wasted and destroyed the country; after which they returned. this seems to have been a feint; for, in a few days, the admiral landed again on the coast of bretagne a very large body of troops, with which he took and plundered the town of morlaix; and having gained an immense booty, and opened a passage for the english forces into champagne and picardy, he first detached sir william fitz-william with a strong squadron to scour the seas and to protect the merchants, and then returned to southampton, where the emperor, charles v., who had visited england to confer with henry viii. and cardinal wolsey, embarked on board his ship, and was safely convoyed to the port of st. andero, in biscay. the earl of surrey succeeded to the office of lord treasurer on the retirement of his father, and on the duke's death was appointed to command an army against the scots and employed on various other commissions of importance. towards the close of his reign the king was led to believe that he (now duke of norfolk) and his son, henry, earl of surrey, the most distinguished poet of his time, were in a plot to seize upon his person, and to engross the government into their own hands. for these supposed crimes, he and his son were imprisoned and attainted almost on suspicion. henry, earl of surrey, lost his head in his father's presence; nor would the duke have survived him long, if the king had not died at that critical juncture and thereby opened a door of hope and liberty. after all these sufferings, he survived king edward vi. and died in the first year of queen mary, at the age of sixty-six, when his attainder was repealed, and the act thereof taken from amongst the records. the story of sir john hawkins and the troublesome voyage made with the jesus of lubeck, the minion, and four other ships to the parts of guinea and the west indies, in the years and by master john hawkins. sir john hawkins was born at plymouth about the year . he was from his youth devoted to the study of navigation, and began very early to carry his knowledge into practice by making voyages to spain, portugal and the canaries, voyages which were in those days great undertakings. in he made his first voyage to guinea for slaves, and then to hispaniola, st. john de porto rico, and other spanish islands, for sugars, hides, silver, etc. his venture proving financially successful he made another voyage in with a like purpose, with the same success, arriving on his return at padstow in cornwall, on september th, . towards the end of the year , he started on the unfortunate voyage made with the _jesus_, the _minion_ and four other ships to the ports of guinea and the west indies, his own personal account of which is thus recorded in hakluyt's "voyages." "the ships departed from plymouth october nd, , and had reasonable weather until the seventh day, at which time, forty leagues north from cape finisterre, there arose an extreme storm which continued four days, in such sort that the fleet was dispersed and all our great boats lost, and the _jesus_, our chief ship, in such case as not thought able to serve the voyage. whereupon in the same storm we set our course homeward, determining to give over the voyage; but the eleventh day of the same month the wind changed, with fair weather, whereby we were animated to follow our enterprise, and so did, directing our course to the islands of grand canaries, where, according to an order before prescribed, all our ships, before dispersed, met in one of those islands, called gomera, where we took water, and departed from thence on november th towards the coast of guinea, and arrived at cape verde, november th, where we landed one hundred and fifty men, hoping to obtain some negroes; where we got but few, and those with great hurt and damage to our men, which chiefly proceeded from their envenomed arrows; although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts, yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawn of them but died in strange sort, with their mouths shut, some ten days before they died, and after their wounds were whole; where i myself had one of the greatest wounds, yet, thanks be to god, escaped. from thence we passed the time upon the coast of guinea, searching with all diligence the rivers from rio grande unto sierra leone till january th, in which time we had not gotten together a hundred and fifty negroes: yet, notwithstanding, the sickness of our men and the late time of the year commanded us away: and thus having nothing wherewith to seek the coast of the west indies, i was with the rest of our company in consultation to go to the coast of the myne, hoping there to have obtained some gold for our wares, and thereby to have defrayed our charge. but even in that present instant there came to us a negro sent from a king oppressed by other kings, his neighbours, desiring our aid, with promise that as many negroes as by these wars might be obtained, as well of his part as of ours, should be at our pleasure. whereupon we concluded to give aid, and sent one hundred and twenty of our men, which january th assaulted a town of the negroes of our allies' adversaries which had in it eight thousand inhabitants, and very strongly impaled and fenced after their manner; but it was so well defended that our men prevailed not, but lost six men, and forty hurt, so that our men sent forthwith to me for more help; whereupon, considering that the good success of this enterprise might highly further the commodity of our voyage, i went myself, and with the help of the king of our side assaulted the town, both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire (their houses being covered with dry palm leaves) obtained the town, and put the inhabitants to flight, where we took two hundred and fifty persons, men, women, and children, and by our friend the king of our side there were taken six hundred prisoners, whereof we hoped to have our choice, but the negro (in which nation is seldom or never found truth) meant nothing less; for that night he removed his camp and prisoners, so that we were fain to content us with those few which we had gotten ourselves. "now had we obtained between four and five hundred negroes, wherewith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seek the coast of the west indies, and there, for our negroes, and our other merchandise, we hoped to obtain whereof to countervail our charges with some gains, whereunto we proceeded with all diligence, finished our watering, took fuel, and departed the coast of guinea, on february rd, continuing at the sea with a passage more hard than before hath been accustomed till march th, which day we had sight of an island called dominique, upon the coast of the west indies, in fourteen degrees; from thence we coasted from place to place, making our traffic with the spaniards as we might, somewhat hardy, because the king had straightly commanded all his governors in those parts by no means to suffer any trade to be made with us; notwithstanding we had reasonable trade, and courteous entertainment from the isle of marguerite and cartagena, without anything greatly worth the noting, saving at capo de la vela, in a town called rio de la hacha, from whence come all the pearls. the treasurer who had the charge there would by no means agree to any trade, or suffer us to take water. he had fortified his town with divers bulwarks in all places where it might be entered, and furnished himself with a hundred harquebusiers, so that he thought by famine to have enforced us to have put on land our negroes, of which purpose he had not greatly failed unless we had by force entered the town; which (after we could by no means obtain his favour) we were enforced to do, and so with two hundred men brake in upon their bulwarks, and entered the town with the loss only of eleven men of our parts, and no hurt done to the spaniards, because after their volley of shot discharged, they all fled. "thus having the town, with some circumstance, as partly by the spaniards' desire of negroes, and partly by friendship of the treasurer, we obtained a secret trade; whereupon the spaniards resorted to us by night, and bought of us to the number of two hundred negroes; in all other places where we traded the spaniard inhabitants were glad of us, and traded willingly. "at cartagena, the last town we thought to have seen on the coast, we could by no means obtain to deal with any spaniard, the governor was so straight, and because our trade was so near finished, we thought not good either to adventure any landing or to detract further time, but in peace departed from thence on july th, hoping to have escaped the time of their storms, which then soon after began to reign, the which they call _furicanos_; but passing by the west end of cuba, towards the coast of florida, there happened to us, on august th, an extreme storm, which continued by the space of four days, which so beat the _jesus_, that we cut down all her higher buildings; her rudder also was sore shaken, and, withal, was in so extreme a leak, that we were rather upon the point to leave her than to keep her any longer; yet, hoping to bring all to good pass, sought the coast of florida, where we found no place nor haven for our ships because of the shallowness of the coast. thus, being in greater despair, and taken with a new storm, which continued other three days, we were enforced to take for our succour the port which serveth the city of mexico, called st. john de ullua, which standeth in nineteen degrees, in seeking of which port we took in our way three ships, which carried passengers to the number of one hundred, which passengers we hoped should be a means to us the better to obtain victuals for our money and a quiet place for the repairing of our fleet. shortly after this, on september th, we entered the port of st. john de ullua, and on our entry, the spaniards thinking us to be the fleet of spain, the chief officers of the country came aboard us, which, being deceived of their expectation, were greatly dismayed, but immediately, when they saw our demand was nothing but victuals, were recomforted. i found also in the same port, twelve ships, which had in them, by the report, , livres in gold and silver, all which (being in my possession with the king's island, as also the passengers before in my way thitherward stayed) i set at liberty, without the taking from them the weight of a groat; only, because i would not be delayed of my despatch, i stayed two men of estimation, and sent post immediately to mexico, which was two hundred miles from us, to the presidents and council there, showing them of our arrival there by the force of weather, and the necessity of the repair of our ships and victuals, which wants we required, as friends to king philip, to be furnished of for our money, and that the presidents in council there should, with all convenient speed, take order that at the arrival of the spanish fleet, which was daily looked for, there might no cause of quarrel rise between us and them, but, for the better maintenance of amity, their commandment might be had in that behalf. this message being sent away on september th, at night, being the very day of our arrival, in the next morning, which was the sixteenth day of the same month, we saw open of the haven thirteen great ships, and understanding them to be the fleet of spain, i sent immediately to advertise the general of the fleet of my being there, giving him to understand that, before i would suffer them to enter the port, there should be some order of conditions pass between us for our safe being there and maintenance of peace. now, it is to be understood that this port is a little island of stones, not three feet above the water in the highest place, and but a bow-shot of length any way. this island standeth from the mainland two bow-shots or more. also it is to be understood that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships to arrive in safety, because the north wind hath there such violence, that, unless the ships be very safely moored, with their anchors fastened upon this island, there is no remedy for these north winds but death; also, the place of the haven was so little, that of necessity the ships must ride one aboard the other, so that we could not give place to them nor they to us; and here i began to bewail the which after followed: 'for now,' said i, 'i am in two dangers, and forced to receive the one of them.' that was, either i must have kept out the fleet from entering the port (the which, with god's help, i was very well able to do), or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed treason, which they never fail to execute where they may have opportunity, or circumvent it by any means. if i had kept them out, then had there been present shipwreck of all the fleet, which, amounted in value to six millions, which was in value of our money , , livres, which i considered i was not able to answer, fearing the queen's majesty's indignation in so weighty a matter. thus with myself revolving the doubts, i thought rather better to abide the jutt of the uncertainty than the certainty. the uncertain doubt was their treason, which by good policy i hoped might be prevented; and therefore, as choosing the least mischief, i proceeded to conditions. now was our first messenger come and returned from the fleet with report of the arrival of a viceroy, so that he had authority, both in all this province of mexico (otherwise called nova hispania) and in the sea, who sent us word that we should send our conditions, which of his part should (for the better maintenance of amity between the princes) be both favourably granted and faithfully performed, with many fair words how, passing the coast of the indies, he had understood of our honest behaviour towards the inhabitants, where we had to do as well elsewhere as in the same port; the which i let pass, thus following our demand. we required victual for our money, and license to sell as much ware as might furnish our wants, and that there might be of either part twelve gentlemen as hostage for the maintenance of peace, and that the island, for our better safety, might be in our own possession during our abode there, and such ordnance as was planted in the same island, which was eleven pieces of brass, and that no spaniard might land in the island with any kind of weapon. "these conditions at the first he somewhat misliked--chiefly the guard of the island to be in our own keeping, which, if they had had, we had soon known our fate; for with the first north wind they had cut our cables, and our ships had gone ashore; but in the end he concluded to our request, bringing the twelve hostages to ten, which with all speed on either part were received, with a writing from the viceroy, signed with his hand and sealed with his seal, of all the conditions concluded, and forthwith a trumpet blown, with commandment that none of either part should inviolate the peace upon pain of death; and, further, it was concluded that the two generals of the fleet should meet, and give faith each to other for the performance of the promises, which was so done. "thus, at the end of three days, all was concluded, and the fleet entered the port, saluting one another as the manner of the sea doth require. thus, as i said before, thursday we entered the port, friday we saw the fleet, and on monday, at night, they entered the port; then we laboured two days, placing the english ships by themselves and the spanish ships by themselves, the captains of each part, and inferior men of their parts, promising great amity of all sides; which, even as with all fidelity was meant of our part, though the spanish meant nothing less of their parts, but from the mainland had furnished themselves with a supply of men to the number of one thousand, and meant the next thursday, being september rd, at dinner-time, to set upon us of all sides. the same thursday, the treason being at hand, some appearance showed, as shifting of weapons from ship to ship, planting and bending of ordnance from the ship to the island where our men were, passing to and fro of companies of men more than required for their necessary business, and many other ill likelihoods, which caused us to have a vehement suspicion, and therewithal sent to the viceroy to inquire what was meant by it, which sent immediately straight commandment to unplant all things suspicious, and also sent word that he, in the faith of a viceroy, would be our defence from all villainies. yet we, not being satisfied with this answer, because we suspected a great number of men to be hid in a great ship of nine hundred tons, which was moored next unto the _minion_, sent again unto the viceroy the master of the _jesus_, which had the spanish tongue, and required to be satisfied if any such thing were or not; on which the viceroy, seeing that the treason must be discovered, forthwith stayed our master, blew the trumpet, and of all sides set upon us. our men which were on guard ashore, being stricken with sudden fear, gave place, fled, and sought to recover succour of the ships; the spaniards, being before provided for the purpose, landed in all places in multitudes from their ships, which they could easily do without boats, and slew all our men ashore without mercy, a few of them escaping aboard the _jesus_. the great ship which had, by the estimation, three hundred men placed in her secretly, immediately fell aboard the _minion_, which, by god's appointment, in the time of the suspicion we had, which was only one half-hour, the _minion_ was made ready to avoid, and so, loosing her headfasts, and hailing away by the sternfasts, she was gotten out; thus, with god's help, she defended the violence of the first brunt of these three hundred men. the _minion_ being passed out, they came aboard the _jesus_, which also, with very much ado and the loss of many of our men, were defended and kept out. then were there also two other ships that assaulted the _jesus_ at the same instant, so that she had hard work getting loose; but yet, with some time, we had cut our headfasts, and gotten out by the sternfasts. now, when the _jesus_ and the _minion_ were gotten two ship-lengths from the spanish fleet, the fight began hot on all sides, so that within one hour the admiral of the spaniards was supposed to be sunk, their vice-admiral burned, and one other of their principal ships supposed to be sunk, so that the ships were little to annoy us. "then is it to be understood that all the ordnance upon the island was in the spaniards' hands, which did us so great annoyance that it cut all the masts and yards of the _jesus_ in such sort, that there was no hope to carry her away; also it sank our small ships, whereupon we determined to place the _jesus_ on that side of the _minion_, that she might abide all the battery from the land, and so be a defence for the _minion_ till night, and then to take such relief of victual and other necessaries from the _jesus_ as the time would suffer us, and to leave her. as we were thus determining, and had placed the _minion_ from the shot of the land, suddenly the spaniards had fired two great ships which were coming directly to us, and having no means to avoid the fire, it bred among our men a marvellous fear, so that some said, 'let us depart with the _minion_;' others said, 'let us see whether the wind will carry the fire from us.' but to be short, the _minion's_ men, which had always their sails in readiness, thought to make sure work, and so without either consent of the captain or master, cut their sail, so that very hardly i was received into the _minion_. "the most part of the men that were left alive in the _jesus_ made shift and followed the _minion_ in a small boat, the rest, which the little boat was not able to receive, were enforced to abide the mercy of the spaniards (which i doubt was very little); so with the _minion_ only, and the _judith_ (a small barque of fifty tons) we escaped, which barque the same night forsook us in our great misery. we were now removed with the _minion_ from the spanish ships two bow-shots, and there rode all that night. the next morning we recovered an island a mile from the spaniards, where there took us a north wind, and being left only with two anchors and two cables (for in this conflict we lost three cables and two anchors), we thought always upon death, which ever was present; but god preserved us to a longer time. "the weather waxed reasonable, and the saturday we set sail, and having a great number of men and little victual, our hope of life waxed less and less. some desired to yield to the spaniards, some rather desired to obtain a place where they might give themselves to the infidels; and some had rather abide, with a little pittance, the mercy of god at sea. so thus, with many sorrowful hearts, we wandered in an unknown sea by the space of fourteen days, till hunger enforced us to seek the land; for hides were thought very good meat; rats, cats, mice, and dogs, none escaped that might be gotten; parrots and monkeys that were had in great prize, were thought there very profitable if they served the turn of one dinner. thus in the end, on october th, we came to the land in the bottom of the same bay of mexico, in twenty-three degrees and a half, where we hoped to have found habitations of the spaniards, relief of victuals, and place for the repair of our ship, which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies, and bruised with shooting of our own ordnance, that our weary and weak arms were scarce able to defend and keep out the water. but all things happened to the contrary, for we found neither people, victual, nor haven of relief, but a place where, having fair weather, with some peril we might land a boat. our people, being forced with hunger, desired to be set aland, whereunto i concluded. "and such as were willing to land i put apart, and such as were desirous to go homewards i put apart, so that they were indifferently parted, a hundred of one side and a hundred of the other side. these hundred men were set on land with all diligence, in this little place aforesaid, which being landed, we determined there to refresh our water, and so with our little remain of victuals to take the sea. "the next day, having on land with me fifty of our hundred men that remained, for the speedier preparing of our water aboard, there arose an extreme storm, so that in three days we could by no means repair our ships. the ship also was in such peril that every hour we looked for shipwreck. "but yet god again had mercy on us, and sent fair weather. we got aboard our water, and departed october th, after which day we had fair and prosperous weather till november th, which day, god be praised, we were clear from the coast of the indians and out of the channel and gulf of bahama, which is between the cape of florida and the islands of cuba. after this, growing near to the cold country, our men, being oppressed with famine, died continually, and they that were left grew into such weakness that we were scarcely able to manoeuvre our ship; and the wind being always ill for us to recover england, determined to go to galicia, in spain, with intent there to relieve our company and other extreme wants. and being arrived the last day of december, in a place near unto vigo, called pontevedra, our men, with excess of fresh meat, grew into miserable diseases, and died a great part of them. this matter was borne out as long as it might be, but in the end, although there was none of our men suffered to go on land, yet by access of the spaniards our feebleness was known to them. whereupon they ceased not to seek by all means to betray us; but with all speed possible we departed to vigo, where we had some help of certain english ships, and twelve fresh men, wherewith we repaired our wants as we might, and departing january th, , arrived in mounts bay in cornwall the th of the same month, praised be god therefore." if all the misery and troublesome affairs of this sorrowful voyage should be perfectly and thoroughly written, there should need a painful man with his pen, and as great time as he had that wrote the "lives and deaths of the martyrs." sir john hawkins rendered great service under lord howard in , against the spanish armada, acting as rear admiral on board h.m.s. _victory_, where we are told he had as large a share of the danger and honour of the day as any man in the fleet; for which he deservedly received the honour of knighthood, and was particularly commended by queen elizabeth. in he was sent, in conjunction with sir martin frobisher--each having a squadron of men-of-war--to infest the coast of spain, where they met with many adventures but not much success. later, a proposition was made to the queen by sir john hawkins and sir francis drake, to fit out an expedition for the west indies to harry the spaniards, a proposition which they backed with an offer to bear the greater part of the expense themselves. the queen favoured the design, and the two ablest seamen of the time sailed from plymouth on august th, , with a squadron of twenty-seven ships and barques, and a force of two thousand five hundred men. divided counsels seem to have interfered with the success of this expedition, sir john and sir francis not agreeing as to the course to be pursued. a few days before their departure they received notice from the queen that the plate fleet had safely arrived in spain, with the exception of a single galleon, which, having lost a mast, had been obliged to return to porto rico; the capture of which she recommended to them as practical without interfering with the general design of the expedition. sir john was for immediately executing the queen's commands, but sir francis inclined first to go to the canaries, in which he prevailed over his friend and colleague, but not over his enemies. in the meantime the spaniards had sent five stout frigates to bring away the damaged galleon from porto rico, which convoy, falling in with the _francis_, the sternmost of sir john's ships, captured her before she could receive assistance from the admiral. this is said to have so affected the veteran sir john, that he died on november st, , soon after his vessel had sighted the island of porto rico. "sir john hawkins," says dr. campbell, "was the author of more useful inventions, and introduced into the navy better regulations than any officer who had borne command therein before his time. one instance of this was the institution of that noble fund the _chest of chatham_, which was the humane and wise contrivance of this gentleman and sir francis drake, and their scheme that seamen, safe and successful, should, by a voluntary deduction from their pay, give relief to the wants, and reward to those who are maimed in the service of their country, was approved by the queen, and has been adopted by posterity." the worthy enterprise of john fox, an englishman, in delivering two hundred and sixty-six christians out of the captivity of the turks at alexandria, the rd of january, . by richard hakluyt. richard hakluyt was born at eyton in herefordshire in , and was educated at westminster school and christ church, oxford, where he graduated b.a. in , and m.a. in , and lectured publicly upon geography, showing "both the old imperfectly composed, and the new lately reformed maps, globes, spheres, and other instruments of this art." in hakluyt published his "divers voyages touching the discovery of america and the lands adjacent unto the same, made first of all by our englishmen, and afterwards by the frenchmen and bretons; and certain notes of advertisements for observations, necessary for such as shall hereafter make the like attempt." in , having taken orders, he went to paris as chaplain to the english ambassador, sir edward stafford, returning to england for a short time in , when he laid before the queen a paper entitled "a particular discourse concerning western discoveries, written in the year by richard hakluyt, of oxford, at the request and direction of the right worshipful mr. walter raleigh, before the coming home of his two barks." in he translated and published in london "a notable history containing four voyages made by certain french captains into florida." in he published "the principal navigations, voyages and discoveries of the english nation"--a work developed into three volumes folio, published in the years , , and as "the principal navigations, voyages, traffics, and discoveries of the english nation." hakluyt became archdeacon of westminster in , and died in . he was buried in westminster abbey. four stories from hakluyt's voyages appear in this book. "the troublesome voyage of the _jesus_," which is included with "the story of sir john hawkins," p. ; "the voyage made to tripolis in barbary," p. ; "a true report of a worthy fight," p. ; and "the worthy enterprise of john fox" which here follows. "among our merchants here in england, it is a common voyage to traffic to spain; whereunto a ship called the _three half moons_, manned with eight and thirty men, well fenced with munitions, the better to encounter their enemies withal, and having wind and tide, set from portsmouth , and bended her journey towards seville, a city in spain, intending there to traffic with them. and falling near the straits, they perceived themselves to be beset round about with eight galleys of the turks, in such wise that there was no way for them to fly or escape away, but that either they must yield or else be sunk, which the owner perceiving, manfully encouraged his company, exhorting them valiantly to show their manhood, showing them that god was their god, and not their enemies', requesting them also not to faint in seeing such a heap of their enemies ready to devour them; putting them in mind also, that if it were god's pleasure to give them into their enemies' hands, it was not they that ought to show one displeasant look or countenance there against; but to take it patiently, and not to prescribe a day and time for their deliverance, as the citizens of bethulia did, but to put themselves under his mercy. and again, if it were his mind and good will to show his mighty power by them, if their enemies were ten times so many, they were not able to stand in their hands; putting them, likewise, in mind of the old and ancient worthiness of their countrymen, who in the hardest extremities have always most prevailed, and gone away conquerors; yea, and where it hath been almost impossible. 'such,' quoth he, 'hath been the valiantness of our countrymen, and such hath been the mighty power of our god.' "with such other like encouragements, exhorting them to behave themselves manfully, they fell all on their knees, making their prayers briefly unto god; who, being all risen up again, perceived their enemies, by their signs and defiances, bent to the spoil, whose mercy was nothing else but cruelty; whereupon every man took him to his weapon. "then stood up one grove, the master, being a comely man, with his sword and target, holding them up in defiance against his enemies. so likewise stood up the owner, the master's mate, boatswain, purser, and every man well appointed. now likewise sounded up the drums, trumpets and flutes, which would have encouraged any man, had he never so little heart or courage in him. "then taketh him to his charge john fox, the gunner, in the disposing of his pieces, in order to the best effect, and, sending his bullets towards the turks, who likewise bestowed their pieces thrice as fast towards the christians. but shortly they drew near, so that the bowman fell to their charge in sending forth their arrows so thick amongst the galleys, and also in doubling their shot so sore upon the galleys, that there were twice as many of the turks slain as the number of the christians were in all. but the turks discharged twice as fast against the christians, and so long, that the ship was very sore stricken and bruised under water; which the turks, perceiving, made the more haste to come aboard the ship: which, ere they could do, many a turk bought it dearly with the loss of their lives. yet was all in vain, boarded they were, where they found so hot a skirmish, that it had been better they had not meddled with the feast; for the englishmen showed themselves men indeed in working manfully with their brown bills and halberds, where the owner, master, boatswain and their company stood to it so lustily, that the turks were half dismayed. but chiefly the boatswain showed himself valiant above the rest, for he fared amongst the turks like a wood lion; for there was none of them that either could or durst stand in his face, till at last there came a shot from the turks which brake his whistle asunder, and smote him on the breast, so that he fell down, bidding them farewell, and to be of good comfort, encouraging them, likewise, to win praise by death, rather than to live captives in misery and shame, which they, hearing, indeed, intended to have done, as it appeared by their skirmish; but the press and store of the turks were so great, that they were not long able to endure, but were so overpressed that they could not wield their weapons, by reason whereof they must needs be taken, which none of them intended to have been, but rather to have died, except only the master's mate, who shrunk from the skirmish, like a notable coward, esteeming neither the value of his name, nor accounting of the present example of his fellows, nor having respect to the miseries whereunto he should be put. but in fine, so it was, that the turks were victors, whereof they had no great cause to rejoice or triumph. then would it have grieved any hard heart to see these infidels so violently entreating the christians, not having any respect of their manhood, which they had tasted of, nor yet respecting their own state, how they might have met with such a booty as might have given them the overthrow; but no remorse hereof, or anything else doth bridle their fierce and tyrannous dealing, but the christians must needs to the galleys, to serve in new officer; and they were no sooner in them, but their garments were pulled over their ears and torn from their backs, and they set to the oars. "i will make no mention of their miseries, being now under their enemies' raging stripes. i think there is no man will judge their fare good, or their bodies unloaden of stripes, and not pestered with too much heat, and also with too much cold; but i will go to my purpose, which is to show the end of those being in mere misery, which continually do call on god with a steadfast hope that he will deliver them, and with a sure faith that he can do it. "nigh to the city of alexandria, being a haven town, and under the dominion of the turks, there is a road, being made very fencible with strong walls, whereinto the turks do customably bring their galleys on shore every year, in the winter season, and there do trim them, and lay them up against the spring-time; in which road there is a prison, wherein the captives and such prisoners as serve in the galleys are put for all that time, until the seas be calm and passable for the galleys; every prisoner being most grievously laden with irons on their legs, to their great pain and sore disabling of them to any labour; into which prison were these christians put and fast warded all the winter season. but ere it was long, the master and the owner, by means of friends, were redeemed, the rest abiding still in the misery, while that they were all, through reason of their ill-usage and worse fare, miserably starved, saving one john fox, who (as some men can abide harder and more misery than other some can, so can some likewise make more shift, and work more duties to help their state and living, than other some can do) being somewhat skilful in the craft of a barber, by reason thereof made great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good meal. insomuch, till at the last god sent him favour in the sight of the keeper of the prison, so that he had leave to go in and out to the road at his pleasure, paying a certain stipend unto the keeper, and wearing a lock about his leg, which liberty likewise five more had upon like sufferance, who, by reason of their long imprisonment, not being feared or suspected to start aside, or that they would work the turks any mischief, had liberty to go in and out at the said road, in such manner as this john fox did, with irons on their legs, and to return again at night. "in the year of our lord , in the winter season, the galleys happily coming to their accustomed harbourage, and being discharged of all their masts, sails, and other such furnitures as unto galleys do appertain, and all the masters and mariners of them being then nested in their own homes, there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred three score and eight christian prisoners who had been taken by the turks' force, and were of fifteen sundry nations. among which there were three englishmen, whereof one was named john fox, of woodbridge, in suffolk, the other william wickney, of portsmouth, in the county of southampton, and the third robert moore, of harwich, in the county of essex; which john fox, having been thirteen or fourteen years under their gentle entreatance, and being too weary thereof, minding his escape, weighed with himself by what means it might be brought to pass, and continually pondering with himself thereof, took a good heart unto him, in the hope that god would not be always scourging his children, and never ceasing to pray him to further his intended enterprise, if that it should redound to his glory. "not far from the road, and somewhat from thence, at one side of the city, there was a certain victualling house, which one peter vuticaro had hired, paying also a certain fee unto the keeper of the road. this peter vuticaro was a spaniard born, and a christian, and had been prisoner above thirty years, and never practised any means to escape, but kept himself quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracy, until that now this john fox using much thither, they brake one to another their minds, concerning the restraint of their liberty and imprisonment. so that this john fox, at length opening unto this vuticaro the device which he would fain put in practice, made privy one more to this their intent; which three debated of this matter at such times as they could compass to meet together; insomuch that, at seven weeks' end they had sufficiently concluded how the matter should be, if it pleased god to further them thereto; who, making five more privy to this their device, whom they thought that they might safely trust, determined in three nights after to accomplish their deliberate purpose. whereupon the same john fox and peter vuticaro, and the other five appointed to meet all together in the prison the next day, being the last day of december, where this john fox certified the rest of the prisoners what their intent and device was, and how and when they minded to bring that purpose to pass, who thereunto persuaded them without much ado to further their device; which, the same john fox seeing, delivered unto them a sort of files, which he had gathered together for this purpose by the means of peter vuticaro, charging them that every man should be ready, discharged of his irons, by eight of the clock on the next day at night. "on the next day at night, the said john fox, and his five other companions, being all come to the house of peter vuticaro, passing the time away in mirth for fear of suspect till the night came on, so that it was time for them to put in practice their device, sent peter vuticaro to the master of the road, in the name of one of the masters of the city, with whom this keeper was acquainted, and at whose request he also would come at the first; who desired him to take the pains to meet him there, promising him that he would bring him back again. the keeper agreed to go with him, asking the warders not to bar the gate, saying that he would not stay long, but would come again with all speed. "in the mean-season, the other seven had provided them of such weapons as they could get in that house, and john fox took him to an old rusty sword-blade without either hilt or pommel, which he made to serve his turn in bending the hand end of the sword instead of a pommel; and the other had got such spits and glaves as they found in the house. "the keeper being now come unto the house, and perceiving no light nor hearing any noise, straightway suspected the matter; and returning backward, john fox, standing behind the corner of the house, stepped forth unto him; who, perceiving it to be john fox, said, 'o fox, what have i deserved of thee that thou shouldest seek my death?' 'thou, villain,' quoth fox, 'hast been a bloodsucker of many a christian's blood, and now thou shalt know what thou hast deserved at my hands,' wherewith he lift up his bright shining sword of ten years' rust, and stroke him so main a blow, as therewithal his head clave asunder so that he fell stark dead to the ground. whereupon peter vuticaro went in and certified the rest how the case stood with the keeper, and they came presently forth, and some with their spits ran him through, and the other with their glaves hewed him in sunder, cut off his head, and mangled him so that no man should discern what he was. "then marched they toward the road, whereinto they entered softly, where were five warders, whom one of them asked, saying, who was there? quoth fox and his company, 'all friends.' which when they were all within proved contrary; for, quoth fox, 'my masters, here is not to every man a man, wherefore look you, play your parts.' who so behaved themselves indeed, that they had despatched these five quickly. then john fox, intending not to be barren of his enterprise, and minding to work surely in that which he went about, barred the gate surely, and planted a cannon against it. "then entered they into the gaoler's lodge, where they found the keys of the fortress and prison by his bedside, and there got they all better weapons. in this chamber was a chest wherein was a rich treasure, and all in ducats, which this peter vuticaro and two more opening, stuffed themselves so full as they could between their shirts and their skin; which john fox would not once touch, and said, 'that it was his and their liberty which he fought for, to the honour of his god, and not to make a mart of the wicked treasure of the infidels.' yet did these words sink nothing unto their stomachs; they did it for a good intent. so did saul save the fattest oxen to offer unto the lord, and they to serve their own turn. but neither did saul escape the wrath of god therefore, neither had these that thing which they desired so, and did thirst after. such is god's justice. he that they put their trust in to deliver them from the tyrannous hands of their enemies, he, i say, could supply their want of necessaries. "now these eight, being armed with such weapons as they thought well of, thinking themselves sufficient champions to encounter a stronger enemy, and coming unto the prison, fox opened the gates and doors thereof, and called forth all the prisoners, whom he set, some to ramming up the gate, some to the dressing up of a certain galley which was the best in all the road, and was called _the captain of alexandria_, whereinto some carried masts, sails, oars, and other such furniture as doth belong unto a galley. "at the prison were certain warders whom john fox and his company slew, in the killing of whom there were eight more of the turks which perceived them, and got them to the top of the prison, unto whom john fox and his company were fain to come by ladders, where they found a hot skirmish, for some of them were there slain, some wounded, and some but scarred and not hurt. as john fox was thrice shot through his apparel, and not hurt, peter vuticaro and the other two, that had armed them with the ducats, were slain, as not able to wield themselves, being so pestered with the weight and uneasy carrying of the wicked and profane treasure; and also divers christians were as well hurt about that skirmish as turks slain. "amongst the turks was one thrust through, who (let us not say that it was ill-fortune) fell off from the top of the prison wall, and made such a groaning that the inhabitants thereabout (as here and there stood a house or two) came and questioned him, so that they understood the case, how that the prisoners were paying their ransoms; wherewith they raised both alexandria, which lay on the west side of the road, and a castle which was at the city's end next to the road, and also another fortress which lay on the north side of the road, so that now they had no way to escape but one, which by man's reason (the two holds lying so upon the mouth of the road) might seem impossible to be a way for them. so was the red sea impossible for the israelites to pass through, the hills and rocks lay so on the one side, and their enemies compassed them on the other. so was it impossible that the walls of jericho should fall down, being neither undermined nor yet rammed at with engines, nor yet any man's wisdom, policy, or help, set or put thereunto. such impossibilities can our god make possible. he that held the lion's jaws from rending daniel asunder, yea, or yet from once touching him to his hurt, cannot he hold the roaring cannons of this hellish force? he that kept the fire's rage in the hot burning oven from the three children that praised his name, cannot he keep the fire's flaming blasts from among his elect? "now is the road fraught with lusty soldiers, labourers, and mariners, who are fain to stand to their tackling, in setting to every man his hand, some to the carrying in of victuals, some munitions, some oars, and some one thing some another, but most are keeping their enemy from the wall of the road. but to be short, there was no time mis-spent, no man idle, nor any man's labour ill-bestowed or in vain. so that in short time this galley was ready trimmed up. whereinto every man leaped in all haste, hoisting up the sails lustily, yielding themselves to his mercy and grace, in whose hands is both wind and weather. "now is this galley afloat, and out of the shelter of the road; now have the two castles full power upon the galley; now is there no remedy but to sink. how can it be avoided? the cannons let fly from both sides, and the galley is even in the middest and between them both. what man can devise to save it? there is no man but would think it must needs be sunk. "there was not one of them that feared the shot which went thundering round about their ears, nor yet were once scarred or touched with five and forty shot which came from the castles. here did god hold forth his buckler, he shieldeth now this galley, and hath tried their faith to the uttermost. now cometh his special help; yea, even when man thinks them past all help, then cometh he himself down from heaven with his mighty power, then is his present remedy most ready. for they sail away, being not once touched by the glance of a shot, and are quickly out of the turkish cannons' reach. then might they see them coming down by heaps to the water's side, in companies like unto swarms of bees, making show to come after them with galleys, bustling themselves to dress up the galleys, which would be a swift piece of work for them to do, for that they had neither oars, masts, sails, nor anything else ready in any galley. but yet they are carrying into them, some into one galley, and some into another, so that, being such a confusion amongst them, without any certain guide, it were a thing impossible to overtake the christians; beside that, there was no man that would take charge of a galley, the weather was so rough, and there was such an amazedness amongst them. and verily, i think their god was amazed thereat; it could not be but that he must blush for shame, he can speak never a word for dulness, much less can he help them in such an extremity. well, howsoever it is, he is very much to blame to suffer them to receive such a gibe. but howsoever their god behaved himself, our god showed himself a god indeed, and that he was the only living god; for the seas were swift under his faithful, which made the enemies aghast to behold them; a skilfuller pilot leads them, and their mariners bestir them lustily; but the turks had neither mariners, pilot, nor any skilful master, that was in readiness at this pinch. "when the christians were safe out of the enemy's coast, john fox called to them all, telling them to be thankful unto almighty god for their delivery, and most humbly to fall down upon their knees, beseeching him to aid them to their friends' land, and not to bring them into another danger, since he had most mightily delivered them from so great a thraldom and bondage. "thus when every man had made his petition, they fell straightway to their labour with the oars, in helping one another when they were wearied, and with great labour striving to come to some christian land, as near as they could guess by the stars. but the winds were so contrary, one while driving them this way, another while that way, so that they were now in a new maze, thinking that god had forsaken them and left them to a greater danger. and forasmuch as there were no victuals now left in the galley, it might have been a cause to them (if they had been the israelites) to have murmured against their god; but they knew how that their god, who had delivered egypt, was such a loving and merciful god, as that he would not suffer them to be confounded in whom he had wrought so great a wonder, but what calamity soever they sustained, they knew it was but for their further trial, and also (in putting them in mind of their further misery) to cause them not to triumph and glory in themselves therefor. having, i say, no victuals in the galley, it might seem one misery continually to fall upon another's neck; but to be brief the famine grew to be so great that in twenty-eight days, wherein they were on the sea, there died eight persons, to the astonishment of all the rest. "so it fell out that upon the twenty-ninth day after they set from alexandria, they fell on the isle of candia, and landed at gallipoli, where they were made much of by the abbot and monks there, who caused them to stay there while they were well refreshed and eased. they kept there the sword wherewith john fox had killed the keeper, esteeming it as a most precious relic, and hung it up for a monument. "when they thought good, having leave to depart from thence, they sailed along the coast till they arrived at tarento, where they sold their galley, and divided it, every man having a part thereof. and then they came afoot to naples, where they departed asunder, every man taking him to his next way home. from whence john fox took his journey unto rome, where he was well entertained by an englishman who presented his worthy deed unto the pope, who rewarded him liberally, and gave him letters unto the king of spain, where he was very well entertained of him there, who for this his most worthy enterprise gave him in fee twenty pence a day. from whence, being desirous to come into his own country, he came thither at such time as he conveniently could, which was in the year of our lord god ; who being come into england went unto the court, and showed all his travel unto the council, who considering of the state of this man, in that he had spent and lost a great part of his youth in thraldom and bondage, extended to him their liberality to help to maintain him now in age, to their right honour and to the encouragement of all true-hearted christians." [illustration: the battle off dover. (_see page ._)] the story of sir francis drake. by john campbell. francis drake is said to have been born at crowndale, near tavistock, about the year . both his birth and his parentage are involved in obscurity; but it is probable that he was born of good family in reduced circumstances, for he was declared by the king of arms in to have the right "by just descent and progeniture of birth" to bear the arms of the drakes of ash; while it is clear that he began life in a humble capacity. according to camden, he was apprenticed at an early age to the master of a small coasting vessel, who, dying without issue, left the barque to him. we find also that at the age of eighteen he was purser on board a ship trading to biscay, and at twenty he made a voyage to guinea. at twenty-two he had the honour to be appointed captain of the _judith_, in the harbour of st. john de ullua, in the gulf of mexico, where he behaved most gallantly in the glorious action, fought there under his kinsman, sir john hawkins, described in the story of sir john hawkins, and afterwards returned with him into england with a great reputation, but not worth a single groat. upon this he conceived a design of making reprisals on the king of spain, which, some say, was put into his head by the minister of his ship; and, to be sure, in sea-divinity, the case was clear; the king of spain's subjects had undone mr. drake, and therefore mr. drake was at liberty to take the best satisfaction he could on the subjects of the king of spain. this doctrine, how rudely soever preached, was very taking in england; and therefore he no sooner published his design than he had numbers of volunteers ready to accompany him, though they had no such pretence even as he had to colour their proceedings. in he made his first expedition with two ships, the _dragon_ and the _swan_, and the next year in the _swan_ alone, wherein he returned safe, with competent advantages, if not rich; and, having now means sufficient to perform greater matters, as well as skill to conduct them, he laid the plan of a more important design with respect to himself and to his enemies. this he put in execution on may th, , on which day he sailed from plymouth, himself in a ship called the _pascha_, of the burden of seventy tons, and his brother, john drake, in the _swan_, of twenty-five tons burden, their whole strength consisting of no more than twenty-three men and boys; and, with this inconsiderable force, on july nd he attacked the town of nombre de dios, which he took in a few hours by storm, notwithstanding a dangerous wound he received early in the action; yet upon the whole he was no great gainer, for after a very brisk action he was obliged to betake himself to his ships with very little booty. his next attempt was to plunder the mules laden with silver which passed from vera cruz to nombre de dios; but in this scheme too he was disappointed. however, he attacked the town of vera cruz, carried it, and got some little booty. in returning, he met unexpectedly with a string of fifty mules laden with plate, of which he carried off as much as he could, and buried the rest. in these expeditions he was greatly assisted by the simerons, a nation of indians who were engaged in a perpetual war with the spaniards. the prince, or captain of these people, whose name was pedro, was presented by captain drake with a fine cutlass, which he at that time wore, and to which he saw the indian had a mind. pedro, in return, gave him four large wedges of gold, which drake threw into the common stock, saying, that "he thought it but just that such as bore the charge of so uncertain a voyage on his credit should share the utmost advantages that voyage produced." then embarking his men with all the wealth he had obtained, which was very considerable, he bore away for england, and was so fortunate as to sail in twenty-three days from cape florida to the isles of scilly, and thence without any accident to plymouth, where he arrived august th, . his success in this expedition, joined to his honourable behaviour towards his owners, gained him a high reputation, and the use he made of his riches still a greater; for, fitting out three stout frigates at his own expense, he sailed with them to ireland, where, under walter, earl of essex (the father of the unfortunate earl who was beheaded), he served as a volunteer, and did many glorious actions. after the death of his noble patron he returned to england, where sir christopher hatton, who was then vice-chamberlain to queen elizabeth, and a great favourite, took him under his protection, introduced him to her majesty, and procured him her countenance. by this means he acquired facilities for undertaking that glorious expedition which will render his name immortal. his first proposal was to voyage into the south seas through the straits of magellan, an enterprise which hitherto no englishman had ever attempted. this project was well received at court, and in a short time captain drake saw himself at the height of his wishes; for in his former voyage, having had a distant prospect of the south seas from the top of a tree which he ascended for the purpose, he framed an ardent prayer to god that he might sail an english ship in them, which he found now an opportunity of attempting; the queen's permission furnishing him with the means, and his own fame quickly drawing to him a force sufficient. the squadron with which he sailed on this extraordinary undertaking consisted of the following ships: the _pelican_, commanded by himself, of the burden of one hundred tons; the _elizabeth_, vice-admiral, eighty tons, under captain john winter; the _marygold_, a barque of thirty tons, commanded by captain john thomas; the _swan_, a fly-boat of fifty tons, under captain john chester; and the _christopher_, a pinnace of fifteen tons, under captain thomas moon. in this fleet were embarked no more than one hundred and sixty-four able men, and all the necessary provisions for so long and dangerous a voyage; the intent of which, however, was not openly declared. thus equipped, on november th, , about three in the afternoon, he sailed from plymouth; but a heavy storm taking him as soon as he was out of port, forced him, in a very bad condition, into falmouth, to refit; which, being expeditiously performed, he again put to sea on the th of december following. on the th of the same month he fell in with the coast of barbary; and on the th with cape verd; the th of march he passed the equinoctial; the th of april he made the coast of brazil in ° n. lat. and entered the river de la plata, where he lost the company of two of his ships; but meeting them again, and having taken out of them all the provisions they had on board, he turned them adrift. on august th, with his squadron reduced to three ships, he entered the straits of magellan; on september th he passed them; having then only his own ship, which, in the south seas, he re-named the _golden hind_. it may not be amiss to take notice here of a fact very little known, as appearing in no relation of this famous voyage. sir francis drake himself reported to sir richard, son to sir john hawkins, that meeting with a violent tempest, in which his ship could bear no sail, he found, when the storm sank, he was driven through or round the straits into the latitude of fifty degrees. here, lying close under an island, he went on shore, and, leaning his body over a promontory as far as he could safely, told his people, when he came on board, he had been farther south than any man living. this we find confirmed by one of our old chronicle writers, who farther informs us that he bestowed on this island the name of elizabetha, in honour of his royal mistress. on november th he came to machao, in the latitude of thirty degrees, where he had appointed a rendezvous in case his ships separated; but the _marygold_ had gone down with all hands, and captain winter, having repassed the straits, had returned to england. thence he continued his voyage along the coasts of chili and peru, taking all opportunities of seizing spanish ships, or of landing and attacking them on shore, till his crew were sated with plunder. while off the island of mocha drake landed with some of his men to seek water; but the inhabitants, mistaking them for spaniards, attacked them, killed two of their number and wounded several others, including drake himself, who was shot in the face with an arrow. as the surgeon of the _golden hind_ was dead, drake had to be his own doctor as well as surgeon to his crew. realising that the attack had been made in mistake, and not wishing to risk more casualties, drake did not attempt to punish the natives, but put to sea and made his way to valparaiso, where he made free with the stores and valuables he found, and then proceeded further in search of his missing vessels, and finding others which added to his booty; from one of which he took a number of charts of seas then utterly unknown to the english mariners. while pursuing this course he gained intelligence of a rich ship laden with gold and silver for panama, which he fell in with off cape francisco on march st, , and captured. the booty in this case amounted to twenty-six tons of silver, eighty pounds of gold, thirteen chests of money and a quantity of jewels and precious stones; valued in all at nearly £ , . coasting north america to the height of forty-eight degrees, he endeavoured to find a passage back into our seas on that side, but being disappointed of what he sought, he landed, and called the country new albion, taking possession of it in the name, and for the use of queen elizabeth; and, having trimmed his ship, set sail thence, on september th, , for the moluccas; choosing this passage round, rather than returning by the straits of magellan, owing to the danger of being attacked at a great disadvantage by the spaniards, and the lateness of the season, whence dangerous storms and hurricanes were to be apprehended. on november th he sighted the moluccas, and on december th made celebes, where his ship unfortunately ran on a rock on the th of january; whence, beyond all expectation, and in a manner miraculously, they got off, and continued their course. on march th he arrived at java, where he determined on returning directly home. on march th, , he put this design in execution, and on june th doubled the cape of good hope, having then on board his ship fifty-seven men and but three casks of water. on july th he passed the line, reached the coast of guinea on the th, and there watered. on september th he made the island of terceira, and on the th of the same month entered the harbour of plymouth. in this voyage he completely circumnavigated the globe, which no commander-in-chief had ever done before. his success in this enterprise, and the immense mass of wealth he brought home, naturally raised much comment throughout the kingdom; some highly commending, and some as loudly decrying him. the former alleged that his exploit was not only honourable to himself, but to his country; that it would establish our reputation for maritime skill amongst foreign nations, and raise a useful spirit of emulation at home; and that as to the money, our merchants having suffered deeply from the faithless practices of the spaniards, there was nothing more just than that the nation should receive the benefit of drake's reprisals. the other party alleged that, in fact, he was no better than a pirate; that, of all others, it least became a trading nation to encourage such practices; that it was not only a direct breach of all our late treaties with spain, but likewise of our old leagues with the house of burgundy; and that the consequences of owning his proceeding would be much more fatal than the benefits reaped from it could be advantageous. things continued in this uncertainty during the remainder of that, and the spring of the succeeding year. at length they took a better turn; for on april th, , her majesty, dining at deptford in kent, went on board captain drake's ship, where she conferred on him the honour of knighthood, and declared her absolute approbation of all that he had done, to the confusion of his enemies and to the great joy of his friends. she likewise gave directions for the preservation of his ship, that it might remain a monument of his own and his country's glory. in process of time, the vessel decaying, it was broken up; but a chair made of the planks was presented to the university of oxford, and is still preserved. in the year he was mayor of plymouth, and in - a member of the house of commons. in he concerted a scheme of a west-indian expedition with the celebrated sir philip sidney. it was to be partly maritime and partly an invasion. the sea force was to be commanded absolutely by sir francis, the land troops by sir philip sidney. the queen having required sir philip to desist from his scheme, drake sailed, notwithstanding, to the west indies, having under his command captain christopher carlisle, captain martin frobisher, captain francis knollys, and many other officers of great reputation. in this expedition he took the cities of st. iago, st. domingo, carthagena, and st. augustine, exceeding even the expectation of his friends and the hopes of the common people, though both were sanguine to the last degree. yet the profits of this expedition were but moderate; the design of sir francis being rather to weaken the enemy than to enrich himself. it was, to do him justice, a maxim from which he never varied, to regard the service of his country first, next the profit of his proprietors, and last, his own interest. hence, though rich in wealth, he was richer still in reputation. in he proceeded to lisbon with a fleet of thirty sail, and having intelligence of a numerous fleet assembled in the bay of cadiz, which was to have made part of the armada, he, with great courage, entered the port, and burnt upwards of ten thousand tons of shipping. drake's policy was to attack the enemy in his own harbours and so prevent the possibility of his invading our coasts; and this policy he was continually pressing upon the home government, but without success. there can be little doubt that if he had been allowed to follow up his success in the bay of cadiz by carrying out this policy the spanish armada might have never set sail. not obtaining the support and authority he wanted, he now resolved to do his utmost to content the merchants of london, who had contributed, by a voluntary subscription, to the fitting out of his fleet. with this view, having intelligence of a large carack expected at terceira from the east indies, thither he sailed; and though his men were severely pinched through want of victuals, yet by fair words and large promises he prevailed upon them to endure these hardships for a few days. within this time the east india ship arrived, and was found to contain wealth to the value of £ , , which he took and carried home in triumph. it was in consequence of the journals, charts, and papers, taken on board his east india prize, that it was judged practicable for us to enter into the indian trade: for promoting which, the queen, by letters patent, in the forty-third year of her reign, founded our first india company. to this, we may also add that it was drake who first brought in tobacco, the use of which was much promoted by the practice of sir walter raleigh. how much this nation has gained by these branches of commerce, of which he was properly the author, i leave to the intelligent reader's consideration. in sir francis drake was appointed vice-admiral, under charles lord howard of effingham, high-admiral of england; here his fortune favoured him as remarkably as ever, for he made prize of a large galleon, commanded by don pedro de valdez, who yielded on the bare mention of his name. in this vessel fifty thousand ducats were distributed among the seamen and soldiers. it must not, however, be dissembled that, through an oversight of his, the admiral ran the utmost hazard of being taken by the enemy; for drake being appointed, the first night of the engagement, to carry lights for the direction of the english fleet, he being in full pursuit of some hulks belonging to the hanse towns, neglected it; which occasioned the admiral's following the spanish lights, and remaining almost in the centre of their fleet till morning. however, his succeeding services sufficiently effaced the memory of this mistake; the greatest execution done on the flying spaniards being performed by the squadron under his command. the next year he was employed as admiral at sea over the fleet sent to restore don antonio, king of portugal; the command of the land forces being given to sir john norris. they were hardly at sea, however, before these commanders differed; though it is on all hands agreed that there never was an admiral better disposed, with respect to soldiers, than sir francis drake. the ground of their difference was this: the general was bent on landing at the groyne, whereas sir francis and the sea-officers were for sailing to lisbon directly; in which, if their advice had been taken, without question their enterprise would have succeeded, and don antonio would have been restored. for it appeared, on their invading portugal, that the enemy had made use of the time they gave them to such good purpose that it was not possible to make any impression. sir john norris, indeed, marched by land to lisbon, and sir francis drake, very imprudently, promised to sail up the river with his whole fleet; but when he saw the consequences which would have attended the keeping of his word, he chose rather to break his promise than to hazard the queen's navy; for which he was grievously reproached by norris, and the miscarriage of the whole affair was imputed to his failure in performing what he had undertaken. yet sir francis fully justified himself on his return; for he made it manifest to the queen and council that all the service that was done was performed by him, and that his sailing up the river of lisbon would have signified nothing to the taking the castle, which was two miles off; and without reducing that there was no taking the town. in he seems to have devoted himself to civil engineering, for we find him contracting with the town of plymouth to effect a water supply from the river meavy, which he did by conducting a stream a distance of nearly twenty-five miles; after which he erected six mills for grinding corn in . in he represented plymouth in parliament. his next service was the fatal undertaking in conjunction with sir john hawkins, in , for the destroying of nombre de dios, referred to in the story of sir john hawkins, who died the day before sir francis made his desperate attack on the shipping in the harbour of porto rico. this was performed, with all the courage imaginable, on november th, , and attended with great loss to the spaniards, yet with very little advantage to the english, who, meeting with a more resolute resistance and much better fortifications than they expected, were obliged to sheer off. the admiral then steered for the main, where he took the town of rio de la hacha, which he burnt to the ground; a church and a single house belonging to a lady only excepted. after this, he destroyed some other villages, and then proceeded to santa marta, which he likewise burnt. the like fate had the famous town of nombre de dios, the spaniards refusing to ransom any of these places, and the booty taken in them being very inconsiderable. on december th sir thomas baskerville marched with seven hundred and fifty men towards panama, but returned on january nd, finding the design of reducing that place to be wholly impracticable. this disappointment made such an impression on the admiral's mind that it threw him into a lingering fever, of which he died on the th of january, , just two months after his distinguished kinsman, sir john hawkins, with whom he had been so often associated, and with so much glory. the voyage made to tripolis in barbary, in the year , with a ship called the "jesus," wherein the adventures and distresses of some englishmen are truly reported, and other necessary circumstances observed. written by thomas sanders. this voyage was set forth by the right worshipful sir edward osborne knight, chief merchant of all the turkish company, and one master richard stapers, the ship being of the burden of one hundred tons, called the _jesus_; she was builded at farmne, a river by portsmouth. about november th, , she made sail from portsmouth, and december st, by means of a contrary wind, we were driven to plymouth. the th day then next following we made forthward again, and by force of weather we were driven to falmouth, where we remained until january st, at which time the wind coming fair we departed thence, and about the th day of the said month we arrived safely at st. lucas. and about march th next following we made sail from thence, and about the th day of the same month we came to tripolis in barbary, where we were very well entertained by the king of that country and also of the commons. the commodities of that place are sweet oils; the king there is a merchant, and the rather (willing to prefer himself before his commons) requested our said factors to traffic with him, and promised them that if they would take his oils at his own price they should pay no manner of custom; and they took of him certain tons of oil; and afterward perceiving that they might have far better cheap, notwithstanding the custom free, they desired the king to license them to take the oils at the pleasure of his commons, for that his price did exceed theirs; whereunto the king would not agree, but was rather contented to abate his price, insomuch that the factors bought all their oils of the king's custom free, and so laded the same aboard. in the meantime there came to that place one miles dickinson, in a ship of bristol, who together with our said factors took a house to themselves there. our french factor, romaine sonnings, desired to buy a commodity in the market, and, wanting money, desired the said miles dickinson to lend him a hundred chikinoes until he came to his lodging, which he did; and afterwards the same sonnings met with miles dickinson in the street, and delivered him money bound up in a napkin, saying, "master dickinson, there is the money that i borrowed of you," and so thanked him for the same. the said dickinson did not tell the money presently, until he came to his lodging, and then, finding nine chikinoes lacking of his hundred (which was about three pounds, for that every chikinoe is worth seven shillings of english money), he came to the said romaine sonnings and delivered him his handkerchief, and asked him how many chikinoes he had delivered him. sonnings answered, "a hundred"; dickinson said "no"; and so they protested and swore on both parts. but in the end the said romaine sonnings did swear deeply with detestable oaths and curses, and prayed god that he might show his works on him, that other might take ensample thereby, and that he might be hanged liked a dog, and never come into england again, if he did not deliver unto the said dickinson a hundred chikinoes. there was a man in the said town a pledge, whose name was patrone norado, who the year before had done this sonnings some pleasure there. the foresaid patrone norado was indebted unto a turk of that town in the sum of four hundred and fifty crowns, for certain goods sent by him into christendom in a ship of his own, and by his own brother, and himself remained in tripolis as pledge until his said brother's return; and, as the report went there, he came among lewd company, and lost his brother's said ship and goods at dice, and never returned unto him again. the said patrone norado, being void of all hope and finding now opportunity, consulted with the said sonnings for to swim a-seaboard the islands, and the ship, being then out of danger, should take him in (as was afterwards confessed), and so go to tallowne, in the province of marseilles, with this patrone norado, and there to take in the rest of his lading. the ship being ready may st, and having her sails all abroad, our said factors did take their leave of the king, who very courteously bid them farewell, and when they came aboard they commanded the master and the company hastily to get out the ship. the master answered that it was impossible, for that the wind was contrary and overblowed. and he required us, upon forfeiture of our bands, that we should do our endeavour to get her forth. then went we to warp out the ship, and presently the king sent a boat aboard of us, with three men in her, commanding the said sonnings to come ashore, at whose coming the king demanded of him custom for the oils. sonnings answered him that his highness had promised to deliver them customs free. but, notwithstanding, the king weighed not his said promise, and as an infidel that hath not the fear of god before his eyes, nor regard of his word, albeit he was a king, he caused the said sonnings to pay the custom to the uttermost penny, and afterwards ordered him to make haste away, saying that the janisaries would have the oil ashore again. these janisaries are soldiers there under the great turk, and their power is above the king's. and so the said factor departed from the king, and came to the waterside, and called for a boat to come aboard, and he brought with him the aforesaid patrone norado. the company, inquisitive to know what man that was, sonnings answered that he was his countryman, a passenger. "i pray god," said the company, "that we come not into trouble by this man." then said sonnings angrily, "what have you to do with any matters of mine? if anything chance otherwise than well, i must answer for all." now the turk unto whom this patrone norado was indebted, missing him, supposed him to be aboard of our ship, presently went unto the king and told him that he thought that his pledge, patrone norado, was aboard on the english ship. whereupon the king presently sent a boat aboard of us, with three men in her, commanding the said sonnings to come ashore; and, not speaking anything as touching the man, he said that he would come presently in his own boat; but as soon as they were gone he willed us to warp forth the ship, and said that he would see the knaves hanged before he would go ashore. and when the king saw that he came not ashore, but still continued warping away the ship, he straight commanded the gunner of the bulwark next unto us to shoot three shots without ball. then we came all to the said sonnings, and asked him what the matter was that we were shot at; he said that it was the janisaries who would have the oil ashore again, and willed us to make haste away. and after that he had discharged three shots without ball he commanded all the gunners in the town to do their endeavour to sink us; but the turkish gunners could not once strike us, wherefore the king sent presently to the banio (this banio is the prison where all the captives lay at night), and promised that if there were any that could either sink us or else cause us to come in again, he should have a hundred crowns and his liberty. with that came forth a spaniard called sebastian, which had been an old servitor in flanders, and he said that, upon the performance of that promise, he would undertake either to sink us or to cause us to come in again, and thereto he would gage his life; and at the first shot he split our rudder's head in pieces, and the second shot he struck us under water, and the third shot he shot us through our fore-mast with a culverin shot, and thus, he having rent both our rudder and mast and shot us under water, we were enforced to go in again. this sebastian for all his diligence herein had neither his liberty nor a hundred crowns, so promised by the said king; but, after his service done, was committed again to prison, whereby may appear the regard that a turk or infidel hath of his work, although he be able to perform it--yea, more, though he be a king. then our merchants, seeing no remedy, they, together with five of our company, went ashore; and they then ceased shooting. they shot unto us in the whole nine-and-thirty shots without the hurt of any man. and when our merchants came ashore the king commanded presently that they, with the rest of our company that were with them, should be chained four and four to a hundred-weight of iron, and when we came in with the ship there came presently above a hundred turks aboard of us, and they searched us and stripped our very clothes from our backs, and broke open our chests, and made a spoil of all that we had; and the christian caitiffs likewise that came aboard of us made spoil of our goods, and used us as ill as the turks did. then came the guardian basha, who is the keeper of the king's captives, to fetch us all ashore; and then i, remembering the miserable estate of poor distressed captives in the time of their bondage to those infidels, went to mine own chest, and took out thereof a jar of oil, and filled a basket full of white ruske, to carry ashore with me. but before i came to the banio the turkish boys had taken away almost all my bread, and the keeper said, "deliver me the jar of oil, and when thou comest to the banio thou shalt have it again;" but i never had it of him any more. but when i came to the banio and saw our merchants and all the rest of our company in chains, and we all ready to receive the same reward, what heart is there so hard but would have pitied our cause, hearing or seeing the lamentable greeting there was betwixt us? all this happened may st, . and the second day of the same month the king with all his council sat in judgment upon us. the first that were had forth to be arraigned were the factors and the masters, and the king asked them wherefore they came not ashore when he sent for them. and romaine sonnings answered that, though he were a king on shore, and might command there, so was he as touching those that were under him; and therefore said, if any offence be, the fault is wholly in myself and in no other. then forthwith the king gave judgment that the said romaine sonnings should be hanged over the north-east bulwark, from whence he conveyed the forenamed patrone norado. and then he called for our master, andrew dier, and used few words to him, and so condemned him to be hanged over the walls of the westernmost bulwarks. then fell our other factor, named richard skegs, upon his knees before the king, and said, "i beseech your highness either to pardon our master or else suffer me to die for him, for he is ignorant of this cause." and then the people of that country, favouring the said rickard skegs, besought the king to pardon them both. so then the king spake these words: "behold, for thy sake i pardon the master." then presently the turks shouted and cried, saying, "away with the master from the presence of the king." and then he came into the banio where we were, and told us what had happened, and we all rejoiced at the good hap of master skegs, that he was saved, and our master for his sake. but afterwards our joy was turned to double sorrow, for in the meantime the king's mind was altered: for that one of his council had advised him that, unless the master died also, by the law they could not confiscate the ship nor goods, neither make captive any of the men. whereupon the king sent for our master again, and gave him another judgment after his pardon for one cause, which was that he should be hanged. and when that romaine sonnings saw no remedy but that he should die, he protested to turn turk, hoping thereby to have saved his life. then said the turk, "if thou wilt turn turk, speak the words that thereunto belong;" and he did so. then said they unto him, "now thou shalt die in the faith of a turk;" and so he did, as the turks reported that were at his execution; and the forenamed patrone narado, whereas before he had liberty and did nothing, he then was condemned slave perpetual, except there were payment made of the foresaid sum of money. then the king condemed all of us, who were in number five-and-twenty, of which two were hanged (as you have heard) and one died the first day we came on shore by the visitation of almighty god, and the other three-and-twenty he condemned slaves perpetually unto the great turk, and the ship and goods were confiscated to the use of the great turk; then we all fell down upon our knees, giving god thanks for this sorrowful visitation and giving ourselves wholly to the almighty power of god, unto whom all secrets are known, that he of his goodness would vouchsafe to look upon us. every five men had allowance but five aspers of bread in a day, which is but twopence english, and our lodging was to lie on the bare boards, with a very simple cape to cover us. we were also forcibly and most violently shaven, head and beard, and within three days after, i and five more of my fellows, together with fourscore italians and spaniards, were sent forth in a galiot to take a greek carmosel, which came into arabia to steal negroes, and went out of tripolis unto that place which was two hundred and forty leagues thence; but we were chained three and three to an oar, and we rowed naked above the girdle, and the boatswain of the galley walked abaft the mast, and his mate afore the mast, and each of them a whip in their hands, and when their devilish choler rose they would strike the christians for no cause: and they allowed us but half a pound of bread a man in a day, without any other kind of sustenance, water excepted. and when we came to the place where we saw the carmosel, we were not suffered to have neither needle, bodkin, knife, or any other instrument about us, nor at any other time in the night, upon pain of one hundred bastinadoes: we were then also cruelly manacled, in such sort that we could not put our hands the length of one foot asunder the one from the other, and every night they searched our chains three times, to see if they were fast riveted. we continued the fight with the carmosel there hours, and then we took it, and lost but two of our men in that fight; but there were slain of the greeks five, and fourteen were cruelly hurt; and they that were found were presently made slaves and chained to the oars, and within fifteen days after we returned again into tripolis, and then we were put to all manner of slavery. i was put to hew stones, and others to carry stones, and some to draw the cart with earth, and some to make mortar, and some to draw stones (for at that time the turks builded a church); and thus we were put to all kinds of slavery that was to be done. now, the king had eighteen captives, which three times a week went to fetch wood thirty miles from the town, and on a time he appointed me for one of the eighteen, and we departed at eight of the clock in the night; and upon the way, at midnight, or thereabouts, as i was riding upon my camel, i fell asleep, and the guide and all the rest rode away from me, not thinking but i had been among them. when i awoke, and finding myself alone, i durst not call nor holloa, for fear lest the wild moors should hear me--because they hold this opinion, that in killing a christian they do god good service--and musing with myself what were best for me to do: if i should return back to tripolis without any wood or company i should be most miserably used; therefore, of the two evils, rather i had to go forth to the losing of my life than to turn back and trust to their mercy, fearing to be used as before i had seen others. for, understanding by some of my company before how tripolis and the said wood did lie one off another, by the north star i went forth at adventure, and, as god would have it, i came right to the place where they were, even about an hour before day. there altogether we rested, and gave our camels provender, and as soon as the day appeared we rode all into the wood; and i, seeing no wood there but a stick here and a stick there, about the bigness of a man's arm, growing in the sand, it caused me to marvel how so many camels should be loaded in that place. the wood was juniper; we needed no axe nor edged tool to cut it, but plucked it up by strength of hands, roots and all, which a man might easily do, and so gathered together a little at one place, and so at another, and laded our camels, and came home about seven of the clock that night following; because i fell lame and my camel was tired, i left my wood in the way. this king had a son which was a ruler in an island called gerbi, whereunto arrived an english ship called the _green dragon_, of the which was master one m. blonket, who, having a very unhappy boy on that ship, and understanding that whosoever would turn turk should be well entertained of the king's son, this boy did run ashore and voluntarily turned turk. shortly after the king's son came to tripolis to visit his father, and seeing our company, he greatly fancied richard burges, our purser, and james smith. they were both young men, therefore he was very desirious to have them to turn turks; but they would not yield to his desire, saying, "we are your father's slaves and as slaves we will serve him." then his father the king sent for them, and asked them if they would turn turks; and they said: "if it please your highness, christians we were born and so we will remain, and beseech the king that they might not be enforced thereunto." the king had there before in his house a son of a yeoman of our queen's guard, whom the king's son had enforced to turn turk; his name was john nelson. him the king caused to be brought to these young men, and then said unto them, "will you not bear this, your countryman, company, and be turk as he is?" and they said that they would not yield thereunto during life. but it fell out that, within a month after, the king's son went home to gerbi again, being five score miles from tripolis, and carried our two foresaid young men with him, which were richard burges and james smith. and after their departure from us they sent us a letter, signifying that there was no violence showed unto them as yet; yet within three days after they were violently used, for that the king's son demanded of them again if that they would turn turk. then answered richard burges: "a christian i am, and so i will remain." then the king's son very angrily said unto him, "by mahomet thou shalt presently be made turk!" then called he for his men and commanded them to make him turk; and they did so, and circumcised him, and would have had him speak the words that thereunto belonged; but he answered them stoutly that he would not, and although they had put on him the habit of a turk, yet said he, "a christian i was born, and so i will remain, though you force me to do otherwise." and then he called for the other, and commanded him to be made turk perforce also; but he was very strong, for it was so much as eight of the king's son's men could do to hold him. so in the end they circumcised him and made him turk. now, to pass over a little, and so to show the manner of our deliverance out of that miserable captivity. in may aforesaid, shortly after our apprehension, i wrote a letter into england unto my father, dwelling in evistoke in devonshire, signifying unto him the whole estate of our calamities, and i wrote also to constantinople to the english ambassador, both which letters were faithfully delivered. but when my father had received my letter, and understood the truth of our mishap, and the occasion thereof, and what had happened to the offenders, he certified the right honourable the earl of bedford thereof, who in short space acquainted her highness with the whole cause thereof; and her majesty, like a most merciful princess tendering her subjects, presently took order for our deliverance. whereupon the right worshipful sir edward osborne, knight, directed his letters with all speed to the english ambassador in constantinople to procure our delivery, and he obtained the great turk's commission, and sent it forthwith to tripolis by one master edward barton, together with a justice of the great turk's and one soldier, and another turk and a greek, which was his interpreter, which could speak beside greek, turkish, italian, spanish and english. and when they came to tripolis they were well entertained, and the first night they did lie in a captain's house in the town. all our company that were in tripolis came that night for joy to master barton and the other commissioners to see them. then master barton said unto us, "welcome, my good countrymen," and lovingly entertained us: and at our departure from him he gave us two shillings, and said, "serve god, for to-morrow i hope you shall be as free as ever you were." we all gave him thanks and so departed. the next day, in the morning very early, the king having intelligence of their coming, sent word to the keeper that none of the englishmen (meaning our company) should go to work. then he sent for master barton and the other commissioners, and demanded of the said master barton his message. the justice answered that the great turk, his sovereign, had sent them unto him, signifying that he was informed that a certain english ship, called the _jesus_, was by him the said king confiscated about twelve months since, and now my said sovereign hath here sent his especial commission by us unto you for the deliverance of the said ship and goods, and also the free liberty and deliverance of the englishmen of the said ship whom you have taken and kept in captivity. and further, the same justice said, i am authorised by my said sovereign the great turk to see it done; and therefore i command you, by the virtue of this commission, presently to make restitution of the premises or the value thereof. and so did the justice deliver unto the king the great turk's commission to the effect aforesaid, which commission the king with all obedience received; and after the perusing of the same, he forthwith commanded all the english captives to be brought before him, and then willed the keeper to strike off all our irons. which done, the king said, "you englishmen, for that you did offend the laws of this place, by the same laws therefore some of your company were condemned to die, as you know, and you to be perpetual captives during your lives; notwithstanding, seeing it hath pleased my sovereign lord the great turk to pardon your said offences, and to give you your freedom and liberty, behold, here i make delivery of you unto this english gentleman." so he delivered us all that were there, being thirteen in number, to master barton, who required also those two young men which the king's son had taken with him. then the king answered that it was against their law to deliver them, for that they were turned turks; and, touching the ship and goods, the king said that he had sold her, but would make restitution of the value, and as much of the goods as came unto his hands. and so the king arose and went to dinner, and commanded a jew to go with master barton and the other commissioners to show them their lodgings, which was a house provided and appointed them by the said king. and because i had the italian and spanish tongues, by which there most traffic in that country is, master barton made me his caterer, to buy his victuals for him and his company, and he delivered me money needful for the same. thus were we set at liberty april th, . a true report of a worthy fight, performed in the voyage from turkey by five ships of london, against eleven galleys and two frigates of the king of spain's, at pantalarea, within the straits, anno . written by philip jones. the merchants of london, being of the incorporation for the turkey trade, having received intelligences and advertisements from time to time that the king of spain, grudging at the prosperity of this kingdom, had not only of late arrested all english ships, bodies, and goods in spain, but also, maligning the quiet traffic which they used, to and in the dominions and provinces under the obedience of the great turk, had given orders to the captains of his galleys in the levant to hinder the passage of all english ships, and to endeavour by their best means to intercept, take, and spoil them, their persons and goods; they hereupon thought it their best course to set out their fleet for turkey in such strength and ability for their defence that the purpose of their spanish enemy might the better be prevented, and the voyage accomplished with greater security to the men and ships. for which cause, five tall and stout ships appertaining to london, and intending only a merchant's voyage, were provided and furnished with all things belonging to the seas, the names whereof were these:-- . the _royal merchant_, a very brave and good ship, and of great report. . the _toby_. . the _edward bonaventure_. . the _william and john_. . the _susan_. these five departing from the coast of england in the month of november, , kept together as one fleet till they came as high as the isle of sicily, within the levant. and there, according to the order and direction of the voyage, each ship began to take leave of the rest, and to separate himself, setting his course for the particular port whereunto he was bound--one for tripolis in syria, another for constantinople, the chief city of the turk's empire, situated upon the coast of roumelia called of old thracia, and the rest to those places whereunto they were privately appointed. but before they divided themselves, they altogether consulted of and about a certain and special place for their meeting again after the landing of their goods at their several ports. and in conclusion, the general agreement was to meet at zante, an island near to the main continent of the west part of morea, well known to all the pilots, and thought to be the fittest place for their rendezvous; concerning which meeting it was also covenanted on each side and promised that whatsoever ship of these five should first arrive at zante, should there stay and expect the coming of the rest of the fleet for the space of twenty days. this being done, each man made his best haste, according as wind and weather would serve him, to fulfil his course and to despatch his business; and no need was there to admonish or encourage any man, seeing no time was ill-spent nor opportunity omitted on any side in the performance of each man's duty, according to his place. it fell out that the _toby_, which was bound for constantinople, had made such good speed, and gotten such good weather, that she first of all the rest came back to the appointed place of zante, and not forgetting the former conclusion, did there cast anchor, attending the arrival of the rest of the fleet, which accordingly (their business first performed) failed not to keep promise. the first next after the _toby_ was the _royal merchant_, which, together with the _william and john_, came from tripolis in syria, and arrived in zante within the compass of the aforesaid time limited. these ships, in token of the joy on all parts conceived for their happy meeting, spared not the discharging of their ordnance, the sounding of drums and trumpets, the spreading of ensigns, with other warlike and joyful behaviours, expressing by these outward signs the inward gladness of their minds, being all as ready to join together in mutual consent to resist the cruel enemy, as now in sporting manner they made mirth and pastime among themselves. these three had not been long in the haven but the _edward bonaventure_, together with the _susan_ her consort, were come from venice with their lading, the sight of whom increased the joy of the rest, and they, no less glad of the presence of the others, saluted them in most friendly and kind sort, according to the manner of the seas. in this port of zante the news was fresh and current of two several armies and fleets, provided by the king of spain, and lying in wait to intercept them: the one consisting of thirty strong galleys, so well appointed in all respects for the war that no necessary thing wanted; and this fleet hovered about the straits of gibraltar. the other army had in it twenty galleys, whereof some were of sicily and some of the island of malta, under the charge and government of john andreas dorea, a captain of name serving the king of spain. these two divers and strong fleets waited and attended in the seas for none but the english ships, and no doubt made their account and sure reckoning that not a ship should escape their fury. and the opinion also of the inhabitants of the isle of zante was, that in respect of the number of galleys in both these armies having received such straight commandment from the king, our ships and men being but few and little in comparison of them, it was a thing in human reason impossible that we should pass either without spoiling, if we resisted, or without composition at the least, and acknowledgment of duty to the spanish king. but it was neither the report of the attendance of these armies, nor the opinions of the people, nor anything else, that could daunt or dismay the courage of our men, who, grounding themselves upon the goodness of their cause, and the promise of god to be delivered from such as without reason sought their destruction, carried resolute minds notwithstanding all impediments to adventure through the seas, and to finish their navigation maugre the beards of the spanish soldiers. but lest they should seem too careless and too secure of their estate, and by laying the whole and entire, burden of their safety upon god's providence, should foolishly presume altogether of his help, and neglect the means which was put into their hands, they failed not to enter into counsel among themselves, and to deliberate advisedly for their best defence. and in the end, with general consent, the _royal merchant_ was appointed admiral of the fleet, and the _toby_ vice-admiral, by whose orders the rest promised to be directed; and each ship vowed not to break from another whatsoever extremity should fall out, but to stand to it to the death, for the honour of their country and the frustrating of the hope of the ambitious and proud enemy. thus in good order they left zante and the castle of grecia, and committed themselves again to the seas, and proceeded in their course and voyage in quietness, without sight of any enemy till they came near to pantalarea, an island so called betwixt sicily and the coast of africa; into sight whereof they came on july th, . and the same day, in the morning about seven o'clock, they descried thirteen sails in number, which were of the galleys lying in wait of purpose for them in and about that place. as soon as the english ships had spied them, they by-and-by, according to a common order, made themselves ready for a fight, laid out their ordnance, scoured, charged, and primed them, displayed their ensigns, and left nothing undone to arm themselves thoroughly. in the meantime, the galleys more and more approached the ships, and in their banners there appeared the arms of the isles of sicily and malta, being all as then in the service and pay of the spaniard. immediately both the admirals of the galleys sent from each of them a frigate to the admiral of our english ships, which being come near them, the sicilian frigate first hailed them, and demanded of them whence they were; they answered that they were of england, the arms whereof appeared in their colours. whereupon the said frigate expostulated with them, and asked why they delayed to send or come with their captains and pursers to don pedro de leiva, their general, to acknowledge their duty and obedience to him, in the name of the spanish king, lord of those seas. our men replied and said that they owed no such duty nor obedience to him, and therefore would acknowledge none; but commanded the frigate to depart with that answer, and not to stay longer upon her peril. with that away she went, and up came towards them the other frigate of malta; and she in like sort hailed the admiral, and would needs know whence they were and where they had been. our englishmen in the admiral, not disdaining an answer, told them that they were of england, merchants of london, had been in turkey, and were now returning home; and to be requited in this case, they also demanded of the frigate whence she and the rest of the galleys were. the messenger answered, "we are of malta, and for mine own part, my name is cavalero. these galleys are in service and pay to the king of spain, under the conduct of don pedro de leiva, a nobleman of spain, who hath been commanded hither by the king with this present force and army of purpose to intercept you. you shall therefore," quoth he, "do well to repair to him to know his pleasure; he is a nobleman of good behaviour and courtesy, and means you no ill." the captain of the english admiral, whose name was master edward wilkinson, now one of the six masters of her majesty's royal navy, replied and said, "we purpose not at this time to make trial of don pedro his courtesy, whereof we are suspicious and doubtful, and not without good cause;" using withal good words to the messenger, and willing him to come aboard him, promising security and good usage, that thereby he might the better know the spaniard's mind. whereupon he indeed left his frigate and came aboard him, whom he entertained in friendly sort, and caused a cup of wine to be drawn for him, which he took, and began, with his cap in his hand and with reverent terms, to drink to the health of the queen of england, speaking very honourably of her majesty, and giving good speeches of the courteous usage and entertainment that he himself had received in london at the time that the duke of alençon, brother to the late french king, was last in england. and after he had well drunk, he took his leave, speaking well of the sufficiency and goodness of our ships, and especially of the _royal merchant_ which he confessed to have seen before riding in the thames near london. he was no sooner come to don pedro de leiva, the spanish general, but he was sent off again, and returned to the english admiral, saying that the pleasure of the general was this, that either their captains, masters, and pursers should come to him with speed, or else he would set upon them, and either take them or sink them. the reply was made by master wilkinson aforesaid, that not a man should come to him; and for the brag and threat of don pedro, it was not that spanish bravado that should make them yield a jot to their hindrance, but they were as ready to make resistance as he to offer an injury. whereupon cavalero, the messenger, left bragging, and began to persuade them in quiet sort and with many words; but all his labour was to no purpose, and as his threat did nothing terrify them, so his persuasion did nothing move them to do that which he required. at the last he entreated to have the merchant of the admiral carried by him as a messenger to the general, that so he might be satisfied and assured of their minds by one of their own company. but master wilkinson would agree to no such thing; although richard rowit, the merchant himself, seemed willing to be employed in that message, and laboured by reasonable persuasions to induce master wilkinson to grant it--as hoping to be an occasion by his presence and discreet answers to satisfy the general, and thereby to save the effusion of christian blood, if it should grow to a battle. and he seemed so much the more willing to be sent, by how much deeper the oaths and protestations of this cavalero were, that he would (as he was a true knight and a soldier) deliver him back again in safety to his company. albeit, master wilkinson who, by his long experience, had received sufficient trial of spanish inconstancy and perjury, wished him in no case to put his life and liberty in hazard upon a spaniard's oath; but at last, upon much entreaty, he yielded to let him go to the general, thinking indeed that good speeches and answers of reason would have contented him, whereas, otherwise, refusal to do so might peradventure have provoked the more discontentment. master rowit, therefore, passing to the spanish general, the rest of the galleys having espied him, thought, indeed, that the english were rather determined to yield than to fight, and therefore came flocking about the frigate, every man crying out, "_que nuevas? que nuevas?_ have these englishmen yielded?" the frigate answered, "not so; they neither have nor purpose to yield. only they have sent a man of their company to speak with our general." and being come to the galley wherein he was, he showed himself to master rowit in his armour, his guard of soldiers attending upon him, in armour also, and began to speak very proudly in this sort: "thou englishman, from whence is your fleet? why stand ye aloof off? know ye not your duty to the catholic king, whose person i here represent? where are your bills of lading, your letters, passports, and the chief of your men? think ye my attendance in these seas to be in vain, or my person to no purpose? let all these things be done out of hand, as i command, upon pain of my further displeasure, and the spoil of you all." these words of the spanish general were not so outrageously pronounced as they were mildly answered by master rowit, who told him that they were all merchantmen, using traffic in honest sort, and seeking to pass quietly, if they were not urged further than reason. as for the king of spain, he thought (for his part) that there was amity betwixt him and his sovereign, the queen of england, so that neither he nor his officers should go about to offer any such injury to english merchants, who, as they were far from giving offence to any man, so they would be loth to take an abuse at the hands of any, or sit down to their loss, where their ability was able to make defence. and as touching his commandment aforesaid for the acknowledging of duty in such particular sort, he told him that where there was no duty owing there none should be performed, assuring him that their whole company and ships in general stood resolutely upon the negative, and would not yield to any such unreasonable demand, joined with such imperious and absolute manner of commanding. "why, then," said he, "if they will neither come to yield, nor show obedience to me in the name of my king, i will either sink them or bring them to harbour; and so tell them from me." with that the frigate came away with master rowit, and brought him aboard to the english admiral again, according to promise, who was no sooner entered in but by-and-by defiance was sounded on both sides. the spaniards hewed off the noses of the galleys, that nothing might hinder the level of the shot; and the english, on the other side, courageously prepared themselves to the combat, every man, according to his room, bent to perform his office with alacrity and diligence. in the meantime a cannon was discharged from out the admiral of the galleys, which, being the onset of the fight, was presently answered by the english admiral with a culverin; so the skirmish began, and grew hot and terrible. there was no powder nor shot spared, each english ship matched itself in good order against two spanish galleys, besides the inequality of the frigates on the spanish side. and although our men performed their parts with singular valour, according to their strength, insomuch that the enemy, as amazed therewith, would oftentimes pause and stay, and consult what was best to be done, yet they ceased not in the midst of their business to make prayer to almighty god, the revenger of all evils and the giver of victories, that it would please him to assist them in this good quarrel of theirs, in defending themselves against so proud a tyrant, to teach their hands to war and their fingers to fight, that the glory of the victory might redound to his name, and to the honour of true religion, which the insolent enemy sought so much to overthrow. contrarily, the foolish spaniards, they cried out, according to their manner, not to god, but to our lady (as they term the virgin mary), saying, "oh, lady, help! oh, blessed lady, give us the victory, and the honour thereof shall be thine." thus with blows and prayers on both sides, the fight continued furious and sharp, and doubtful a long time to which part the victory would incline, till at last the admiral of the galleys of sicily began to warp from the fight, and to hold up her side for fear of sinking; and after her went also two others in like case, whom all the sort of them enclosed, labouring by all their means to keep them above water, being ready by the force of english shot which they had received to perish in the seas. and what slaughter was done among the spaniards the english were uncertain, but by a probable conjecture apparent afar off they supposed their loss was so great that they wanted men to continue the charging of their pieces; whereupon with shame and dishonour, after five hours spent in the battle, they withdrew themselves. and the english, contented in respect of their deep lading rather to continue their voyage than to follow in the chase, ceased from further blows, with the loss of only two men slain amongst them all, and another hurt in his arm, whom master wilkinson, with his good words and friendly promises, did so comfort that he nothing esteemed the smart of his wound, in respect of the honour of the victory and the shameful repulse of the enemy. thus, with dutiful thanks to the mercy of god for his gracious assistance in that danger, the english ships proceeded in their navigation. and coming as high as algiers, a port town upon the coast of barbary, they made for it, of purpose to refresh themselves after their weariness, and to take in such supply of fresh water and victuals as they needed. they were no sooner entered into the port but immediately the king thereof sent a messenger to the ships to know what they were. with which messenger the chief master of every ship repaired to the king, and acquainted him not only with the state of their ships in respect of merchandise, but with the late fight which they had passed with the spanish galleys, reporting every particular circumstance in word as it fell out in action; whereof the said king showed himself marvellous glad, entertaining them in the best sort, and promising abundant relief of all their wants; making general proclamation in the city, upon pain of death, that no man, of what degree or state soever he were, should presume either to hinder them in their affairs or to offer them any manner of injury in body or goods; by virtue whereof they despatched all things in excellent good sort with all favour and peaceableness. the english, having received this good justice at the king's hands, and all other things that they wanted or could crave for the furnishing of their ships, took their leave of him and of the rest of their friends that were resident in algiers, and put out to sea, looking to meet with the second army of the spanish king, which waited for them about the mouth of the strait of gibraltar, which they were of necessity to pass. but coming near to the said strait, it pleased god to raise, at that instant, a very dark and misty fog, so that one ship could not discern another if it were forty paces off, by means whereof, together with the notable fair eastern winds that then blew most fit for their course, they passed with great speed through the strait, and might have passed, with that good gale, had there been five hundred galleys to withstand them and the air never so clear for every ship to be seen. but yet the spanish galleys had a sight of them when they were come within three english miles of the town, and made after them with all possible haste; and although they saw that they were far out of their reach, yet in a vain fury and foolish pride they shot off their ordnance and made a stir in the sea as if they had been in the midst of them, which vanity of theirs ministered to our men notable matter of pleasure and mirth, seeing men to fight with shadows and to take so great pains to so small purpose. but thus it pleased god to deride and delude all the forces of that proud spanish king, which he had provided of purpose to distress the english; who, notwithstanding, passed through both his armies--in the one, little hurt, and in the other, nothing touched, to the glory of his immortal name, the honour of our prince and country, and the just commendation of each man's service performed in that voyage. the story of the spanish armada. by sir edward creasy. on the afternoon of july th, a.d. , a group of english captains was collected at the bowling green on the hoe at plymouth, whose equals have never before or since been brought together, even at that favourite mustering-place of the heroes of the british navy. there was sir francis drake, the first english circumnavigator of the globe, the terror of every spanish coast in the old world and the new; there was sir john hawkins, the rough veteran of many a daring voyage on the african and american seas, and of many a desperate battle; there was sir martin frobisher, one of the earliest explorers of the arctic seas in search of that north-west passage which is still the darling object of england's boldest mariners; there was the high-admiral of england, lord howard of effingham, prodigal of all things in his country's cause, and who had recently had the noble daring to refuse to dismantle part of the fleet, though the queen had sent him orders to do so; resolved to risk his sovereign's anger, and to keep the ships afloat at his own charge, rather than that england should run the peril of losing their protection. a match at bowls was being played, in which drake and other high officers of the fleet were engaged, when a small armed vessel was seen running before the wind into plymouth harbour, with all sails set. her commander landed in haste, and eagerly sought the place where the english lord-admiral and his captains were standing. his name was fleming; he was the master of a scotch privateer; and he told the english officers that he had that morning seen the spanish armada off the cornish coast. at this exciting information the captains began to hurry down to the water, and there was a shouting for the ship's boats: but drake coolly checked his comrades, and insisted that the match should be played out. he said that there was plenty of time both to win the game and beat the spaniards. the best and bravest match that ever was scored was resumed accordingly. drake and his friends aimed their last bowls with the same steady calculating coolness with which they were about to point their guns. the winning cast was made; and then they went on board and prepared for action, with their hearts as light and their nerves as firm as they had been on the hoe bowling green. meanwhile, the messengers and signals had been despatched fast and far through england, to warn each town and village that the enemy had come at last. in every seaport there was instant making ready by land and by sea; in every shire and every city there was instant mustering of horse and man. but england's best defence then, as ever, was her fleet; and after warping laboriously out of plymouth harbour against the wind, the lord-admiral stood westward under easy sail, keeping an anxious look-out for the armada, the approach of which was soon announced by cornish fishing-boats, and signals from the cornish cliffs. the england of our own days is so strong, and the spain of our own days is so feeble, that it is not possible, without some reflection and care, to comprehend the full extent of the peril which england then ran from the power and the ambition of spain, or to appreciate the importance of that crisis in the history of the world. we had then no indian or colonial empire save the feeble germs of our north american settlements, which raleigh and gilbert had recently planted. scotland was a separate kingdom; and ireland was then even a greater source of weakness, and a worse nest of rebellion than she has been in after times. queen elizabeth had found at her accession an encumbered revenue, a divided people, and an unsuccessful foreign war, in which the last remnant of our possessions in france had been lost; she had also a formidable pretender to her crown, whose interests were favoured by all the roman catholic powers; and even some of her subjects were warped by religious bigotry to deny her title, and to look on her as an heretical usurper. on the other hand, philip ii. was absolute master of an empire so superior to the other states of the world in extent, in resources, and especially in military and naval forces, as to make the project of enlarging that empire into a universal monarchy seem a perfectly feasible scheme; and philip had both the ambition to form that project and the resolution to devote all his energies, and all his means, to its realisation. since the downfall of the roman empire no such preponderating power had existed in the world. philip had also the advantage of finding himself at the head of a large standing army in a perfect state of discipline and equipment, in an age when, except some few insignificant corps, standing armies were unknown in christendom. the renown of the spanish troops was justly high, and the infantry in particular was considered the best in the world. his fleet, also, was far more numerous, and better appointed, than that of any other european power; and both his soldiers and his sailors had the confidence in themselves and their commanders which a long career of successful warfare alone can create. one nation only had been his active, his persevering, and his successful foe. england had encouraged his revolted subjects in flanders against him, and given them the aid in men and money without which they must soon have been humbled in the dust. english ships had plundered his colonies; had defied his supremacy in the new world as well as the old; they had inflicted ignominious defeats on his squadrons; they had captured his cities, and burned his arsenals on the very coasts of spain. the english had made philip himself the object of personal insult. he was held up to ridicule in their stage-plays and masks, and these scoffs at the man had (as is not unusual in such cases) excited the anger of the absolute king even more vehemently than the injuries inflicted on his power. personal as well as political revenge urged him to attack england. were she once subdued, the dutch must submit; france could not cope with him, the empire would not oppose him; and universal dominion seemed sure to be the result of the conquest of that malignant island. there was yet another and a stronger feeling which armed king philip against england. he was one of the sincerest and sternest bigots of his age. he looked on himself, and was looked on by others, as the appointed champion to extirpate heresy and re-establish the papal power throughout europe. a powerful reaction against protestantism had taken place since the commencement of the second half of the sixteenth century, and philip believed that he was destined to complete it. the reform doctrines had been thoroughly rooted out from italy and spain. belgium, which had previously been half protestant, had been reconquered both in allegiance and creed by philip, and had become one of the most catholic countries in the world. half germany had been won back to the old faith. in savoy, in switzerland, and many other countries, the progress of the counter-reformation had been rapid and decisive. the catholic league seemed victorious in france. the papal court itself had shaken off the supineness of recent centuries; and, at the head of the jesuits and the other new ecclesiastical orders, was displaying a vigour and a boldness worthy of the days of hildebrand or innocent iii. throughout continental europe, the protestants, discomfited and dismayed, looked to england as their protector and refuge. england was the acknowledged central point of protestant power and policy; and to conquer england was to stab protestantism to the very heart. sixtus v., the then reigning pope, earnestly exhorted philip to this enterprise. and when the tidings reached italy and spain that the protestant queen of england had put to death her catholic prisoner, mary, queen of scots, the fury of the vatican and escurial knew no bounds. the prince of parma, who was appointed military chief of the expedition, collected on the coast of flanders a veteran force that was to play a principal part in the conquest of england. besides the troops who were in his garrisons, or under his colours, five thousand infantry were sent to him from northern and central italy, four thousand from the kingdom of naples, six thousand from castile, three thousand from arragon, three thousand from austria and germany, together with four squadrons of heavy-armed horse; besides which he received forces from the franche-comté and the walloon country. by his command, the forest of waes was felled for the purpose of building flat-bottomed boats, which, floating down the rivers and canals to meinport and dunkerque, were to carry this large army of chosen troops to the mouth of the thames, under the escort of the great spanish fleet. gun-carriages, fascines, machines used in sieges, together with every material requisite for building bridges, forming camps, and raising fortresses, were to be placed on board the flotillas of the prince of parma, who followed up the conquest of the netherlands whilst he was making preparations for the invasion of this island. his intention was to leave to the count de mansfeldt sufficient forces to follow up the war with the dutch, which had now become a secondary object, whilst he himself went at the head of fifty thousand men of the armada and the flotilla, to accomplish the principal enterprise--that enterprise, which, in the highest degree, affected the interests of the pontifical authority. in a bull, intended to be kept secret until the day of landing, sixtus v., renewing the anathema fulminated against elizabeth by pius v. and gregory xiii., affected to depose her from our throne. elizabeth was denounced as a murderous heretic whose destruction was an instant duty. a formal treaty was concluded (in june, ), by which the pope bound himself to contribute a million of scudi to the expenses of the war; the money to be paid as soon as the king had actual possession of an english port. philip, on his part, strained the resources of his vast empire to the utmost. the french catholic chiefs eagerly co-operated with him. in the sea-ports of the mediterranean, and along almost the whole coast from gibraltar to jutland, the preparations for the great armament were urged forward with all the earnestness of religious zeal, as well as of angry ambition. for some time the destination of the enormous armament of philip was not publicly announced. only philip himself, the pope sixtus, the duke of guise, and philip's favourite minister, mendoza, at first knew its real object. rumours were sedulously spread that it was designed to proceed to the indies to realise vast projects of distant conquest. sometimes hints were dropped by philip's ambassadors in foreign courts that his master had resolved on a decisive effort to crush his rebels in the low countries. but elizabeth and her statesmen could not view the gathering of such a storm without feeling the probability of its bursting on their own shores. as early as the spring of elizabeth sent sir francis drake to cruise off the tagus. drake sailed into the bay of cadiz and the lisbon roads, and burnt much shipping and military stores, causing thereby an important delay in the progress of the spanish preparations. drake called this "singeing the king of spain's beard." elizabeth also increased her succours of troops to the netherlanders, to prevent the prince of parma from overwhelming them, and from thence being at full leisure to employ his army against her dominions. meanwhile in england, from the sovereign on the throne to the peasant in the cottage, all hearts and hands made ready to meet the imminent deadly peril. circular letters from the queen were sent round to the lord-lieutenants of the several counties requiring them "to call together the best sort of gentlemen under their lieutenancy, and to declare unto them these great preparations and arrogant threatenings, now burst forth in action upon the seas, wherein every man's particular state, in the highest degree, could be touched in respect of country, liberty, wives, children, lands, lives, and (which was specially to be regarded) the profession of the true and sincere religion of christ; and to lay before them the infinite and unspeakable miseries that would fall out upon any such change, which miseries were evidently seen by the fruits of that hard and cruel government holden in countries not far distant." the ships of the royal navy at this time amounted to no more than thirty-six; but the most serviceable merchant vessels were collected from all the ports of the country; and the citizens of london, bristol, and the other great seats of commerce, showed as liberal a zeal in equipping and manning vessels as the nobility and gentry displayed in mustering forces by land. the seafaring population of the coast, of every rank and station, was animated by the same ready spirit; and the whole number of seamen who came forward to man the english fleet was , . the number of the ships that were collected was a hundred and ninety-one; and the total amount of their tonnage , . there was one ship in the fleet (the _triumph_) of eleven hundred tons, one of ten hundred, one of nine hundred, two of eight hundred each, three of six hundred, five of five hundred, five of four hundred, six of three hundred, six of two hundred and fifty, twenty of two hundred, and the residue of inferior burden. application was made to the dutch for assistance; and, as stowe expresses it, "the hollanders came roundly in, with threescore sail, brave ships of war, fierce and full of spleen, not so much for england's aid, as in just occasion for their own defence; these men foreseeing the greatness of the danger that might ensue, if the spaniards should chance to win the day and get the mastery over them; in due regard whereof their manly courage was inferior to none." we have more minute information of the numbers and equipment of the hostile forces than we have of our own. in the first volume of hakluyt's "voyages," dedicated to lord effingham, who commanded against the armada, there is given (from the contemporary foreign writer, meteran) a more complete and detailed catalogue than has perhaps ever appeared of a similar armament. "the number of mariners in the saide fleete were above eight thousand, of slaves two thousand and eighty-eight, of soldiers twenty thousand (besides noblemen and gentlemen voluntaries), of great cast pieces two thousand six hundred. the aforesaide ships were of an huge and incredible capacitie and receipt: for the whole fleete was large enough to containe the burthen of sixty thousand tunnes. "the galeons were sixty-four in number, being of an huge bignesse, and very flately built, being of marveilous force also, and so high, that they resembled great castles, most fit to defend themselves and to withstand any assault; but in giving any other ships the encounter farr inferiour unto the english and dutch ships, which can with great dexteritie weild and turne themselves at all assayes. the upperworke of the said galeons was of thicknesse and strength sufficient to bear off musket-shot. the lower worke and the timbers thereof were out of measure strong, being framed of plankes and ribs foure or five foote in thicknesse, insomuch that no bullets could pierce them, but such as were discharged hard at hand; which afterward prooved true, for a great number of bullets were found to sticke fast within the massie substance of those thicke plankes. great and well-pitched cables were twined about the masts of their shippes, to strengthen them against the battery of shot. "the galliasses were of such bignesse, that they contained within them chambers, chapels, turrets, pulpits, and other commodities of great houses. the galliasses were rowed with great oares, there being in eche one of them three hundred slaves for the same purpose, and were able to do great service with the force of their ordinance. all these, together with the residue aforenamed, were furnished and beautified with trumpets, streamers, banners, warlike ensignes, and other such like ornaments. "their pieces of brazen ordinance were sixteen hundred, and of yron ten hundred. "the bullets thereto belonging were a hundred and twenty thousand. "item of gun-poulder, five thousand six hundred quintals. of matche, twelve hundred quintals. of muskets and kaleivers seven thousand. of haleberts and partisans, ten thousand. "moreover they had great store of canons, double-canons, culverings and field-pieces for land services. "this navie (as diego pimentelli afterward confessed) was esteemed by the king himselfe to containe thirty-two thousand persons, and to cost him every day thirty thousand ducates." while this huge armada was making ready in the southern ports of the spanish dominions, the prince of parma, with almost incredible toil and skill, collected a squadron of war-ships at dunkirk, and his flotilla of other ships and of flat-bottomed boats for the transport to england of the picked troops, which were designed to be the main instruments in subduing england. thousands of workmen were employed, night and day, in the construction of these vessels, in the ports of flanders and brabant. the army which these vessels were designed to convey to england amounted to thirty thousand strong, besides a body of four thousand cavalry, stationed at courtrai, composed chiefly of the ablest veterans of europe; invigorated by rest, and excited by the hopes of plunder and the expectation of certain conquest. philip had been advised, in the first instance, to effect a landing and secure a strong position in ireland; his admiral, santa cruz, had recommended him to make sure, in the first instance, of some large harbour on the coast of holland or zealand, where the armada, having entered the channel, might find shelter in case of storm, and whence it could sail without difficulty for england; but philip rejected both these counsels, and directed that england itself should be made the immediate object of attack; and on may th the armada left the tagus, in the pomp and pride of supposed invincibility, and amidst the shouts of thousands, who believed that england was already conquered. but steering to the northward, and before it was clear of the coast of spain, the armada was assailed by a violent storm, and driven back with considerable damage to the ports of biscay and galicia. it had, however, sustained its heaviest loss before it left the tagus, in the death of the veteran admiral santa cruz, who had been destined to guide it against england. philip ii. had replaced him by alonzo perez de gusman, duke of medina sidonia, one of the most powerful of the spanish grandees, but wholly unqualified to command such an expedition. he had, however, as his lieutenants, two seamen of proved skill and bravery, juan de martinez recalde of biscay, and miguel orquendo of guipuzcoa. on july th, the armada having completely refitted, sailed again for the channel, and reached it without obstruction or observation by the english. the orders of king philip to the duke de medina sidonia were, that he should, on entering the channel, keep near the french coast, and, if attacked by the english ships, avoid an action, and steer on to calais roads, where the prince of parma's squadron was to join him. the hope of surprising and destroying the english fleet in plymouth led the spanish admiral to deviate from these orders, and to stand across to the english shore; but, on finding that lord howard was coming out to meet him, he resumed the original plan, and determined to bend his way steadily towards calais and dunkirk, and to keep merely on the defensive against such squadrons of the english as might come up with him. it was on saturday, july th, that lord effingham came in sight of his formidable adversaries. the armada was drawn up in form of a crescent, which from horn to horn measured some seven miles. there was a south-west wind; and before it the vast vessels sailed slowly on. the english let them pass by; and then, following in the rear, commenced an attack on them. a running fight now took place, in which some of the best ships of the spaniards were captured; many more received heavy damage; while the english vessels, which took care not to close with their huge antagonists, but availed themselves of their superior celerity in tacking and manoeuvring, suffered little comparative loss. each day added not only to the spirit, but to the number of effingham's force. raleigh, oxford, cumberland, and sheffield joined him; and "the gentlemen of england hired ships from all parts at their own charge, and with one accord came flocking thither as to a set field, where glory was to be attained, and faithful service performed unto their prince and their country." the spanish admiral also showed great judgment and firmness in following the line of conduct that had been traced out for him; and on july th he brought his fleet unbroken, though sorely distressed, to anchor in calais roads. but the king of spain had calculated ill the number and activity of the english and dutch fleets; as the old historian expresses it, "it seemeth that the duke of parma and the spaniards grounded upon a vain and presumptuous expectation, that all the ships of england and of the low countreys would at the first sight of the spanish and dunkerk navie have betaken themselves to flight, yeelding them sea-room, and endeavouring only to defend themselves, their havens, and sea coasts from invasion. wherefore their intent and purpose was, that the duke of parma, in his small and flat-bottomed ships should, as it were, under the shadow and wings of the spanish fleet, convey over all his troupes, armour, and warlike provisions, and with their forces so united should invade england; or, while the english fleet were busied in fight against the spanish, should enter upon any part of the coast which he thought to be most convenient. which invasion (as the captives afterwards confessed) the duke of parma thought first to have attempted by the river of thames; upon the banks whereof, having at the first arrivall landed twenty or thirty thousand of his principall souldiers, he supposed that he might easily have wonne the citie of london; both because his small shippes should have followed and assisted his land forces, and also for that the citie itselfe was but meanely fortified and easie to ouercome, by reason of the citizens' delicacie and discontinuance from the warres, who, with continuall and constant labour, might be vanquished, if they yielded not at the first assault." but the english and dutch found ships and mariners enough to keep the armada itself in check, and at the same time to block up parma's flotilla. the greater part of seymour's squadron left its cruising ground off dunkirk to join the english admiral off calais; but the dutch manned about five-and-thirty sail of good ships, with a strong force of soldiers on board, all well seasoned to the sea-service; and with these they blockaded the flemish ports that were in parma's power. still it was resolved by the spanish admiral and the prince to endeavour to effect a junction, which the english seamen were equally resolute to prevent: and bolder measures on our side now became necessary. the armada lay off calais, with its largest ships ranged outside, "like strong castles fearing no assault; the lesser placed in the middle ward." the english admiral could not attack them in their position without great disadvantage, but on the night of the th he sent eight fire-ships among them, with almost equal effect to that of the fire-ships which the greeks so often employed against the turkish fleets in their late war of independence. the spaniards cut their cables and put to sea in confusion. one of the largest galeasses ran foul of another vessel and was stranded. the rest of the fleet was scattered about on the flemish coast, and when the morning broke, it was with difficulty and delay that they obeyed their admiral's signal to range themselves round him near gravelines. now was the golden opportunity for the english to assail them, and prevent them from ever letting loose parma's flotilla against england; and nobly was that opportunity used. drake and fenner were the first english captains who attacked the unwieldy leviathans: then came fenton, southwell, burton, cross, raynor, and then the lord-admiral, with lord thomas howard and lord sheffield. the spaniards only thought of forming and keeping close together, and were driven by the english past dunkirk, and far away from the prince of parma, who in watching their defeat from the coast, must, as drake expressed it, have chafed like a bear robbed of her whelps. this was indeed the last and the decisive battle between the two fleets. it is, perhaps, best described in the very words of the contemporary writer as we may read them in hakluyt. "upon july th, in the morning, the spanish fleet after the forsayd tumult, having arranged themselves againe into order, were, within sight of greveling, most bravely and furiously encountered by the english; where they once again got the wind of the spaniards; who suffered themselves to be deprived of the commodity of the place in caleis road, and of the advantage of the wind neer unto dunkerk, rather than they would change their array or separate their forces now conjoyned and united together, standing only upon their defence. "and howbeit there were many excellent and warlike ships in the english fleet, yet scarce were there twenty-two or twenty-three among them all, which matched ninety of the spanish ships in the bigness, or could conveniently assault them. wherefore the english ships using their prerogative of nimble steerage, whereby they could turn and wield themselves with wind which way they listed, came often times very near upon the spaniards, and charged them so sore, that now and then they were but a pike's length asunder: and so continually giving them one broadside after another, they discharged all their shot both great and small upon them, spending one whole day from morning till night in that violent kind of conflict, untill such time as powder and bullets failed them. in regard of which want they thought it convenient not to pursue the spaniards any longer, because they had many great vantages of the english, namely, for the extraordinary bigness of their ships, and also for that they were so neerley conjoyned, and kept together in so good array, that they could by no meanes be fought withall one to one. the english thought, therefore, that they had right well acquitted themselves, in chasing the spaniards first from caleis, and then from dunkerk, and by that meanes to have hindered them from joyning with the duke of parma his forces, and getting the wind of them, to have driven them from their own coasts. "the spaniards that day sustained great loss and damage, having many of their shippes shot thorow and thorow, and they discharged likewise great store of ordinance against the english; who, indeed, sustained some hindrance, but not comparable to the spaniard's loss: for they lost not any one ship or person of account, for very diligent inquisition being made, the english men all that time wherein the spanish navy sayled upon their seas, are not found to have wanted above one hundred of their people: albeit sir francis drake's ship was pierced with shot above forty times, and his very cabben was twice shot thorow, and about the conclusion of the fight, the bed of a certaine gentleman lying weary thereupon, was taken quite from under him with the force of a bullet. likewise, as the earle of northumberland and sir charles blunt were at dinner upon a time, the bullet of a demy-culverin brake thorow the middest of their cabben, touched their feet, and strooke downe two of the standers by, with many such accidents befalling the english shippes, which it were tedious to rehearse." it reflects little credit on the english government that the english fleet was so deficiently supplied with ammunition, as to be unable to complete the destruction of the invaders. but enough was done to ensure it. many of the largest spanish ships were sunk or captured in the action of this day. and at length the spanish admiral, despairing of success, fled northward with a southerly wind, in the hope of rounding scotland, and so returning to spain without a farther encounter with the english fleet. lord effingham left a squadron to continue the blockade of the prince of parma's armament; but that wise general soon withdrew his troops to more promising fields of action. meanwhile the lord-admiral himself, and drake chased the vincible armada, as it was now termed, for some distance northward; and then, when it seemed to bend away from the scotch coast towards norway, it was thought best, in the words of drake, "to leave them to those boisterous and uncouth northern seas." the sufferings and losses which the unhappy spaniards sustained in their flight round scotland and ireland are well known. of their whole armada only fifty-three shattered vessels brought back their beaten and wasted crews to the spanish coast, which they had quitted in such pageantry and pride. some passages from the writings of those who took part in the struggle have been already quoted, to which may be added the following description of the defeat of the armada, written in answer to some mendacious stories by which the spaniards strove to hide their shame. "they were not ashamed to publish, in sundry languages in print, great victories in words, which they pretended to have obtained against this realm, and spread the same in a most false sort over all parts of france, italy, and elsewhere; when, shortly afterwards, it was happily manifested in very deed to all nations, how their navy, which they termed invincible, consisting of one hundred and forty sail of ships, not only of their own kingdom, but strengthened with the greatest argosies, portugal caracks, florentines, and large hulks of other countries, were by thirty of her majesty's own ships of war, and a few of our own merchants, by the wise, valiant, and advantageous conduct of the lord charles howard, high-admiral of england, beaten and shuffled together even from the lizard in cornwall, first to portland, when they shamefully left don pedro de valdez with his mighty ship; from portland to calais, where they lost hugh de monçado, with the galleys of which he was captain; and from calais driven with squibs from their anchors, were chased out of the sight of england, round about scotland and ireland. where, for the sympathy of their religion, hoping to find succour and assistance, a great part of them were crushed against the rocks, and those others that landed, being very many in number, were, notwithstanding, broken, slain, and taken; and so sent from village to village, coupled in halters, to be shipped into england, where her majesty, of her princely and invincible disposition, disdaining to put them to death, and scorning either to retain or to entertain them, they were all sent back again to their countries, to witness and recount the worthy achievement of their invincible and dreadful navy. of which the number of soldiers, the fearful burthen of their ships, the commanders' names of every squadron, with all others, their magazines of provisions were put in print, as an army and navy irresistible and disdaining prevention: with all which their great and terrible ostentation, they did not in all their sailing round about england so much as sink or take one ship, bark, pinnace, or cockboat of ours, or even burn so much as one sheep-cote on this land." the story of the _revenge_. a report of the truth of the fight about the isles of azores, this last summer, betwixt the "revenge," one of her majesties' ships, and an armada of the king of spain (london ), by sir walter raleigh. because the rumours are diversely spread, as well in england as in the low countries and elsewhere, of this late encounter between her majesties' ships and the armada of spain; and that the spaniards, according to their usual manner, fill the world with their vain-glorious vaunts, making great appearance of victories--when, on the contrary, themselves are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured--thereby hoping to possess the ignorant multitude by anticipating and forerunning false reports, it is agreeable with all good reason for manifestation of the truth to overcome falsehood and untruth, that the beginning, continuance and success of this late honourable encounter of sir richard grenville, and other her majesties' captains with the armada of spain, should be truly set down and published without partiality or false imagination. the lord thomas howard, with six of her majesties' ships, six victualers of london, the bark _ralegh_, and two or three pinnaces riding at anchor near unto flores, one of the westerly islands of the azores, the last of august in the afternoon, had intelligence by one captain middleton of the approach of the spanish armada, which middleton, being in a very good sailer, had kept them company three days before, of good purpose both to discover their forces the more as also to give advice to my lord thomas of their approach. he had no sooner delivered the news but the fleet was in sight: many of our ships' companies were on shore in the island; some providing ballast for their ships, others filling of water and refreshing themselves from the land with such things as they could either for money or by force recover. by reason whereof our ships being all pestered and romaging, everything out of order, very light for want of ballast, and that which was most to our disadvantage, the one half part of the men of every ship sick and utterly unserviceable. for in the _revenge_ there were ninety diseased: in the _bonaventure_, not so many in health as could handle her mainsail. for had not twenty men been taken out of a bark of sir george caryes, his being commanded to be sunk and those appointed to her, she had hardly ever recovered england. the rest for the most part were in little better state. the names of her majesties' ships were these as followeth: the _defiance_, which was admiral; the _revenge_, vice-admiral; the _bonaventure_, commanded by captain crosse; the _lion_, by george fenner; the _foresight_, by m. thomas vavisour, and the _crane_, by duffeild. the _foresight_ and the _crane_ being but small ships; only the others were of the middle size; the rest, besides the bark _ralegh_, commanded by captain thin, were victualers and of small force or none. the spanish fleet, having shrouded their approach by reason of the island, were now so soon at hand, as our ships had scarce time to way their anchors, but some of them were driven to let slip their cables and set sail. sir richard grenville was the last weighed, to recover the men that were upon the island, which otherwise had been lost. the lord thomas with the rest very hardly recovered the wind, which sir richard grenville not being able to do was persuaded by the master and others to cut his main sail and cast about, and to trust to the sailing of the ship: for the squadron of sivill were on his weather bow. but sir richard utterly refused to turn from the enemy, alleging that he would rather choose to die than to dishonour himself, his country, and her majesties' ships, persuading his company that he would pass through the two squadrons in despite of them, and enforce those of sivill to give him way. which he performed upon divers of the foremost, who, as the mariners term it, sprang their luffe and fell under the lee of the _revenge_. but the other course had been the better, and might right well have been answered in so great an impossibility of prevailing. notwithstanding, out of the greatness of his mind he could not be persuaded. in the meanwhile, as he attended those which were nearest him, the great _san philip_ being in the wind of him, and, coming towards him, becalmed his sails in such sort as the ship could neither make way nor feel the helm: so huge and high carged was the spanish ship, being of a thousand and five hundred tons; who afterlaid the _revenge_ aboard. when he was thus bereft of his sails, the ships that were under his lee luffing up, also laid him aboard: of which the next was the admiral of the _biscaines_, a very mighty and puisant ship commanded by brittan dona. the said _philip_ carried three tire of ordinance on a side and eleven pieces in every tire. she shot eight forth right out of her chase, besides those of her stern ports. after the _revenge_ was entangled with this _philip_, four other boarded her; two on her larboard and two on her starboard. the fight thus beginning at three of the clock in the afternoon continued very terrible all that evening. but the great _san philip_ having received the lower tire of the _revenge_ discharged with crossbar shot, shifted herself with all diligence from her sides, utterly misliking her first entertainment. some say that the ship foundered, but we cannot report it for truth unless we were assured. the spanish ships were filled with companies of soldiers, in some two hundred besides the mariners; in some five, in others eight hundred. in ours there were none at all beside the mariners, but the servants of the commanders and some few voluntary gentlemen only. after many interchanged volleys of great ordinance and small shot, the spaniards deliberated to enter the _revenge_, and made divers attempts, hoping to force her by the multitudes of their armed soldiers and musketiers, but were still repulsed again and again, and at all times beaten back into their own ships or into the seas. in the beginning of the fight the _george noble_ of london, having received some shot through her by the armados, fell under the lee of the _revenge_, and asked sir richard what he would command him, being but one of the victualers and of small force: sir richard bid him save himself and leave him to his fortune. after the fight had thus without intermission continued while the day lasted and some hours of the night, many of our men were slain and hurt, and one of the great gallions of the armada and the admiral of the hulks both sunk, and in many other of the spanish ships great slaughter was made. some write that sir richard was very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight, and lay speechless for a time ere he recovered. but two of the _revenge's_ own company, brought home in a ship of lime from the islands, examined by some of the lords and others, affirmed that he was never so wounded as that he forsook the upper deck till an hour before midnight; and then being shot into the body with a musket as he was a-dressing, was again shot into the head, and withal his chirurgion wounded to death. this agreeth also with an examination taken by sir frances godolphin, of four other mariners of the same ship being returned, which examination, the said sir frances sent unto master william killigrue, of her majesties' privy chamber. but to return to the fight; the spanish ships which attempted to board the _revenge_, as they were wounded and beaten off so always others came in their places, she having never less than two mighty gallions by her sides and aboard her. so that ere the morning, from three of the clock the day before, there had fifteen several armados assailed her; and all so ill approved their entertainment, as they were by the break of day far more willing to hearken to a composition, than hastily to make any more assaults or entries. but as the day encreased so our men decreased, and as the light grew more and more by so much more grew our discomforts. for none appeared in sight but enemies, saving one small ship called the _pilgrim_, commanded by jacob whiddon, who hovered all night to see the success; but in the morning, bearing with the _revenge_, was hunted like a hare amongst many ravenous hounds, but escaped. all the powder of the _revenge_ to the last barrel was now spent, all her pikes broken, forty of her best men slain and the most part of the rest hurt. in the beginning of the fight she had but one hundred free from sickness, and four score and ten sick, laid in hold upon the ballast. a small troop to man such a ship, and a weak garrison to resist so mighty an army. by those hundred all was sustained, the volleys, boardings and enterings of fifteen ships of war, besides those which beat her at large. on the contrary, the spanish were always supplied with soldiers brought from every squadron: all manner of arms and powder at will. unto ours there remained no comfort at all, no hope, no supply either of ships, men, or weapons; the masts all beaten overboard, all her tackle cut asunder, her upper work altogether rased, and in effect evened she was with the water, but the very foundation or bottom of a ship, nothing being left overhead either for flight or defence. sir richard finding himself in this distress, and unable any longer to make resistance, having endured in this fifteen hours' fight the assault of fifteen several armadoes, all by turns aboard him, and by estimation eight hundred shot of great artillery, besides many assaults and entries, and that himself and the ship must needs be possessed by the enemy, who were now all cast in a ring round about him, the _revenge_ not able to move one way or other but as she was moved with the waves and billows of the sea, commanded the master-gunner, whom he knew to be a most resolute man, to split and sink the ship, that thereby nothing might remain of glory or victory to the spaniards, seeing in so many hours' fight and with so great a navy they were not able to take her having had fifteen hours' time, fifteen thousand men, and fifty and three sail of men-of-war to perform it withal, and persuaded the company, or as many as he could induce, to yield themselves unto god, and to the mercy of none else; but as they had, like valiant, resolute men, repulsed so many enemies, they should not now shorten the honour of their nation by prolonging their own lives for a few hours or a few days. the master-gunner readily condescended and divers others, but the captain and the master were of another opinion, and besought sir richard to have care of them, alleging that the spaniards would be as ready to entertain a composition as they were willing to offer the same; and that there being divers sufficient and valiant men yet living and whose wounds were not mortal, they might do their country and prince acceptable service hereafter. and (that where sir richard had alleged that the spaniards should never glory to have taken one ship of her majesties', seeing they had so long and so notably defended themselves) they answered that the ship had six foot water in hold, three shot under water which were so weakly stopped, as with the first working of the sea she must needs sink, and was besides so crushed and bruised as she could never be removed out of the place. and as the matter was thus in dispute and sir richard refusing to hearken to any of those reasons, the master of the _revenge_ (while the captain wan unto him all the greater party) was conveyed aboard the general _don alfonso bassan_, who, finding none over-hastie to enter the _revenge_ again, doubting least sir richard would have blown them up and himself, and perceiving by the report of the master of the _revenge_ his dangerous disposition, yielded that all their lives should be saved, the company sent for england, and the better sort to pay such reasonable ransom as their estate would bear, and in the mean season to be free from gally and imprisonment. to this he so much the rather condescended as well as i have said, for fear of further loss and mischief to themselves, as also for the desire he had to recover sir richard grenville, whom for his notable valour he seemed greatly to honour and admire. when this answer was returned and that safety of life was promised, the common sort being now at the end of their peril, the most drew back from sir richard and the master-gunner, being no hard matter to disuade men from death to life. the master-gunner, finding himself and sir richard thus prevented and mastered by the greater number, would have slain himself with a sword had he not been by force withheld and locked in his cabin. then the general sent many boats aboard the _revenge_, and divers of our men, fearing sir richard's disposition, stole away aboard the general and other ships. sir richard thus overmatched, was sent unto by alfonso bassan to remove out of the _revenge_, the ship being marvellous unsavoury, filled with blood and bodies of dead and wounded men like a slaughter house. sir richard answered that he might do with his body what he list, for he esteemed it not, and as he was carried out of the ship he swooned, and reviving again, desired the company to pray for him. the general used sir richard with all humanity, and left nothing unattempted that tended to his recovery, highly commending his valour and worthiness, and greatly bewailed the danger wherein he was, being unto them a rare spectacle, and a resolution seldom approved. to see one ship turne toward so many enemies, to endure the charge and boarding of so many huge armados, and to resist and repel the assaults and entries of so many soldiers, all which and more is confirmed by a spanish captain of the same armada, and a present actor in the fight, who being severed from the rest in a storm, was by the _lyon_ of london, a small ship, taken, and is now prisoner in london. the general commander of the armada was don alphonso bassan, brother to the marquesse of santa cruce. the admiral of the biscaine squadron was britan dona; of the squadron of sivill, marques of arumburch. the hulks and fly-boats were commanded by luis cutino. there were slain and drowned in this fight well near two thousand of the enemies and two especial commanders, don luis de sant john and don george de prunaria de mallaga, as the spanish captain confesseth, besides divers others of special account, whereof as yet report is not made. the admiral of the hulks and the ascention of sivill were both sunk by the side of the _revenge_; one other recovered the road of saint nichels and sunk also there; a fourth ran herself with the shore to save her men. sir richard died, as it is said, the second or third day aboard the general, and was by them greatly bewailed. what became of his body, whether it was buried in the sea or on the land, we know not: the comfort that remaineth to his friends is that he hath ended his life honourably in respect of the reputation won to his nation and country, and of the same to his posterity, and that being dead he hath not outlived his own honour. for the rest of her majesties' ships that entered not so far into the fight as the _revenge_, the reasons and causes were these. there were of them but six in all, whereof two but small ships; the _revenge_ engaged past recovery; the island of flores was on the one side, fifty-three sail of the spanish divided into squadrons, on the other, all as full filled with soldiers as they could contain. almost the one half of our men sick and not able to serve; the ships grown foul, unroomaged, and scarcely able to bear any sail for want of ballast, having been six months at the sea before. if all the rest had entered all had been lost. for the very hugeness of the spanish fleet, if no other violence had been offered, would have crushed them between them into shivers. of which the dishonour and loss to the queen had been far greater than the spoil or harm that the enemy could any way have received. notwithstanding, it is very true that the lord thomas would have entered between the squadrons, but the rest would not condescend; and the master of his own ship offered to leap into the sea rather than to conduct that her majesties' ship and the rest to be a prey to the enemy where there was no hope nor possibility either of defence or victory. which also in my opinion had ill-sorted or answered the discretion and trust of a general to commit himself and his charge to an assured destruction without any hope or any likelihood of prevailing, thereby to diminish the strength of her majesties' navy and to enrich the pride and glory of the enemy. [the story of sir richard grenville's last fight has been told many times in prose and verse. sir walter raleigh tells it in the prose epic from which the foregoing is taken; froude made it the subject of one of his essays, gerald massey and lord tennyson have both exploited it in ballads of power and beauty. these ballads are too long for quotation here, but there are some stanzas in gerald massey's poem which may be given. "signalled the english admiral, 'weigh or cut anchors.' for a spanish fleet bore down in all the majesty for war, athwart our tack for many a mile, as there we lay off florez isle, with crews half sick; all tired of toil. "eleven of our twelve ships escaped; sir richard stood alone! though they were three and fifty sail-- a hundred men to one-- the old sea rover would not run, so long as he had man or gun; but--he could die when all was done. * * * * * "ship after ship like broken waves that wash up on a rock, those mighty galleons fall back foiled and shattered from the shock. with fire she answers all their blows; again, again in pieces strows the girdle round her as they close. "through all that night the great white storm of worlds in silence rolled; sirius with green-azure sparkle, mars in ruddy gold. heaven looked with stillness terrible down on a fight most fierce and fell-- a sea transfigured into hell. "some know not they are wounded till 'tis slippery where they stand; then each one tighter grips his steel as 'twere salvation's hand. grim faces glow through lurid night with sweat of spirit shining bright: only the dead on deck turn white. "at daybreak the flame-picture fades in blackness and in blood; there, after fifteen hours' fight, the unconquered sea-king stood, defying all the powers of spain: fifteen armadas hurled in vain, and fifteen hundred foemen slain. "about that little bark _revenge_ the baffled spaniards ride at distance. two of their good ships were sunken at her side; the rest lie round her in a ring as round the dying lion-king the dogs afraid of his death-spring. * * * * * "old heroes who could gladly do, as they could greatly dare; a vesture very glorious their shining spirits wear, of noble deeds! god give us grace, that we may see such face to face, in our great day that comes apace." we will only add here that the _revenge_ foundered a few days after the fight with two hundred spaniards on board her, and conclude with sir richard grenville's last words, "here die i, richard grenville, with a joyful and quiet mind, for that i have ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for his queen, religion, and honour; my soul willingly departing from this body, leaving behind the lasting fame of having behaved as any valiant soldier is in his duty bound to do."--ed.] the story of admiral blake. by john campbell. robert blake, who became the admiral of the commonwealth, was the eldest son of mr. humphrey blake, a spanish merchant who, having acquired a considerable fortune for the times in which he lived, purchased a small estate near bridgewater, in which neighbourhood his family had been long settled. robert was born in the month of august, , and was educated at a free school in bridgewater. he afterwards removed to oxford, where he was first a member of st. alban's hall and next of wadham college. having taken a degree and met with more than one disappointment in his endeavours to obtain academical preferment, he left the university after a stay of seven years. during his residence in oxford he displayed a temper usually grave, and in appearance morose, but inclined at times and with particular friends to be very cheerful, though still with a tincture of severity that disposed him to bear hard upon the pride of courtiers and the powers of churchmen; which rendered him very agreeable company to the good fellows of those days. this is certain, that his reputation for probity and his known aversion to persecution caused the puritans to promote his election as a burgess for bridgewater in the parliament which sat in april . this assembly was dissolved too early for blake to make any discovery therein of his talents as a senator; and in the long parliament, which sat soon after, he lost his election. when the war broke out between the king and the parliament he declared for the latter, and took arms very early in their service; but where, and in what capacity, is not very clear. however, he was very soon made a captain of dragoons, in which position he showed himself as able and active an officer as any in the service; and as such was constantly employed upon occasions when boldness or dexterity were requisite. in he was at bristol, under the command of colonel fiennes, who entrusted him with a little fort on the line, in which he first gave the world a proof of his military prowess; for, on july th, when prince rupert attacked that important place, and the governor had agreed to surrender it upon articles, blake still held out his fort and killed several of the king's forces. this exasperated prince rupert to such a degree that he talked of hanging him, and would probably have carried out his threat had not some friends interposed and excused the young officer on account of his want of experience in war, and then prevailed upon him to give up the fort. after this blake served in somersetshire under the command of popham, who was governor of lyme, to whose regiment he was lieutenant-colonel. while here, in conjunction with sir robert pye, he surprised taunton for the parliament, capturing ten pieces of cannon and a great deal of ammunition. in he was made governor of the town, an important appointment, as taunton contained the only garrison the parliament had in the west. the works about it, however, were far from being strong, and the garrison was by no means numerous; yet by keeping a strict discipline, and treating the townsmen well, he made shift to keep it, though no great care was taken to furnish him with supplies, and he was often besieged and blocked up by the king's forces. at length general goring attacked taunton with nearly ten thousand men, carried all the outworks, and actually took a part of the town. blake, however, held the rest of it and the castle with wonderful obstinacy till relief came; for which extraordinary service the parliament gave the garrison a bounty of two thousand pounds, and honoured colonel blake with a present of five hundred pounds. all who have preserved the memory of the signal events in this unhappy war allow this to have been a singularly gallant and soldier-like action. in april, , colonel blake marched with a detachment from his garrison, and reduced dunster castle, a seat belonging to the ancient family of lutterel, the troops posted therein having given great disturbance to the country. this was the last military achievement he performed during the civil war. on the th of december following, the parliament ordered five hundred pounds to be paid to him for disbanding some forces. when the parliament voted that no further addresses should be made to the king, blake, as governor of taunton, joined in an address of thanks to the house of commons for having taken this step. it is not easy to guess what induced the parliament to make choice of blake, who had always served as a horse-officer, to take the supreme command of the fleet, but on february th, - , he was appointed one of the commissioners of the navy, and upon the st an act was passed, appointing him, in conjunction with deane and popham, to command the fleet. his first service was driving prince rupert's fleet from the irish coast, and then following him into the mediterranean. this gave his masters high satisfaction, for it not only put an end to the piratical war in which the prince was engaged, and which did so much damage to trade, but also inspired respect among the powers of europe for the young commonwealth of england. in the month of february, , blake, on his return homewards, fell in with a french man-of-war of forty guns; when a characteristic incident occurred which certainly deserves to be particularly mentioned. the admiral commanded the french captain on board him, and asked him if he was willing to lay down his sword? he answered that he was not; upon which, blake generously bade him return to his ship and fight it out as long as he was able. the captain took him at his word, fought him bravely for about two hours, and then submitting, went again on board blake's ship, first kissed him and then presented his sword to him upon his knees. this ship, with four more, the admiral sent into england; and not long after arriving at plymouth with his squadron, there received the thanks of the parliament for his vigilance and valour, and was constituted one of the lords-wardens of the cinque ports. in the march following, colonel blake, colonels popham and deane, or any two of them, were again appointed by act of parliament to be admirals and generals of the fleet for the year ensuing; in which year blake reduced the islands of scilly, guernsey, and jersey to the obedience of the parliament; and, as a new mark of honour, was, on november th, elected one of the council of state. when the necessity of a dutch war became apparent, the parliament gave the highest testimony of their sense of his merit and of their entire confidence in his conduct by constituting him, in march , sole general of the fleet. the story of the dutch war is told in a separate chapter, where justice is done to blake's prowess as admiral, and it is only necessary here to give such incidents as bring out his qualities as a man. just before the first battle in the downs, which took place on may th, , blake observed that van tromp, the dutch admiral, bore nearer to his fleet than he had any occasion to do, and so saluted him with two guns without ball, to put him in mind of striking sail; upon which the dutchman, in contempt, fired on the contrary side. blake then fired a second and a third gun, which van tromp answered with a broadside, and the english admiral perceiving his intention to fight, detached himself from the rest of the fleet to treat with him upon the point of honour, to prevent unnecessary effusion of blood and a national quarrel. as blake approached nearer to the dutchman, van tromp, and the rest of his fleet, contrary to the law of nations, fired on him with whole broadsides. blake was in his cabin drinking with some officers, little expecting to be thus saluted, when the shot broke the windows of the ship and shattered the stern; which put him into a vehement passion, so that curling his whiskers, as he used to do whenever he was angry, he commanded his men to answer the dutch in their kind, saying, when his heat was somewhat over, "he took it very ill of van tromp that he should take his ship for a disorderly house, and break his windows." blake singly sustained the shock of the dutch fleet for some time, till his own ships and the squadron under major bourne joined him; and then the engagement grew hot on both sides, and bloody on the side of the enemy, till night put an end to it. after this battle blake lay in the downs for a considerable time, which he spent in repairing and augmenting his fleet, and in detaching small squadrons to cruise against the enemy. about the beginning of june, finding he had force enough to undertake any service, he caused a solemn fast to be held on board his ships, to implore the blessing of god upon their arms, and encouraged his seamen by the example of his zeal on this occasion, as much as he had ever done by his personal bravery in a time of action. in the course of this month he sent forty rich prizes into the river, and so effectually ruined the dutch trade, and broke the spirits of such as were appointed to support it, that most of their vessels declined coming through the channel, even under convoy; choosing rather to put into french ports, land their cargoes there, and afterwards transport them to holland, by land or water, as they could. in the beginning of july, finding sir george ayscue returned from barbadoes, with a force sufficient to guard the downs, he resolved to sail northwards, to execute a design he had long meditated, of destroying the herring-fishery; which he thought would have put an immediate end to the war by convincing the dutch of the folly of disputing our sovereignty in our own seas. this appears to have been the most judicious scheme laid down through the whole war; because it tended to clear the ground of the quarrel and to show the dutch their error in disputing with a nation who had it in their power to distress them at any time in the tenderest part--that which afforded a subsistence to many and was the main source of wealth to all. on july nd blake bore away to the north, and quickly fell in with the dutch fishing vessels, which were there in great numbers under the protection of twelve men-of-war. blake attacked their convoy, and they, knowing the importance of their charge, and having taken on board a great supply of fresh men from the vessels under their care, fought bravely and sold their freedom dearly; but at last were all taken, which left the fishery entirely at the admiral's mercy, who upon this occasion showed the rectitude of his heart and the solidity of his understanding; for having first threatened these busses with utter destruction if ever they were found there again without leave, he afterwards freely permitted them to complete their ladings, on their paying the tenth herring as tribute to the commonwealth. during all the changes that happened in the government, blake impressed his men with the conviction that it was his and their business to act faithfully in their respective stations, and to do their duty to their country, whatever irregularities there might be in the councils at home; and would often say among his officers that state affairs were not their province, but that they were bound to keep foreigners from fooling us. these principles rendered him agreeable to all parties, and gained him so generally the reputation of a patriot, that when cromwell, in his new model of a parliament, left the populous town of bridgewater the choice of one representative only, they elected blake. he was also very acceptable to cromwell, who knew that blake's concern for the glory of england would influence him to do all, and even more than any other man could be excited to do by views of interest and ambition. in he sailed into the mediterranean, and came in the month of december into the road of cadiz, where he was received with great respect and civility by the spaniards, and indeed by all nations as well as the english, who were then in port. a dutch admiral would not wear his flag while the english admiral was in the harbour; one of the victuallers attending his fleet, being separated from the rest, fell in with the french admiral and seven men-of-war near the straits mouth. the captain of the victualling-sloop was ordered on board the admiral, who inquired of him where blake was, drank his health with five guns, and so wished the captain a good voyage. the algerines stood in such awe of him that they were wont to stop the sallee rovers; and, in case they had any prisoners on board, took them out, and sent them to blake, in hopes thereby of obtaining his favour. he next sailed from cadiz to malaga; and while he lay in that road some of his seamen, going ashore, met the host as it was being carried to some sick person, and not only paid no respect to it, but laughed at those who did. the priest who accompanied it highly resented this, and stirred up the people to revenge the indignity; upon which they fell upon the sailors and beat some of them very severely. when they returned on board the men complained of their ill usage, and the admiral instantly sent a trumpet to the viceroy, to demand the surrender of the priest who was the author of the insult. the viceroy answered that he had no authority over priests, and therefore could not send him. upon this blake sent a second message to the effect that he would not enter into the question as to who had power to send him, but that, if he was not sent within three hours, he would burn the town about their ears. the inhabitants, to save themselves, obliged the viceroy to send the priest; who, when he came on board, excused himself to the admiral on account of the behaviour of the sailors. blake with much calmness and composure told him that if he had complained to him of this outrage he would have punished the men severely; for he would not suffer any of his men to affront the established religion of any place that he might visit; but he blamed him for setting on a mob of spaniards to beat them, adding, that "he would have him and the whole world know that none but an englishman should chastise an englishman." in blake proceeded to algiers, where he arrived on march th, and anchored without the mole, sending an officer to the dey to demand satisfaction for the piracies that had been formerly committed on the english, and the immediate release of all captives belonging to his nation. the dey answered very modestly, that as for the ships and slaves they were now the property of private persons, from whom he could not take them with safety to himself; but that he would make it his care they should be speedily redeemed upon easy terms, and would make a treaty with him to prevent any hostilities being committed on the english for the future. the admiral left the port upon this and sailed to tunis, where he sent the like message on shore; but received a very different answer, viz., "here are our castles of guletta and porto farino: you may do your worst; we do not fear you." blake entered the bay of porto farino, and came within musket-shot of the castle and line, upon both which he played so warmly that they were soon in a defenceless condition. there were then nine ships in the road, which the admiral resolved to burn; and with this view ordered every captain to man his long-boat with choice men, and directed these to enter the harbour and fire the ships of tunis; while he and his fleet covered them from the castle by playing continually on it with their cannon. the seamen in their boats boldly assaulted the corsairs and burnt all their ships, with the loss of twenty-five men killed and forty-eight wounded. this daring action spread the terror of his name, which had long been formidable in europe, through africa and asia. from tunis he sailed to tripoly, and concluded a peace with that government. thence he returned to tunis, and granted a peace on terms honourable to himself and profitable to his country. in the protector sent mr. montague with a small squadron of men-of-war into the mediterranean to join blake and to carry him fresh instructions; one of which was to block up the port of cadiz, in which there was a fleet of forty sail, intended to secure the flota expected from the indies, and, at the same time, to prevent the flota from coming in without sharing in the riches that were on board. blake and montague executed their orders with equal skill and industry, taking care to obtain a supply of fresh provisions and water, as often as they had occasion, from the coast of portugal. thither, for that purpose, they had sailed with the greatest part of the fleet, when the squadron from the indies approached cadiz. rear-admiral stayner, with seven frigates, plied to and fro, till eight large ships came in view, which he presently recognised as the flota for which he was looking out; whereas the spaniards took his vessels, because they lay very low in the water, for fishermen. this gave him an opportunity of coming up with and fighting them, though the weather hindered four of his frigates from acting. yet with the _speaker_, the _bridgewater_, and the _plymouth_ he did his business; and, after an obstinate engagement, sunk two, ran two more aground, and took two of the spanish vessels; so that two only escaped. in one of those that were destroyed was the marquis of badajoz, of the family of lopez, who had been governor of peru for the king of spain, who thus perished with the marchioness, his wife, and their daughter. the eldest son and his brother were saved and brought safely to the generals with the prize, wherein were two millions of pieces of eight. soon after, general montague, with the young marquis of badajoz, and part of the fleet to escort the silver, returned to england, delivered the bullion into the mint, after which the young marquis was set at liberty. for this success, a thanksgiving, with a narrative to be read thereon, was appointed by the parliament, who issued their declaration of war against spain. admiral blake continued to cruise before the haven of cadiz and in the straits till the month of april, ; and having then information of another plate fleet, which had put into the haven of santa-cruz in the island of teneriffe, he immediately sailed thither, and arrived before the town on april th. here he found the flota, consisting of six galleons very richly laden, and ten other vessels. the latter lay within the port, with a strong barricade before them; the galleons without the boom, because they drew too much water to lay within it. the port itself was strongly fortified, having on the north a large castle well supplied with artillery, and seven forts united by a line communication, well lined with musketeers. the spanish governor thought the place so secure, and his own dispositions so well made, that when the master of a dutch ship desired leave to sail, because he apprehended blake would presently attack the ships in the harbour, the spaniard answered tartly, "get you gone, if you will, and let blake come, if he dares." the admiral, after viewing the enemy's preparations, called a council of war, wherein it was resolved to attempt destroying the enemy's ships; for it was impossible to bring them off: and to this end he sent captain stayner with a squadron to attack them. stayner soon forced his passage into the bay, while other frigates played on the forts and line, and hindered them from giving the ships much disturbance. stayner's squadron was quickly supported by blake with the whole fleet, who boarded the spanish galleons, and in a few hours made himself master of them all, and then set them on fire; so that the whole spanish fleet was burnt down to the water's edge, except two ships which sank outright; and then, the wind veering to south-west, he passed with his fleet safe out of the port again, losing in this dangerous attempt no more than forty-eight men killed, and having about one hundred and twenty wounded. it was without question the boldest undertaking of its kind that had ever been performed; and the spaniards, who are romantic enough in their own conduct, were so much astonished at his, that they quite lost their spirits, and thenceforward never thought themselves safe either from numbers or fortifications. when the protector received the news of this glorious success, he immediately sent it by his secretary, thurloe, to the parliament then sitting; and they, on hearing the particulars, ordered a day to be set apart for a thanksgiving; a ring of the value of five hundred pounds to be given to the general as a testimony of his country's gratitude; a present of one hundred to the captain who brought the news; and their thanks to all the officers and soldiers concerned in the action. captain richard stayner, returning soon after, was knighted by the protector; nor was it long before blake and the fleet returned, which put an end to the spanish war by sea; for the protector had lately entered into a closer conjunction with france; and, in consequence thereof, sent over a body of land-forces into flanders, where they assisted in taking the fortress and port of dunkirk, which was delivered into the hands of the english, who kept it till after the restoration. another characteristic incident, and one which shows the probity and integrity of blake, deserves mention. his brother, captain benjamin blake, for whom he had a very tender affection, having been guilty of some misdemeanour or misbehaviour in the action at santa-cruz, was, by sentence from blake, removed from his ship, and the command of it given to another. this was such an instance of disinterested discipline as must have had a very strong effect on the minds of all who served under him; and we need not wonder that such extraordinary things were performed by men so perfectly disciplined. in a short time after the destruction of the enemy's fleet at teneriffe we find blake cruising again off the harbour of cadiz; where, perceiving his ships had become foul, and that his own health and spirits hourly wore away, he resolved to sail for england. his distemper was a complication of dropsy and scurvy, brought upon him by being for three years together at sea, and wanting all that time the conveniences requisite for the cure of his disease. in his passage home it increased upon him, and he became so sensible of his approaching end, that he frequently inquired for land; which, however, he did not live to see, dying as his ship the _st. george_ entered plymouth sound, on august th, , at about fifty-nine years of age. his body was the next day embalmed and wrapped in lead, and, by order of the protector, conveyed by water to greenwich. on september th, after the body had lain several days in state, it was carried from greenwich in a magnificent barge, covered with velvet, adorned with escutcheons and pendants, and accompanied by his brothers, remoter relations, and their servants, in mourning; by oliver's privy council, the commissioners of the admiralty and navy, the lord-mayor and aldermen of london, the field-officers of the army, and many other persons of honour and quality, in a great number of barges and wherries covered with mourning, marshalled and ordered by the heralds-at-arms, who directed and attended the solemnity. thus they passed to westminster bridge; and, at their landing, proceeded in the same manner, through a guard of several regiments of foot, to the abbey. the funeral procession over, the body was interred in a vault, built on purpose, in the chapel of henry vii. some time after the restoration an order was sent to the dean and chapter of westminster, directing them to cause such bodies as had been interred in that church during the troubles to be removed; and on september th, , the body of blake was removed from the abbey and buried in the churchyard. though blake was upon principle a supporter of the commonwealth, his character was such that he won from the royalists some of the warmest tributes he received. dr. bates, in drawing his character, says, "he was a man deserving praise, even from an enemy. being advanced to a command at sea, he subdued the scilly islands, near home; and having attained the office and title of an admiral, performed things worthy of immortal memory abroad. for he humbled the pride of france; reduced portugal to reason; broke the naval force of holland, and drove them to the shelter of their ports; suppressed the rovers of barbary, and twice triumphed over spain. alone blamable in this, that he complied with the parricides." in the words of anthony wood, "he was a man wholly devoted to his country's service; resolute in his undertakings, and most faithful in the performance of them. with him, valour seldom missed its reward, nor cowardice its punishment." [illustration: the defeat of sir andrew barton. (_see page ._)] the story of the first dutch war. by john campbell. the causes of this war are differently stated, according to the humours and opinions of different writers. the parliament, on the one side, was jealous of its newly-acquired sovereignty, and expected extraordinary marks of defference from the powers with which it corresponded. the dutch, on the other hand, were extremely alarmed when they found the english commonwealth insisting upon the sovereignty of the sea, the right of fishing, and of licensing to fish, and disposed to carry the point of saluting by the flag to the utmost limit. under these conditions of excitement and tension, anxiety led to watchfulness and proximity to rupture. it was in the spring of the year that the war broke out; but it was warmly disputed then, and has not been fully settled since, who were the actual aggressors. it is clear, however, that the dutch had secretly made great preparations for war, and had actually one hundred and fifty ships of force at sea; whereas the english parliament had equipped no more than the usual squadron for guarding the narrow seas, which was a fleet of twenty-five ships under the command of admiral blake. the first blood drawn in this quarrel was occasioned by commodore young, who fired upon a dutch man-of-war upon the captain's refusing him the honour of the flag. this was on may th, , and would have attracted much more public attention if an engagement of greater consequence had not happened immediately after. admiral van tromp was at sea with a fleet of upwards of forty sail, to protect, as was given out, the dutch trade. this fleet coming into the downs on may the th, met with a small squadron under the command of major bourne, to whom the admiral sent word that he was forced in by stress of weather; bourne answered roundly, that the truth of this would best appear by the shortness of his stay, and immediately sent advice of it to his admiral. the next day, van tromp, with his fleet, bore down upon blake in dover road, and on his coming near him blake fired thrice at his flag; upon which the dutch admiral returned a broadside. for nearly four hours blake was engaged almost alone with the dutch squadron; but, by degrees, the weather permitted his fleet to come in to his assistance. towards the close of the engagement, which lasted from four in the afternoon till nine at night, bourne joined him with his eight ships, upon which the enemy bore away. in this battle the victory was clearly on the side of the english, as the dutch writers themselves confess, there being two dutch ships taken and one disabled; whereas the english lost none: and yet the forces were very unequal; for the dutch fleet consisted of forty-two ships and blake's at first only of fifteen; and even at the end of the fight of no more than twenty-three. each of the admirals wrote an account of this affair to their respective masters, wherein they plainly contradict each other: but with this difference, that there is no disproving any one fact mentioned in blake's letter; whereas there are several inaccuracies in that of van tromp. the states themselves were so sensible of being in the wrong, and at the same time so mortified that their fleet, notwithstanding its superiority, had been beaten, that they apologised for it, and sent over another ambassador, adrian paauw, to proceed with the treaty. but the demands of the parliament were, in their opinion, too high; so all thoughts of peace were dismissed on both sides, and war was proclaimed in holland on july th. the english in the meantime, in virtue of the act of navigation, and by way of reprisal for the late damages, affronts, and hostilities, received from the states-general and their subjects, took many dutch ships. on june th blake brought in eleven merchant ships with their convoy coming from nantes. on june th captains taylor and peacock, in two english frigates, engaged two dutch men-of-war on the coast of flanders, for refusing to strike; one of which was taken and the other stranded: and, on the th of the same month, blake took twenty-six merchant ships, with their convoys, homeward bound from france. on july th vice-admiral ayscue, who, on his late return from the reduction of barbadoes, had taken ten merchant ships and four men-of-war, attacked the st. ubes fleet of about forty sail, of which nearly thirty were taken, burnt or stranded, and plundered, on the french coast. after this, while the states with the utmost diligence were getting ready a fleet of seventy men-of-war, under the command of admiral van tromp, blake, with about sixty, received orders to sail to the north to disturb and distress the dutch fishery. sir george ayscue, who, since the destruction of the st. ubes fleet, had taken five dutch merchant ships, was left with the remainder of the english fleet, consisting of no more than seven men-of-war, in the downs. while blake triumphed in the north, tromp, with his great fleet, came into the mouth of the thames, in the hope of either surprising ayscue or of insulting the coast. failing in this, he sailed northward to intercept blake; but his ships being dispersed by a storm, he was disappointed in that scheme also, and lost five or six frigates, which fell into the hands of blake on his return towards the south. the people of holland were very much dissatisfied with the conduct of admiral van tromp, who, first justifying himself to the states, laid down his commission to gratify the people. the main objection against him was his being no great seaman; and this engaged the states to cast their eyes upon de ruyter, the ablest man among them in his profession. he accepted the command, but accepted it unwillingly; for he saw that as things then stood the english were superior. the parliament, in the meantime, took care to strengthen sir george ayscue's fleet, so that it increased to thirty-eight sail; of which only two were large ships, and the rest frigates and fire-ships. with these he put to sea in search of the dutch, took many rich prizes, and at last met with de ruyter, who, with a fleet equal to his own, was convoying home between fifty and sixty merchantmen. this was on august th, , and as our admiral was cruising off plymouth. it was about one in the afternoon when the fleets came in sight. de ruyter took twenty of the merchant ships into his line of battle, and was then very ready to engage. the fight began about four, when the english admiral, with nine others, charged through the dutch fleet, and having thus gained the weather-gauge, attacked them again, and continued fighting till night parted them; the rest of sir george's fleet having very little to do in the action. the rear admiral, peck, lost his leg, and soon afterwards died; and most of the captains who did their duty were wounded. one fire-ship was lost. on the other side the dutch were miserably torn, so that many of their best ships were scarcely able to keep the sea. sir george ayscue followed them for some time the next day, and then returned into plymouth sound to refresh his men and to repair his ships. admiral blake, who was now in the channel, did infinite damage to the enemy; and, some hostilities having been committed upon the coast of newfoundland by the french, he attacked a strong squadron of their ships going to the relief of dunkirk, and took or destroyed them all, by which means this important place fell into the hands of the spaniards. the dutch, seeing their trade thus ruined, and apprehensive of still worse consequences, fitted out another fleet under the command of de witte, and sent it to join de ruyter, who was appointed to bring home a large number of merchantmen. after the junction of these fleets, and the sending of their convoy into holland, the admirals showed a design of attacking the english navy, and blake gave them a fair opportunity of executing their intention. but when it came to the point the dutch fleet covered themselves behind a sandbank to avoid action. blake, however, engaged them on september the th, dividing his fleet into three squadrons; the first commanded by himself, the second by vice-admiral penn, and the third by rear-admiral bourne. it was about three when the engagement began, and the english quickly discovered their rashness in attacking an enemy under such disadvantages; for the _sovereign_, a new ship, struck immediately on the sands, and so did several others; but, getting off again, the english fleet stood aloof till de witte came freely from his advantages to a fair engagement, which was boldly begun by bourne and gallantly seconded by the rest of the fleet. a dutch man-of-war, attempting to board the _sovereign_, was sunk by her side, and this by the first discharge she made. soon after, a dutch rear-admiral was taken by captain mildmay, and two other men-of-war sunk, a third blowing up before the end of the fight. de witte was then glad to retire, and was pursued by the english fleet as long as it was light. the next day they continued the chase till they were within twelve leagues of the dutch shore, and then, seeing the dutch fleet entering into the goree, blake returned in triumph to the downs, and thence into port, having lost about three hundred men, and having as many wounded. for the reception of the wounded the parliament took care to provide hospitals near dover and deal, and on the return of the fleet sent their thanks to the admiral and his officers. it being now the beginning of november, blake, who thought the season of action over, detached twenty of his ships for the security of the newcastle colliers; twelve more were sent to plymouth, and fifteen had retired into the river, in order to repair the damage which they had received in a storm. admiral tromp, who had again taken command, having intelligence of this, and that blake had with him no more than thirty-seven ships, and many of these but thinly manned, resolved to attack him in the downs, not far from the place where they had fought before. on november the th he presented himself before the english fleet, and blake, after holding a council of war, resolved to engage notwithstanding the great superiority of the enemy; but the wind rising they were obliged to defer fighting until the next day, and that night our fleet rode a little above dover road. in the morning, both fleets plied westward, blake having the weather-gauge. about eleven the battle began with great fury; but, very unluckily for the english, half of their small fleet could not engage. the _triumph_, in which blake was in person, the _victory_ and the _vanguard_ bore almost the whole stress of the fight, having twenty dutch men-of-war upon them at once; and yet they fought it out till it was dark. late in the evening, the _garland_, commanded by captain batten, and the _bonaventure_, captain hookston, clapped von tromp aboard, killed his secretary and purser by his side, and would certainly have taken his ship if they had not been boarded by two dutch flag-ships, by whom, after their captains were killed, both these ships were taken. blake, who saw this with indignation, pushed so far to their relief that he was very near sharing the same fate, if the _vanguard_ and _sapphire_ had not stood by him with the utmost resolution and at last brought him off. the _hercules_ was run ashore in the retreat, and if the night had not sheltered them most of the ships that were engaged must have been lost; but they took the advantage of its obscurity, and retired first to dover and then into the river. admiral tromp continued a day or two in the downs, sailed from thence towards calais, took part of the barbadoes fleet, and some other prizes, and then sailed to the isle of rhé with a broom at his top-mast head, intimating that he would sweep the narrow seas of english ships. there appears, however, no such reason for boasting as the dutch writers suggest: their fleet had indeed many advantages; yet they bought their success very dear, one of their best ships being blown up and two disabled. the parliament showed their steadiness by caressing blake after his defeat, and naming him, in conjunction with deane and monk, their generals at sea for another year. in order to the more speedy manning the navy, they issued a proclamation, offering considerable rewards to such as entered themselves within the term of forty days; they also raised the sailors' pay from nineteen to twenty-four shillings a month: and this had so good an effect that in six weeks' time they had a fleet of sixty men-of-war ready to put to sea; forty under blake in the river, and twenty more at portsmouth. on february th both fleets joined near beachy head, and thence admiral blake sailed over against portland, where he lay across the channel, in order to welcome tromp on his return. this was a surprise to the dutch admiral, who did not think it possible, after the late defeat, for the parliament to fit out, in so short a period, a fleet capable of facing him again. he had between two and three hundred merchant ships under convoy, and was therefore much amazed when, sailing up the channel, he found blake so stationed that it was impossible to avoid fighting. english and dutch authors vary pretty much as to the strength of their respective fleets; but, on comparing the admirals' letters, they appear to have been nearly equal, each having about seventy sail. the generals blake and deane were both on board the _triumph_, and with twelve stout ships led their fleet, and fell in first with the dutch on february the th, , about eight in the morning. they were roughly treated before the rest of the fleet came up, though gallantly seconded by lawson in the _fairfax_, and captain mildmay in the _vanguard_. in the _triumph_ blake was wounded in the thigh by a piece of iron which a shot had driven, the same piece of iron tearing general deane's coat and breeches. captain ball, who commanded the ship, was shot dead and fell at blake's feet; his secretary, mr. sparrow, was likewise killed while receiving his orders: besides whom he lost a hundred seamen, the rest being most of them wounded and the ship so miserably shattered that it had little share in the next two days' fights. in the _fairfax_ there were a hundred men killed, the ship being wretchedly mauled; the _vanguard_ lost her captain and a large number of men. the _prosperous_, a ship of forty-four guns, was boarded by de ruyter and taken; but, de ruyter's ship being at that instant boarded by an english man-of-war, captain vesey, in the _merlin_ frigate, entered the _prosperous_, and retook her. the _assistance_, vice-admiral of the blue squadron, was disabled in the beginning of the fight and brought off to portsmouth, whither the _advice_ quickly followed her, being no longer able to keep the sea. tromp, who was long engaged with blake, lost most of his officers and had his ship disabled; de ruyter lost his main and foretop mast, and very narrowly escaped being taken. one dutch man-of-war was blown up; six more were either sunk or taken. friday night was spent in repairing the damage and making the necessary dispositions for a second engagement. on saturday morning the enemy was seen again seven leagues off weymouth, whither the english plied, and came up with them in the afternoon, about three leagues to the north-west of the isle of wight. tromp had again drawn his fleet together, and ranged it in the form of a half-moon, enclosing the merchant ships within a semi-circle; and in that posture he maintained a retreating fight. the english made several desperate attacks, striving to break through to the merchant ships; during which de ruyter's ship was again so roughly treated that she was towed out of the fleet. at last the merchantmen, finding they could be no longer protected, began to shift for themselves, throwing part of their goods overboard for the greater expedition. according to blake's own letter, eight men-of-war and fourteen or sixteen merchant ships were taken, and the fight continued all night. on sunday morning the dutch were near boulogne, where the fight was renewed, but with little effect. tromp had slipped away in the dark with his merchantmen to calais sands, where he anchored that day with forty sail; the wind favouring him, he thence tided it home, our fleet pursuing but slowly; for blake, though he feared not dutchmen, yet dreaded their shallow coasts: however, the captains lawson, martin, and graver, took each a dutch man-of-war, and penn picked up many of their merchantmen. on the whole, the dutch had the better of the fight the first day, lost ground the second, and were clearly beaten the third. they lost eleven men-of-war--their own accounts say but nine--thirty merchantmen, fifteen hundred men killed, and as many wounded. as for the english, they lost only the _sampson_, which captain batten, finding disabled, sank of his own accord; though it is certain our loss in killed and wounded was little inferior to that of the dutch. van tromp now convoyed a great fleet of merchantmen by the north, trying that route to escape the difficulties of the channel; whereupon our navy followed him to aberdeen, yet to no purpose: for he escaped them both going and coming back, which gave him an opportunity of coming into the downs, making some prizes, and battering dover castle. this scene of triumph lasted but a week; for on may st tromp had intelligence that monk and deane, who commanded the english fleet, were approaching, and that their whole fleet consisted of ninety-five sail of men-of-war and five fire-ships. the dutch had ninety-eight men-of-war and six fire-ships, and both fleets were commanded by men the most remarkable for courage and conduct in either nation; so that it was generally conceived this battle would prove decisive. on june nd, in the morning, the english fleet discovered the enemy, whom they immediately attacked with great vigour. the action began about eleven o'clock, and the first broadside from the enemy carried off the brave admiral deane, whose body was almost cut in two by a chain-shot. monk, with much presence of mind, covered his body with his cloak: and here appeared the wisdom of having both admirals on board the same ship; for as no flag was taken in the fleet had no notice of the accident, and the fight continued with the same warmth as if it had not happened. the blue squadron charged through the enemy, and rear-admiral lawson bid fair for taking de ruyter; and after he was obliged to leave his ship, sank another of forty-two guns commanded by captain buller. the fight continued very hot till three o'clock, when the dutch fell into great confusion, and tromp saw himself obliged to make a kind of running fight till nine in the evening, when a stout ship, commanded by cornelius van velsen, blew up. this increased the consternation in which they were before; and though tromp used every method in his power to oblige the officers to do their duty, and even fired upon such ships as drew out of the line, yet it was to no purpose, but rather served to increase their misfortune. in the night blake arrived in the english fleet with a squadron of eighteen ships, and so had his share in the second day's engagement. tromp did all that was consistent with his honour to avoid fighting the next day; but he would not do more, so that the english fleet came up with him again by eight in the morning and engaged with the utmost fury; the battle continued very hot for about four hours, and vice-admiral penn boarded tromp twice, and had taken him, if he had not been seasonably relieved by de witte and de ruyter. at last the dutch fell again into confusion, which was so great, that a plain flight quickly followed; and, instead of trusting to their arms, they sought shelter on the flat coast of newport, from whence, with difficulty enough, they escaped to zealand. our writers agree that the dutch had six of their best ships sunk, two blown up, and eleven taken; six of their principal captains were made prisoners, and upwards of fifteen hundred men. among the ships before-mentioned, one was a vice-admiral and two were rear-admirals. the dutch historians, indeed, confess the loss of but eight men-of-war. on our side, admiral deane and one captain were all the persons of note killed; of private men there were but few, and not a ship was missing; so that a more signal victory could scarcely have been obtained, or, indeed, desired. after this victory the dutch sent ambassadors to england to negotiate a peace almost on any terms. the states were, however, far from trusting entirely to negotiations, but, at the time they treated, laboured with the utmost diligence to repair their past losses and to fit out a new fleet. this was a very difficult task; and, in order to effect it, they were forced to raise the seamen's wages, though their trade was at a full stop; they came down in person to their ports, and saw their men embarked, and advanced them wages beforehand, and promised them if they would fight once more they would never ask them to fight again. yet all this would hardly have sufficed if the industry of de witte, in equipping their new-built ships, and the care and skill of van tromp in refitting their old ones, and encouraging the seamen, had not succeeded in equipping a fresh fleet, of upwards of ninety ships, by the latter end of july, a thing admired then, and scarcely credible now. these were victualled for five months; and the scheme laid down by the states was to force the english fleet to leave their ports by coming to block up ours. but first it was resolved van tromp should sail to the mouth of the texel, where de ruyter, with twenty-five sail of stout ships, was kept in by the english fleet, in order to try if they might not be provoked to leave their station, and thereby give the dutch squadron an opportunity of coming out. on july th, , the dutch fleet appeared in sight of the english, upon which the latter did their utmost to engage them; but van tromp, having in view the release of de witte, rather than fighting, kept off; so that it was seven at night before general monk in the _resolution_, with about thirty ships, great and small, came up with him and charged through his fleet. it growing dark soon after nothing more passed that night, monk sailing to the south and van tromp to the northward, by which, unsuspected by the english, he both joined de witte's squadron and gained the weather-gauge. the next day proving very foul and windy, the sea ran so high that it was impossible for the fleets to engage, the english particularly finding it hard enough to avoid running upon the enemy's coasts. on sunday, july st, the weather having become favourable, both fleets engaged with terrible fury. the battle lasted at least eight hours, and was the most hard fought fight of any that happened during the war. the dutch fire-ships being managed with great dexterity, many of the large vessels in the english fleet were in the utmost danger of perishing by them, and the _triumph_ was so effectually fired, that most of her crew threw themselves into the sea; and yet the few who stayed behind succeeded in extinguishing the flames. lawson engaged de ruyter briskly, killed and wounded more than half his men, and so disabled his ship that it was towed out of the fleet; whereupon the admiral, returning in a galiot, went on board another ship. about noon, van tromp was shot through the body with a musket-ball, as he was giving orders. this effectually discouraged his countrymen, so that by two they began to retreat in great confusion, having but one flag standing among them. the lightest frigates in the english fleet pursued them closely, till the dutch admiral, perceiving they were but small and of no great strength, turned his helm and resolved to engage them; but some larger ships coming to their assistance, the dutchman was taken. it was night by the time their scattered fleet reached the texel, while the english, fearing their flats, rode warily about six leagues off. this was a terrible blow to the dutch, who, according to monk's letter, lost no less than thirty ships; but from better intelligence it appeared that four of these had escaped, two into a port of zealand, and two into hamburg. their loss, however, was very great; five captains were taken prisoners, between four and five thousand men killed, and twenty-six ships of war either burnt or sunk. on the side of the english there were two ships only, viz., the _oak_ and the _hunter_ frigate burnt, six captains killed, and upwards of five hundred seamen. there were also six captains wounded and about eight hundred private men. the parliament then sitting ordered gold chains to be sent to the generals blake and monk, and likewise to vice-admiral penn and rear-admiral lawson; they sent also chains to the rest of the flag-officers, and medals to the captains. august th was appointed for a day of solemn thanksgiving; and, general monk being then in town, cromwell, at a great feast in the city, put the gold chain about his neck, and obliged him to wear it all dinner-time. as for the states, they supported their loss with inexpressible courage and constancy, and buried tromp with great magnificence at the public expense. hostilities between the two states had not continued quite two years, and yet, in that time, the english took no less than one thousand seven hundred prizes, valued by the dutch themselves at sixty-two millions of guilders, or nearly six millions sterling. on the contrary, those taken by the dutch did not amount to a fourth part either in number or value. within that period the english were victorious in no less than five general battles, some of which were of several days' duration; whereas the hollanders cannot justly boast of having gained one; for the action between de ruyter and ayscue, in which they pretended some advantage, was no general fight; and the advantage gained by tromp in the downs is owned to have been gained over a part only of the english fleet. short as this quarrel was, it brought the dutch to greater extremities than their eighty years of war with spain. stories of the second dutch war. by john campbell. i. the defeat of the dutch off harwich. the second dutch war was declared in holland in january and in england in february, . it arose out of the conflicts of the rival companies of dutch and english merchants in the east and west indies and in africa, and the refusal of charles ii. to remedy a condition of things which had become unendurable. in the dutch sent an embassy to the english court, to complain of the depredations from which they suffered at the hands of the anglo-african company, of which the king's brother, the duke of york, was then governor; but the king replied that he had received no particular information of the affairs in question and that the rival companies must settle their differences among themselves. on the other hand, the english merchants appealed to him with so much persistence, that he finally demanded satisfaction of the dutch. the first action of consequence that happened after the war actually broke out was an attack made upon a dutch fleet coming richly laden from smyrna upon the spanish coast near cadiz. this consisted of forty merchant ships, some of them very large, and well provided with ordnance; and their convoy was composed of four third-rate men-of-war. sir thomas allen, who commanded the english squadron, had with him about nine ships. with these he attacked the enemy so successfully, that having killed their commodore, brackel, and taken or sunk four of their richest ships, he drove the rest into the bay of cadiz, where for some time he blocked them up. a misfortune of the same kind befell the dutch bourdeaux fleet, out of which about one hundred and thirty ships were taken. these heavy misfortunes obliged the dutch to lay an immediate embargo on all vessels in their ports; by which their fisheries and their annual commerce were stopped for that season. they likewise settled a fund of fourteen millions of guilders for the support of the war; and, in order to show that there ought to be some difference between such wars as are made by trading nations, and those entered into by arbitrary princes, for the mere thirst of dominion, they ordered about fifty english and scotch vessels, which had been seized in their harbours, to be set at liberty; and, on the arrival of these ships in england, the civility was returned by a like release of all the dutch ships that had been stopped here. the english fleet, which was the first ready, consisted of one hundred and fourteen sail of men-of-war and frigates, twenty-eight fire-ships and ketches, having about twenty-two thousand seamen and soldiers on board. the whole was commanded by the duke of york, as lord high-admiral; prince rupert was admiral of the white; and the earl of sandwich who, as captain montague had won distinction under blake, was admiral of the blue. on april st, , the english sailed for the dutch coast, and on the th sent in a squadron so near the shore and harbour of the texel that the country was exceedingly alarmed. after remaining there a month, however, the fleet was so ruffled by a storm, that it was found necessary to retire towards our own shore. this opportunity the dutch took of sending out their fleet, which, by the latter end of may, appeared about the dogger sands. it was divided into seven squadrons, the first under admiral opdam, consisting of fourteen men-of-war and two fire-ships; the second under john everts, of the like force; the third commanded by admiral cortenaer, consisting of fourteen men-of-war and one fire-ship; the fourth under stillingwert, composed likewise of fourteen men-of-war and a fire-ship; the fifth conducted by van tromp, the son of the famous old admiral, who fought with blake, made up of sixteen men-of-war and two fire-ships; the sixth under cornelius everts, consisting of fourteen men-of-war and a fire-ship; the seventh commanded by schram, comprising sixteen men-of-war and two fire-ships--in all, a hundred and three men-of-war, eleven fire-ships, and seven yachts. a mighty fleet indeed! the duke of york having retired with our navy from the dutch coast when they came out, afforded them the opportunity to fall upon our hamburg fleet, which they did not neglect; capturing the greater part of it, whereby our merchants suffered a loss of nearly two hundred thousand pounds. this exceedingly exasperated the english, and, at the same time, gave great encouragement to the dutch. admiral opdam, who commanded the latter, was a prudent as well as a truly gallant commander, but he was not allowed the liberty of action absolutely necessary at such a crisis. no sooner was he out at sea than he received a letter from the states directing him to fight at all events; and this order he resolved to obey, though contrary to the advice of most of his officers and to his own opinion. "i am," said he, addressing the council of war, "entirely in your sentiments: but here are my orders. to-morrow my head shall be bound with laurel or with cypress." on june rd the english and dutch navies engaged about three in the morning off lowestoft; when the english had the weather-gauge--an advantage they knew how to use as well as keep. things went at first very equally on both sides; several squadrons charging through and through, without any remarkable advantage. but about noon, the earl of sandwich, with the blue squadron, fell into the centre of the dutch fleet, and divided it into two parts, thus beginning the confusion which ended in their defeat. the duke of york in the _royal charles_, a ship of eighty guns, and admiral opdam in the _eendracht_, of eighty-four, were closely engaged. the fight continued for some hours with great obstinacy, and the duke was often in the utmost danger. several persons of distinction were killed on board his ship, particularly the earl of falmouth, the king's favourite, lord muskerry and mr. boyle, son to the earl of corke, with one ball, and so near the duke that he was covered with their blood and brains; nay, a splinter from the last-mentioned gentleman's skull razed his hand. about one, the dutch admiral blew up, with a prodigious noise; but how the accident occurred is not known. in this vessel, together with admiral opdam, perished five hundred men, only five of the whole crew escaping; many of those lost being volunteers, of the best families of holland, and not a few frenchmen, who had taken this opportunity of being present in a sea-fight. a little after this unlucky blow, the dutch received a greater. four fine ships, the largest of sixty, the least of forty guns, ran foul of each other, and were burnt by one fire-ship, and soon after, three larger vessels, by the same accident, shared the same fate. the _orange_, a ship of seventy-five guns, after a most gallant defence was also burnt; and thus, towards four in the afternoon, all fell into confusion. vice-admiral stillingwert was shot through the middle by a cannon-ball; and vice-admiral cortenaer received a shot in his thigh, of which he instantly died. their ships bearing out of the line on the death of their commanders, without striking their flags, drew many after them; so that, by eight at night, tromp, who held out bravely to the last, and fought retreating, had not more than thirty ships left with him. according to english accounts, the dutch had eighteen ships taken, and fourteen sunk in this action, besides such as were burnt or blown up. yet their accounts admit of no more than nine ships taken, one, their admiral, blown up, and eight burnt. the english lost the _charity_, a ship of forty-six guns, with most of her men, in the beginning of the fight; about two hundred and fifty men killed, and three hundred and forty wounded; on the other side, they lost at least six thousand men, including two thousand three hundred taken prisoners. there is very little room for doubt that if there had not been some mismanagement on the side of the english, this, which was the first, might also have been the last action in this war; for the dutch fleet fled in great confusion, and if the english had pressed them vigorously, as they might have done, having the wind, so many ships might have been either sunk, disabled, or taken as must have forced a peace; in favour of which there was a very strong party in holland, who did not like the domination of the pensionary de witte and the dependence in which he held the states, who seldom ventured to do anything of importance when he was absent. this great opportunity was lost through the english fleet's slacking sail in the night, contrary, it is said, to the express directions of his royal highness the duke before retiring to rest. it is far from being an easy matter to determine how this came to pass. but the circumstances appear to have been as follows. the duke, as lord high-admiral, had two captains on board his ship--sir william penn, who had the rank of a vice-admiral, and captain, afterwards sir, john harman. sir william had retired as well as the duke, so that the command remained with captain harman, who was himself at the helm, when one mr. brounker, who was of the duke's bed-chamber, came and told him that "he ought to consider how much his royal highness's person had been already exposed in the action, and how much greater risk he might run if their ship, which was the headmost of the fleet, should fall in single with those of the enemy upon their own coasts." harman heard him, but answered like an honest brave man as he was that he could do nothing without orders. brounker upon this went to the duke's cabin and returned with orders, in his royal highness's name, to make less sail; these captain harman, without the least scruple, obeyed, though it caused some confusion in the fleet, several ships coming very near to running foul of each other. in the morning the duke expressed surprise and resentment at finding the fleet at such a distance from the dutch, that there was no longer any hope of coming up with them. it then appeared that either through cowardice, or something worse, brounker had carried captain harman orders which he never received. however, this was concealed from his royal highness at the time, and other excuses made, such as a brisk wind from shore and their fire-ships being all spent. the truth, however, was very soon whispered about, though the duke was not acquainted with it for more than six months after; upon which he discharged brounker his service, and would have done more, if the celebrated duchess of cleveland, then countess of castlemain, with whom he was a favourite, had not by her interest with the king protected him. however, at the end of the war when the house of commons was out of humour, the matter was mentioned and inquired into; upon which brounker, who was a member, was expelled the house and ordered to be impeached, but was never prosecuted. ii. the capture of dutch convoys by the earl of sandwich. after the defeat of the dutch off harwich, the duke of york returned to england to report himself to the king; and the command of the fleet now lying in southwold bay fell upon the earl of sandwich, who had contributed so much to the late victory. while here news reached the earl that two rich dutch squadrons had put to sea; whereupon he immediately prepared to follow them with sir george ayscue as vice-admiral, and sir thomas tyddiman as admiral of the rear, determined either to intercept de ruyter, the dutch admiral, on his return, or to take and burn the turkey and east india fleets of which they had news. both these schemes were doomed to failure. de ruyter returned unexpectedly by the north of scotland and arrived safely in holland, where he was immediately promoted to the chief command of the fleet. the turkey and india fleet--consisting of twenty sail under the command of commodore bitter--took the same route; but having intelligence of the approach of the english, took shelter in the port of bergen in norway. here the danish governor promised them all the assistance he could give, and to strengthen his hands the dutch landed forty-one pieces of cannon, which he disposed in a line in front of the port, the dutch forming another line of their largest ships across the bay, and then waiting the arrival of the english fleet. bergen, being a neutral port, ought to have been an asylum of safety for these dutch merchantmen, but the king of denmark, hoping to share the plunder, showed himself willing to treat with the earl of sandwich for liberty to attack the convoy in port. the earl, however, had no desire to share the spoil, and, impatient of delay, ordered sir thomas tyddiman with fourteen sail of men-of-war and three fire-ships to enter the bay and cut out the dutch squadron. this he attempted with great courage; though the wind was against him and he had to face a fierce fire from the castle, the line of guns, and the dutch ships. eventually, he was compelled to bear out of the bay, which he succeeded in doing without the loss of a ship; though five or six of his squadron were very much damaged. to relieve the dutch squadron--now practically prisoners in the port of bergen--the dutch manned a stout fleet, which put to sea under the command of admiral ruyter, who was accompanied by de witte, appointed, with two other deputies by the states, to attend upon the admiral. after meeting with many difficulties, the dutch fleet succeeded in eluding that of the english, and arrived safely before bergen, where, in the meantime, their friends had found a new enemy in their old defender. the danish governor had modestly desired a hundred thousand crowns for the assistance he had given them in the late affair with the english, and had threatened to sink them without ceremony if they offered to stir out of the port before they had complied with his demand. the arrival of de ruyter's fleet made him change his tone, and he allowed them to sail without paying the money, but kept the cannon they had put ashore. thus far, the dutch were very successful; but on their return home the fleet was scattered by a storm, in which they lost two fire-ships and some of the merchantmen. the vice-admiral and rear-admiral of the east india fleet, ships of very great value, with four men-of-war, were taken by five english frigates, which the same storm had separated from their fleet; and soon after four of their men-of-war, two fire-ships, and thirty merchantmen joined our fleet instead of their own, and through this mistake were all taken prisoners. this ended the operations of the year . iii. the four days' fight in the channel. the year opened upon a new condition of affairs. the french having declared in favour of the dutch, charles ii. recalled his ambassador, lord holles, from the french court, and sent the earl of sandwich as ambassador to spain; placing the fleet under the command of prince rupert and the duke of albemarle, who had won distinction as general monk, the former to look after the french, who began to talk very high, and the latter to act against the dutch. prince rupert and the duke of albemarle went on board the fleet on april rd, , and sailed with it in the beginning of may. towards the latter end of the month a rumour reached the english court that the french fleet, under the command of the duke of beaufort, was coming out to the assistance of the dutch; and orders were immediately despatched to prince rupert to sail with the white squadron to engage it; which order he proceeded to obey. as prince rupert sailed from the downs, the dutch with their whole force put to sea, the wind at north-east, and blowing a fresh gale. this brought the dutch fleet on to the coast of dunkirk, and carried away his highness towards the isle of wight; but the wind suddenly shifting to the south-west, and blowing hard, brought both the dutch and the duke of albemarle with his two squadrons to an anchor. captain bacon in the _bristol_ first discovered the enemy, and, by firing his guns, gave notice of it to the english fleet. the departure of prince rupert had left the duke of albemarle with but sixty sail; whereas the dutch fleet consisted of ninety-one men-of-war, carrying four thousand seven hundred and sixteen guns, and twenty-two thousand four hundred and sixty-two men. but a council of war was called; wherein, without much debate, it was resolved to fight the enemy, notwithstanding their great superiority. it was the st of june when the dutch fleet was discovered, and the duke was so warm for engaging, that he attacked the enemy without giving them time to weigh anchor; as de ruyter himself says in his letter, compelling them to cut their cables to make ready for the fight. in the same letter de ruyter says, that to the last the english were the aggressors, notwithstanding their inferiority of force. the english fleet had the weather-gauge, but the wind bowed their ships so much that they could not use their lowest tier. sir william berkley's squadron led the van. the duke of albemarle, when he came on the coast of dunkirk, to avoid running full on the sand, made a sudden tack, and this brought his top-mast by the board, which compelled him to lie by four or five hours till another could be set up. the blue squadron, knowing nothing of this, sailed on, charging through the dutch fleet, though they were five to one. in this engagement fell the brave sir william berkley, and his ship, the _swiftsure_, a second-rate, was taken; so was the _essex_, a third-rate; and sir john harman, in the _henry_, had the whole zealand squadron to deal with. his ship being disabled, the dutch admiral, cornelius evertz, called to sir john, and offered him quarter, who answered, "no, sir! it is not come to that yet," and immediately discharged a broadside, by which evertz was killed and several of his ships damaged. this so discouraged their captains that they quitted the _henry_, and sent three fire-ships to burn her. the first grappled on her starboard quarters, and there began to raise so thick a smoke that it was impossible to perceive where the irons were fixed. at last, when the ship began to blaze, the boatswain of the _henry_ threw himself on board her, and having, by her own light, discovered and removed the grappling irons, in the same instant jumped back on board his own ship. he had scarcely done this before another fire-ship was fixed on the larboard, which did its business so effectually that the sails, being quickly on fire, frightened the chaplain and fifty men overboard. upon this, sir john drew his sword, and threatened to kill any man who should attempt to provide for his own safety by leaving the ship. this obliged them to endeavour to put out the fire, which in a short time they did; but the cordage being burnt, the cross-beam fell and broke sir john's leg, at which instant the third fire-ship bore down upon him; but four pieces of cannon loaded with chain-shot disabled her: so that, after all, sir john brought his ship into harwich, where he repaired her as well as he could, and, notwithstanding his broken leg, put to sea again to seek the dutch. the battle ended on the first day about ten in the evening. the following night was spent in repairing the damage suffered on both sides, and next morning the attack was renewed by the english with fresh vigour. admiral van tromp, with vice-admiral vander hulst, being on board one ship, rashly engaged it among the english, and their vessel was in the utmost danger of being either taken or burnt. the dutch affairs, according to their own account, were now in a desperate condition; but admiral de ruyter at last disengaged them, though not till his ship was disabled and vice-admiral vander hulst killed. this only changed the scene; for de ruyter was now as hard pressed as tromp had been before. however, a reinforcement arriving preserved him also; and so the second day's fight ended earlier than the first. the third day the duke of albemarle found it necessary to retreat; and he performed it with wonderful courage and skill. he first burnt three ships that were absolutely disabled; he next caused such as were most torn to sail before, and, with twenty-eight men-of-war that were in a pretty good condition, brought up the rear. sir john harman, indeed, says he had but sixteen ships that were able to fight. yet, in the evening, his grace, discovering the white squadron coming to his assistance, resolved to engage the enemy again. in joining prince rupert a very unlucky accident happened; for sir george ayscue, who was on board the _royal prince_, the largest and heaviest ship in the whole fleet, ran upon the _galloper_, and being there in danger of burning, and past all hope of relief, was forced to surrender; and then night falling ended this day's engagement. on june the th, the dutch, who were still considerably stronger than the english, were almost out of sight; but the duke of albemarle, having prevailed upon the prince to follow them, about eight in the morning they engaged again, and the english fleet charged five times through the dutch; till prince rupert's ship being disabled, and that of the duke of albemarle very roughly handled, about seven in the evening the fleets separated, each side being willing enough to retire. in this day's engagement fell that gallant admiral, sir christopher myngs, who, having a shot in the neck, remained upon deck and gave orders, keeping the blood from flowing with his fingers for above an hour, till another shot pierced his throat and put an end to his pain. this was the most terrible battle fought in this war. de witte said roundly upon this occasion, "if the english were beaten, their defeat did them more honour than all their former victories; and all the dutch had discovered was that englishmen might be killed and english ships burnt, but that english courage was invincible." after all, it is by no means easy to say who were victors upon the whole, or what was the loss of the vanquished. some dutch writers talk of thirty-five ships, and between five and six thousand men lost by the english; which is more than half their fleet, and very little less than all their seamen. other authorities, however, compute our loss at sixteen men-of-war, of which ten were sunk and six taken. our writers say the dutch lost fifteen men-of-war, twenty-one captains, and five thousand men, and they themselves own to the loss of nine ships and a prodigious slaughter of their seamen. iv. the defence of the thames. after the four days' fight the dutch had once more the credit of appearing at sea before the english, their ships having suffered less in that protracted conflict. it was not long, however, before the english fleet appeared. it consisted of eighty men-of-war, great and small, and nineteen fire-ships, divided into three squadrons: the red, under prince rupert and the duke of albemarle, who were on board the same ship with sir joseph jordan for their vice-admiral and sir robert holmes for their rear-admiral. sir thomas allen was admiral of the white, and had under him sir thomas tyddiman and rear-admiral utburt. sir jeremiah smith carried the blue flag, and his officers were sir edward spragge and rear-admiral kempthorne. the dutch, according to their own accounts, had eighty-eight men-of-war and twenty fire-ships, divided also into three squadrons, under lieutenant-admiral de ruyter, john evertz, brother to the admiral who was killed in the former engagement, and van tromp. on july the th, about noon, the english came up with the enemy off the north foreland. sir thomas allen, with the white squadron, began the battle by attacking evertz. prince rupert and the duke, about one in the afternoon, made a desperate attack upon de ruyter, whose squadron was in the centre of the dutch fleet; but, after fighting about three hours, were obliged to go on board another ship. in this interim the white squadron had entirely defeated their enemies; admiral john evertz, his vice-admiral, de vries, and his rear-admiral, koenders, being all killed, the vice-admiral of zealand taken, and another ship of fifty guns burnt. the prince and duke fought de ruyter ship to ship, disabled the _guelderland_, of sixty-six guns, which was one of his seconds, killed the captain of another, and mortally wounded two more; upon which some of the dutch ships began to retreat. however, vice-admiral van nes stood bravely by de ruyter, and his ship received great damage; yet, being at last deserted by all but seven ships, they yielded to necessity, and followed the rest of their fleet to sea. this was the clearest victory gained during the whole war; the dutch lost twenty ships; four admirals were killed and a great many captains; as to private men, there might be about four thousand slain and three thousand wounded. the english had only the _resolution_ burnt, three captains killed, and about three hundred private men. by the end of the year , however, both nations had become weary of the war, and the king of sweden having offered his mediation, it was readily accepted by both sides. negotiations were immediately set on foot which ultimately resulted in the treaty of breda; but in the meantime the dutch rather increased than relaxed their efforts to strengthen their navy, hoping thereby to influence the terms of the treaty in process of negotiation. having previously sounded the mouth of the thames to ascertain how far it might be practicable to attempt to enter it with large ships, and having thereby discovered the facility with which such a project could be carried out, de witte determined to make the attempt without delay. the dutch fleet being ready, sailed over to the english coast, where it was joined by van ghent, and formed a fleet of seventy men-of-war, besides fire-ships. on june th they attacked sheerness, which was at that time unfinished and in no state of defence, and captured fifteen iron guns and a considerable quantity of naval stores. the duke of albemarle, sir edward spragge, and other officers had made all imaginable provision for the defence of the river medway, by sinking ships in the passage, throwing a chain across it, and placing three large vessels, which had been taken from the dutch, behind the chain. the dutch, however, had the advantage of a strong easterly wind, which encouraged them to make an attempt upon our ships at chatham, in spite of the precautions taken to preserve them. it was on june the th that they executed this design; which, however, would have miscarried at last, if one captain brakell, who was a prisoner on board their fleet for some misdemeanour, had not offered to wipe out the memory of his former mistake by breaking the chain, a service which he gallantly performed. captain brakell also with great bravery boarded and took one of the english frigates which guarded the passage; and soon after, the _matthias_, the _unity_, and the _charles the fifth_, the ships which had been taken from the dutch, were set on fire. the next day, the advantage of wind and tide continuing, the dutch advanced with six men-of-war and five fire-ships as high as upnore castle; but were so warmly received that they were obliged to return. however, as they came back, they burnt the _royal oak_, a very fine ship, and in her captain douglas, who chose to be burnt with her rather than live to be reproached with having deserted his command. on the th they carried off the hull of the _royal charles_, notwithstanding all the english could do to prevent it; a project which they had dearly at heart. on their return, two dutch men-of-war ran ashore in the medway and were burnt, which, with eight fire-ships consumed in the action and one hundred and fifty men killed, is all the loss acknowledged by the dutch writers; though it is not improbable that they really suffered much more. de ruyter, highly pleased with what he had performed, left admiral van nes with part of his fleet in the mouth of the thames, and sailed with the rest to portsmouth, in the hope of burning the ships there. failing in this design, he sailed westward to torbay, where he was likewise repulsed. then he returned back again to the mouth of the thames and with twenty-five sail came as high as the hope, where our squadron lay under the command of sir edward spragge. this consisted of eighteen sail; yet, the admiral not being on board when the enemy began the attack, the english fleet suffered at first from their fire-ships; but sir edward repairing to his command, and being joined by sir joseph jordan with a few small ships, quickly forced the dutch to retire. the like success attended their attack on landguard fort, which was performed by sixteen hundred men, commanded by colonel doleman, a republican, under the fire of their whole fleet: but governor darrel, an old cavalier, beat them off with great loss. on the rd van nes sailed again up the river as far as the hope, where he engaged sir edward spragge, who had with him five frigates and seventeen fire-ships. this proved a very sharp action, at least between the fire-ships, of which the dutch writers themselves confess they spent eleven to our eight. the next day the english attacked the dutch in their turn, and, notwithstanding their superiority, forced them to retire and to burn the only fire-ship they had left, to prevent her being taken. on the th they bore out of the river with all the sail they could make, followed at a distance by sir edward spragge and his remaining fire-ships. on the th, in the mouth of the river, they were met by another english squadron from harwich, consisting of five men-of-war and fourteen fire-ships. these boldly attacked the dutch, and grappled the vice-admiral of zealand and another large ship; but were not able to fire them, though they frightened a hundred of their men into the sea. in this struggle the rear-admiral of zealand was forced on shore, and so much damaged thereby as to be obliged to return home. while the whole dutch fleet was employed in alarming our coasts, sir jeremiah smith was sent with a small squadron northwards; with which, and the assistance of a numerous fleet of privateers, already abroad for their own profit, the dutch commerce to the baltic was in a manner ruined, and multitudes of rich prizes were daily brought into english ports. thus it may be truly said that the nations at this time changed characters. the dutch preferred the insult at chatham, which, all things considered, was of little or no consequence to them, to the preservation of their trade; and the english endeavoured to make themselves amends for this unexpected loss of a few men-of-war by taking numbers of merchantmen. the english, in the west indies, took the island of st. eustatia, saba, st. martin, buen ayre, the island of tobago, and other places from the dutch. on the contrary, the dutch, under the conduct of commodore krynsen, made themselves masters of surinam; and the french, assisted by the dutch, almost deprived the english of their half of the island of st. christopher, after several obstinate disputes and the death of their commander le salles. six frigates and some other small vessels from barbadoes, sailing from thence to repair this loss, were so ill-treated by a violent storm that they were put out of a condition to execute their design, and two or three of the most disabled ships fell into the hands of the enemy; though, before their misfortune, they had burnt two dutch ships richly laden in the harbour of los santos. there were three distinct treaties of peace signed at breda respectively, with the dutch, the french, and the danes, and these were ratified on august th, . the terms upon which this peace was made were safe and honourable at least, though not so glorious and beneficial as might have been expected after such a war. by it the honour of the flag was secured; and the island of poleron, to prevent further disputes, was yielded to the dutch. in the west indies we kept all that we had taken, except surinam; and the french were obliged to restore what they had taken from us. the destruction of the algerine navy. on the conclusion of the dutch war it became necessary to restore order on the high seas by destroying the pirates who had taken advantage of the disturbed condition of things to prey upon english and dutch commerce; and with this view charles ii. sent sir thomas allen with a stout squadron into the mediterranean to repress the algerines, and the dutch sent admiral van ghent with a squadron to secure their trade. van ghent having engaged six corsairs, forced them to fly to their own coasts, where probably they would have escaped if commodore beach with four english frigates had not fallen upon them, and, after a close chase, obliged them to run aground. in this situation they were attacked by the english and dutch in their boats; and, being abandoned by their respective crews, were all taken, and a great number of christian slaves of different nations released. the english commodore presented sixteen dutch slaves to admiral van ghent, and received from him twenty english by way of exchange; but the algerine ships being leaky, they were burnt. the same year some of our frigates attacked seven of the enemy's best ships near cape gaeta. the admiral and vice-admiral of the algerines carried fifty-six guns each; their rear-admiral, the biggest ship in the squadron, carried sixty, and the least forty. yet after a sharp engagement the vice-admiral sank, and the rest were forced to retire, most of them miserably disabled. at the close of the year captain kempthorne, afterwards sir john, in the _mary rose_, a small frigate, engaged seven algerine men-of-war; and, after a very warm action, forced them to sheer off, being in no condition to continue the fight any longer. it is somewhat extraordinary that, considering the dutch, as well as the english, were concerned in attacking these pirates, we have no better account of the war that was carried on against them, or of the force they employed, than we are left to collect as we can, from scattered accounts of particular engagements. in their navy only consisted of twenty-four ships, great and small--that is, from about fifty to twenty guns: and they had likewise six new ships of force upon the stocks. yet this pitiful enemy continued to disturb, and even to distress the commerce of both the maritime powers for several years. at last sir edward spragge was sent with a strong squadron of men-of-war and frigates to put an end to the war. spragge sailed from england, on this expedition, in the spring of the year , with five frigates and three fire-ships, uniting his fleet with a squadron of as many more ships already at sea; so that, in all, his fleet consisted of about twelve sail. in the latter end of the month of april he had intelligence that there were several algerine men-of-war in bugia bay; on which he called a council of war, when it was resolved that he ought immediately to attack them. in pursuance of this resolution he sailed thither, but, in his passage, had the misfortune to have the _eagle_ fire-ship disabled by a storm; and soon after, one of his ships springing her main mast, was obliged to bear away for the spanish shore. sir edward, however, persisted in his design, refitted the _eagle_, and bore into the bay of bugia with a brisk gale, not doubting that he should be able to fire the ships; but by the time they got within half-shot of the castle and forts it fell a dead calm, and when the wind rose again it proved contrary. on may nd they were able to do nothing for the same reason, the wind changing every half hour; upon which, sir edward resolved to make an attempt upon them in the night with his boats and the smallest of his fire-ships, which rowed as well as a long-boat. about twelve o'clock that night he executed his project, sending in all his boats, and the _eagle_ fire-ship, under the command of his eldest lieutenant, mr. nugent; but the night proving very dark, and the high land obscuring the ships as they drew near them, they passed by; and lieutenant nugent leaving one of the boats with the fire-ships, besides her own, rowed in to discover the enemy leaving orders with the captain of the fire-ship to come to an anchor in case he found shoal water. the lieutenant had not left them a minute before he perceived himself within pistol-shot of the ships; and, concluding the business now as good as done, steered off again to find the fire-ship, and, to his amazement, saw her in flames. the enemy taking the alarm at this, the lieutenant was forced to retire with his boats; and so this promising enterprise, which had given hopes of burning the algerine men-of-war, without the loss of a man, miscarried. the next day the enemy unrigged all their ships and made a strong boom with their yards, top masts, and cables, buoyed up with casks, for which they had all the leisure and convenience they could wish, the wind hindering the english from doing anything; and, to try the admiral's patience to the very utmost, it so fell out that a drunken gunner firing a pistol, his other small fire-ship was destroyed; so that he had now none left but the _little victory_, which drew too much water to enter that part of the bay where the algerines lay. on monday, may th, , there appeared a considerable body of horse and foot in the neighbourhood of the bay, and this was soon after discovered to be an escort to a very large convoy of ammunition sent from algiers to the ships; on the safe arrival of which they fired all their cannon, to testify their joy. sir edward spragge considering this, and not knowing what future reinforcements they might receive, resolved to take the earliest opportunity of making his last and utmost effort; and, in order thereto, directed the _victory_ to be lightened, so that she might not draw above eight feet. about noon there sprang up a fine breeze to the east; upon which the admiral gave the signal for the men-of-war to draw into a line and bear up into the bay; but immediately after the wind sank again, and they began to despair of doing anything. about two the gale sprang up again, and the ships bore in as they were directed. the admiral came to an anchor in four fathom of water, close under the walls of their castle, which fired upon him continually for two hours. in this interim he sent in his own pinnace and those of the _mary_ and the _dragon_; these cut the boom, though not without considerable loss. the lieutenant who commanded the _mary's_ boat's crew had eight wounded with himself; lieutenant pierce of the _dragon_ was also wounded, with ten of his men, and one killed. in the admiral's own pinnace there were seven killed, and all the rest wounded, except mr. harman, who commanded it. the boom being cut, the fire-ship went in, and getting up athwart their bowsprits, their ships being a-ground, and fast to the castles, she burnt very well and destroyed them all. captain harris, who commanded her, his master's mate, gunner, and one of his seamen were desperately wounded with small shot, and this at their entrance; so that probably the whole design would have proved abortive if the admiral had not with great prudence commissioned henry williams, then one of his master's mates, but who had formerly commanded the _rose_ fire-ship, to take the charge of the vessel in case the captain was disabled; which he did accordingly, and performed all that could be expected from him. this loss was irreparable to the algerines, who had picked out the seven men-of-war that were here burnt, on purpose to fight sir edward spragge, and furnished them with their best brass ordnance from on board all the rest of their vessels, and between eighteen and nineteen hundred chosen men double-officered, under the command of old terkey, their admiral. of this force between three and four hundred men were killed; the castle and town were miserably shattered; and a vast number of people slain and wounded; and, what much increased the misfortune, all their surgeons' chests were burnt on board their ships, so that numbers died for want of having their wounds dressed. besides the men-of-war there were burnt a genoese ship, a small english prize, and a settee. in this engagement sir edward spragge had only seventeen men killed and forty-one wounded. this and other misfortunes caused such a tumult among the algerines that they murdered their dey and chose another, by whom peace was concluded to the satisfaction of the english on december th, . the story of sir john berry. by john campbell. as an illustration of the way in which a man could rise to the highest honours of the navy in the good old days with no other influence or recommendation than his own merit, the case of sir john berry may be instanced here. john berry, who was the second son of the rev. daniel berry, vicar of knowestone, devonshire--a clergyman who suffered for his loyalty to the cause of charles i.--was born at the vicarage, knowestone, in the year . his father, after being expelled from his benefice and losing his property by confiscation, died at the early age of forty-five, leaving a widow with nine children, of whom john, aged seventeen, was the second. thrown entirely upon his own resources, john went to plymouth, where he bound himself apprentice to mr. robert mering, a merchant and part-owner of several ships. going to sea in his service, he was extremely unfortunate, being twice taken by the spaniards, and suffering a long imprisonment, which, however, did him no great harm. on his return to england, his master, who was suffering from a reverse in circumstances, released him from his indentures, upon which he came up to london; where, by the help of some friends, he was preferred to be boatswain of a ketch belonging to the royal navy, called the _swallow_; which, under the command of captain insam, was ordered to the west indies in company with two of the king's frigates. both the frigates were lost in the gulf of florida; but the _swallow_, by cutting down her masts and heaving her guns and provisions overboard, got clear, and in the space of sixteen weeks, during which the crew had nothing to eat but the fish they caught, or to drink but rain-water, the survivors arrived at campeachy. there they furnished themselves with provisions, and then sailed for jamaica, where they arrived in three weeks. sir thomas muddiford, a native of devonshire, was then governor of that island, and he ordered the _swallow_ to be refitted, put eight guns on board her, and having intelligence that a pirate, who had taken one mr. peach bound from southampton to jamaica, and marooned him and all his crew, was still in those seas, he ordered the _swallow_, now well victualled and manned, to go in quest of her, and gave his countryman berry the title of lieutenant. in three weeks after they sailed from jamaica they found the pirate at anchor in a bay off the island of hispaniola. he had a force of about sixty men and twenty guns, whereas the _swallow_ had but forty men and eight small guns. captain insam, having considered the enemy's strength and compared it with his own, called up all his men and addressed them in these words: "gentlemen, the blades we are to attack are men-at-arms, old buccaneers, and superior to us in number and in the force of their ship, and therefore i would have your opinion, whether----" "sir," interrupted lieutenant berry, "we are men-at arms, too, and what is more, honest men, who fight under the king's commission; and if you have no stomach for fighting, be pleased to walk down into your cabin." the crew applauded this speech, and declared one and all for lieutenant berry, who undertook the affair with all its disadvantages. the pirate rode at anchor to the windward, by reason of which the _swallow_ was obliged to make two trips under her lee, in which she received two broadsides and two volleys of small shot without returning a gun. mr. berry then boarded her on the bow, pouring in his broadside, which killed the pirate and twenty-two men on the spot: they then fought their way to the main mast, soon after which the pirate was taken, having only seven men left, and those all wounded, though they lived long enough to be hanged afterwards in jamaica; and all this with no other loss than that of the boatswain's mate. on their return to jamaica captain insam confined his lieutenant and brought him to a court martial; where, on the evidence of the men, the court declared he had done his duty, and ordered the captain to live peaceably with him in their voyage to england, which he did; and mr. berry, notwithstanding what was past, behaved towards him with all imaginable modesty and submission. in a short time after he came home the dutch war broke out, and mr. berry had a sloop given him, the _maria_, of fourteen guns, with the king's commission. he held this small command for about four months, in which time he took thirty-two prizes; and for his extraordinary diligence had the command given him of the _coronation_, a ship of fifty-six guns. in this ship he was soon after sent to the west indies, where our colonies were in no small danger, having both the french and dutch upon their hands. on his arrival at barbadoes the governor bought some large merchant ships, converted them into men-of-war, and having made up nine sail, including the _coronation_, manned and put them under the command of commodore berry. with this little fleet he sailed for nevis, in order to protect it from the french, who had already made themselves masters of st. christopher, antigua, and montserrat. he had scarcely arrived before he had intelligence that the french were preparing at st. christopher a very great force, which was intended for the conquest of nevis. they had twenty-two men-of-war and frigates, six large transport ships of their own, and four dutch. with these they sailed toward nevis as to a certain victory. commodore berry sailed with his nine ships to meet them; and, as he turned the point of the island, one of his best ships blew up, which struck his men with astonishment if not dismay. "now you have seen an english ship blow up," said the commodore, "let us try if we can't blow up a frenchman. there they are, boys! and if we don't beat them they will beat us." having said this, he immediately began the fight with the french admiral; and, after an engagement of upwards of thirteen hours, forced this mighty fleet to fly for shelter under the cannon of st. christopher, whither he pursued them, sent in a fire-ship, and burnt the french admiral. seeing her in flames, he said to his seamen, "i told you in the morning that we should burn a frenchman before night; to-morrow we will try what we can do with the rest." while he was refitting his ships the enemy wisely stole away; the french to martinico, and the dutch to virginia. in the third dutch war he had the command of the _resolution_, a seventy-gun ship, in which he was present at the famous action in southwold bay, on may th, . in this battle, observing that the duke of york was very hard pressed, he left his station, and came in to his relief, where the service proved so hot that in less than two hours he had no fewer than one hundred and twenty men killed, as many more wounded, and his ship completely disabled: upon this he was towed out of the line, stopped his leaks, and fell into his place again in an hour, and there did such service that when charles ii. came to meet the fleet, and dined on board the _royal sovereign_ at the buoy in the nore, he, of his own thought, called for captain berry, and, having knighted him, said very graciously, "as our thoughts have been now upon honour, we will hereafter think of profit; for i would not have so brave a man a poor knight." in the year it was thought expedient to send the duke of york down to scotland, and for this purpose the _gloucester_ frigate, under the command of sir john berry, was ordered to be ready; and accordingly, on april th, the duke of york embarked on board that ship. in their passage sir john observed, on may rd, when in the mouth of the humber, as he apprehended, an error in the pilot's conduct, though he was looked upon as a man of great ability in his employment. of this he informed the duke and desired they might lie to, at least for that night, which the pilot opposed; and, being a great favourite of the duke, his advice prevailed. but his royal highness was soon convinced of the superiority of sir john berry's judgment; since, in three-quarters of an hour afterwards, the ship was lost, and about three hundred people in her, among whom were some persons of the first rank. the duke himself but narrowly escaped in the long-boat, sir john berry standing with his sword drawn in the stern of the boat to hinder people from crowding in, which undoubtedly saved the duke, since a very few more would have overset it. during the reign of king james ii. he was in as high favour as he could desire, the king constantly consulting him in matters relating to the management of the fleet. when it became known that the dutch meditated an invasion, sir john berry was appointed vice-admiral, and after the landing of the prince of orange, when lord dartmouth left the fleet, the sole command of it devolved upon him. the change of the government wrought none in the condition of our admiral. an experienced officer and a man of honour will be a welcome servant to any prince. king william was one who valued abilities and understood them, and therefore he often sent for sir john berry to confer with him on naval affairs; and once particularly the king engaged with him in so close and earnest a conversation, that it took up the whole night, and sir john was not dismissed from the royal closet until it was far advanced in the morning. yet this favour brought him no accession either for post or profit; he kept what he had, and probably thought that sufficient, being commissioner of the navy, governor of deal castle, and captain of an independent company. in february he was ordered to portsmouth to pay off some ships there; and, while thus employed on board one of them, he was taken suddenly ill, and thereupon carried on shore, where it was given out that he died of a fever. a post-mortem revealed that he did not die a natural death, but as the result of poison, though by whom administered, or for what reason, was never made public. his body, according to his own direction, was carried from portsmouth to london and interred in the chancel of stepney church, where a monument is erected to his memory. the story of the third dutch war. by john campbell. the battle of southwold bay.--the story of the earl of sandwich.--the invasion of holland. we come now to the story of the third dutch war, perhaps more frequently called the second, from the fact that it was the second war with holland in the reign of charles ii. war was declared by charles on the th of march, ; louis xiv. of france agreeing to join with the english against the dutch, and sending the count d'estrees, vice-admiral of france, with a large squadron, to join the english fleet. the french squadron arrived at st. helen's on the rd of may, and the king immediately went down to portsmouth; and, to show his confidence in his new ally, went on board the french admiral, where he remained some hours. the english fleet sailed to the downs, the duke of york, as high-admiral, wearing the red, and the earl of sandwich, the blue. here the french squadron joined them, their admiral bearing the white flag; the united fleet consisting of one hundred and one sail of men-of-war, besides fire-ships and tenders. of these the english had sixty-five ships of war, carrying four thousand and ninety-two pieces of cannon, and twenty-three thousand five hundred and thirty men. the french squadron consisted of thirty-six sail, on board of which were one thousand nine hundred and twenty-six pieces of cannon, and about eleven thousand men. the dutch, in the meantime, were at sea with a very considerable fleet, consisting of ninety-one stout men-of-war, fifty-four fire-ships, and twenty-three yachts. on may the th they were seen off dover, and the th of the same month a dutch squadron chased the _gloucester_, and some other ships, under the cannon of sheerness. the english fleet were at anchor in solebay on may th, when the dutch fell in with them; and, if they had not spent too much time in council, had entirely surprised them. as it was, many of the english captains were forced to cut their cables, in order to get into the line in time for the battle. the engagement began between seven and eight in the morning, when de ruyter attacked the red squadron in the centre, and engaged the admiral, on board of which was the duke of york, for two hours, forcing his highness at last to remove to another ship. the dutch captain, van brakell, attacked the earl of sandwich in the _royal james_; and while they were engaged, almost all the squadron of van ghent fell upon the earl's ships. his lordship behaved with amazing intrepidity; killed admiral van ghent with his own hands, sank three fire-ships and a man-of-war, that would have laid him on board; but when he had lost all his officers and two-thirds of his men, his battered ship was grappled and set on fire by a fourth fire-ship. in this distress, it is said, he might have been relieved by his vice-admiral, sir joseph jordan, if sir joseph had not been more solicitous about assisting the duke. it is said that when the earl saw sir joseph sail by, heedless of the condition in which he lay, he said to those about him, "there is nothing left for us now but to defend the ship to the last man," and those who knew him best knew quite well that by the last man he meant himself. when the fourth fire-ship had grappled him, he begged his captain, sir richard haddock, and all his servants, to get into the boat and save themselves, which they did; but many of his men would not leave their admiral, and continued to make fruitless efforts to quench the fire until the ship blew up about noon. the death of van ghent, with the furious attack of part of the blue squadron, coming in, though too late, to the earl of sandwich's assistance, threw this part of the dutch fleet into very great confusion and forced them to stand off. this gave an opportunity for the blue squadron to join the red and to assist the duke of york, who, deserted by the french, was in the utmost danger of being destroyed by the two squadrons of de ruyter and bankert. about this time cornelius evertz, vice-admiral of zealand, was killed, and de ruyter and allemand narrowly escaped being burnt by fire-ships; but, when the english thought themselves secure of victory, the scattered squadron of van ghent came in to the assistance of their countrymen, and again rendered doubtful the fortune of the day. it is said that all this time the french, who composed the white squadron, instead of seconding the efforts of the english, kept as far out of danger as they could, and left our fleet to sustain the whole force of the enemy at a disadvantage of three to two. but, notwithstanding this inequality of numbers, the fight continued with inexpressible obstinacy till towards the evening, when victory declared for the english. five or six of the enemy's fire-ships were sunk by an english man-of-war; and sir joseph jordan, of the blue squadron, having the advantage of the wind, pierced the dutch fleet, and thereby spread through it the utmost confusion; while a fire-ship clapped their admiral, de ruyter, on board, and was, with the utmost difficulty, repulsed. as it grew dark, de ruyter, collecting his fleet in the best order he could, fought retreating and steered northwards. the loss was pretty equal on both sides. the english had four men-of-war sunk or disabled, but they were small ships; whereas the dutch lost three of the best in their fleet: one sunk, another burnt, and a third taken; a fourth, called the _great holland_, commanded by the brave captain brakell, was entirely disabled. as for the french, notwithstanding all their caution, they lost two men-of-war and their rear-admiral, m. de la rabiniere. of the english, about two thousand five hundred were killed and as many wounded. the dutch did not publish any list, though their loss without question must have been as great; since de ruyter says in his letter, "it was the hardest fought battle that he ever saw." but though losses were reckoned as pretty equal on either side, the loss of the _royal james_ with its one hundred guns, its eight hundred men, and its admiral, the earl of sandwich, who was probably without his equal upon the sea at this time, was loss enough, as the duke of buckingham observed, to give the name of victory to the dutch. the earl, a son of sir sidney montague, born on july th, , had rendered a great deal of distinguished service. on august th, , when no more than eighteen years of age, he received a commission to raise and command a regiment in the parliamentary interest in the civil war. he was present at the storming of lincoln, on the th of may, , which was one of the warmest actions in the course of the war. he was likewise in the battle of marston moor, which was fought on july the nd, of the same year, where he greatly distinguished himself; insomuch that soon after, when the city of york demanded to capitulate, he was appointed one of the commissioners for settling the articles; which must have been the pure effect of personal ability, since he was then but in his nineteenth year. we find him next in the battle of naseby; and in the month of july, , he stormed the town of bridgewater. in september he commanded a brigade in the storming of bristol, where he performed very remarkable service, and, on september th, , subscribed the articles of the capitulation, granted to prince rupert on the delivery of that important place to the parliament. after the first dutch war was over he was brought into a command of the fleet, and was appointed by the protector to act with blake in his expedition into the mediterranean. in he was appointed to command the fleet in the downs, and in the following year, on the death of oliver, had command of the great fleet sent to the north to preserve the tranquillity of europe; returning from whence he gave an account of his conduct to parliament, and then retired to his own estate. on the restoration of charles ii. he was made earl of sandwich, admiral of the narrow seas, and lieutenant-admiral to the duke of york as lord high-admiral of england. the story of his career from this time forward has been told in the successive stories of the dutch wars, and it only remains now to record the last honours done to his remains. his body was found, nearly a fortnight after his death, floating in the sea; and the king testified, by the honours he paid to his remains, how much he admired the man, how sensible he was of his hard fate, and how willing he was to mingle with the dust of his ancestors the ashes of such as died gloriously in their country's service. the facts stand thus recorded in the _gazette_ of june th, :-- "harwich, _june th_. "this day the body of the right honourable edward, earl of sandwich, being, by the order upon his coat, discovered floating on the sea, by one of his majesty's ketches was taken up and brought into this port; where sir charles littleton, the governor, receiving it, took immediate care for its embalming and honourable disposing, till his majesty's pleasure should be known concerning it; for the obtaining of which his majesty was attended at whitehall, the next day, by the master of the said vessel, who, by sir charles littleton's order, was sent to present his majesty with the george found about the body of the said earl, who remained, at the time of its taking up, in every part unblemished, saving some impressions made by the fire upon his face and breast: upon which his majesty, out of his princely regard to the great deservings of the said earl, and his unexampled performances in this last act of his life, hath resolved to have his body brought up to london, there, at his charge, to receive the rites of funeral due to his great quality and merits. "the earl of sandwich's body being taken out of one of his majesty's yachts at deptford on july rd, , and laid in the most solemn manner in a sumptuous barge, proceeded by water to westminster bridge, attended by the king's barges, his royal highness the duke of york's, as also with the several barges of the nobility, lord mayor, and the several companies of the city of london, adorned suitable to the melancholy occasion, with trumpets and other music that sounded the deepest notes. on passing by the tower the great guns there were discharged, as well as at whitehall; and, about five o'clock in the evening, the body being taken out of the barge at westminster bridge, there was a procession to the abbey-church with the highest magnificence. eight earls were assistant to his son edward, earl of sandwich, chief mourner, and most of the nobility and persons of quality in town gave their assistance to his interment in the duke of albemarle's vault, in the north side of king henry vii.'s chapel, where his remains are deposited." after the battle of solebay the dutch fleet returned to the coast of holland, where they were obliged to lay up for the want of powder, all available ammunition being wanted by the land forces to dispute the victorious march of the french. in their extremity the dutch sued for peace, and sent four deputies to england and as many to the french king. at both courts they were treated with the same scant courtesy. charles ii., instead of hearing and giving them an answer in person, sent four of his ministers to confer with them, and afterwards sent the duke of buckingham, the earl of arlington, and viscount halifax into holland to treat with them there. these ambassadors made most extravagant demands; asking ten millions of guilders for the expense of the war, an annual tribute of one hundred thousand for the liberty of fishing, and the perpetual stadtholdership for the prince of orange and his issue male. these, however, were moderate articles in comparison with the rest; for they insisted on a share in the dutch east india trade, the possession of the city of sluys in flanders, and the islands of cadzand, walcheren, goree and voorn. the deputies sent to the french court were answered in the style of a conqueror, and so sent back to spread despair through the country; whereupon the dutch seeing nothing before them but slavery, resolved to lay aside all treaties and to die free. in the meantime, the french and english fleets, being perfectly refitted, and the latter having taken on board a large body of land forces, sailed again for the dutch coasts, with a design to make a descent on zealand, the only province into which the french had not carried their arms by land. here they found the dutch fleet; but, not thinking proper to attack them among the sands, they deferred the execution of their design, and blocked up the maese and texel; which de ruyter, having strict orders to avoid battle, saw with concern, yet wanted power to prevent. the duke of york now resolved to disembark his troops on the isle of texel. the occasion was favourable in all respects; the french and the bishop of munster were in the heart of the dutch territories, so that no great force could be drawn together to resist the english on shore, and the coast was so low and flat that it looked as if nothing could secure the dutch from invasion. it was upon july rd this resolution was taken; and it was intended that the forces should have landed the next flood. but at this critical juncture wind and wave interposed in favour of a free people, and saved them from a yoke which seemed already to press upon their necks. the ebb continued much longer than usual, and this defeated the intended descent for that time; and the storm, that rose the night following, forced the fleet out to sea, where they struggled for some time with very foul weather, and then returned to the english shore. the dutch clergy magnified this circumstance into a miracle; and certainly it was a good stroke of policy at such a time to persuade the nation, struggling against superior enemies, that they were particularly favoured by heaven. after this disappointment, there was no other action thought of at sea for this year, except the sending sir edward spragge, with a squadron, to disturb the dutch herring-fishery; which he performed with a degree of moderation that became so great a man; contenting himself with taking one of their vessels, when he saw that was sufficient to disperse the rest. all this time affairs in england were getting into very strained conditions. the parliament had never owned the dutch war, and though they voted liberal supplies to the king, did so without naming the object to which they were to be applied further than to designate them "the king's extraordinary occasions." at this time, too, the test act was passed, an act, which, putting it out of the power of the papists to continue in public offices, compelled lord clifford to quit the treasury and the duke of york to give up the fleet. early in the year it was resolved that prince rupert should succeed the duke of york at the head of the fleet, and by the middle of may he was ready for sea. the object of the english was to make another attempt to land troops upon the dutch coast; and, with this view, a considerable number of soldiers was put on board the fleet. charles ii. and the duke of york visited the navy on may th; and, in a council of war held in their presence, it was resolved to attack the enemy even upon their own coast, in case they could not be provoked to put to sea. in pursuance of this determination, prince rupert stood over towards the coast of holland, and found de ruyter with the dutch fleet riding within the sands of schonevelt, in a line between the rand and the stony-bank, which was a very advantageous situation. on the th, in the morning about nine o'clock, prince rupert sent a detached squadron of thirty-five frigates and thirteen fire-ships to draw the enemy out, which was very easily done; for de ruyter presently advanced in good order, and, the english light ships retreating, put their own fleet in some disarray. this engagement took place upon very unequal terms: the confederate fleet consisted of eighty-four men of war, besides fire-ships, divided into three squadrons, under the command of prince rupert, count d'estrees, and sir edward spragge. the dutch were scarcely seventy men-of-war and frigates, under de ruyter, tromp, and bankert. the battle was very hard fought on both sides, insomuch that tromp shifted his flag four times; from the _golden lion_ to the _prince on horseback_, from the _prince on horseback_ to the _amsterdam_, and from the _amsterdam_ to the _comet_, from on board which he dated his letter to the states in the evening. sir edward spragge and the earl of ossory distinguished themselves on our side by their extraordinary courage and conduct. prince rupert also performed wonders, considering that his ship was in a very bad condition and took in so much water at her ports that she could not fire the guns of her lower tier. the battle lasted till night, and then the dutch are said to have retired behind their sands. both sides, however, claimed the victory: de ruyter, in his letter to the prince of orange, says, "we judge absolutely that the victory is on the side of this state and of your highness." prince rupert, in his letter to the earl of arlington, says, "i thought it best to cease the pursuit and anchor where i now am." as to the slain on both sides in this battle, it is reported the dutch lost vice-admiral schram, rear-admiral vlugh, and six of their captains, and had one ship disabled, which was lost in her retreat. on our side fell the captains fowls, finch, tempest, and worden: colonel hamilton had his legs shot off, and we had only two ships disabled, none either sunk or taken. in one respect, however, the dutch may certainly be credited with victory; since they prevented a descent intended upon their country, which was the main object of the attack, and for which service, in case of the victory of the english fleet, count schomberg, with six thousand men, lay ready at yarmouth. the dutch, being upon their own coast, had the advantage of receiving quick supplies; whereas the wind prevented the english from obtaining succour. prince rupert, however, did all in his power to repair his fleet, and believing that the dutch would not be long before they resumed hostilities, he went on board the _royal sovereign_ in the evening of june rd, "where he went not to bed all night." his foresight was justified by events; for on the th, in the morning, the dutch fleet, by this time at least as strong as the confederates, bore down upon them as fast as the wind would permit. prince rupert was so much in earnest that, finding his ship's crew raised his anchors very slowly, he ordered his cables to be cut, that he might make haste to meet the dutch. count d'estrees, with the white squadron, is said to have betrayed no such great willingness to fight, but to have kept as much as might be out of harm's way. at last, about five in the evening, spragge and tromp engaged with great fury. de ruyter showed at first a design of coming to a close engagement with the prince: but before he came within musket-shot, he tacked and bore away; whence it was concluded that he had suffered some considerable damage. spragge, in the meantime, had forced tromp to sheer off. he then fell into vice-admiral sweers's division, which he soon put to confusion, and had a third engagement with tromp, wherein he shot down his flag. the battle lasted till between ten and eleven at night, and then the dutch stood to the south-east, and so it ended. both sides claimed the victory as before, losses being pretty equal on both sides, though far from considerable on either. the prince was for attacking the enemy again; but it was carried in a council of war to sail for the english coast, in order to obtain supplies, as well of ammunition as provision; of the want of which a great many captains complained loudly. besides, the fleet was so poorly manned that if it had not been for the land forces on board they could not have fought at all. on june the th the fleet arrived at the nore, and on the th prince rupert went to london, to give the king an account of the condition of things and to press for necessary supplies. about the middle of july prince rupert was once more at sea, having on board the troops intended for a descent upon the dutch coast. his highness arrived off holland on the st of the said month; and, declining an engagement, stood along the shore in order to find an opportunity for disembarking his troops. on august the th he took a dutch east india ship richly laden. this induced de ruyter to bear down upon the english fleet; upon seeing which, prince rupert commanded the french a particular course, and had thereby an opportunity of discerning what he was to expect from them in a time of action. they lay by twice that night; first about eleven o'clock, when the prince sent to count d'estrees to order him to make sail, which he did till about one o'clock and then laid his sail to the mast again causing a second stop to the fleet and obliging the prince to send him another message. in those days, when party-spirit ran very high, nobody ever suspected the count d'estrees' courage, which was so well known and so thoroughly established as clearly to disclose his orders. these delays gave the dutch admiral an opportunity of gaining the wind, which he did not neglect; but, early on august th, bore down upon the confederates as if he meant to force them to a battle; upon which his highness thought fit to tack, and thereby brought the fleet into good order. he put the french in the van, himself in the centre, and sir edward spragge in the rear; and in this disposition the french lay fair to get the wind of the enemy, which, however, they neglected. the english fleet consisted of about sixty men-of-war and frigates, the french of thirty, and the dutch of seventy or thereabouts; so that the royal fleets were indisputably superior to that of the republic. de ruyter, bearing down with his fleet in three squadrons, prepared to attack the prince himself, while tromp engaged spragge and the blue squadron, in which the english admiral obliged him, by laying his fore-top sail to his mast, in order to stay for him, contrary to the express order of the prince. this fondness for a point of honour proved fatal to himself as well as disadvantageous to the fleet. bankert, with his zealand squadron, should have engaged the white, commanded by d'estrees; but it seems the dutch understood the temper of the french better than to give themselves much trouble about them; for bankert contented himself with sending eight men-of-war and three fire-ships to attack the rear-admiral, de martel, who seemed to be the only man that had any real design to fight; and then the rest of the zealand squadron united themselves to de ruyter, and fell together upon prince rupert. the battle between de ruyter and the red squadron began about eight o'clock in the morning, and a multitude of circumstances concurred to threaten the english admiral with inevitable ruin. sir edward spragge, intent on his personal quarrel with van tromp, had fallen to the leeward several leagues with the blue squadron; and to complete prince rupert's misfortune, the enemy found means to intercept his own rear-admiral, sir john chichele, with his division; so that by noon his highness was wholly surrounded by the dutch, being pressed by de ruyter and his division on his lee-quarter, an admiral with two flags more on his weather-quarter, and the zealand squadron on his broadside to windward. his highness, in the midst of these disappointments, behaved with such intrepidity, and encouraged all his officers so effectually by his own example that, by degrees, he cleared himself of his enemies, rejoined sir john chichele, and by two o'clock had time to think of the blue squadron, which was now at three leagues' distance; and, not hearing their guns well plied, he made all the sail he could towards them, in order to unite with and relieve them. de ruyter, perceiving his highness's design, left firing and bore away also with his whole force to the assistance of tromp; so that both fleets ran down side by side within range of cannon-shot, and yet without firing on either part. about four the prince joined the blue squadron, which he found in a very tattered condition. at the beginning of the fight, tromp in the _golden lion_, and sir edward spragge in the _royal prince_, fought ship to ship. the dutch admiral, however, would not come to a close fight, which gave him a great advantage; for spragge, who had more than his complement on board, suffered much by the enemy's cannon, and, having the wind and smoke in his face, could not make such good use of his own as he would otherwise have done. after three hours' warm fighting the _royal prince_ was so disabled that sir edward was forced to go on board the _st. george_; and tromp quitted his _golden lion_ to hoist his flag on board the _comet_, when the battle was renewed with incredible fury. the great aim of the dutch admiral was to take or sink the _royal prince_; but the earl of ossory and sir john kempthorne, together with spragge himself, so effectually protected the disabled vessel that none of the enemy's fire-ships could come near her, though they often attempted it. at last, the _st. george_ being terribly torn and disabled sir edward spragge designed to go on board a third ship, the _royal charles_; but, before he had got ten boats' length, a shot, which passed through the _st. george_, took his boat, and though they immediately rowed back, before they could get within reach of the ropes that were thrown out from the _st. george_, the boat sank, and sir edward was drowned. when prince rupert drew near the blue squadron he found the admiral disabled, the vice-admiral lying to the windward, mending his sails and rigging, the rear-admiral astern of the _royal prince_, between her and the enemy, bending his new sails and mending his rigging. the first thing his highness did was to send two frigates to take the _royal prince_ in tow. he then steered in between the enemy and the lame ships, and perceiving that tromp had tacked and was coming down again upon the blue squadron, he made a signal for all the ships of that squadron to join him: but it was in vain; for, except the two flags, sir john kempthorne and the earl of ossory, there was not one in a condition to move. the french still continued to look on with all the coolness imaginable; and notwithstanding the prince put out the blue flag upon the mizen-peak, which was the signal to attack set down in the general instructions for fighting, and known not only to all the english captains but also to those of the white squadron, yet they remained, as before, wholly inactive. but, to give some kind of colour to this conduct, the count d'estrees, after the battle was in a manner over, sent to know what this signal meant. an officer who wrote an account of this engagement, says, "the sending to inquire the meaning of the signal was cunningly done: but one of de ruyter's sailors seems to have had as much penetration as the french ministry had artifice; for, upon one of his companions asking him what the french meant by keeping at such a distance, 'why, you fool,' said he, 'they have hired the english to fight for them; and all their business here is to see that they earn their wages.'" about five in the evening, de ruyter, with all his flags and fleet, came close up with the prince, and then began a very sharp engagement. his highness had none to second him but the vice-admiral and rear-admiral of the blue, sir john harman, captain davis, and captain stout, of his own division, sir john holmes in the _rupert_, captain legge in the _royal katharine_, sir john berry in the _resolution_, sir john ernle in the _henry_, sir roger strickland in the _mary_, and captain carter in the _crown_; in all about thirteen ships. the engagement was very close and bloody till about seven o'clock, when his highness forced the dutch fleet into great disorder and sent in two fire-ships amongst them to increase it, at the same time making a signal for the french to bear down; which, even then, if they had done, a total defeat must have followed: but, as they took no notice of it and the prince saw that most of his ships were not in any condition to keep the sea long, he wisely provided for their safety by making with an easy sail toward our own coasts. this battle ended as doubtfully as any of the rest; for the dutch very loudly claimed the victory now, as they did before, and with fully as much reason. the truth is, it seems to have been a drawn battle; since the dutch, notwithstanding all their advantages, did not take or sink a single english man-of-war, and killed but two captains, sir william reeves and captain havard, besides our gallant admiral, sir edward spragge, and no great number of private men. on their side they lost two vice-admirals, sweers and liefde, three captains, and about one thousand private men. soon after this battle the english fleet came into the thames, and prince rupert returned to court, where he joined his representations to those of others who were desirous for peace, the result of which was that a treaty of peace was signed in london on february th, , whereby all differences were adjusted. the limits of the british seas were particularly defined; and the states undertook that not only separate ships, but whole fleets should strike their sails to any fleet or single ship carrying the king's flag, as the custom was in the days of his ancestors. the east india trade was likewise settled so as to prevent subsequent debates, and not leave either party at liberty to encroach upon the other. places taken on both sides were by this treaty to be restored; and the states-general were to pay his majesty eight hundred thousand patacoons at four payments; the first, immediately after the ratification of this treaty, and the other three by annual payments. thus ended the third of our dutch wars; which, though made against the interest and will of the people, terminated to their advantage; whereas the former war, begun at the instance of the nation, ended but indifferently; so little correspondence is there between the grounds and issues of things. the battle of beachy head. there was little to record to the honour of the navy in the reign of james ii. as duke of york he had held the office of lord high-admiral for years, and he doubtless knew as much about the navy as any man of his time. this knowledge he is said to have employed as soon as he came into power to bring the navy into a state of efficiency, and yet, when in november the prince of orange sailed for england, he was able to effect his passage and land his army at torbay without any opposition from the fleet. during the first year of the reign of william and mary the navy did some service in ireland, admiral herbert engaging the french in bantry bay without much success, and commodore rooke effecting the relief of londonderry. the former engagement was virtually a defeat for the english, as the french effected their purpose by landing their supplies and making good their retreat. william iii., however, willing to put the best possible construction upon the event, and desirous of conciliating the navy, created admiral herbert earl of torrington, and knighted captains john ashby and cloudesley shovel. as to the remaining naval transactions of this year, they were neither many nor great, but they included the taking of two celebrated sea-officers of the french service, the chevalier fourbin and john du bart. these gentlemen commanded two small frigates, and had under their convoy six rich merchantmen, homeward-bound. near the isle of wight they were chased by two of our fifty-gun ships, which they engaged very bravely, though they saw that it was impossible for them to avoid being taken. all they aimed at was to give their merchantmen time to escape, and in this they succeeded; for, while they fought desperately, the vessels under their convoy got safely into rochelle. as for the chevalier fourbin and captain bart, they were carried prisoners into plymouth, from whence not long after they found means to escape, and got safely over to calais. for this gallant and generous action the french king rewarded each of them with the command of a man-of-war. in , however, the fleet was called upon to face a far more formidable encounter. the french, who had for years been paying increased attention to naval affairs, and who had made use of the recent dutch wars, first on one side and then on the other, to obtain knowledge and experience of maritime affairs, now despatched their fleet with a considerable body of troops to make a descent upon england in the interests of james ii., while the jacobins in london made active preparations for a simultaneous rising. on june th the french fleet put to sea in three squadrons, each squadron being divided into three divisions. of these the white and blue squadrons, commanded by count d'estrees, on board the _le grand_, a ship of eighty-six guns, formed the vanguard, consisting of twenty-six men-of-war. the main body was composed of the white squadron, which consisted likewise of twenty-six sail, commanded by the admiral count tourville in the _royal sun_, a ship of one hundred guns; while the blue squadron, commanded by m. d'amfreville in the _magnificent_, a ship of eighty guns, comprised twenty-five sail and formed the rear-guard. in all there were seventy-eight men-of-war and twenty-two fire-ships, and the whole fleet carried upwards of four thousand seven hundred pieces of cannon. on june the th they steered for the english coast, and on the th arrived off the lizard. the next day the admiral took some english fishing-boats; and, after having paid the people who were on board for their fish, set them at liberty again. these men were the first to bring the news of the arrival of the french fleet on our coast, while our own fleet was lying idle in the downs. under the arrangement of the conspirators the french fleet was to enter the thames, and the jacobins in london were to rise, seize the queen and her principal ministers, and proclaim james once more king, whereupon james was to leave ireland to the care of lauzun and tyrconnel, return to england and take the head of the revolution, while the french landed troops at torbay and intercepted the return of william from ireland. the earl of torrington was at st. helen's when he received the news of the arrival of the french fleet, which must have surprised him very much, since he was so far from expecting the french in that quarter that he had no scouts to the westward. he put to sea, however, with such ships as he had, and stood to the south-east, leaving orders that all the english and dutch ships which could have notice should follow him. in the evening he was joined by several more ships, and the next morning he found himself within sight of the enemy. the french landed and made some prisoners on shore; and by them sent a letter from sir william jennings, an officer in the navy, who had followed the fortunes of king james and served now as third captain on board the admiral, promising pardon to all such captains as would now adhere to that prince. the next day torrington received another reinforcement of seven dutch men-of-war, under the command of admiral evertzen, and for some time the english fleet lay off ventnor, while the french fleet stood off the needles. it is certain that the earl of torrington did not think himself strong enough to venture on an engagement, and in all probability the rest of the admirals agreed with him. his whole strength consisted of about thirty-four men-of-war of several sizes, and the three dutch admirals had under their command twenty-two large ships. outnumbered by more than twenty sail it was perhaps but natural that he should seek to avoid hostilities. in london, where the jacobin plot was known, the utmost excitement prevailed. the rival fleets were known to be in sight of each other, and it was clear that the english admiral was reluctant to engage. under these circumstances the queen, fearful of the consequences of continued tension, by the advice of the privy council sent the earl orders to fight at all costs and compel the french fleet to withdraw. in obedience to this order, as soon as it was light, on june th, the admiral threw out the signal for drawing into line and bore down upon the enemy, while they were under sail, with their heads to the northward. the signal for battle was made about eight, when the french braced their head sails to their masts, in order to lie by. the action began about nine, when the dutch squadron, which made the van of the united fleets, fell in with the van of the french, and put them into some disorder. about half an hour after our blue squadron engaged their rear very warmly; but the red, commanded by the earl of torrington in person, which made the centre of our fleet, could not come up till about ten; and this occasioned a great opening between them and the dutch. the french, making use of this advantage, weathered, and of course surrounded the dutch, who defended themselves very gallantly, though they suffered extremely from so unequal a fight. the admiral, seeing their distress, endeavoured to relieve them; and while they dropped their anchors, the only method they had left to preserve themselves, he drove with his own ship and several others between them and the enemy, and in that situation anchored about five in the afternoon, when it grew calm; but discerning how much the dutch had suffered, and how little probability there was of regaining anything by renewing the fight, he weighed about nine at night, and retired eastward with the tide of flood. the next day it was resolved in a council of war, held in the afternoon, to preserve the fleet by retreating, and rather to destroy the disabled ships, if they should be pressed by the enemy, than to hazard another engagement by endeavouring to protect them. this resolution was executed with as much success as could be expected, which, however, was chiefly owing to want of experience in the french admirals; for, by not anchoring when the english did, they were driven to a great distance; and, by continuing to chase in a line of battle, instead of leaving every ship at liberty to do her utmost, they could never recover what they lost by their first mistake. but, notwithstanding all this, they pressed on their pursuit as far as rye bay; and forcing the _anne_, of seventy guns, which had lost all her masts, on shore near winchelsea, they sent in two ships to burn her, which the captain prevented by setting fire to her himself. the body of the french fleet stood in and out of the bays of bourne and pevensey, in sussex, while about fourteen of their ships anchored near the shore. some of these attempted to burn a dutch ship of sixty-four guns, which at low water lay dry; but her commander defended her so stoutly every high water, that they were at length forced to desist, and the captain carried her safe into holland. our loss in this unlucky affair, if we except reputation, was not so great as might have been expected; not more than two ships, two sea captains, two captains of marines, and three hundred and fifty private men. the dutch were much more unfortunate, because they were more thoroughly engaged. besides three ships sunk in the fight, they were obliged to set fire to three more that were stranded on the coast of sussex, losing in all six ships of the line. they likewise lost many gallant officers; particularly their rear-admirals, dick and brakel, and captain nordel, with a great number of inferior officers and seamen. after the engagement our fleet retreated towards the river thames; and the earl of torrington, going on shore, left the command to sir john ashby. on july th the french fleet stood toward their own coast, but were seen, upon the th, off the berry head, a little to the eastward of dartmouth, and then, the wind taking them short, they put into torbay. there they lay but a short time; for they were discovered on the th near plymouth, at which place the necessary preparations were made by platforms and other works to give them a warm reception. on august th they appeared again off the rame head, in number between sixty and seventy, when, standing westward, they were no more seen in the channel during . the earl was tried by court martial on the charge of having from treachery or cowardice misbehaved in his office, drawn dishonour on the english nation and sacrificed our good allies the dutch. he defended himself with dignity and eloquence, affirming that he fought under orders, against his own judgment and that of his staff, against superior forces without any probability of success; that the dutch suffered for their own rashness, and that if he had sustained them in the manner they expected, the whole fleet must have been surrounded and destroyed. in the end the earl was acquitted, but the day after the trial he was superseded. the victory of la hogue. by john campbell. on the dismissal of the earl of torrington from the command of the navy, edward russel was appointed admiral and commander-in-chief; but twelve months elapsed before an opportunity occurred for wiping out the dishonour of the engagement off beachy head. as soon as louis xiv. perceived that it was impossible to support the war in ireland any longer to advantage, he resolved to employ the forces still left with king james to serve his purpose in another way. with this view, he concerted with the malcontents in england an invasion of the coast of sussex; and though for this design it was necessary to draw together a large number of transports, as well as a very considerable body of troops, he had both in readiness before his purpose was so much as suspected here. the land forces consisted of fourteen battalions of english and irish troops, and about nine thousand french soldiers, commanded by marshal de belfondes; so that in all there were not less than twenty thousand men. the fleet of transports consisted of three hundred sail, and was well provided with everything necessary for the invasion. in short, nothing was wanting to the execution of this design in the beginning of april but the arrival of count d'estrees' squadron of twelve men-of-war, which was to escort the embarkation; while the count de tourville cruised in the channel with the grand fleet, ready to put to sea but detained by contrary winds. things being in this position, king james sent over colonel parker and some other agents to give his friends intelligence of his motions; and some of these people, in hopes of reward, gave the first clear account of the whole design to the english government; upon which, order after order was sent to admiral russel to hasten out to sea in whatever condition the fleet might be. there were at this very critical juncture two considerable squadrons at sea; one under the command of sir ralph delaval, sent to bring home a fleet of merchantmen from the mediterranean; the other under rear-admiral carter, near the french coast. it was apprehended that the french would have endeavoured to intercept the former; and therefore, on the last of february, orders were sent by the _groin_ packet-boat to vice-admiral delaval, to avoid coming near cape st. vincent, but rather to sail to dingle bay, the mouth of the shannon, or some other port thereabouts. but, for fear these orders might not reach him soon enough at cadiz, an advice-boat was ordered to cruise for him off cape clear, with instructions to put into cork or kingsale. however, both these orders missed him, and he was so fortunate as to arrive in the beginning of march, , safe in the downs. rear-admiral carter was ordered to continue cruising with his squadron of eighteen sail as near the french coast as possible, in order to be the better and earlier informed of the movements of the enemy. king william, as soon as he arrived in holland, took care to hasten the naval preparations with unusual diligence; so that the fleet was ready to put to sea much sooner than had been expected, or at least much sooner than it had done the year before, and was also in a much better condition. admiral russel went on board in the beginning of may, and soon after received orders to cruise between cape la hogue and the isle of wight till the squadrons should join him, though he had proposed the junction should be made off beachy head. however, he obeyed his orders as soon as he received them, and plied down through the sands with a very scanty wind, contrary to the opinion of many of his officers and all the pilots, who were against hazarding so great a fleet in so dangerous an attempt; and yet to this bold stroke of the admiral's was due his subsequent success. on may the th the fleet came safe off rye, and that night the admiral sent to the dutch admiral to weigh and make sail after him, that no time might be lost. he also sent a squadron of small ships to look for sir ralph delaval, being in great anxiety until the whole confederate fleet was collected in one body. on may th he sailed from rye bay for st. helen's; where in two days' time he was joined by sir ralph delaval and rear-admiral carter with their squadrons. while here, the admiral received a letter from the earl of nottingham, as secretary of state, written by queen mary's direction, wherein he was informed that a scandalous and malicious report had been spread with regard to some of the officers of the fleet, to the effect that they were disaffected or not hearty in the service, and that her majesty had thereupon been pressed to discharge many of them from their employment; but her majesty charged the admiral to acquaint his officers that she was satisfied this report was raised by the enemies of the government, and that she reposed so entire a confidence in their fidelity that she had resolved not to displace so much as one of them. upon this the flag-officers and captains drew up a very dutiful and loyal address, dated from on board the _britannia_ at st. helen's, may th, , which was the same day transmitted to court, and on the next presented by the lords of the admiralty to her majesty, who was pleased to make the following wise and gracious answer, which was published that night in the _gazette_: "i always had this opinion of the commanders; but i am glad this is come to satisfy others." when all the ships, english and dutch, were assembled the admiral proposed that a small detachment of six or eight frigates might be sent to hover about the coast of normandy, and that the grand fleet should lie westward of that place, in order to protect them from the enemy. this proposition being in part approved, he detached six light ships to gain intelligence, and sailed on may th for the coast of france. the next day, about three in the morning, the scouts westward of the fleet fired swivel-guns, and made the signal of discovering the enemy. immediately orders were given for drawing into a line of battle; and the signal was made for the rear of the fleet to tack, in order to engage the sooner if the french stood to the northward. a little after four, the sun dispersing the fog, the enemy were seen standing southward. the admiral upon this caused the signal for the rear to tack to be taken in, and bore away with his ship to leeward, that each ship in the fleet might fetch his wake and then be brought to and lay by, with his foretop sail to the mast; that so others might have the better opportunity of placing themselves according to the manner formerly directed for such an occasion. the confederate fleet was in good order by eight, having the dutch squadron in the van, the red in the centre, and the blue in the rear. about ten the french fleet bore down upon them with great resolution. about half-past eleven count tourville in the _royal sun_ brought to and began the fight with admiral russel, being within three-quarters musket-shot. he plied his guns very warmly till one, but then began to tow off in great disorder; his rigging, sails, and topsail yards being very much injured. about two the wind shifted; so that five of the enemy's blue squadron posted themselves, three ahead and two astern of their admiral, and fired very briskly till after three. the admiral and his two seconds, mr. churchil and mr. aylmer, had all these ships to deal with. the fog was so thick about four that the enemy could not be seen; and, as soon as it cleared up, the french admiral was discovered towing away northward; upon which the admiral followed him and made the signal for chasing. while this passed between the admirals, sir cloudesley shovel got to the windward of count tourville's squadron and engaged them; but the fog growing darker than before, they were forced to anchor. the weather clearing up a little, the french followed their flying admiral, and the english chased the best they could. about eight in the evening it grew foggy again, and part of the english blue squadron, having fallen in with the enemy, engaged about half an hour, till, having lost four ships, they bore away for conquet road. in this short action rear-admiral carter was killed. the th of may proved so dark and foggy, that it was eight o'clock before the dutch discovered the enemy; and then the whole fleet began to chase, the french crowding away westward. about four in the afternoon both fleets anchored; about ten they weighed again, and about twelve admiral russel's foretop mast came by the board. on the nd, about seven in the morning, the english fleet continued the chase with all the success they could desire; about eleven the french admiral ran ashore and cut her masts away; upon which her two seconds plied up to her and other ships began to hover about them; and the english admiral ordered sir ralph delaval, who was in the rear, to keep with him a strength sufficient to destroy these ships, and to send the rest, under his command, to join the body of the fleet. in the evening a great number of the enemy's ships were seen going into la hogue. on the rd the admiral sent in sir george rooke with several men-of-war, fire-ships, and all the boats of the fleet, to destroy these ships in the bay. on their entering it was perceived that there were thirteen sail; but they were got up so high that none but the small frigates could reach them. sir george, however, was resolved to execute his orders; and therefore, having manned his boats, he went in person to encourage the attempt, burnt six of them that night, and the other seven the next morning, together with a great number of transport ships, and other vessels laden with ammunition. this remarkable piece of service, the greatest that happened during the whole affair, was performed under a prodigious fire from the enemy's battery on shore, and within sight of the irish camp, with the loss only of ten men. sir john ashby, with his own squadron and some dutch ships, pursued the rest of the french fleet till they ran through the race of alderney, among such rocks and shoals that our pilots were absolutely against following them; for which the admiral was censured, though some of the ablest seamen in england were of opinion that there could not be a more desperate undertaking than the flight of the french ships through that passage. though despair might justify the french in making the attempt, clearly prudence forbade the english from following them. the story of sir george rooke. by john campbell. the loss of the smyrna fleet off st. vincent.--the defeat of the french at vigo.--the storming of gibraltar.--the battle off malaga. sir george rooke was the son of sir william rooke, knt., of an ancient and honourable family in the county of kent, where he was born in the year . originally intended for another profession, his passion for the sea was not to be denied, and sir william, after a fruitless struggle with his son's bent for the navy, at last gave way and suffered him to go to sea. his first station in the navy was that of a volunteer, then styled a reformade, in which he distinguished himself by his courage and application. this soon secured him the post of lieutenant, from which he rose to that of captain before he was thirty; promotion then thought very extraordinary. admiral herbert distinguished him early, by sending him, in the year , as commodore, with a squadron to the coast of ireland, where he concurred with major-general kirke in the relief of londonderry, assisting in person in taking the island in the lake, which opened a passage for the relief of the town. in the year he was appointed rear-admiral of the red; and, in that station, served in the fight off beachy head, where, notwithstanding the misfortune of our arms, indisputably the greatest we ever met with at sea, admiral rooke was allowed to have done his duty with much resolution. in the spring of he was promoted to the rank of vice-admiral of the blue, in which station he served in the famous battle of la hogue, on may the nd, , and contributed no small share to the victory. for this service, an account of which will be found in the story of "the victory of la hogue," he was knighted in the following year. the direction of the fleet being now put in commission, sir george rooke was entrusted with the command of the squadron appointed to escort the smyrna fleet, and the joint admirals received orders to accompany him as far to sea as they thought proper; after which his instructions were to take the best care of the fleet he could, and, in case of any misfortune, to retire into some of the spanish ports and put himself under the protection of their guns. the combined fleet had not proceeded far before the accompanying admirals signified their intention to return, and sir george rooke, who had good reason to believe that the french squadron had gone to toulon with a view to intercepting the ships under his convoy, had to content himself with protesting against the withdrawal of the grand fleet so early in the voyage, and proceeding upon the journey alone. on june the th, being about sixty leagues short of cape st. vincent, he ordered the _lark_ to stretch ahead of his scouts into lagos bay; and on the following day, having confirmed advice of danger, from the close proximity of the enemy, proposed in a council of war to keep the wind or lie by during the night, with a view to discovering the enemy's strength in the morning. in this he was over-ruled, for it was urged that the wind being fresh northerly, it gave the fleet a fair opportunity of pushing for cadiz; with which view he ran along the shore all night with a pressed sail, forcing several of the enemy's ships to cut from their anchors in lagos bay. the next day, when off villa nova, it fell calm, and a little after daybreak ten sail of the enemy's men-of-war and several small ships were seen in the offing. the french no sooner discovered sir george rooke than they stood away with their boats ahead, setting fire to some, and sinking others of their small craft, to save them from falling into his hands. the crew of a fire-ship which fell in with our fleet in the night, being carried on board the flag ship and examined by the admiral, told him that the french squadron consisted of only fifteen ships of the line, notwithstanding there were three flags, and had with them forty-six merchantmen and store-ships, bound either for toulon or to join m. d'estrees. they said also that the squadron had been becalmed off the cape, and that, having watered in the bay, were bound directly into the straits, without any intention of following our fleet. this story, consistent with the hasty retreat of their men-of-war in the morning and their desertion and destruction of their small vessels, completely deceived the admiral and the rest of the officers; though afterwards it appeared that they made this retreat with a view to drawing the english squadron more completely into their power. about noon the sea breeze sprang up and the admiral bore away along shore upon the enemy, discovering their real strength as he came nearer to them, until at last he sighted about eighty sail. about three in the afternoon the dutch vice-admiral sent sir george rooke word that, in his judgment, the best course would be to avoid fighting. sir george differed with him upon the point and had actually made his arrangements for engaging the enemy; but reflecting that he should take upon himself the whole blame of the consequences if he fought contrary to the dutch admiral's advice, he brought to and then stood off with an easy sail, at the same time despatching the _sheerness_ with orders to the small ships that were on the coast to endeavour to get along shore in the night and save themselves in the spanish ports; this, happily, many of them succeeded in doing. sir george rooke's whole squadron consisted of no more than twenty-three ships of war; of these, thirteen only were english, eight dutch, and two hamburgers. the fleet of merchantmen under his convoy numbered four hundred sail of all nations, though the greater part of them were english ships. the fleet under m. tourville consisted of one hundred and twenty sail, of which sixty-four were of the line, and eighteen three-deck ships; yet sir george rooke saved all his men-of-war and no less than sixty merchantmen, and was said by the dutch gazettes to have gained more reputation by his escape than the french had by their victory. early in the year sir george rooke was appointed admiral and commander-in-chief of the fleet, and put to sea towards the latter end of june. as the french avoided fighting sir george found it impossible to do anything with them; but while cruising off the french coast he met with a large fleet of swedish merchantmen, and having obliged them to bring to and submit to be searched, found just grounds for believing that most of their cargoes belonged to french merchants: upon which he sent them under the convoy of some frigates into plymouth. this caused a great deal of excitement, the swedish minister interposing, and some of our statesmen being inclined to disapprove the admiral's conduct. upon this sir george insisted that the matter should be brought to trial before the court of admiralty, where, upon the clearest evidence, it was shown that these swedish ships were freighted by french merchants, partly with french goods, but chiefly with indian merchandise, which had been taken out of english and dutch ships; and that the swedes had no further concern therein than receiving two per cent. for lending their names, procuring passes, and taking other necessary precautions for screening the effects of the french merchants; so that the whole of this rich fleet was adjudged to be good prize, and the clamour that had been raised against sir george rooke was converted into general applause! the following year he was elected member of parliament for portsmouth, where, voting mostly with the tories, the whigs tried to ruin him in the king's favour; but, to the honour of king william be it said, that when pressed to remove sir george rooke from his seat at the admiralty-board, he answered plainly "sir george rooke has served me faithfully at sea, and i will never displace him for acting as he thinks most for the service of his country in the house of commons." upon the accession of queen anne, in , sir george was constituted vice-admiral and lieutenant of the admiralty of england, as also lieutenant of the fleets and seas of this kingdom; and, upon the declaration of war with france, it was resolved that sir george rooke should command the grand fleet sent against cadiz, the duke of ormond having the command-in-chief of the land forces. when it was found impracticable for the land forces to make themselves masters of cadiz, sir george rooke proposed bombarding it, but this suggestion meeting with opposition the admiral decided to return home. on september th, , the fleet sailed homeward bound, but on october th the admiral received information from captain hardy that a number of galleons under the escort of a strong french squadron had entered the harbour of vigo; upon which sir george called a council of war composed of english and dutch flag-officers, by whom it was resolved to sail to vigo as expeditiously as possible, and attack the enemy. the passage into the harbour was not more than three-quarters of a mile across, and was defended on the north side by a battery of eight brass and twelve iron guns; and on the south by a platform of twenty brass and twenty iron guns, also a stone fort, with a breast-work and deep trench before it, mounting ten guns and manned by five hundred men. there was, from one side of the harbour to the other, a strong boom composed of ships-yards and top masts, fastened together with three-inch rope, and underneath with hawsers and cables. the top-chain at each end was moored to a seventy-gun ship; one the _hope_, which had been taken from the english, and the other the _bourbon_. within the boom were moored five ships, of between sixty and seventy guns each, with their broadsides fronting the entrance of the passage, so as to command any ship that came near the boom, forts, and platform. the admirals removed their flags from the great ships into third-rates, the first- and second-rates being all too big to go in. sir george rooke went out of the _royal sovereign_ into the _somerset_; admiral hopson out of the _prince george_ into the _torbay_; admiral fairbourne out of the _st. george_ into the _essex_; and admiral graydon out of the _triumph_ into the _northumberland_. a detachment of fifteen english and ten dutch men-of-war, with all their fire-ships, frigates, and bomb-vessels, was ordered to go upon the service. the duke of ormond, to facilitate this attack, landed two thousand five hundred men on the south side of the river, at a distance of about six miles from vigo; and lord shannon, at the head of five hundred men, attacked the stone fort at the entrance of the harbour and made himself master of the platform of forty pieces of cannon. the french governor, m. sozel, ordered the gates of the fort to be thrown open, resolving to force his way through the english troops. but though there was great bravery, there was but very little judgment in this action, for his order was no sooner obeyed than the grenadiers stormed the place, sword in hand, and forced the garrison, consisting of about three hundred and fifty frenchmen and spaniards, to surrender as prisoners of war. as soon as our flag was seen flying from the fort the ships advanced; and vice-admiral hopson in the _torbay_, crowding all the sail he could, ran directly against the boom, and broke it; upon which the _kent_, with the rest of the squadron, english and dutch, entered the harbour. the enemy made a prodigious fire upon them, both from their ships and batteries on shore, until the latter were captured by our grenadiers; who, seeing the execution done by their guns on the fleet, stormed them with incredible resolution. in the meantime, one of the enemy's fire-ships had laid the _torbay_ on board and did her considerable damage. her foretop mast was shot by the board; most of the sails burnt or scorched; the fore-yard consumed to a cinder; the larboard shrouds, fore and aft, burnt to the dead eyes; several ports blown off the hinges; her larboard side entirely scorched; one hundred and fifteen men killed and drowned, of whom about sixty jumped overboard as soon as they were grappled by the fire-ship. in the meantime captain william bokenham, in the _association_, a ship of ninety guns, lay with her broadside to the battery, on the left of the harbour, which was soon disabled; and captain francis wyvill, in the _barfleur_, a ship of the same force, was sent to batter the fort on the other side, which was a very dangerous and troublesome service, since the enemy's shot pierced the ship through and through, and for some time he durst not fire a gun because our troops were between him and the fort; but they soon drove the enemy from their post, and then the struggle was between the french firing their ships and the galleons and our men endeavouring to save them. in this dispute the _association_ had her main-mast shot, and two men killed; the _kent_ had her fore-mast shot and the boatswain wounded; the _barfleur_ had her main-mast shot, two men killed, and two wounded; the _mary_ had her bowsprit shot. of the troops there were only two lieutenants and thirty men killed, and four superior officers wounded; a very inconsiderable loss, considering that the enemy had fifteen french men-of-war, two frigates and a fire-ship, burnt, sunk, or taken, besides seventeen galleons. six galleons were taken by the english and five by the dutch, who sank six. as to the wealth on board the galleons we have no exact account. of the silver fourteen millions of pieces were saved; of the goods about five. four millions of plate were destroyed with ten millions of merchandise; and about two millions in silver and five in goods were brought away by the english and dutch. sir cloudesley shovel arriving on october th as the troops were embarking, the admiral left him at vigo with orders to see that the french men-of-war and the galleons that we had taken, and that were in a condition to be brought to england, were carefully rigged and properly supplied with men. he was likewise directed to burn such as could not be brought home, and to take the best care he could to prevent embezzlements. after appointing a strong squadron for this service, the admiral, with the rest of the fleet and one of the spanish galleons, sailed home, and arrived in the downs on november th, , whence the great ships were sent round to chatham. the year was barren of naval achievements; but, if one year can be said to make up for another, was equal to the occasion. on july th the fleet being in the road of tetuan a council of war was called at which sir george rooke proposed the attacking of gibraltar, a proposal which was immediately agreed to and speedily put into execution, as will be seen by the admiral's own account as follows:-- "july th, the fleet being then about seven leagues to the eastward of tetuan, a council of war was held on board the _royal catherine_, wherein it was resolved to make a sudden attempt upon gibraltar. accordingly the fleet sailed thither, and on the st got into the bay. at three o'clock in the afternoon the marines, english and dutch, to the number of one thousand eight hundred, with the prince of hesse at the head of them, were put on shore on the neck of land to the northward of the town to cut off all communication with the country. his highness, having posted his men there, sent a summons to the governor to surrender the place, which he rejected with great obstinacy. the admiral, on the nd in the morning, gave orders that the ships which had been appointed to cannonade the town under the command of rear-admiral byng and rear-admiral vanderdussen, as also of those which were to batter the south mole head, commanded by captain hicks of the _yarmouth_, should range themselves accordingly; but the wind blowing contrary they could not possibly get into their places till the day was spent. in the meantime, to amuse the enemy, captain whitaker was sent with some boats, who burnt a french privateer of twelve guns at the mole. the rd, soon after break of day, the ships being all placed, the admiral gave the signal for beginning the cannonade, which was performed with very great fury, above fifteen thousand shot being made in five or six hours' time against the town, insomuch that the enemy were soon beat from their guns, especially at the south mole head: whereupon the admiral, considering that by gaining the fortification they should of consequence reduce the town, ordered captain whitaker, with all the boats armed, to endeavour to possess himself of it; which he performed with great expedition. but captain hicks and captain jumper, who lay next the mole, had pushed on shore with their pinnaces and some other boats before the rest could come up; whereupon the enemy sprang a mine that blew up the fortifications upon the mole, killed two lieutenants and forty men, and wounded about sixty. however, our men kept possession of the great platform which they had made themselves masters of, and captain whitaker landed with the rest of the seamen which had been ordered upon this service, who advanced and took a redoubt, or small bastion, halfway between the mole and the town, and possessed themselves of many of the enemy's cannon. the admiral then sent a letter to the governor, and at the same time a message to the prince of hesse to send to him a peremptory summons, which his highness did accordingly; and on the th in the morning, the governor, desiring to capitulate, hostages were exchanged, and the capitulation being concluded the prince marched into the town in the evening and took possession of the land and north-mole gates and the out-work. "the town is extremely strong, and had an hundred guns mounted, all facing the sea and the two narrow passes to the land, and was well supplied with ammunition. the officers, who have viewed the fortifications, affirm there never was such an attack as the seamen made; for that fifty men might have defended those works against thousands." after this remarkable service the dutch admiral thought of returning home, and actually detached six men-of-war to lisbon; so little appearance was there of any further engagement. but on august the th the french fleet, under the command of the count de toulouse, was seen at sea, and appeared to be the strongest fleet that had been equipped during the whole war; the english admiral, however, resolved to do all in his power to force an engagement, which determination resulted in the battle off malaga, of which the following is sir george rooke's own account, as published by authority. it was dated from on board the _royal catherine_, off cape st. vincent, august th, , and addressed to his royal highness prince george of denmark. "on the th instant, returning from watering our ships on the coast of barbary to gibraltar, our scouts made the signals of seeing the enemy's fleet; which, according to the account they gave, consisted of sixty-six sail, and were about ten leagues to windward of us. a council of flag-officers was called, wherein it was determined to lie to the eastward of gibraltar to receive and engage them. but perceiving that night, by the report of their signal guns, that they wrought from us, we followed them in the morning with all the sail we could make. "on the th we forced one of the enemy's ships ashore near fuengorolo; the crew quitted her, set her on fire and she blew up immediately. we continued still pursuing them, and the th, not hearing any of their guns all night nor seeing any of their scouts in the morning, our admiral had a jealousy they might make a double, and, by the help of their galleys, slip between us and the shore to the westward: so that it was resolved, that in case we did not see the enemy before night, we should make the best of our way to gibraltar; but standing in to the shore about noon we discovered the enemy's fleet and galleys to the westward, near cape malaga, going very large. we immediately made all the sail we could and continued the chase all night. "on sunday the th, in the morning, we were within three leagues of the enemy, who brought to with their heads to the southward, the wind being easterly, formed their line and lay to to receive us. their line consisted of fifty-two ships and twenty-four galleys; they were very strong in the centre and weaker in the van and rear, to supply which most of the galleys were divided into those quarters. in the centre was monsieur de toulouse with the white squadron; in the van the white and blue, and in the rear the blue. each admiral had his vice- and rear-admirals. our line consisted of fifty-three ships, the admiral, and rear-admirals byng and dilkes being in the centre; sir cloudesley shovel and sir john leake led the van, and the dutch the rear. "the admiral ordered the _swallow_ and _panther_, with the _lark_ and _newport_ and two fire-ships, to lie to the windward of us, that, in case the enemy's van should push through our line with their galleys and fire-ships, they might give them some diversion. "we bore down upon the enemy in order of battle a little after ten o'clock, when, being about half gun-shot from them, they set all their sails at once and seemed to intend to stretch ahead and weather us; so that our admiral, after firing a chase-gun at the french admiral to stay for him, of which he took no notice, put the signal out and began the battle, which fell very heavy on the _royal catherine_, _st. george_, and the _shrewsbury_. about two in the afternoon the enemy's van gave way to ours, and the battle ended with the day, when the enemy went away, by the help of their galleys, to the leeward. in the night the wind shifted to the northward, and in the morning to the westward, which gave the enemy the wind of us. we lay by all day, within three leagues one of another; repairing our defects; and at night they filled and stood to the northward. "on the th, in the morning, the enemy was four or five leagues to the westward of us; but a little before noon we had a breeze of wind easterly, with which we bore down on them till four o'clock in the afternoon: it being too late to engage, we brought to and lay by with our heads to the northward all night. "on the th, in the morning, the wind being still easterly, hazy weather, and having no sight of the enemy or their scouts, we filled and bore away to the westward, supposing they would have gone away for cadiz; but being advised from gibraltar and the coast of barbary that they did not pass the straits, we concluded they had been so severely treated as to oblige them to return to toulon. "the admiral says he must do the officers the justice to say that every man in the line did his duty, without giving the least umbrage for censure or reflection, and that he never observed the true english spirit so apparent and prevalent in our seamen as on this occasion. "this battle is so much the more glorious to her majesty's arms because the enemy had a superiority of six hundred great guns, and likewise the advantage of cleaner ships, being lately come out of port, not to mention the great use of their galleys in towing on or off their great ships and in supplying them with fresh men as often as they had any killed or disabled. but all these disadvantages were surmounted by the bravery and good conduct of our officers and the undaunted courage of our seamen." in this fierce engagement neither side lost a ship, but the carnage was very great, the english killed and wounded numbering three thousand and the french nearly four thousand. the french claimed it as a victory but showed no disposition to follow it up. upon his return to england sir george found himself the subject of much party strife, and, as perceiving that as he rose in credit with his country he lost his interest in those at the helm, resolved to retire from public service and prevent the affairs of the nation from receiving any disturbance upon his account. retiring to his seat in kent he spent the rest of his life in rest and peace, dying of the gout on january th, - in the fifty-eighth year of his age. a good husband and a kind master, he lived hospitably with his neighbours and left behind him a moderate fortune. "i do not leave much," said he, "but what i leave was honestly gotten; it never cost a sailor a tear or the nation a farthing." after he was laid aside a privy seal was offered him for passing his accounts; but he refused it, and made them up in the ordinary way and with all the exactness imaginable. [illustration: the spanish armada. (_see page ._)] off gibraltar. it is not to be supposed that our enemies quietly accepted the conquest of gibraltar by sir george rooke as final; indeed, a very short time elapsed before they began to make efforts to regain it. the spaniards, who were the best judges, found our possession of the great fortress so great a thorn in their sides that they prevailed upon the french to hazard an engagement at sea to facilitate their re-taking it, and afterwards obtained a squadron of french ships, under the command of monsieur de pointis, to assist them in carrying on a siege. the prince of hesse having sent early advice of this to lisbon, sir john leake, in the beginning of the month of october, , proceeded with his squadron to the relief of the garrison, and actually landed several gunners, carpenters, and engineers, with a body of four hundred marines; but receiving intelligence that the french were approaching with a force much superior to his own, he found it necessary to return to lisbon. he did this with a view only to refit and to be in a better condition to supply and assist the garrison in a second expedition, for which he had very prudently directed preparations to be made in his absence. this enabled him to put to sea again on october th, and on the th he entered the bay of gibraltar at a very critical juncture; for that very night the enemy intended to storm the town on all sides, and had procured two hundred boats from cadiz in order to land three thousand men near the new mole. sir john leake entered so suddenly that he surprised two frigates in the bay, one of forty-two and the other of twenty-four guns, a brigantine of fourteen, a fire-ship of sixteen, a store-ship full of bombs, and two english prizes; while a tartane and a frigate of thirty guns, which had just left the bay, were taken by an english ship that followed him. the enemy, notwithstanding these discouragements, continued the siege in expectation of strong naval succours from france, and therefore sir john leake resolved to land as many men as he could spare to reinforce the garrison. this he performed on the nd, rd, and th of november, and continued still on the coast in order to alarm and distress the enemy. on the th and th he ordered his smallest frigates as near the shore as possible, and then manned his boats as if he intended a descent. this was done so slowly that the spanish general had time to draw down a great body of cavalry, upon which the admiral put his design in execution and saluted them in such a manner with his great and small arms that they scampered back to their camp with great precipitation. the _centurion_ arrived on november nd, and brought in with her a french prize from martinico, very richly laden; and, at the same time, gave the admiral intelligence that he had discovered a very strong squadron in the bay of cadiz, which he apprehended would soon be in a condition to sail. upon this sir john leake resolved to put to sea, and to stand with his fleet to the eastward of gibraltar, that he might be the better able to take such measures as should be found necessary, as well for the preservation of the place as for securing the succours that were expected from lisbon. on december th the _antelope_ arrived with nine transports under her convoy, and two days afterwards the _newcastle_ with seven more, having on board nearly two thousand land troops. these escaped the french fleet very luckily; for when they were off cape spartel they had sight of monsieur pointis's squadron, consisting of twenty-four sail of men-of-war sailing under english and dutch colours. as they expected to meet the confederate fleet under sir john leake and rear-admiral vanderdussen thereabouts they were readily deceived and did their utmost to join their enemies. being becalmed they put their boats to sea on both sides to tow the ships; but, observing that the men-of-war stretched themselves and endeavoured to make a half-moon to surround them, they made a private signal which sir john leake would have understood. this betrayed the french, who, finding themselves discovered, put up their colours and endeavoured to fall upon the transports; which, however, escaped by means of their oars, and night coming on got away by favour of a small breeze from the south-west. by the arrival of these succours the garrison of gibraltar was increased to upwards of three thousand men; and having already obtained many advantages over the enemy, it was no longer thought requisite to keep the fleet, which by long service was now but in an indifferent condition, either in the bay or on the coast; whereupon it was unanimously resolved to sail with all convenient speed to lisbon in order to refit and to provide further supplies for the garrison, in case, as the spaniards gave out, they should receive such reinforcements from king louis and king philip as would enable them to renew the siege both by land and sea. this resolution was as speedily executed as wisely taken, and the fleet arrived at lisbon in the latter end of . four years later fortune favoured sir john leake in these waters once again. upon receiving advice from colonel elliot, governor of gibraltar, in april , that some french ships of war were seen cruising off the straits mouth the admiral sailed from the river of lisbon on the th, and, in his passage up the straits on may th, when about twelve leagues from alicante, sighted several vessels which he took to be fishing-boats. sir john had previously detached some light frigates to give notice of the approach of his fleet, and one of them had had the good luck to take a french frigate of twenty-four guns, from which he obtained an account of a convoy that was expected. upon this the captains of our frigates made the necessary dispositions for intercepting it. the next day the french convoy appeared in sight, consisting of three men of war, one of forty-four, another of forty, and the third of thirty-two guns, with ninety settees and tartanes laden with wheat, barley, and oil for the use of the duke of orleans' army, and bound for peniscola, near the mouth of the ebro. the british frigates bore down immediately upon the enemy's men-of-war, who, however, abandoning their barques and endeavouring to make their escape, came in view of the main fleet, upon which sir john leake made signal to give chase. as our great ships could not follow them near the coast, the french made their escape in the night; but the vice-admiral of the white, perceiving the barques near the coast, sent his long-boats and small ships in and took several of them. the next morning others were captured, and some barques of catalonia, coming out of their harbours to secure a share in the booty, sixty-nine of them were taken and the rest dispersed. the story of admiral benbow. by john campbell. admiral benbow was descended from the ancient and honourable family of the benbows in the county of salop; a family that suffered for their loyalty to the cause of charles i. when the civil war broke out, the king, relying upon the loyalty of the inhabitants of this county, repaired in person to shrewsbury, on september th, ; whereupon the lords newport and littleton, with many of the gentry of the county, came in and offered his majesty their services; among these were thomas benbow and john benbow, esquires, both men of estates, and both colonels in the king's service, of whom the latter was the father of our admiral. after the execution of charles i. his followers retired into the country and lived as privately as they could. but though their interests were much reduced and their fortunes in a great measure ruined, their spirits remained unbroken, and when the time came they acted as cheerfully for the service of king charles ii. as if they had never suffered in the cause of his father. when, therefore, charles ii. marched from scotland towards worcester, the two benbows, among other gentlemen of the county of salop, went to attend him; and after fighting bravely in his support were both taken prisoners by the parliamentary forces. after the battle of worcester, which was fought september rd, , a court martial was appointed to sit at chester, whereby ten gentlemen, of the first families in england, were sentenced to death for complicity with his majesty, and five of them were executed. they then proceeded to try sir timothy featherstonhaugh, colonel thomas benbow and the earl of derby for being in his service. they were all condemned, and, in order to strike the greater terror in different parts of the county, the earl of derby was adjudged to suffer death on october th, at bolton; sir timothy to be beheaded on the th, at chester; and colonel thomas benbow to be shot on the th, at shrewsbury; all these sentences were severally put in execution. as for colonel john benbow, he made his escape after a short imprisonment, and lived privately in his own county till after the restoration, when he was far advanced in years; and yet was so hard pressed for a livelihood that he was glad to accept a small office belonging to the ordnance in the tower, which brought him an income just sufficient to keep him and his family from starving. he was found in this situation when, a little before the breaking out of the first dutch war, charles ii. came to the tower to examine the magazines. the king, whose memory was as quick as his eye, knew him at first sight, and immediately came up and embraced him. "my old friend, colonel benbow," said he, "what do you here?" "i have," returned the colonel, "a place of fourscore pounds a year, in which i serve your majesty as cheerfully as if it brought me in four thousand." "alas!" said the king, "is that all that could be found for an old friend at worcester? colonel legge, bring this gentleman to me to-morrow, and i will provide for him and his family as it becomes me." but the poor old colonel did not live to receive, or so much as to claim, the effects of this gracious promise; for his feelings so overcame him, that, sitting down on a bench, he breathed his last before the king was well out of the tower. thus both brothers fell martyrs to the royal cause, one in grief, and the other in joy. john, the subject of this sketch, who was then about fifteen, had been bred to the sea; probably in some lowly capacity, although even in charles ii.'s reign he was owner and commander of a ship called the _benbow_ frigate, and made as respectable a figure as any man concerned in the trade to the mediterranean. he was always considered by the merchants as a bold, brave, and active commander; one who took care of his seamen, and was therefore cheerfully obeyed by them, though he maintained strict discipline. in the year captain benbow in his own vessel, the _benbow_ frigate, was attacked in his passage to cadiz by a sallee rover, against which, though greatly out-numbered, he defended himself with the utmost bravery. at last the moors boarded him, but were quickly beaten back, with the loss of thirteen men, whose heads captain benbow ordered to be cut off and thrown into a tub of pork-pickle. arrived at cadiz, he went ashore and ordered a negro servant to follow him with the moors' heads in a sack. he had scarcely landed before the officers of the revenue inquired of his servant what he had in his sack? the captain answered salt provisions for his own use. "that may be," answered the officers, "but we must insist upon seeing them." captain benbow alleged that he was no stranger there, and pretended to take it very ill that he was suspected. the officers told him that the magistrates were sitting not far off and that if they were satisfied with his word his servant might carry the provisions where he pleased; but that otherwise it was not in their power to grant any such dispensation. the captain consented to the proposal; and away they marched to the custom-house, mr. benbow in the front, his man in the centre and the officers in the rear. the magistrates, when he came before them, treated him with great civility; told him they were sorry to make a point of such a trifle, but that, since he had refused to show the contents of his sack to their officers they were obliged to demand a sight of them; and that if they were salt provisions the showing of them could be of no great consequence either way. "i told you," said the captain sternly, "they were salt provisions for my own use. cæsar, throw them down upon the table; and, gentlemen, if you like them, they are at your service." the spaniards were exceedingly struck at the sight of the moors' heads, and no less astonished at the account of the captain's adventure, who, with so small a force, had been able to defeat such a number of barbarians. they sent an account of the whole matter to the court of madrid; and charles ii. of spain was so pleased with it that he must needs see the english captain, who made a journey to court, where he was received with great show of respect and dismissed with a handsome present. his majesty also wrote a letter on his behalf to king james, who, upon the captain's return, gave him a ship; which was captain benbow's introduction to the royal navy. after the revolution, benbow distinguished himself by several successful cruises in the channel, where he was employed at the request of the merchants in protecting trade, and was very successful, and where his diligence and activity recommended him to the favour of william iii., to whose personal kindness he owed his early promotion to a flag. after this he was generally employed as the most experienced seaman in the navy to watch the movements of the french at dunkirk, and to prevent, as far as it was possible, the depredations of du bart; in which he showed such diligence and did such signal service that he escaped the slightest censure at a time when libels flew about against almost every other officer of rank in the fleet. the truth was, the seamen generally looked upon rear-admiral benbow as their greatest patron; one who not only used them well while under his care, but was always ready to interpose in their favour when they were ill-treated by others. admiral benbow's next employment was in the west indies, where he met with many difficulties and rendered valuable service, receiving on his return home unmistakable marks of royal favour. shortly after his return it became necessary to send another expedition to the same place, and when the subject of leadership was discussed the ministers suggested admiral benbow. this, however, the king, who seems to have had some affection for our admiral, would not hear of. "benbow," he said, "had but just come home from thence, where he had met with nothing but difficulties; and it was but fair that some other officer should take his turn." one or two were named and consulted, but excused themselves upon various grounds; upon which the king said merrily, alluding to the dress and appearance of these gentlemen, "well then, i find we must spare our beaux and send honest benbow." william, accordingly, sent for our admiral and asked him whether he was willing to go to the west indies, assuring him, if he was not, he would not take it amiss if he desired to be excused. mr. benbow answered bluntly, "that he did not understand such compliments; that he thought he had no right to choose his station; and that if his majesty thought fit to send him to the east or west indies, or anywhere else, he would cheerfully execute his orders as became him." thus the matter was settled in very few words, and the command of the west india squadron conferred on vice-admiral benbow. he arrived at barbadoes on november rd, , from whence he sailed to examine the state of the french and of our own leeward islands. he found the former in some confusion, and the latter in so good a state of defence, that he saw no necessity of remaining, and therefore sailed to jamaica. here he received advice of two french squadrons having arrived in the west indies, much to the alarm of the inhabitants of jamaica and of barbadoes. after arranging for the safety of both places as far as his strength would permit, he formed a design of attacking petit goave; but before he could execute it, received intelligence that monsieur du casse was in the neighbourhood of hispaniola with a squadron of french ships, to settle the _assiento_ in favour of the french and to destroy the english and dutch trade for negroes. after alarming petit goave, which he found it inexpedient to attack, the admiral sailed for donna maria bay, where he continued until august th; when, having received advice that monsieur du casse had sailed for carthagena, and from thence was to sail to portobello, he resolved to follow him, and accordingly sailed for the spanish coast of santa-martha. on august the th, in the evening, he discovered ten sail of tall ships to the westward. standing towards them he found the best part of them to be french men-of-war; upon which he made the usual signal for a line of battle, going away with an easy sail, that his sternmost ships might come up and join him, the french steering along-shore under their top sails. their squadron consisted of four ships, from sixty to seventy guns, with one great dutch-built ship of about thirty or forty, and there was another full of soldiers; the rest small ones, and a sloop. our frigates astern were a long time in coming up, and the night advancing, the admiral steered alongside of the french, endeavouring to near them, yet intending to avoid attack until the _defiance_ was abreast of the headmost. before he could reach that station the _falmouth_, which was in the rear, attempted the dutch ship, and the _windsor_ the ship abreast of her, as did also the _defiance_; and soon after the vice-admiral himself was engaged. but the _defiance_ and the _windsor_ stood no more than two or three broadsides before they luffed out of gun-shot, whereupon the two sternmost ships of the enemy lay upon the admiral and galled him very much; nor did the ships in the rear come up to his assistance with due diligence. from four o'clock until night the fight continued, and though the french then left off firing, our admiral still kept them company. on the th, at daybreak, the admiral found himself very near the enemy with only the _ruby_ to assist him, the rest of the ships lying three, four, or five miles astern. about two in the afternoon the sea-breeze began to blow, and then the enemy got into a line, making what sail they could; and the rest of his ships not coming up, the admiral and the _ruby_ plied them with chase-guns and kept them company all the next night. on the st the admiral was on the quarter of the second ship of the enemy's line, within point-blank shot; but the _ruby_ being ahead of the same ship was attacked by two of the enemy's line. the _breda_, which carried the admiral, engaged the ship that first attacked the _ruby_, and plied her so warmly that she was forced to tow off. the admiral would have followed her, but the _ruby_ was in such a condition that he could not leave her. during this engagement the rear ship of the enemy's was abreast of the _defiance_ and _windsor_; but neither of those ships fired a single shot. on the nd, at daybreak, the _greenwich_ was five leagues astern, though the signal for battle was never struck night or day; about three in the afternoon the wind came southerly, which gave the enemy the weather-gauge. on the rd the enemy was six leagues ahead and the great dutch ship separated from them. at ten the enemy tacked with the wind at east-north-east, the vice-admiral fetched point-blank within a shot or two of them, and each gave the other his broadside. about noon they recovered from the enemy a small english ship called the _anne_ galley, which they had taken off the rock of lisbon. the _ruby_ being disabled, the admiral ordered her for port royal. the rest of the squadron now came up, and the enemy being but two miles off, the brave admiral was in hopes of doing something at last, and therefore continued to steer after them; but his ships, except the _falmouth_, were soon astern again. at twelve the enemy began to separate. on the th, about two in the morning, they came up within call of the sternmost, there being then very little wind. the admiral fired a broadside with double round below, and round and cartridge aloft. at three o'clock the admiral's right leg was shattered to pieces by a chain-shot, and he was carried below; but he presently ordered his cradle to be carried to the quarter-deck, and continued the fight till day. then appeared the ruins of the enemy's ship of about seventy guns; her main yard down and shot to pieces, her foretop-sail yard shot away, her mizen-mast shot by the board, all her rigging gone, and her sides bored to pieces. the admiral soon after discovered the enemy standing toward him with a strong gale of wind. the _windsor_, _pendennis_, and _greenwich_, ahead of the enemy, came to the leeward of the disabled ship, fired their broadsides, passed her, and stood to the southward; then came the _defiance_, fired part of her broadside, when the disabled ship returning about twenty guns, the _defiance_ put her helm a-weather, and ran away right before the wind, lowered both her top-sails, and ran to the leeward of the _falmouth_ without any regard to the signal of battle. the enemy seeing the other two ships stand to the southward, expected they would have tacked and stood towards them, and therefore they brought their heads to the northward. but when they saw these ships did not tack, they immediately bore down upon the admiral, and ran between their disabled ship and him, and poured in all their shot, by which they brought down his maintop-sail yard, and shattered his rigging very much; none of the other ships being near him or taking the least notice of his signals, though captain fog ordered two guns to be fired at the ships ahead in order to put them in mind of their duty. the french, seeing things in this confusion, brought to and lay by their own disabled ship, re-manned and took her into tow. the _breda's_ rigging being much shattered she was forced to lie by till ten o'clock; and, being by that time refitted, the admiral ordered his captain to pursue the enemy, then about three miles to the leeward, his line-of-battle signal out all the while; and captain fog, by the admiral's orders, sent to the other captains, to order them to keep the line and behave like men. upon this captain kirby came on board the admiral, and told him that "he had better desist; that the french were very strong; and that from what was past he might guess he could make nothing of it." the brave admiral benbow, more surprised at this language than he would have been at the sight of another french squadron, sent for the rest of the captains on board in order to ask their opinion. they obeyed him indeed, but were most of them in captain kirby's way of thinking; which satisfied the admiral that they were not inclined to fight; and that, as kirby phrased it, _there was nothing to be done_, though there was the fairest opportunity that had yet offered. our strength was, at this time, one ship of seventy guns, one of sixty-four, one of sixty, and three of fifty; their masts, yards, and all things else in as good condition as could be expected, and not above eight men killed, except in the vice-admiral's own ship, nor was there any want of ammunition; whereas the enemy had now no more than four ships, from sixty to seventy guns, and one of them disabled and in tow. the vice-admiral thought proper upon this to return to jamaica, where he arrived with his squadron, very weak with a fever induced by his wounds, and was soon after joined by rear-admiral whetstone, with the ships under his command. as soon as he conveniently could, vice-admiral benbow issued a commission to rear-admiral whetstone and to several captains to hold a court martial for the trial of several offenders. on october th, , the court sat at port royal, when captain kirby, of the _defiance_, was put upon his trial. he was accused of cowardice, breach of orders and neglect of duty; which crimes were proved upon oath, by the admiral himself, ten commissioned, and eleven warrant officers; by whose evidence it appeared that the admiral boarded du casse in person three times, and received a large wound in his face, and another in his arm before his leg was shot off; that kirby, after two or three broadsides, kept always out of gun-shot, and by his behaviour created such a fear of his desertion as greatly discouraged the english in the engagement; that he kept two or three miles astern all the second day, though commanded again and again to keep his station; that the third day he did not fire a gun though he saw the admiral in the deepest distress, having two or three french men-of-war upon him at a time; and that he threatened to kill his boatswain for repeating the admiral's command to fire. he had very little to say for himself, and therefore was most deservedly sentenced to be shot. the same day captain constable, of the _windsor_, was tried; his own officers vindicated him from cowardice, but the rest of the charge being clearly proved he was sentenced to be cashiered and to be imprisoned during her majesty's pleasure. the next day captain wade was tried, and the charge being fully proved by sixteen commissioned and warrant officers on board his own ship, as also that he was drunk during the whole time of the engagement, he, making little or no defence, had the same sentence with kirby. as for captain hudson, he died a few days before his trial should have come on, and thereby avoided dying as kirby and wade did; for his case was exactly the same with theirs. the reflections he made on this unhappy business threw the brave admiral into a deep melancholy, which soon brought him to his end; for he died on november th, , of a fever engendered by his wounds and worries. the condemned captains were sent home from jamaica on board her majesty's ship the _bristol_, and arrived at plymouth on april th, , where, as in all the western ports, there lay a warrant for their immediate execution, and they were shot on board the ship that brought them home. the mortification felt by the admiral at the failure of his officers is indicated in the answer he gave to one of his lieutenants who expressed sorrow for the fact that the admiral had lost his leg. "why, yes," said the fine old sailor, "i am sorry for it too, but i would rather have lost them both than have seen this dishonour brought upon the english nation." the french accounts of this engagement represent the whole affair to their own advantage; but m. du casse, who was a brave man, and withal by far the best judge of the circumstances, has put the matter out of dispute by the following short letter, written by him immediately after his arrival at carthagena; the original of which is said to be still in the hands of admiral benbow's family. "sir,--i had little hopes, on monday last, but to have supped in your cabin; but it pleased god to order it otherwise; i am thankful for it. as for those cowardly captains who deserted you, hang them up; for, by god, they deserve it. "yours, "du casse." defeat of the spanish fleet in the faro off messina. by john campbell. early in the year the activity of the naval preparations in england, rendered necessary by the disturbed condition of europe, excited considerable anxiety and comment. m. de monteleone, the spanish minister here, a man of foresight and intrigue, taking alarm, in a memorial dated march th, , represented "that so powerful an armament in time of peace could not but cause umbrage to the king his master and alter the good intelligence that reigned between the two crowns." to which king george i. replied, "that it was not his intention to conceal the object of the armament; and that he designed soon to send admiral byng with a powerful squadron into the mediterranean, in order to maintain the neutrality of italy against those who should seek to disturb it." the reasons assigned for acting with so much vigour were the preparations made in spain for attacking the island of sicily and the hardships suffered by british merchants. in the month of march, , sir george byng was appointed admiral and commander-in-chief of the squadron intended for the mediterranean; and in the may following he received his instructions as follows: "that he should, upon his arrival in the mediterranean, acquaint the king of spain, and likewise the viceroy of naples and governor of milan, he was sent into that sea in order to promote all measures that might best contribute to the composing the differences arisen between the two crowns, and for preventing any further violation of the neutrality of italy, which he was to see preserved. that he was to make instances to both parties to forbear all acts of hostility, in order to the setting on foot and concluding the proper negotiations of peace. but, in case the spaniards should still persist to attack the emperor's territory in italy, or to land in any part of italy for that purpose, or should endeavour to make themselves masters of the island of sicily, which must be with a design to invade the kingdom of naples, he was then, with all his power, to hinder and obstruct the same; but, if they were already landed, he was to endeavour amicably to dissuade them from persevering in such an attempt, and to offer them his assistance to withdraw their troops and put an end to all farther acts of hostility; but if his friendly endeavours should prove ineffectual he was then to defend the territories attacked, by keeping company with, or intercepting their ships, convoys, or (if necessary) by opposing them openly." the admiral sailed from spithead on june th, , with twenty ships of the line-of-battle, two fire-ships, two bomb-vessels, a hospital-ship, and a store-ship. arriving on the th off cape st. vincent he despatched the _superbe_ to cadiz, with a letter to colonel stanhope, the king's envoy at madrid, desiring him to inform the king of spain of his arrival in those parts on his way to the mediterranean, and to lay before him the instructions he had received. the envoy showed the letter to cardinal alberoni, who, upon reading it, told him with some warmth, that "his master would run all hazards, rather than recall his troops or consent to any suspension of arms;" adding, that "the spaniards were not to be frightened, and that he was so well convinced of their fleets doing their duty that if the admiral should think fit to attack them he should be in no pain for the success." mr. stanhope having in his hand a list of the british squadron, desired his eminence to peruse it, and to compare its strength with that of their own squadron; this the cardinal took and threw on the ground with much passion. all that the cardinal could be brought to promise was to lay the admiral's letter before the king, and to let the envoy know his resolution upon it in two days; but it was nine before he could obtain and send it away. the answer was written under the admiral's letter in these words:-- "his catholic majesty has done me the honour to tell me that the chevalier byng may execute the orders which he has from the king his master. "the cardinal alberoni. "escurial, _july th, _." the admiral, pursuing his voyage with unfavourable winds, reached the bay of naples on august the st, and on the th anchored in view of the faro of messina. the spanish army, having taken the city of messina, were now encamped before the citadel which the troops under sir george byng's convoy were intended to relieve. from these strained conditions hostilities seemed imminent, and the desire of the english was that the spaniards should take the responsibility and the blame of striking the first blow. under these circumstances sir george byng sent captain saunders with a letter to the marquis de lede, in which he acquainted him with the instructions under which he was acting, and proposed to him to come to a cessation of arms in sicily for two months, in order to give time for the several courts to conclude on such resolutions as might restore a lasting peace: but added that "if he was not so happy as to succeed in this offer of service, nor to be instrumental in bringing about so desirable a work, he then hoped to merit his excellency's esteem in the execution of the other part of his orders, which were, to use all his force to prevent farther attempts to disturb the dominions his master stood engaged to defend." the next morning the captain returned with the general's answer, "that as he had no powers to treat he could not of consequence agree to any suspension of arms, but should follow his orders, which directed him to seize on sicily for his master the king of spain." upon receiving this answer admiral byng immediately weighed, with the intention of coming with his squadron before messina, in order to encourage and support the garrison and the citadel. in executing this manoeuvre he sighted two spanish scouts in the faro; whereupon he altered his design, and stood through the faro with all the sail he could, following the scouts, imagining they would lead him to the fleet, which they did. about noon he came in view of their whole spanish fleet, lying by and drawn into a line of battle, consisting of twenty-seven sail of men-of-war small and great, besides two fire-ships, four bomb-vessels, seven galleys, and several ships laden with stores and provisions, commanded by the admiral don antonio de casteneta and four rear-admirals, who, sighting the english squadron, stood away large but in good order of battle. the admiral followed them all the rest of that day and the succeeding night, and the next morning early, the english having approached near to them, the marquis de mari, rear-admiral, with six spanish men-of-war and all the galleys, fire-ships, bomb-vessels and store-ships, separated from the main fleet and stood in for the sicilian shore; upon which admiral byng detached captain walton in the _canterbury_ with five other ships to follow them. the admiral pursuing the main body of the spanish fleet, the _orford_, captain falkingham, and the _grafton_, captain haddock, came up first with them, about ten o'clock, the spaniards firing their stern-chase guns. the spaniards repeating their fire, the _orford_ attacked the _santa rosa_, of sixty-four guns, and took her. the _st. carlos_, of sixty guns, struck next, without much opposition to the _kent_, captain matthews. the _grafton_ attacked warmly the _prince of asturias_, of seventy guns, formerly called the _cumberland_, in which was rear-admiral chacon; but the _breda_ and _captain_ coming up, captain haddock left that ship, much shattered, for them to take, and stretched ahead after another ship of sixty guns, which had kept firing on his starboard bow during his engagement with the _prince of asturias_. about one o'clock the _kent_, and soon after the _superbe_, captain master, came up with and engaged the spanish admiral of seventy-four guns, who, with two ships more, fired on them and made a running fight till about three; and then the _kent_, bearing down under his stern, gave him her broadside and fell to leeward afterwards; the _superbe_, putting forward to lay the admiral aboard, fell on his weather-quarter; upon which, the spanish admiral shifting his helm, the _superbe_ ranged under his lee-quarter; on which he struck to her. at the same time the _barfleur_, which carried the english admiral, being astern of the spanish admiral, within shot, and inclining on his weather-quarter, rear-admiral guevara and another sixty-gun ship, which were to windward, bore down upon him, and gave him their broadsides, and then clapped upon a wind, standing in for land. the admiral immediately tacked and stood after them until it was almost night; but there being little wind, and the enemy hauling away out of his reach, he left pursuing them and rejoined the fleet two hours after night. the _essex_ took the _juno_ of thirty-six guns, the _montague_ and _rupert_ took the _volante_ of forty-four guns, and rear-admiral delaval, in the _dorsetshire_, took the _isabella_ of sixty guns. the action happened off cape passaro, at about six leagues' distance from the shore. the english received but little damage: the ship that suffered most was the _grafton_, for, being a good sailer, her captain engaged several ships in succession, always pursuing the headmost and leaving the ships he had disabled or damaged to be taken by those that followed him. the admiral lay by for some days at sea to refit the rigging of his ships and to repair the damages which the prizes had sustained, and on the th received a letter from captain walton, who had been sent in pursuit of the spanish ships which had made for the sicilian shore under the marquis de mari. the letter is singular enough to deserve notice. it ran thus:-- "sir,--we have taken and destroyed all the spanish ships and vessels which were upon the coast, the number as _per_ margin. "i am, etc., "george walton. "canterbury, off syracuse, _august th, _." the ships that captain walton thrust into his margin would have furnished matter for some pages in a french relation of the engagement; for, from the account they referred to, it appeared that he had taken four spanish men-of-war--one of sixty guns, commanded by rear-admiral mari, one of fifty-four, one of forty, and one of twenty-four guns with a bomb-vessel and a ship laden with arms--and burnt four men-of-war, one of fifty-four guns, two of forty, and one of thirty guns, with a fire-ship and a bomb-vessel. the story of captain hornby and the french privateer. the difficulties under which merchantmen carried on their trade with foreign countries before the navy had reduced to order the highway of the seas, is well illustrated in many a narrative of adventure with pirates and fights with privateers, which equal in the heroism and daring they display the proudest stories of naval conquest. the following story taken from young's "history of whitby" is a case in point. mr. richard hornby, of stokesley, was master of a merchant ship, the _isabella_, of sunderland, in which he sailed from the coast of norfolk for the hague, june st, , in company with three smaller vessels recommended to his care. next day they made gravesant steeple in the hague; but while they were steering for their port, a french privateer, that lay concealed among the dutch fishing-boats, suddenly came against them, singling out the _isabella_ as the object of attack, while the rest dispersed and escaped. the conquest was very unequal, for the _isabella_ mounted only four carriage guns and two swivels, and her crew consisted of only five men and three boys, besides the captain; while the privateer, the _marquis de brancas_, commanded by captain andré, had ten carriage guns and eight swivels, with seventy-five men and three hundred small arms. yet captain hornby, after consulting his mate and gaining the consent of his crew, whom he animated by an appropriate address, hoisted the british colours, and with his two swivel guns returned the fire of the enemy's chase guns. the frenchmen, in abusive terms, commanded him to strike, to which he returned an answer of defiance. upon this the privateer advanced, and poured in such showers of bullets into the _isabella_ that captain hornby found it prudent to order his brave fellows into close quarters. while he lay thus sheltered the enemy twice attempted to board him on the larboard quarter; but by a dexterous turn of the helm he frustrated both attempts, though the frenchmen kept firing upon him both with their guns and small arms, which fire captain hornby returned with his two larboard guns. at two o'clock, when the action had lasted an hour, the privateer, running furiously in upon the larboard of the _isabella_, entangled her bowsprit among the main shrouds, and was lashed fast to her; upon which captain andré bawled, in a menacing tone, "you english dog, strike!" but the undaunted hornby challenged him to come on board and strike his colours, if he dared. the enraged frenchman took him at his word, and threw in twenty men upon him, who began to hack and hew into his close quarters; but a discharge of blunderbusses made the invaders retreat as fast as their wounds would permit them. the privateer, being then disengaged from the _isabella_, turned about, and made another attempt on the starboard side; when captain hornby and his valiant mate shot each his man as they were again lashing the ships together. the frenchmen once more commanded him to strike, and the brave briton returning another refusal, twenty fresh men entered, and made a fierce attack on the close quarters with hatchets and pole-axes, with which they had nearly cut their way through in three places, when the constant fire kept up by captain hornby and his brave crew obliged them to retreat, carrying their wounded with them, and hauling their dead after them with boat-hooks. the _isabella_ continued lashed to the enemy; the latter, with small arms, fired repeated and terrible volleys into the close quarters, partly from his forecastle and partly from his main deck, bringing forward fresh men to supply the place of the dead and wounded: but the fire was returned with such spirit and effect that the frenchmen repeatedly gave way. at length captain hornby, seeing them crowding behind their main mast for shelter, aimed a blunderbuss at them, which being by mistake doubly loaded, containing twice twelve balls, burst in the firing, and threw him down to the great consternation of his little crew, who supposed him dead; yet he soon started up again, though greatly bruised, while the enemy, among whom the blunderbusses had made dreadful havoc, disengaged themselves from the _isabella_, to which they had been lashed an hour and a quarter, and sheered off with precipitation, leaving their grapplings, pole-axes, pistols, and cutlasses behind them. the gallant hornby fired his two starboard guns into the enemy's stern; and the indignant frenchman soon returning, the conflict was renewed, and carried on yard-arm and yard-arm with great fury for two hours together. the _isabella_ was shot through her hull several times, her sails and rigging were torn to pieces, her ensign was dismounted, and every mast and yard wounded; yet she bravely maintained the conflict, and at last by a fortunate shot which struck the _brancas_ between wind and water, obliged her to sheer off and careen. while the enemy were retiring, hornby and his brave little crew sallied out from their fastness, and erecting their fallen ensign gave three cheers. by this time both vessels had driven so near the shore that immense crowds, on foot and in coaches, had assembled to be spectators of the action. the frenchman, having stopped his leak, returned to the combat, and poured a dreadful volley into the stern of the _isabella_, when captain hornby was wounded in the temples by a musket shot, and bled profusely. this somewhat disconcerted his companions in valour; but he called to them briskly to take courage and stand to their arms, for his wound was not dangerous; upon which their spirits revived, and again taking post in their close quarters, sustained the shock of another assault, and after receiving three tremendous broadsides, repulsed the foe by another well-aimed shot, which sent the _brancas_ again to careen. the huzzas of the _isabella's_ crew were renewed, and they again set up their shattered ensign, which was shot through and through into honourable rags. andré, who was not deficient in bravery, soon renewed the fight; and having disabled the _isabella_ by five terrible broadsides, once more summoned hornby, with dreadful menaces, to strike his colours. captain hornby animated his gallant comrades--"behold," said he, pointing to the shore, "the witnesses of your valour this day!" then finding them determined to stand by him to the last, he hurled his final defiance upon the enemy. the latter immediately ran upon his starboard and lashed close alongside; but his crew murmured, and refused to renew the dangerous task of boarding, and, cutting off the lashings, again retreated. captain hornby resolved to salute the privateer with one parting gun; and this last shot, fired into the stern of the _brancas_, reached the magazine, which blew up with a tremendous explosion, and the vessel instantly foundered. out of seventy-five men, thirty-six were killed or wounded in the action, and all the rest, together with the wounded, perished in the deep, except three who were picked up by the dutch fishing-boats. the horrible catastrophe excited the commiseration of captain hornby and his brave men, who could render no assistance to their unfortunate enemies, the _isabella_ having become unmanageable, and her boat being shattered to pieces. the engagement lasted seven hours. for this singular instance of successful bravery mr. hornby received from the king a large gold medal commemorating his heroism. he survived the action seven years, and dying at sea of a lingering illness, was buried at liverpool, being then fifty-two years of age. off cape finisterre. towards the end of the year the french ministry came to a determination to increase their forces in canada, and, with the assistance of the native indians, to extend their territories by encroachments on the neighbouring provinces belonging to great britain. at the same time they formed a design against some of our settlements in the east indies. for these purposes, in the beginning of the year , a considerable armament was prepared at brest; the squadron destined for america being under the command of monsieur jonquiere, and that for the east indies under that of monsieur de st. george. for greater security these two fleets were ordered to sail at the same time. the british ministry, being informed of the strength and destination of these squadrons, sent a superior fleet, commanded by vice-admiral anson, to the coast of france. this fleet sailed from plymouth on april th, , and, cruising off cape finisterre, on may rd fell in with the french fleet, consisting of thirty-eight sail, nine of which shortened sail and prepared to engage, while the rest bore away with all the sail they could make. admiral anson first formed his squadron in line-of-battle; but, perceiving the enemy begin to sheer off, he made a signal for his whole fleet to give chase and engage promiscuously. the _centurion_ came up with the sternmost ship of the enemy about four in the afternoon. she was followed by the _namur_, _defiance_, and _windsor_, who were soon warmly engaged with five of the french squadron. the _centurion_ had her main-top mast shot away early in the action, which obliged her to drop astern; but she was soon repaired. the battle now became general, and the french maintained this very unequal conflict with great spirit and gallantry till about seven in the evening, when the whole fleet struck their colours. the _diamant_ was the last french ship that submitted, after fighting the _bristol_ for nearly three hours. in justice to our enemy it is necessary to remember that the squadron, commanded by admiral anson, consisted of fourteen ships of the line, a frigate, a sloop and a fire-ship, with nine hundred and twenty-two guns, and six thousand two hundred and sixty men on board; and that monsieur de la jonquiere had no more than five line-of-battle ships and as many frigates, four hundred and forty-two guns, and three thousand one hundred and seventy-one men. admiral anson in the meantime detached the _monmouth_, the _yarmouth_, and the _nottingham_ in pursuit of the convoy, and they returned with the _vigilant_ and _modeste_, both of twenty-two guns, the rest having made their escape. but though we acknowledge the great superiority of the british squadron, it is necessary to inform the reader that no more than eight english ships were engaged. captain grenville, of the _defiance_, a very gallant officer, lost his life in this engagement. our number of killed and wounded amounted to five hundred and twenty; that of the enemy to seven hundred. captain boscawen was wounded in the shoulder by a musket-ball. monsieur de la jonquiere was also wounded in the same part; one french captain was killed and another lost a leg. admiral anson returned to england and brought the captive squadron safe to an anchor at spithead. he set out immediately for london, where he was graciously received by the king, and afterwards created a peer. rear-admiral warren was made knight of the bath. the money taken on board of the french fleet was brought through the city of london in twenty waggons and lodged in the bank. about the middle of april captain fox in the _kent_, with the _hampton court_, the _eagle_, the _lion_, the _chester_, and the _hector_, with two fire-ships, sailed on a cruise, designing to intercept a fleet of st. domingo men under the convoy of four french men-of-war. after cruising a month between ushant and cape finisterre, captain fox fell in with this french fleet of one hundred and seventy sail. they were immediately deserted by their men-of-war, and forty-six of them were taken. the british ministry, having received intelligence that nine french men-of-war of the line had sailed from brest in order to convoy a large fleet of merchantmen to the west indies, ordered rear-admiral hawke, with fourteen men-of-war, to sail immediately in quest of them. the admiral, with the fleet under his command, left plymouth on august th. the french fleet, consisting of the above-mentioned men-of-war and two hundred and fifty-two merchant vessels, sailed from the isle of aix on october th, and on the th they had the misfortune to fall in with the british squadron. as soon as the french admiral became sensible of his situation, he made a signal for the trade to make the best of their way with the _content_ and frigates, and for the rest of his squadron to prepare for battle. admiral hawke first made a signal to form the line; but finding the french begin to sheer off, he ordered his whole fleet to give chase and engage as they came up with the enemy. the _lion_ and the _louisa_ began the conflict about noon and were soon followed by the _tilbury_, the _eagle_, the _yarmouth_, the _windsor_, and the _devonshire_, which ships particularly shared the danger and consequently the glory of the day. about four o'clock four of the french squadron struck--viz., _le neptune_, _le monarque_, _le fougeux_, and _le severn_; at five _le trident_ followed their example and _le terrible_ surrendered about seven. be it, however, remembered, to the credit of their several commanders, that they maintained this unequal conflict with great spirit and resolution, and that they did not submit until they were entirely disabled. their number of killed and wounded was about eight hundred, and of prisoners three thousand three hundred men. m. fromentierre, who commanded _le neptune_, was among the slain, and their commander-in-chief was wounded in the leg and in the shoulder. the english had one hundred and fifty-four killed and five hundred and fifty-eight wounded. captain saumarez, of the _nottingham_, was among the former. we lost no other officer of distinction. on the last day of october admiral hawke brought these six french men-of-war to portsmouth in triumph, and, in reward for his services, was soon after honoured with the order of the bath. during this year the english took from the french and spaniards six hundred and forty-four prizes, among which were one spanish and seventeen french men-of-war. the english vessels, including one man-of-war and a fire-ship, taken by the french and spaniards, amounted to five hundred and fifty-one. the royal navy of spain was now reduced to twenty-two ships of the line, and that of france to thirty-one; whilst the navy of britain amounted to one hundred and twenty-six sail of the line besides seventy-five frigates. the loss of h.m.s. _namur_. by james alms. on july th, , captain boscawen was made rear admiral of the blue, and placed at the head of a large military and naval expedition dispatched to the east indies. in soon after the peace of aix-la-chapelle had put an end to hostilities. the fleet was lying in the road of fort st. david, when on the th of april it began to blow most violently from the north-north-west. the following day the fleet encountered a terrible storm in which the flag-ship the _namur_, seventy-four guns, foundered; the admiral, captain, and several of the officers being fortunately on shore. the _pembroke_, of sixty guns, was also lost in this storm. mr. alms, of the _namur_, gives the following account of the loss of that ship, in a letter to mr. ives:-- "we were at anchor in the _namur_, in fort st. david's road, thursday, april th, . in the morning it blew fresh, wind north-east. at noon we veered away to a half cable on the small bower. from one to four o'clock we were employed in setting up the lower rigging. hard gales and squally, with a very great sea. at six o'clock the ship rode very well, but half an hour afterwards had four feet of water in her hold. we immediately cut the small bower cable, and stood to sea under our courses. our mate, who cut the cable, was up to his waist in water at the bitts. "at half-past seven we had six feet of water in the hold, when we hauled up our courses and heaved overboard most of our upper-deck and all the quarter-deck guns to the leeward. by three-quarters after eight the water was up to our orlop gratings, and there was a great quantity between decks so that the ship was water logged; when we cut away all the masts, by which she righted. at the same time we manned the pumps and baled, and soon perceived that we gained upon the ship, which put us in great spirits. a little after nine we sounded, and found ourselves in nine fathoms of water: the master called, 'cut away the sheet-anchor!' which was done immediately, and we veered away to a little better than a cable; but, before the ship came head to the sea, she parted at the chesstree. by this time it blew a hurricane. it is easier to conceive than to describe what a dismal, melancholy scene now presented itself--the shrieking cries, lamentations, ravings, despair, of above five hundred poor wretches verging on the brink of eternity! "i had, however, presence of mind to consider that the almighty was at the same time all-merciful, and experienced consolation in the reflection that i had ever put my whole trust in him. in a short prayer i then implored his protection, and jumped overboard. the water, at that time, was up to the gratings of the poop, from which i leaped. the first thing i grappled was a capstan-bar, by means of which, in company with seven more, i got to the davit; but, in less than an hour, i had the melancholy experience of seeing them all washed away, and finding myself upon it alone, and almost exhausted. i had now been above two hours in the water, when, to my unspeakable joy, i saw a large raft with a great many men driving towards me. when it came near i quitted the davit, and with great difficulty swam to the raft, upon which i got, with the assistance of one of our quarter-gunners. the raft proved to be the _namur's_ booms. as soon as we were able we lashed the booms close together, fastened a plank across them, and by these means made a good catamaran. "it was by this time one o'clock in the morning; soon afterwards the seas became so mountainous that they turned our machine upside down, but providentially, with the loss of only one man. about four, we struck ground with the booms, and, in a very short time, all the survivors reached the shore. after having returned thanks to god for his almost miraculous goodness towards us, we took each other by the hand, for it was not yet day, and still trusting to the divine providence for protection, we walked forward in search of some place to shelter ourselves from the inclemency of the weather; for the spot where we landed offered nothing but sand. when we had walked about for a whole hour, but to no manner of purpose, we returned to the place where we had left our catamaran, and to our no small uneasiness found that it was gone. daylight appearing, we found ourselves on a sandy bank, a little to the southward of porto novo, from which we were divided by a river that we were under the necessity of fording, soon after which we arrived at the dutch settlement where we were received with much hospitality. from our first landing till our arrival at porto novo we lost four of our company, two at the place where we were driven ashore, and two in crossing the river. "after we had sufficiently refreshed ourselves at porto novo, the chief there was so obliging as to accommodate me with clothes, a horse and a guide to carry me to fort st. david, where i arrived about noon the following day, and immediately waited on the admiral, who received me very kindly indeed; but so excessive was the concern of that great and good man for the loss of so many poor souls, that he could not find utterance for those questions he appeared desirous of asking me concerning the particulars of our disaster. "till i reached porto novo, you beheld me shipwrecked and naked; i must again repeat it, that the dutch received, refreshed, and kindly conveyed me to my truly honourable patron, through whose kindness and humanity i am not only well clothed and comforted, but am also made lieutenant of the _syren_, from which ship i date this letter. i am, etc., "james alms. "p.s.--there were only twenty-three of us saved on the wreck; twenty of whom came ashore on the booms." the loss of h.m.s. _pembroke_. by master cambridge. the melancholy fate of the _namur_, which was lost at the same time and place as the _pembroke_, has already been related. the calamity which befell the latter was, if possible, still more deplorable. out of her whole crew, only twelve persons were saved; her commander, captain fincher, and about three hundred and thirty men were drowned, among whom were all the officers excepting a captain of marines. the following particulars of this disaster are given by an eye-witness, mr. cambridge, the master. "about ten o'clock in the morning of april th, , it blew fresh, the wind at north-east by east and a great sea began to come in: we having then a cable out the captain ordered half a cable more to be veered away. at one in the afternoon it blew very hard, the wind at north-east. his majesty's ship _namur_, lying about a cable's length within us and abaft our beam, i went to the captain, as did likewise the lieutenants, and desired him to go to sea. he replied, he could not answer to go to sea unless the _namur_ did (on board which rear-admiral boscawen's flag was flying), but ordered all our ports to be barred in and well secured. "at three o'clock i went to the captain, who was sick and in his cabin, and again desired him to go to sea. he seemed angry, and said he could not, giving the same reason as before, nor would he suffer any more cable to be veered away. at the same time the ship rode hard, strained much, and made water. "at five, the sea increasing, our cable parted, and we cast our head off to the sea; otherwise we should have fallen on board the _namur_. we immediately set the fore and mizen sails, got on board the main-tack, and set our main sail, fore and mizen stay-sails; at the same time some of our people were employed in heaving in the cable, for the captain would not have it cut. this took up some time; it blew so very hard that the ship would not bear any more sail. "at six, there being a great head sea, we made very little way, and were obliged to set both pumps to work. at half-past six our main sail split in pieces; we got down the yard in order to bend a new sail; but it blowing hard, the ship lay down so much that we could not get the sail to the yard. at eight the carpenter sent word to the captain that the ship gained upon them much, and had four feet of water in her hold. "at half-past eight our tiller broke short off at the rudder-head, and we likewise found one of the rudder chains broken: the sails we had now set were our fore sail, mizen, and fore-stay sails. the sea made a free passage over us, and the ship being water logged, we hauled up our fore sail to ease her, but expected to go down every minute. in hauling down our fore-stay sail it split; and as i looked aft from the forecastle, i saw the main and mizen masts had gone, though i never heard them go. by this time the ship righted much, and in about seven minutes the fore mast went by the board, but the bowsprit held fast. our pumps were kept continually working. the third lieutenant being on the quarter-deck, sent forward to me to clear and let go the small bower anchor, which was immediately done. we found the ship drove to shore very fast. "at half-past ten, we had eight feet of water in the hold, and kept all the pumps working. about eleven we found the ship settle; the depth of water twelve or fourteen fathoms. the anchor then brought the ship up, but the cable parted in a few minutes: then we let go the sheet anchor, which was all we had. the sea now making a free passage over us again, broke and tore away our boats and booms. the sheet cable tore out with such violence that no person could venture near it till the clench brought up the ship: but the sea came with such force and was so very high that in the hollow of the sea the ship struck, and the cable immediately parted. "it was now near twelve o'clock; the ship struck fore and aft, but abaft very hard. the third lieutenant was near me when the ship first struck, but i saw no more of him afterwards. i kept the forecastle accompanied by the boatswain, cook, and about eight more men. i got myself lashed to the bitts before the ship took heel, but shifted myself over to windward when she began to heel, and lashed myself as before: the sea continually beating over us. about two i saw the captain's cabin washed away, and the ship almost on her broadside. "when daylight came, we were sixteen men on the forecastle and four hanging abaft to the timber heads; but three of the latter got upon a piece of the wreck which was loose, and drove away; the other was drowned. all this time the sea came over us in a dreadful manner, so that we could scarcely take breath. "about eight o'clock nine men were washed off the forecastle. we could not now see the trees on shore between the seas. at nine, the boatswain and cook were washed away from each side of me, on which i removed to the cat-head, as did likewise another man. about ten all our men were washed away, excepting those who were lashed to the cat-head. we judged that we were about two miles off the shore: we continued there all the day; the sea beating over us incessantly, so that we had little time to fetch breath or speak to one another. at noon we found the sea to come every way upon us, and could perceive that the wind having shifted was the cause of it. this part of the wreck kept together, but night coming on, we had a dismal prospect before us, without any hopes of relief. about midnight the sea abated, so that we could speak to one another for the space of two or three minutes together; but i found myself so weak, having been sick ever since we arrived in the country, that when the sea washed me on one side in my lashing, i was not able to help myself up, but was obliged to get my companion to assist me. "at daylight i found myself much weaker and very thirsty. the sea at this time came over us once in a quarter of an hour. we found the wreck much nearer the shore than yesterday. about noon we found the sea much abated, so that it seldom came over us, and the weather began to be fine, but i felt extremely faint. about two or three o'clock we saw two paddy boats coming along shore, about a mile away from us. we spread out a handkerchief, which i had about my neck, that the boats might see us. one of them seemed to edge towards us for some minutes, but hauled off again. we then saw several catamarans near the shore, which we judged to be fishing. we spread abroad the handkerchief again, but none of them approached us. soon afterwards we saw several people gather together on shore; the sun began to grow low, so that we judged it to be about five o'clock. at last we saw two of the catamarans above mentioned coming towards us, with three black men on each, who took us off the wreck and carried us on shore. "as soon as we were landed, we found ourselves surrounded by about three hundred armed men. my companion told me we had fallen into the hands of the mahrattas, who were at this time at war with the english. they ordered us to come off the catamarans. i strove to rise, but i found myself so weak and my legs so terribly bruised that i could not get up; on which some of them came and lifted me off, and laid me on the sand, for i was unable to stand. i made a signal to them that i wanted some water to drink, but they gave me none, and only laughed at our condition. their commander ordered them to strip us, which they did quite naked. "as i was not able to walk, they led us part of the way to cavecotta, a fort belonging to them, and there put us into a canoe, and carried us up a river to the walls of the fort. about ten that night they put us within the walls and laid us on the ground, where we had nothing to cover us but the heavens, and about eleven brought us a little rice with some water. great numbers of people gathered round us, laughing at us and expressing great contempt and derision. "the country people flocked daily to the fort to see us, but none of them showed us the least pity; on the contrary, they laughed and threatened us with death. we slept very little the first night on account of the cold and the risk we ran of our lives, these barbarians having signified that they would cut us in pieces with their sabres. when daylight appeared and the gates were opened, i was very ill. i had dysentery, and my legs were so much swelled that i concluded i had not long to live, at least if i did not receive some relief. i acquainted my comrade with my situation, and begged him, if he ever should be so fortunate as to return to england, to inform my friends in what manner i had terminated my career. some days we received rice and others we had none. on the seventh day they gave me some lamp oil, with which i fomented my legs, and this simple application afforded me considerable relief. "our lodging place was between the gate-ways; and when we had been there fourteen days they carried us into the country. though my legs were much better, yet still i could not walk; and my companion was extremely weak, which i believe was owing to the want of more victuals. so they put us into dooleys or cradles, fastened together with ropes, which they got from the wreck. "about four o'clock on the fifteenth day they carried us about twelve miles to their king, who was encamped against our company's troops. that prince examined us a long time, and inquired whether we were officers: i replied in the negative, conceiving that an acknowledgment of that kind would render our escape much more difficult. he was desirous that we should enter into his service, but we told him by means of the interpreters, who were three dutchmen, that we could not consent to it. he promised we should want for nothing if we would accept his offers; but we persisted in replying that we were too ill to be capable of serving. he ordered refreshment to be given to us, of which we stood in great need, having scarcely taken any nourishment since the day we fell into the hands of his subjects. the interpreters asked us whether we chose to enter into the king's service or to go to prison; to which we answered that we could not resolve to fight against our countrymen. "at sunset we departed. our conductors having halted till three o'clock in the morning, we again set out and continued our march till noon, when they again stopped two hours to take some refreshment, and afterwards directed their course to the south-west. we arrived that night at a fort and were immediately put into a dungeon. there we found two other prisoners, one of them our ship-mate and the other a deserter from the company's troops. "the next morning they opened the gates and made signs to us to come out. my companions complied, but i chose rather to stay where i was as i found myself extremely weak and my legs were covered with ulcers. i begged them to give me a little lamp oil to foment them, which they did. our only nourishment was water and a quart of rice a day, though there were four of us, and a small pot of grease instead of butter. i rubbed my legs with oil and grease, and on the fourth day found myself much better, which gave me fresh spirits. we were permitted to walk morning and evening before the dungeon. "in about three weeks my legs were almost well, so that i was able to walk. we began to entertain some hopes of making our escape, and taking an opportunity, i, with some difficulty, got high enough upon the wall to look over it, and found it was very lofty and surrounded with a wide moat or ditch; but there was a path between the wall and the ditch, so that we might choose our place to swim over, if it proved deep. we got, several times, some strands of rope off the dooleys which they had carried us in, as they happened to be left within the bounds of our liberty; and in a few days collected so many pieces that when knotted together they made several fathoms. "after some consultation, we resolved to undermine the foundation of the dungeon at the farthest part from the guards, and on may th began to work. on june st we came to the foundation, being six feet deep, and the wall thirty inches through. in two days' time we had worked upwards, on the other side, so far that the light began to appear through the surface, so that we let everything remain till night. at seven it beginning to grow dark they put us into the dungeon as usual, and soon afterwards we worked ourselves quite out. without being discovered we got over the wall by the help of our rope, and in less than half an hour had crossed the moat, though very wide and deep. we travelled all night, we judged about sixteen miles, and in the day hid ourselves among the bushes. the second night we travelled as before, to the south-east, and day coming on, we concealed ourselves among some rushes. about three in the afternoon we were discovered, which obliged us to go on; but we were not molested. we proceeded till about midnight, and then lay down till daybreak. i had a fever and was extremely weak for want of food. this day, which was the third, we resolved to travel till noon, and to plunder the first house we might chance to meet with. but providence was more favourable to us than we could have expected; for about ten o'clock we met a cooley who told us he would show us to caracal. about noon we arrived there, and were received with great humanity; but my fever was no better. "the next morning the governor sent to mr. boscawen to let him know we were there, and by the return of the messenger the admiral desired we might be furnished with what money we wanted. in about twelve days we found ourselves well recovered, and went to tranquebar, a place belonging to the danes, where we stayed three days, and got a passage for fort st. david where we arrived on june rd." the story of admiral the honourable john byng. by john campbell. the honourable john byng was the fourth son of george viscount torrington, and was born at his father's seat at southill, in bedfordshire, in the year . showing a strong inclination for the navy, his father took him to sea with him when he was only thirteen years old; and so rapid was his promotion, that at twenty-three he was made captain of the _gibraltar_ frigate, then stationed in the mediterranean. these were, comparatively speaking, peaceable times, and the record of the next twenty-five years was one of routine service, honourably performed and rewarded by steady promotion. towards the end of the year the british government received intelligence that a powerful armament was equipping in toulon, which was intended to act against fort st. philip. though the case was urgent, the government took no notice of repeated warnings until at last, on the strong and positive representation of general blakeney that his garrison must be reinforced if the ministry wished to retain it, they made a tardy and inadequate arrangement to relieve the garrison and protect the island of minorca. to effect this purpose it was necessary to send out a fleet and a reinforcement of troops. the command of this fleet they gave to admiral byng, whom they promoted to the rank of admiral of the blue. the ministers were blamed at the time for appointing admiral byng to this command. the service was one of the greatest importance; it required not only great personal courage and professional skill and experience, but also a comprehensive judgment and great activity and zeal, and admiral byng, whatever talents he possessed, had never had an opportunity of displaying them; he was, in fact, without that degree of experience which ought to have been regarded as an indispensable requisite in the person entrusted with this command. moreover, the force placed under his command was inadequate to the service; it consisted only of ten sail of the line, several of which were not in a proper condition either for fighting or going to sea; and most of them were either short of their complement of men, or manned by crews consisting of young and inexperienced seamen. on april th, , admiral byng sailed from st. helen's, and on may nd he arrived at gibraltar. from this place he wrote a letter to the admiralty, which is supposed, by reflecting on the conduct of ministers, to have irritated them against him. on may th he sailed for minorca, but having contrary winds, did not make that island until the morning of the th, when he saw the english flag still flying on the castle of st. philip, and several bomb-batteries playing upon it from the enemy's works. early in the morning the admiral despatched captain hervey, in the _phoenix_, with the _chesterfield_ and _dolphin_, with orders to reconnoitre the entrance into the harbour, and, if possible, to convey a letter to general blakeney. captain hervey got round the laire, and made signals to the garrison for a boat to come off, but without effect; and the admiral, about this time discovering the french fleet, ordered him to return. at two o'clock on the following day admiral byng made a signal to bear away two points from the wind and engage. rear-admiral west was then at too great a distance to comply with both these orders; he therefore bore away seven points from the wind, and with his whole division attacked the enemy with such impetuosity that several of their ships were soon obliged to quit the line. had admiral byng been equally alert, it is most probable that the french fleet would have been defeated and minorca saved; but the enemy's centre keeping their station, and byng's division not advancing, admiral west was prevented from pursuing his advantage by the danger of being separated from the rest of the fleet. after engaging about a quarter of an hour, the _intrepid_, the sternmost ship of the van, lost her foretop mast, which, according to byng's account of the action, obliged his whole division to back their sails to prevent their falling foul of each other. but when this matter came to be examined by the court martial, it appeared that immediately after the signal for engaging, while the van were bearing down upon the enemy, admiral byng, in the _ramillies_, edged away some points, by which means the _trident_ and _louisa_ got to windward of him, and that, in order to bring them again into their stations, he backed his mizen-top sail, and endeavoured to back his main-top sail. this manoeuvre necessarily retarded all the ships in his division and gave the enemy time to escape. m. galissoniere seized the opportunity, and, his ships being clean, he was soon out of danger. the english had in this engagement forty-two men killed and one hundred and sixty-eight wounded; the french one hundred and forty-five wounded and twenty-six killed. the next morning the admiral, finding that three of his squadron were damaged in their masts, called a council of war, which decided to proceed to gibraltar. admiral byng wrote an account of this engagement, which he sent to the admiralty who, after some delay, published it with excisions which materially affected the impression it was likely to produce. not only were parts of admiral byng's letter withheld from the public, but the letter itself, though said to have been received on june th, was not inserted in the _gazette_ till the th of that month. the hired writers in the pay of the ministry were instantly set to work to censure his conduct in the most violent and inflammatory language. one fact was particularly pointed out and most strenuously insisted upon as a proof of personal cowardice; from the returns of the killed and wounded on board of the different ships it appeared that on board the _ramillies_, admiral byng's own ship, there was not one man either killed or wounded. sir edward hawke and admiral saunders were ordered to supersede mr. byng, whom they were instructed to send home under arrest. by this time the popular clamour and indignation were so extremely violent that government were afraid some of it would be directed against themselves unless they placed it beyond doubt that they were resolved to proceed against mr. byng without the least delay, and in the most rigorous manner. the admiral landed at portsmouth. at every place that he passed through he was hooted by the mob. on the road to greenwich hospital, where he was to remain until his trial, he was guarded as if he had been guilty of the most heinous crime, while that part of the hospital where he was confined was most scrupulously and carefully fortified, the government taking care that all their precautions to prevent his escape should be made known. on december th, , the court martial assembled on board the _st. george_ in portsmouth harbour, and on january th, , the evidence concluded. the opinion of the court was that "the admiral did not do his utmost to relieve the garrison of st. philip, and that during the engagement he did not do his utmost to take, seize, and destroy the ships of the french king, and assist such of his own ships as were engaged." they therefore came to the following resolution:-- "that the admiral appears to fall under the following part of the twelfth article of the articles of war, viz.--'or shall not do his utmost to take or destroy every ship which it shall be his duty to engage, and to assist and relieve all and every of his majesty's ships which it shall be his duty to assist and relieve': and as that article positively prescribes death, without any alternative left to the discretion of the court, under any variation of circumstances, resolved that he be adjudged to be shot to death at such time, and on board such ship, as the lords commissioners of the admiralty shall direct; but as it appears by the evidence of lord robert bertie, lieutenant-colonel smith, captain gardiner, and other officers of the ship, who were near the person of the admiral, that they did not perceive any backwardness in him during the action, or any marks of fear or confusion, either from his countenance or behaviour, but that he seemed to give his orders coolly and distinctly and did not seem wanting in personal courage, and from other circumstances the court do not believe that his misconduct arose either from cowardice or disaffection, and do therefore unanimously think it their duty most earnestly to recommend him as a proper object of mercy." not only in their resolution did the court martial recommend him to mercy, but in the letter which accompanied a copy of their proceedings to the board of admiralty they expressed themselves strongly to the same effect. notwithstanding these repeated, strong, and earnest representations of the opinion and wishes of the court martial, the lords of the admiralty contented themselves, when they laid before his majesty a copy of the proceedings, with transmitting the letters of the court martial; hinting, indeed, a doubt respecting the legality of the sentence, because the crime of negligence, for which alone admiral byng was condemned, did not appear in any part of the proceedings. when the sentence was known, george, lord viscount torrington, a near relation of the admiral's, presented two petitions to his majesty; and his other friends interested themselves in his behalf: but the people were so clamorous and violent that it would scarcely have been safe to have pardoned him; however, in consequence of the representation of the lords of the admiralty respecting the doubtful legality of the sentence, his majesty referred it to the twelve judges, who were unanimous in their opinion that it was legal. the next step was to transmit this opinion to the lords of the admiralty, in order that they might sign the warrant for the execution. all the lords signed it, except admiral forbes, who entered his reasons for his refusal. admiral forbes was not the only naval officer who resolutely and honourably stood forward and protested against the sentence passed upon admiral byng. mr. west, who had been second in command under him in the mediterranean, and who on his return was appointed one of the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and soon afterwards commander-in-chief of a squadron destined for a secret expedition, on the very day sentence was passed on admiral byng wrote official and private letters, declining these appointments on account of the treatment of admiral byng. when the warrant was signed, mr. keppel, one of the members of the court martial, rose in his place in the house of commons, and prayed, on behalf of himself and some other members of the court, that they might be released from their oath of secrecy, in order to disclose the reasons which had induced them to pass sentence of death upon admiral byng; as, probably, by this disclosure, some circumstances might come out that would prove the sentence to be illegal. to this the commons agreed, and an order was sent down to portsmouth to respite the execution of the admiral until march th. the house of lords, however, after interrogating the members of the court martial who were responsible for the bill, unanimously rejected it. on his way to receive sentence on board the _st. george_ admiral byng told some of his friends that he expected to be reprimanded, and possibly he might be cashiered; "because," added he, "there must have been several controverted points: the court martial has been shut up a long time, and almost all the questions proposed by the court have tended much more to pick out faults in my conduct than to get a true state of the circumstances; but i profess i cannot conceive what they will fix upon." when he arrived on board the _st. george_, and as he was walking on the quarter-deck, a member of the court martial came out and told one of his relations that they had found the admiral capitally guilty, and requested him to prepare him for his sentence. the gentleman to whom this communication was made went up to him immediately, but was unable to address him for some time; his countenance, however, and the embarrassment of his manner, led the admiral to suspect that he had some unpleasant intelligence to communicate; and he said to him, "what is the matter? have they broke me?" the gentleman, perceiving from this question that he was totally unprepared for his sentence, hesitated still more: upon which the countenance of the admiral changed a little, and he added, "well, i understand--if nothing but my blood will satisfy, let them take it." a few minutes afterwards one of his friends endeavoured to support and reconcile him to his fate by observing that a sentence without guilt could be no stain; and adding that it was extremely unlikely that the sentence would be carried into execution, begged him to indulge the hope of obtaining a pardon; he replied, "what will that signify to me? what satisfaction can i receive from the liberty to crawl a few years longer on the earth with the infamous load of a pardon at my back? i despise life upon such terms, and would rather have them take it." when the respite for fourteen days came down to portsmouth, his friends endeavoured to encourage the expectation that he would be honourably pardoned, and dwelt upon every circumstance which gave countenance and probability to this idea; to them he replied, in a calm and unembarrassed manner, "i am glad _you_ think so, because it makes you easy and happy; but i think it has now become an affair merely political, without any relation to right or wrong, justice or injustice; and therefore i differ in opinion from you." immediately after he received his sentence he was put on board the _monarque_, a third-rate man-of-war, lying at anchor in the harbour of portsmouth, under a strong guard, in the custody of the marshal of the admiralty. on sunday morning, march th, captain montague, who had received the warrant from admiral boscawen for his execution next day, gave it to the admiral for him to read; he read it over without the slightest sign of perturbation, and then remarked with some warmth that "the place named in the warrant for his execution was upon the forecastle." a circumstance which evidently filled his mind with indignation. his friends endeavoured to turn his thoughts from this idea; they could not indeed hold out to him the expectation that the place would be changed, because the warrant expressly named it: they coincided with him in the opinion that it ought not to have been so; but they trusted, at this awful and important moment, he would deem such a circumstance beneath his notice, and not suffer it to break in upon the tranquillity of his mind. on this he composed his thoughts and feelings, and replied, "it is very true, the place or manner is of no great importance to me; but i think living admirals should consult the dignity of the rank for their own sakes. i cannot plead a precedent; there is no precedent of an admiral, or a general officer in the army, being shot. they make a precedent of me, such as admirals hereafter may feel the effects of." during the time he was at dinner no alteration in his manner was observable; he was cheerful and polite, helping his friends and drinking their healths; but he did not continue long at table. after dinner he conversed a good deal respecting his approaching execution; and the indignation and uneasiness he had before felt about the place appointed for it recurred with considerable force in his thoughts. his friends were extremely desirous of conversing on other subjects; and at length, perceiving this, he remarked, "i like to talk upon the subject; it is not to be supposed i do not think of it; why then should it be more improper to talk of it?" he frequently noticed how the wind was; and on his friends inquiring the reason of his anxiety on this subject, he said he hoped it might continue westerly long enough for the members of the court martial (who were just about to sail) to be present when his sentence was put in execution. about six o'clock, according to his usual custom, he ordered tea; and while he and his friends were at it his conversation was easy and cheerful. perceiving that his friends were astonished at this circumstance, "i have observed," said he, "that persons condemned to die have generally had something to be sorry for that they have expressed concern for having committed; and though i do not pretend to be exempt from human frailties, yet it is my consolation to have no remorse for any transaction in my public character during the whole series of my long services." on one of his friends observing that no man was exempt from human frailties, and that what came under that denomination were not crimes cognisable here, or supposed to be so hereafter, he replied, "i am conscious of no crimes, and am particularly happy in not dying the mean, despicable, ignominious wretch my enemies would have the world to believe me. i hope i am not supposed so now; the court martial has acquitted me of everything criminal or ignominious." one of his friends assured him that none called or thought him so but persons who were obstinately prejudiced against him, and his enemies, whose interest and design it was to deceive the nation; and it was vain to expect that they would be induced to change their opinion or do him justice by any reasoning or statement. this observation seemed to please him much. in the evening he ordered a small bowl of punch to be made; and as all his friends were seated round the table, taking his own glass with a little punch in it, after having helped his friends, he said, "my friends, here is all your healths, and god bless you; i am pleased to find i have some friends still, notwithstanding my misfortunes." after drinking his glass, he added, "i am to die to-morrow, and as my country requires my life, i am ready to resign it, though i do not as yet know what my crime is. i think my judges, in justice to posterity, to officers who come after us, should have explained my crime a little more and pointed out the way to avoid falling into the same errors i did. as the sentence and resolutions stand now, i am persuaded no admiral will be wiser hereafter by them, or know better how to conduct himself on the like occasion." observing one or his friends with his eyes attentively fixed upon him while he was speaking: "my friend," said he, "i understand reproof in that grave look. it is a long time since i have spoken so much upon the subject, and you now think i say too much; perhaps i do so." "far from presuming to mean any reproof," replied his friend, "i am all attention to what you say, sir; and though all of us here are satisfied of these truths, yet we must be pleased to hear you make them plainer." the admiral was always watched in the great cabin during the night by officers who relieved one another at twelve at night and at four o'clock in the morning. at these hours he was seldom found awake; but the night before his execution at both hours he was found in a tranquil and profound sleep. he had always been in the habit of rising very early; and while he was on board the _monarque_ he used to banter the marshal for not being up so soon as he was. on monday morning, the day of his execution, he was up by five o'clock: the marshal did not make his appearance till six; and when he saw him, "well," said he, "i think i have beat you at rising this morning." soon afterwards, when he was shifting, as he regularly did every morning, "here," said he to his valet, "take these sleeve-buttons and wear them for my sake; yours will do to be buried with." as soon as he was dressed he returned to the state-room by himself, where he spent some time; on coming out he sat down to breakfast with the marshal as composedly as usual. he was dressed in a light grey coat, white waistcoat and white stockings, and a large white wig. these clothes he had regularly worn since he received the intelligence of his suspension at gibraltar; for after having read the order he stripped off his uniform and threw it into the sea. about nine o'clock his friends came on board the _monarque_; he received them in an easy, familiar manner, took each of them by the hand and inquired after their health. they informed him that the place of his execution was changed; that it was not to take place on the forecastle, but on the quarter-deck. this intelligence seemed to give him great satisfaction. he had constantly declared his resolution to die with his face uncovered, and to give the word of command to the platoon of marines himself; saying, "as it is my fate i can look at it and receive it." his friends were grieved at this determination and endeavoured to dissuade him from it; sometimes he seemed disposed to comply with their wishes, but at other times he replied, "no, it cannot be; i cannot bear it; i must look and receive my fate." his friends, however, persevered in representing to him that, considering his rank, it was impossible the marines could receive the word of command from him, or look in his face and see him looking at them without being intimidated and awed; they hinted, also, at the consequences which might result; that he might be wounded only and mangled. by arguments and entreaties they at length prevailed upon him to have a bandage over his eyes, and to make a signal by dropping a handkerchief. he then requested to be made acquainted with all the particulars of the form, in order that he might conduct himself strictly according to them, remarking that he had never been present at an execution. as soon as the admiral had agreed upon the signal he was to make, it was communicated to the commanding officer of the marines, in order that he might instruct his men accordingly; and he was also desired to tell them that they should have ten guineas if they conducted themselves properly. the marines were drawn up, under arms, upon the poop, along the gangways, in the waist, and on one side of the quarter-deck. a heap of sawdust was thrown on the other side of the quarter-deck, and a cushion placed upon it; in the middle, upon the gratings, a platoon of nine marines were drawn up in three lines, three in each: the two foremost lines, which were intended to fire, had their bayonets fixed, as is customary on such occasions. orders had been given for all the men-of-war at spithead to send their boats, with the captains and all the officers of each ship, accompanied by a party of marines under arms, to attend the execution. in compliance with these orders they rowed from spithead and made the harbour a little after eleven o'clock; but with great difficulty and danger, as it blew a dreadful gale at west-north-west and the tide was ebbing. notwithstanding the state of the weather, there was a prodigious number of other boats present. about eleven o'clock admiral byng, walking across his cabin, and observing the crowd of boats out of one of the cabin windows, took up a glass to view them more distinctly. the decks, shrouds, and yards of all the ships that lay near were crowded with men; upon which he remarked, "curiosity is strong; it draws a great number of people together; but their curiosity will be disappointed: where they are, they may hear, but they cannot see." a gentleman said to him, "to see you so easy and composed, sir, gives me as much pleasure as i can have on this occasion; but i expected no less from the whole of your conduct heretofore; and the last actions of a man mark his character more than all the actions of his life." "i am sensible they do, sir," replied he, "and am obliged to you for putting me in mind. i find innocence is the best foundation for firmness of mind." he continued to walk about in the cabin for some time; inquired what time it would be high water; observed that the tide would not suit to carry his body ashore after dark; expressed some apprehensions that his body might be insulted if it were carried ashore in the daytime, on account of the prejudices of the people against him: but his friends assuring him that there was no such disposition among the inhabitants of portsmouth, he appeared very well satisfied. he walked out of the great cabin to the quarter-deck, accompanied by a clergyman, who had attended him during his confinement, and two gentlemen, his relations. one of these went with him to the cushion and offered to tie the bandage over his eyes; but he, having a white handkerchief ready folded in his hand, replied, with a smile on his countenance, "i am obliged to you, sir; i thank god i can do it myself; i think i can; i am sure i can;" and tied it behind his head himself. he continued upon his knees rather more than a minute, much composed, and apparently recommending himself to the almighty, and then dropped his handkerchief, the signal agreed upon, a few minutes before twelve o'clock. on this a volley was fired from the six marines, five of whose bullets went through him, and he was in an instant no more: the sixth bullet went over his head. the spectators were amazed at the intrepidity of his behaviour, and scarcely could refrain from tears. one of the common seamen, who had stood all the time full of attention, with his arms across, cried out with enthusiasm, when he saw him fall, "there lies the bravest and best officer of the navy." a few minutes before his execution he delivered to the marshal of the admiralty the following paper, addressing himself to him in these words:-- "sir, these are my thoughts on this occasion. i give them to you that you may authenticate them and prevent anything spurious being published that might tend to defame me. i have given a copy to one of my relations. "a few moments will now deliver me from the virulent persecutions and frustrate the farther malice of my enemies: nor need i envy them a life subject to the sensations my injuries and the injustice done me must create. persuaded, i am, justice will be done to my reputation hereafter: the manner and cause of raising and keeping up the popular clamour and prejudice against me will be seen through. i shall be considered (as i now perceive myself) a victim destined to divert the indignation and resentment of an injured and deluded people from the proper objects. my enemies themselves must now think me innocent. happy for me, at this my last moment, that i know my own innocence, and am conscious that no part of my country's misfortunes can be owing to me. i heartily wish the shedding my blood may contribute to the happiness and service of my country; but cannot resign my just claim to a faithful discharge of my duty according to the best of my judgment and the utmost exertion of my ability for his majesty's honour and my country's service. i am sorry that my endeavours were not attended with more success, and that the armament under my command proved too weak to succeed in an expedition of such moment. "truth has prevailed over calumny and falsehood; and justice has wiped off the ignominious stain of my supposed want of personal courage or disaffection. my heart acquits me of these crimes. but who can be presumptuously sure of his own judgment? if my crime is an error of judgment, or differing in opinion from my judges, and if yet the error in judgment should be on their side, god forgive them, as i do; and may the distress of their minds and uneasiness of their consciences, which in justice to me they have represented, be believed and subside, as my resentment has done. "the supreme judge sees all hearts and motives, and to him i must submit the justice of my cause. "j. byng. "_on board his majesty's ship 'monarque,' in portsmouth harbour, march th, ._" in his parish church, at southill, is the following inscription to the memory of this unfortunate officer:-- "to the perpetual disgrace of public justice, the honourable john byng, vice-admiral of the blue, fell a martyr to political persecution on march , in the year : when bravery and loyalty were insufficient securities for the life and honour of a naval officer." in indian seas. - . though the great achievements of large fleets are apt to monopolise fame, it often happens in the story of our english navy that small squadrons in out-of-the-way places show equal heroism in achieving less important results. of such services the following are illustrations. captain forrest, of the _augusta_, having sailed from port royal in jamaica, in , proceeded to cruise off cape francis, a harbour in the island of st. domingo; he was accompanied by captains suckling and langdon, commanding the _dreadnought_ and _edinburgh_. there lay at that time, at the cape, a french squadron of four ships of the line and three stout frigates, which the french commodore, piqued at seeing the coast insulted by forrest's little squadron, reinforced with several store-ships, which he mounted with cannon and supplied with seamen from the merchant vessels and with soldiers from the garrison. thus prepared, he weighed anchor and stood out for sea. when forrest perceived the approach of the french ships, he called his two captains. "gentlemen," said he, "you know our own strength and see that of the enemy. shall we give them battle?" being answered in the affirmative, he bore down on the french fleet, and between three and four in the afternoon came to action. the french attacked with great impetuosity, and displayed uncommon spirit in the sight of their own coast. but, after an engagement of more than two hours, their commodore found his ship so much shattered that he was obliged to make a signal for his frigates to tow him out of the line. the rest of the squadron followed his example, and availed themselves of the land breeze to escape in the night from the three british ships, which were too much damaged in their sails and rigging to pursue their victory. captain forrest signalised his courage in this engagement; but he displayed equal courage and still more uncommon conduct and sagacity in a subsequent adventure near the western coast of hispaniola. having received intelligence that there was a considerable french fleet at port au prince, a harbour on that coast, ready to sail for europe, he proceeded from jamaica to cruise between hispaniola and the little island goave. he disguised his ship with tarpaulins, hoisted dutch colours, and, in order to avoid discovery, allowed several small vessels to pass without giving them chase. the second day after his arrival in these parts he perceived a fleet of seven sail steering to the westward. he kept from them to prevent suspicion, but, at the approach of night, pursued them with all the sail he could crowd. about ten in the evening he came up with two vessels of the chase, one of which fired a gun and the other sheered off. the ship which had fired no sooner discovered her enemy than she submitted. forrest manned her with thirty-five of his own crew, and now perceiving eight sail to leeward, near the harbour of petit goave, ordered them to stand for that place, and to intercept any vessels that attempted to reach it. he himself, in the _augusta_, sailed directly for the french fleet, and, coming up with them by daybreak, engaged them all by turns as he could bring his guns to bear. the _solide_, the _theodore_, and the _marguerite_ returned his fire; but, having soon struck their colours, they were immediately secured, and then employed in taking the other vessels, of which none had the fortune to escape. the nine sail, which, by this well-conducted stratagem, had fallen into the power of one ship, and that even in the sight of their own harbours, were safely conducted to jamaica, where the sale of their rich cargoes rewarded the merit of the captors. while forrest acquired wealth and glory by protecting the trade of jamaica, the vigilance of captain tyrrel secured the english navigation to antigua. in the month of march this enterprising and judicious commander demolished a fort on the island of martinico, and destroyed four privateers riding under its protection. in november of the same year, he, in his own ship, the _buckingham_, of sixty-four guns, accompanied by the _weazle_ sloop, commanded by captain boles, discovered, between the islands of guadaloupe and montserrat, a fleet of nineteen sail under convoy of the _florissant_, a french man-of-war of seventy-four guns, and two frigates of which the largest carried thirty-eight, and the other twenty-six guns. captain tyrrel, regardless of the great inequality of force, immediately gave chase in the _buckingham_; and the _weazle_, running close to the enemy, received a whole broadside from the _florissant_. though she sustained it without much damage, mr. tyrrel ordered captain boles to keep aloof, as his vessel could not be supposed to bear the shock of heavy metal; and he alone prepared for the engagement. the _florissant_, instead of lying to for him, made a running fight with her stern chase, while the two frigates annoyed the _buckingham_ in her pursuit. at length, however, she came within pistol-shot of the _florissant_, and poured in a broadside which did great execution. the salutation was returned with spirit and the battle became close and obstinate. mr. tyrrel, being wounded, was obliged to leave the deck, and the command devolved upon mr. marshall, his first lieutenant, who fell in the arms of victory. the second lieutenant took the command, and finally silenced the enemy's fire. on board the _florissant_ one hundred and eighty men were slain and three hundred wounded. she was so much disabled in her hull that she could hardly be kept afloat. the largest frigate received equal damage. the _buckingham_ had only seven men killed and seventeen dangerously wounded; she had suffered much, however, in her masts and rigging, which was the only circumstance that prevented her from adding profit to glory by making prizes of the french fleet under so powerful a convoy. in the east indies the french squadron was commanded by m. d'aché, and the english by admiral pocock, who had succeeded admiral watson. the former was reinforced by a considerable armament under the command of general lally, an adventurer of irish extraction in the french service. the english admiral was also reinforced march th, , by four ships of the line; and, being soon after apprised of lally's arrival, hoisted his flag on board the _yarmouth_, a ship of sixty-four guns, and sailed in quest of the enemy. he made the height of negapatam on march th, and the day following discovered the enemy's fleet in the road of fort st. david. it consisted of eight ships of the line and a frigate, which immediately stood out to sea and formed the line-of-battle. pocock's squadron consisted only of seven ships; with which he formed the line, and, bearing down upon m. d'aché, began the engagement. the french commodore, having sustained a warm action for about two hours in which one of his largest ships was disabled, sheered off with his whole fleet. being afterwards joined by two more ships of war, he again formed the line-of-battle to leeward. admiral pocock, though his own ship and several others were considerably damaged, and though three of his captains had misbehaved in the engagement, prepared again for the attack. but the manoeuvres of the french fleet seem to have been intended merely to amuse him; for they neither showed lights nor gave any signal in the night, and next morning the smallest trace of them could not be observed. admiral pocock made various attempts to bring the french squadron to a second engagement. these, however, proved ineffectual till august rd, when he perceived the enemy's fleet, consisting of eight ships of the line and a frigate, standing to sea off the road of pondicherry. they would have gladly eluded his pursuit, but he obtained the weather-gauge, and sailed down upon them in order of battle. as it was now impossible to escape without coming to action the french prepared for the engagement, and fired on the _elizabeth_, which happened to be within musket-shot of the ship in their van. but this spirited attack was not seconded with equal perseverance. in little more than ten minutes after admiral pocock had displayed the signal for battle, m. d'aché set his fore-sail, and bore away, maintaining a running fight in a very irregular line for nearly an hour. the whole squadron immediately followed his example; and at two o'clock they cut away their boats, crowded sail and put before the wind. they escaped by favour of the night into the road of pondicherry; but their fleet was so much damaged that, in the beginning of september, their commodore sailed for the isle of bourbon in order to refit, thus leaving the english admiral, whose squadron had always been inferior to that of the french in number of ships and men as well as in weight of metal, sovereign of the indian seas. in the glorious ' the french fleet, under m. d'aché, was augmented to eleven sail of the line, besides frigates and store-ships, an armament hitherto unknown in the indian seas. the english commander, however, no sooner had intelligence of their arrival than he sailed to the coast of coromandel, and determined to pursue and give them battle, notwithstanding the fact that the french had a superiority of one hundred and ninety-two guns and two thousand three hundred and sixty-five men, besides a great advantage in the size of their ships. on the morning of september nd the french fleet were descried from the mast-head. admiral pocock immediately threw out the signal for a general chase; but, the wind abating, he could not approach near enough to engage, though he crowded all the sail he could carry. at length they totally disappeared, and the admiral stood for pondicherry on a supposition that they intended to sail thither. his conjecture was well founded; for on september th he observed them standing to the southward, and on the th, about two in the afternoon, m. d'aché, seeing no possibility of escaping, made the signal for battle. the cannonading began without farther delay, and both squadrons engaged with equal impetuosity; but the french directing their cannon at the masts and rigging, while the english fired only at the hulls of the ships, the former sustained such a loss of men, and found their vessels in so shattered a condition that they were glad to sheer off with all their canvas set. the loss on the side of the english was not inconsiderable, there being five hundred and sixty-nine men killed and wounded; that on the side of the french must have been far greater, as their ships could hardly keep the sea, and they were obliged to make the best of their way to the island of mauritius in order to be refitted. soon after this engagement admiral cornish arrived from england with four ships of the line, and confirmed the dominion of the english over the indian seas. the story of the "glorious fifty-nine" and the battle of quiberon bay. the year has been described as one of the most glorious years in the history of england, a year during which "it was necessary to ask every morning what new victory there was, for fear of missing one." the early part of the year was, indeed, one of "magnanimous fear"--as pitt called it--for the french were known to be making unparalleled efforts for the invasion of england with the proud hope of entire conquest, and in germany, in america, and in india, england was at war. hostile fleets were assembled at havre, brest, dunkirk, and toulon. the fleet at havre was an immediate menace to the english coasts; the brest squadron was destined for the invasion of ireland, the ships at dunkirk were commissioned to harass scotland, while it was hoped that the toulon fleet would supply reinforcements wherever needed. in france this naval combination was regarded as irresistible. but pitt had aroused the national spirit, and aggressive reprisals were adopted with enthusiasm. admiral rodney was entrusted with an attack upon havre, where a vast number of flat-bottomed boats with a quantity of military stores of all kinds had been prepared to assist in the projected invasion. on july rd he anchored in havre roads. the french commander had been forewarned of the english approach, and had made ample preparations for resistance. powerful batteries had been erected all along the shore, and on both sides of the river's mouth; these were garrisoned with several thousand men, who opened a heavy fire on the squadron the moment it came within gunshot. the pilots proved wholly ignorant of the place, but some of rodney's captains worked all night in taking soundings. the bombardment was continued without intermission for two days and two nights. nearly all the french transports and boats were burnt, with all the warehouses containing the stores; and havre itself was so disabled as to be valueless as an arsenal during the remainder of the war. in august the toulon fleet slipped through the straits of gibraltar, with the intention of re-inforcing the brest fleet; only, however, to be vigorously attacked and decisively defeated by admiral boscawen, who gave battle in lagos bay off the south coast of portugal; meanwhile the ships at dunkirk were blockaded by admiral boyce. in may, admiral (afterwards lord) hawke was ordered to blockade the brest fleet. for six months the blockade lasted. the gales and the difficulty of victualling the fleet governed the situation. when a westerly gale sprang up, the french could not get out to sea from brest; but there was the great danger of some of the english ships being driven on shore, and the question was "how to get the fleet into a place of safety, like plymouth or torbay, and out again before the wind changed and allowed the french to sail." it was like "a cat watching a mouse." the difficulties of the commissariat may be estimated by a letter in which hawke wrote to the responsible officer at plymouth: "the beer brewed at your port is so excessively bad that it employs the whole of the time of the squadron in surveying it and throwing it overboard.... a quantity of bread will be returned to you; though not altogether unfit for use, yet so full of weevils and maggots that it would have infected all the bread come on board this day." the fierce gales of november made hawke's task of keeping a large fleet in the bay of biscay one of supreme difficulty, and unusually wild weather compelled him to run for shelter in torbay. on the th the storm abated, and de conflans, seeing the coast clear, put to sea. the same day hawke left the shelter of the english coast; on the th he was off ushant. "on that afternoon," writes dr. john campbell, "several english transports returning from quiberon bay passed through the fleet, and informed the admiral that they had seen the french squadron on the preceding day, standing to the south-east, and distant about twenty-three leagues from belle-isle." the intelligence was received by the whole british fleet with acclamations, and every ship prepared for action. the wind also became favourable and every sail was spread to catch the gale. on the th, about half an hour after eight o'clock in the morning, the _maidstone_ frigate let fly her top-gallant sails, which was a signal for discovering a fleet. about nine, lord howe, in the _magnanime_, made signal that they were enemies. sir edward hawke immediately told his officers that he did not intend to trouble himself with forming lines, but would attack them in the old way, to make downright work with them; and accordingly he threw out a signal for seven of his ships to chase, in order to allure the enemy to fight. as the british neared the french, the weather became squally and rough; but conflans in a very gallant style seemed to offer battle: his courage, however, soon cooled, and long before the fleets were within the range of shot, he changed his plan, and stood right before the wind toward the shore. it was two in the afternoon before our headmost ships could get up with his rear; but at that time the _warspite_ and _dorsetshire_ began to fire. the imagination can conceive nothing more sublime than the spectacle which the hostile squadrons presented at this moment. a dreadful storm darkened the face of the heavens; the sea was rolling in tremendous waves which on all sides were dashing themselves into foam on treacherous rocks and shallows unknown to the english pilots. in the midst of these terrible circumstances, calculated, from the very majesty of the physical power in action, to awe and intimidate, two adverse navies, the greatest that had been employed in one of the greatest wars in the annals of europe, freighted with the fate, and worthy of being intrusted with the glory of the rival nations, were preparing for battle. it was a moment as if nature had resolved to contrast the tameness of physical terror with the grandeur of heroism, and to show how much more sublime are the moral sentiments of a collected mind than all the awful phenomena of the heavens darkened, and the ocean agitated by a tempest, with the multifarious dangers of secret rocks and unknown shallows. in the open sea conflans might have hazarded a battle without the imputation of temerity, as his fleet was equal in force to that of hawke, but like a prudent commander he endeavoured to avail himself of all the advantages arising from the local knowledge of his pilots, who were well acquainted with the navigation of the shallows. he directed them to steer in such a manner as to decoy the english among the rocks. but the very execution of this proceeding, which at the time was thought disreputable to his character as a commander, required more time in execution than the occasion allowed, and the british ships came up with the french before they were well prepared for action. at half an hour after two o'clock the british van opened fire on the french rear. the _formidable_, a french man-of-war, commanded by admiral de verger, a man of great courage and noble determination, behaved in the most heroic manner; broadside after broadside were poured into her by the british as they sailed successively past towards the van of the enemy; and she returned their fire with a promptitude that excited the admiration of friends and foes. in the meantime, the _royal george_, with hawke on board, was approaching the _soleil royal_, which bore the flag of conflans. intent, as it were, only on her prey, she passed on without heeding the shot of the other ships. the sea was dashing over her bows, and as she came rapidly nearer, she appeared as if she had been actuated by the furiousness of rage. her pilot, seeing the breakers foaming on every side, told the admiral that he could not go farther, without the most imminent danger from the shoals. "you have done your duty in pointing out the danger," said hawke, "but lay me alongside of the _soleil royal_." the pilot bowed in obedience, and gave the necessary orders. the _superbe_, a french ship of seventy guns, perceiving what was intended by the movements of the english admiral, generously interposed between her commander and received the whole fatal broadside which the _royal george_ had intended for monsieur conflans. the thunder of the explosion was succeeded by a wild shriek from all on board. the british sailors gave a shout of triumph, which was instantly checked by a far other feeling; for the smoke clearing away, only the masts of the _superbe_, with her colours still flying, were seen above the water, and in a moment they were covered by a roll of the sea, and seen no more; but the _soleil royal_ was spared; she escaped to the shore, where she was afterwards burnt with disgrace. about four in the afternoon, the _formidable_, which had maintained the whole battle with such heroic determination, struck her colours; but not until after all her officers had been killed. the _héros_, a seventy-four, also struck, and the _thésée_, of seventy guns, was sunk like the _superbe_. darkness coming on, the remainder of the enemy's fleet fled; seven ships of the line hove their guns overboard, and ran into the river villaine; about as many more, in a shattered condition, escaped to other ports. the wind blowing strong in shore, hawke made the signal for anchoring to the westward of the small island of durnel. here the fleet remained during the night, and as the tempest continued to increase, the darkness was occasionally broken by the flashes of cannon and the howl of the wind; and the roar of the breakers was augmented in horror by the sound of guns of distress. "this action, more memorable on account of the terrific circumstances in which it was fought, than any other of equal magnitude in the annals of heroic achievement," put an end to the naval power of france for many years, and therefore, to all fear of invasion. it, moreover, indicated the overwhelming superiority of the english marine. the capture of goree in january, and of guadaloupe in june, the victory of minden in august, and of lagos in september, the capture of quebec in october, and the crowning victory of quiberon bay in november have immortalised "the glorious fifty-nine" in english history. the story of lord rodney. by john campbell. george brydges rodney was born at walton-on-thames in the year . his father, henry rodney, was at the time of his son's birth commander of the yacht in which the king, attended by the duke of chandos, used to pass to and from hanover; hence he was christened george and brydges after the king and the duke, who stood godfathers to him. he entered the navy at fourteen years of age, and obtained command of a ship at twenty-four. he was made governor of newfoundland in , and in admiral of the blue. this same year he distinguished himself by destroying the stores prepared for the invasion of england at havre de grace. in he served in the west indies and was made a baronet. in he was elected member of parliament for northampton; but the cost of his election ruined him and he was obliged to seek a temporary asylum on the continent. while here he received overtures from the french government, which he rejected; upon which the english government gave him command of the mediterranean squadron. the two principal victories of his life were gained over the spanish and french fleets in and , in connection with his appointment to the west indian squadron. there were two naval objects which demanded the attention of the ministry at the commencement of the year , the relief of gibraltar and the protection of the west indies. to secure both these admiral rodney was appointed to command a fleet in the west indies, and _en route_ to convoy a large supply of provisions and stores to gibraltar. the admiral had been but a very few days at sea when he fell in with a spanish fleet, bound from st. sebastian to cadiz: it consisted of fifteen sail of merchantmen under the protection of a fine new sixty-four gun ship, four frigates, mounting from twenty-six to thirty-two guns, and two smaller vessels; these ships of war belonged to the royal company of the caraccas, and had been assigned to the others as a convoy. the whole fleet were captured; and on examining the cargoes of the merchantmen, the capture was ascertained to be extremely fortunate, as the greater part of them were laden with wheat, flour, and other stores, which the admiral of course destined for gibraltar. on january th, about a week after this capture, he fell in with another spanish squadron, consisting of eleven ships of the line, under the command of don juan langara, off cape st. vincent. as the spaniards, being inferior in force and favoured by the wind, endeavoured to escape, the british admiral changed the signal for a line of battle abreast to that for a general chase, with orders to engage as the ships came up. night came on, but the pursuit was still continued, though the dangers of a dark and tempestuous night were increased by the vicinity of the shoals of st. lucar. about four o'clock the headmost ships began to engage. early in the action the spanish ship _st. domingo_, of seventy guns and seven hundred men, blew up, and all on board perished; the english ship opposed to her nearly suffering the same fate. the engagement did not terminate till two in the morning, when the _monarca_, the headmost of the enemy's fleet, struck to the _sandwich_, admiral rodney's own ship. three others were also taken and carried safely into port; among these was the _phoenix_, of eighty guns, don langara's ship. two others had struck, but after the officers had been taken out, they were driven on shore by the tempestuous weather, and one of them was entirely lost. two frigates and four ships of the line escaped; of the latter, two were much damaged in the action. our loss amounted to thirty-two killed and one hundred and two wounded. the convoy having been conducted safely to gibraltar, and the provisions and stores having been landed there, admiral digby, taking under his charge the spanish prizes and homeward bound transports, sailed for england on february th, ; and admiral rodney, with the remainder, proceeded to his station in the west indies. the great object of the french and spanish forces in the west islands at this time was the reduction of jamaica. hitherto foiled in attaining this object, they were in great hopes of being more successful in . in order to frustrate their design, soon after his arrival in england, in the fall of the year , admiral rodney was sent back to resume his command in the west indies, with a reinforcement of twelve sail of the line. he sailed from the channel in the month of january, , and arrived off the island of barbadoes on the th of the following month. having formed a junction with sir samuel hood he resolved to proceed with his whole fleet to st. lucia; the most convenient station for watching the motions of the enemy. as soon as he arrived off this island he ordered some of his frigates to cruise, for the purpose of giving him the earliest intelligence of the movements of the enemy; and in the meantime took on board provisions and water sufficient to last him for five months. the first object which admiral rodney had in view was to prevent, if possible, the junction of the french and spanish fleets, as he had reason to believe that, if this junction were effected, jamaica would fall a prey to the enemy. the spanish fleet at this time were to leeward of the french. on april th admiral rodney was informed that the french were embarking troops on board their ships of war; and on the th of the same month, at break of day, a signal was made from the _andromache_ that their fleet was coming out of fort royal and standing to the north-west. admiral rodney immediately made the necessary signal for weighing anchor and getting under weigh, and this was obeyed with so much promptitude and alacrity that the whole british fleet, consisting of thirty-six sail of the line, was clear off grosislet bay before noon. they proceeded, under as much sail as they could carry, in pursuit of the enemy, so that before daylight the next morning the french fleet was discovered under the island of dominica. at this time both fleets were becalmed; the enemy got the breeze first, and taking advantage of it stood towards guadaloupe. the breeze next favoured the van of the english fleet, under the command of sir samuel hood, who stood after them with a press of sail; all this while the rear and the centre of admiral rodney's fleet were still becalmed. this circumstance, which to all appearance was unfavourable to the english, proved in the issue highly advantageous to them; for the count de grasse, who had determined to avoid an engagement, and to press forward in order to effect a junction with the spanish fleet, perceiving the van of the english at a distance from, and unsupported by, the rear and centre, was tempted to engage; so as soon as sir samuel hood's division came near enough the count de grasse bore down upon him with his whole force. sir samuel hood was not dispirited; though at one period of this very unequal engagement his own ship, the _barfleur_, had seven of the enemy's ships firing upon her, and during the greatest part of the action not less than three. the example of the _barfleur_ was followed by all the rest of the division, so that no advantage could be obtained over them. at length part of the centre got near enough to engage; and the breeze soon afterwards reaching the rear of the british fleet, the count de grasse withdrew his ships, and having the advantage of the wind was enabled to decline any further contest, notwithstanding all the endeavours of admiral rodney to continue it. during this partial engagement the _royal oak_ and the _montague_, the leading ships of the van, sustained considerable damage. captain boyne of the _alfred_ was killed. two of the french ships were so disabled as to be obliged to take shelter in guadaloupe. the british fleet lay to all the night after the action for the purpose of repairing their damages, but the next morning made sail to the windward in pursuit of the enemy. but the pursuit seemed in vain, for on the morning of the th the french fleet had got so far to windward that some of their ships were scarcely visible. about noon on april th one of the enemy's ships was seen in a disabled state, a great way to windward; admiral rodney now entertained hopes that he should either be able to capture her or to bring on a general engagement, if the count de grasse bore down to her support; he therefore ordered a general chase. towards evening, one of the leading ships of the british approached so near the disabled ship of the enemy, that her capture was inevitable if she were not assisted. the count de grasse, perceiving her danger, bore down with his whole fleet for her protection. admiral rodney had now gained his object; for by nightfall the two fleets were very near each other: it was necessary, however, to put off the engagement till the next day, april th. still, however, as during the night the french admiral might have drawn off his fleet, admiral rodney took such measures as effectually prevented this from taking place; so that when daylight broke he had the satisfaction to perceive that the count de grasse, even if so inclined, could not avoid a general engagement. the action was begun about half-past seven in the morning of the th by captain penny, of the _marlborough_, the leading ship of the british van. the two fleets met on opposite tacks; the british ranging slowly along--there being but little wind--and close under the lee of the enemy's line, continuing a most tremendous fire, which the french received and returned with the utmost firmness. about noon, sir george rodney in the _formidable_, having passed the _ville de paris_, the french admiral's ship, and her second--and during her passage directing against them a most tremendous and effective fire--stood athwart the line of the enemy, between the second and third ship astern of the _ville de paris_; she was immediately followed and supported by the _duke_, _namur_, and _canada_; and the rest imitated their example. as soon as the _formidable_ had broken the line she wore round; and a signal being made for the van division to tack, the british fleet thus gained the wind and stood upon the same tack with the enemy. by this bold and masterly manoeuvre the french line was completely broken and the whole thrown into confusion; the consequences were decisively advantageous and glorious to the british; for though the enemy still continued to fight with great gallantry, it was evident that the victory was with admiral rodney. the action hitherto had been chiefly supported by the van and centre of the british; for the rear under sir samuel hood being becalmed, did not for some time get into the engagement; and when the breeze did spring up, it was so trifling that sir samuel hood, in the _barfleur_, took an hour and a half to reach that part of the enemy's line where it had been broken through by the _formidable_. during all this time, however, he kept up a tremendous and well-directed fire. as the french ships always carry a much larger complement of men than the british, and as, moreover, at this time they had on board a great number of troops, the carnage was extreme; notwithstanding this, however, and the certainty that they must ultimately be beaten, the count de grasse in the _ville de paris_ and the other ships in the centre, withstood till the evening all the efforts of the various ships that attacked him. nor was the gallantry of the british inferior to that of the french. captain cornwallis, of the _canada_, especially distinguished himself; for, having obliged the _hector_, a ship of the same force as his own, to strike her colours, he did not lose time by taking possession of her, but leaving her in charge of a frigate pushed on to the _ville de paris_, which he engaged for the space of two hours, notwithstanding her great superiority, and left her a complete wreck. the count de grasse, however, refused to surrender; and as it was supposed that he would not yield to any vessel that did not carry an admiral's flag, towards sunset sir samuel hood poured from the _barfleur_ a most dreadful fire into the _ville de paris_. the count de grasse bore it for about ten minutes, when he surrendered: at this time there were only three men alive and unhurt on the upper deck, and of this number the count himself was one. besides the _ville de paris_ and the _hector_, the _ardent_, of sixty-four guns, which had been captured in the british channel, was re-taken; the _cæsar_ and the _glorieux_, of seventy-four guns each, also surrendered after they were made complete wrecks. the _diadem_, early in the engagement, bore up to assist in protecting the _ville de paris_ from the _formidable_, but by a single broadside from the latter she was sunk. night, which must have been ardently wished for by the french, now came on; when the british admiral made the signal for his fleet to bring to, in order that he might secure his prizes. in the course of this night the _cæsar_, one of the prizes, blew up by accident; and a british lieutenant and fifty seamen, with about four hundred prisoners, perished. the _ville de paris_ was the most important of the prizes; she was the largest ship in the french king's service. she had been a present from the city of paris to louis xv., and no expense had been spared to render the gift worthy of the city and of the monarch; the expense of building her and fitting her for sea is said to have been one hundred and fifty-six thousand pounds. on board of her there were, at the time of her capture, thirty-six chests of money, intended for the pay and subsistence of the men who were to have been employed in the expedition against jamaica: in the other captured ships the whole train of artillery and the battering cannon, and travelling carriages meant for that expedition, were also found. the loss of men in the british fleet in both actions, on april the th and th, was very small, amounting only to two hundred and thirty-seven killed and seven hundred and seventy-six wounded. the loss of the french is computed to have been three thousand slain and more than double that number wounded. in the _ville de paris_ alone upwards of three hundred men were killed; and several other of the captured ships lost between two or three hundred. two sail of the line and three frigates were captured the following day, so that the total loss of the enemy amounted to eight sail of the line and two frigates; six of which were in possession of the british, one sunk and another blown up. the count de grasse was sent prisoner to england. after his success, sir samuel hood joined admiral rodney, who proceeded to jamaica with his prizes; leaving sir samuel with twenty-five sail of the line to keep the sea and watch the motions of the enemy. admiral pigot, having arrived from england to succeed sir george rodney on the west india station, the latter sailed from jamaica in the beginning of august. the news of his victory gave great and universal joy in great britain, and the admiral was created an english peer, and a pension of £ , a year was conferred upon him. sir samuel hood was created an irish peer. lord rodney died in , and a memorial was erected to his memory in st. paul's cathedral by public subscription. [illustration: admiral duncan addressing his crew after the mutiny at the nore. (_see page ._)] the loss of the _ramilies_. by g. h. walker. admiral (afterwards lord) graves having requested leave to return to england in , was appointed by lord rodney to command the convoy sent home with a numerous fleet of merchantmen from the west indies in the month of july. he accordingly hoisted the flag on board the _ramilies_, of seventy-four guns, and sailed on the th from bluefields, having under his orders the _canada_ and _centaur_, of seventy-four guns each, with the _pallas_ frigate of thirty-six guns, and the following french ships taken by lord rodney and sir samuel hood, out of the armament commanded by the count de grasse, viz., the _ville de paris_, of one hundred and ten guns; the _glorieux_ and _hector_, of seventy-four guns each; the _ardent_, _caton_, and _jason_, of sixty-four guns each. these were originally british ships and had been in so many actions and so long absent from england, as to have become extremely out of condition, while that of the prizes was still more deplorable; and the following authentic account of the various disasters which attended this distressed convoy will be found equally melancholy and interesting. soon after the fleet had sailed, the officers of the _ardent_ united in signing such a representation of her miserable plight as induced admiral graves to order her back to port royal; and the _jason_ by not putting to sea with the convoy, from the want of water, never joined him at all. the rest proceeded, and after the vessels that were bound for new york had separated, the whole convoy was reduced to ninety-two or three sail. on september th, the _caton_ springing a leak, made such alarming complaints, that the admiral directed her and the _pallas_, which had also become leaky, to bear away immediately and keep company together, making for halifax, which then bore north-north-west and was about eighty-seven leagues distant. the afternoon of september th, showing indications of a gale and foul weather from the south-east quarter, every preparation was made on board the flag ship for such an event, not only on account of her own safety, but also by way of example to the rest of the fleet. the admiral collected the ships about six o'clock, and brought to under his main sail on the larboard tack, having all his other sails furled, and his top-gallant yards and masts lowered down. the wind soon increasing, blew strongly from the east-south-east with a very heavy sea, and about three o'clock in the morning of the th flew suddenly round to the contrary point, blowing most tremendously, and accompanied with rain, thunder, and lightning; the _ramilies_ was taken by the lee, her main sail thrown aback, her main mast went by the board, and her mizen mast half way up; the foretop mast fell over the starboard bow, the foreyard broke in the slings, the tiller snapped in two, and the rudder was nearly torn off. thus was this capital ship, from being in perfect order, reduced within a few minutes to a mere wreck, by the fury of the blast and the violence of the sea, which acted in opposition to each other. the ship was pooped, the cabin, where the admiral lay, was flooded, his cot bed jerked down by the violence of the shock and the ship's instantaneous revulsion, so that he was obliged to pull on his boots half-leg deep in water, without any stockings, to huddle on his wet clothes, and repair upon deck. on his first coming hither, he ordered two of the lieutenants to examine into the state of the affairs below, and to keep a sufficient number of people at the pumps, while he himself and the captain kept the deck, to encourage the men to clear away the wreck, which by its constant swinging backwards and forwards by every wave against the body of the ship, had beaten off much of the copper from the starboard side, and exposed the seams so much to the sea that the decayed oakum washed out, and the whole frame became at once exceedingly porous and leaky. at dawn of day they perceived a large ship under their lee, lying upon her side, water-logged, her hands attempting to wear her by first cutting away the mizen mast, and then main mast: hoisting her ensign, with the union downwards, in order to draw the attention of the fleet; but to no purpose, for no succour could be given, and she very soon went down head foremost, the fly of her ensign being the last thing visible. this was the _dutton_, formerly an indiaman, and then a store ship, commanded by a lieutenant of the navy, who in his agitation leaped from her deck into the sea; but, as might be expected, was very soon overwhelmed by the billows. twelve or thirteen of the crew contrived, however, to slip off with one of the boats, and running with the wind, endeavoured to reach a large ship before them, failing in which, however, and afraid of filling if they attempted to haul up for that purpose, they made up for another ship more to the leeward, who, fortunately descrying them, threw a number of ropes, by the help of which these desperate fellows scrambled up her sides and fortunately saved their lives. out of ninety-four or ninety-five sail seen the day before scarcely twenty could now be counted; of the ships of war there were discovered the _canada_ half hull down upon the lee quarter, having her main-top mast and mizen mast gone, the main top damaged, the main yard aloft, and the main sail furled. the _centaur_ was far to windward, without masts, bowsprit or rudder; and the _glorieux_ without fore mast, bowsprit, or main-top mast. of these the two latter perished with all their crews, excepting the captain of the _centaur_ and a few of his people, who contrived to slip off her stern into one of the boats unnoticed, and thus escaped the fate of the rest. the _ville de paris_ appeared to have received no injury, and was commanded by a most experienced seaman, who had made twenty-four voyages to and from the west indies, and had, therefore, been pitched upon to lead the ship through the gulf; nevertheless, she was afterwards buried in the ocean with all on board her, consisting of above eight hundred people. of the convoy, besides the _dutton_ before mentioned and the _british queen_, seven others were discovered without mast or bowsprit; eighteen lost masts, and several others had actually foundered. in the course of this day the _canada_ crossed upon and passed the _ramilies_. some of the trade attempted to follow the _canada_, but she ran at such a rate that they soon found it to be in vain, and then returned to the flag ship. the _ramilies_ had at this time six feet of water in her hold, and the pumps would not free her, the water having worked out the oakum, and her beams amid ship being almost drawn from her clamps. the admiral therefore gave orders for all the buckets to be manned, and every officer to help towards freeing the ship; the mizen-top sail was set upon the fore mast, the main top-gallant sail on the stump of the mizen mast, and the tiller shipped. in this condition, by bearing away, she scudded on at so good a rate that she held pace with some of the merchantmen. the day having been spent in baling and pumping, with materially gaining on the water, the captain, in the name of the officers, represented to the admiral the necessity of parting with the guns for the relief of the ship; but he objected that there would then be left no protection for the convoy. at length, however, he consented to their disposing of the fore castle and aftermost quarter-deck guns, together with some of the shot, and other articles of very great weight. the ensuing night was employed in baling and endeavouring to make the pumps useful, for the ballast, by getting into the well, had choked and rendered them useless, and the chains had broken as often as they were repaired. the water had risen to seven feet in the hold. the wind from the eastward drove a vast sea before it, and the ship, being old, strained most violently. on the morning of the th nothing could be seen of the _canada_, she having pushed on at her greatest speed for england. the frame of the _ramilies_ having opened during the night, the admiral was prevailed upon, by the renewed and pressing remonstrances of his officers, although with great reluctance, to let six of the forwardmost and four of the aftermost guns of the main deck be thrown overboard, together with the remainder of those on the quarter-deck; and the ships still continuing to open very much, he ordered tarred canvas and hides to be nailed fore and aft from under the sills of the ports on the main deck under the fifth plank above, or within the water ways; and the crew, without orders, did the same on the lower deck. her increasing complaints required still more to be done. the admiral directed all the guns on the upper deck, the shot, both on that and the lower deck, and various heavy stores, to be thrown overboard; a leakage in the light-room of the grand magazine having almost filled the ship forward, and there being eight feet of water in the magazine, every gentleman was compelled to take his turn at the whips or in handing the buckets. the ship was besides frapped from the fore mast to the main mast. notwithstanding their utmost efforts the water still gained on them the succeeding night, and the wind blowing very hard, with extremely heavy squalls, a part of the orlop deck fell into the hold: the ship herself seemed to work excessively, and to settle forward. on the morning of the th, under these very alarming circumstances, the admiral commanded both the bower anchors to be cut away, all the junk to be flung overboard, one sheet and one bower cable to be reduced to junk and served the same way, together with every remaining ponderous store that could be got at, and all the powder in the grand magazine (it being damaged); the cutter and pinnace to be broken up and tossed overboard, the skids having already worked off the side. every soul on board was now employed in baling. one of the pumps was got up; but to no purpose, for the shot lockers being broken down, some of the shot, as well as the ballast, had fallen into the well; and as the weather moderated a little everything was made ready for heaving the lower-deck guns into the sea, the admiral being anxious to leave nothing undone for the relief of the ship. when evening approached, there being twenty merchant ships in sight, the officers united in beseeching him to go into one of them; but this he positively refused to do, deeming it, as he declared, unpardonable in a commander-in-chief to desert his garrison in distress; that his living a few years longer was of very little consequence, but that, by leaving his ship at such a time, he should discourage and slacken the exertions of the people by setting them a very bad example. the wind lulling somewhat during the night, all hands baled the water, which, at this time, was six feet fore and aft. on the morning of the th the admiral ordered the square and stream-anchors to be cut away, and within the course of the day all the lower-deck guns to be thrown overboard. when evening came the spirits of the people in general, and even of the most courageous, began to fail, and they openly expressed the utmost despair, together with the most earnest desire of quitting the ship, lest they should founder in her. the admiral hereupon advanced and told them that he and their officers had an equal regard for their own lives, that the officers had no intention of deserting either them or the ship, that, for his part, he was determined to try one night more in her; he therefore hoped and entreated they would do so too, for there was still room to imagine that one fair day, with a moderate sea, might enable them, by united exertion, to clear and secure the well against the encroaching ballast which washed into it; that if this could be done they might be able to restore the chains to the pumps and use them, and that then hands enough might be spared to raise jury masts, with which they might carry the ship into ireland; that her appearance alone, while she could swim, would be sufficient to protect the remaining part of her convoy; above all, that as everything that could be thought of had now been done for her relief, it would be but reasonable to wait the effect. he concluded with assuring them that he would make the signal directly for the trade to lie by them during the night, which he doubted not they would comply with. this temperate speech had the desired effect; the firmness and confidence with which he spoke, and their reliance on his seamanship and judgment, as well as his constant presence and attention to every accident, had a wonderful effect upon them; they became pacified, returning to their duty and their labours. since the first disaster, the admiral had, in fact, scarcely ever quitted the deck; this they had all observed, together with his diligence in personally inspecting every circumstance of distress. knowing his skill and experience, they placed great confidence in them; and he instantly made, according to his promise, a signal for all the merchantmen. at this period, it must be confessed, there was great reason for alarm, and but little for hope; for all the anchors and guns, excepting one, together with every other matter of weight, had been thrown overboard, and yet the ship did not seem to be at all relieved. the strength of the people was likewise so nearly exhausted, having had no sleep since the first fatal stroke, that one half of the crew were ordered to bale, and the other to repose; so that, although the wind was much abated, the water still gained upon them, in spite of all their efforts, and the ship rolled and worked prodigiously in a most unquiet sea. at three in the morning of the st, being the fourth night, the well being broken in, the casks, ballast, and remaining shot rushed together and destroyed the cylinder of the pumps; the frame and carcase of the ship began to give way in every part, and the whole crew exclaimed that it was impossible to keep her any longer above water. in this extremity the admiral resolved within himself not to lose a moment in removing the people whenever daylight should arrive; but told the captain not to communicate any more of his design than that he intended to remove the sick and lame at daybreak, and for this purpose he should call on board all the boats of the merchantmen. he, nevertheless gave private orders to the captain, while this was doing, to have all the bread brought upon the quarter-deck, with a quantity of beef, pork, and flour, to settle the best distributing of the people according to the number of trade ships that should obey their signal, and to allow an officer to each division of them; to have the remaining boats launched, and as soon as the sick were disposed of, to begin to remove the whole of the crew, with the utmost dispatch, but without risking too many in a boat. accordingly, at dawn, the signal was made for the boats of the merchantmen, but nobody suspected what was to follow, until the bread was entirely removed and the sick gone. about six o'clock the rest of the crew were permitted to go off, and between nine and ten, there being nothing farther to direct and regulate, the admiral himself, after shaking hands with every officer, and leaving his barge for their better accommodation and transport, quitted for ever the _ramilies_ which had then nine feet of water in her hold. he went into a small leaky boat, loaded with bread, out of which both himself and the surgeon who accompanied him were obliged to bale the water all the way. he was in his boots, with his surtout over his uniform, and his countenance as calm and composed as ever. he had, at the going off, desired a cloak, a cask of flour, and a cask of water, but could get only the flour; and he left behind all his stock, wines, furniture, books, charts, etc., which had cost him upwards of one thousand pounds, being unwilling to employ even a single servant in saving or packing up what belonged to himself alone, in a time of such general calamity, or to appear to fare better in that respect than any of the crew. the admiral rowed for the _belle_, captain forster, being the first of the traders that had borne up to the _ramilies_ the preceding night in her imminent distress, and by his anxious humanity set such an example to his brother-traders as had a powerful influence upon them--an influence that was generally followed by sixteen others. by three o'clock most of the crew were taken out, at which time the _ramilies_ had thirteen feet of water in her hold, and was evidently foundering in every part. at half-past four the captain and first and third lieutenants left her, with every soul excepting the fourth lieutenant, who stayed behind only to execute the admiral's orders for setting fire to her wreck when finally deserted. the carcase burned rapidly, and the flame quickly reaching the powder, which was filled in the after magazine, and had been lodged very high, in thirty-five minutes the decks and upper works blew up with a horrid explosion and cloud of smoke, while the lower part of the hull was precipitated to the bottom of the ocean. at this time the admiral, in the _belle_, stood for the wreck to see his last orders executed, as well as to succour any boats that might be too full of men, the swell of the sea being prodigious, although the weather had been moderate ever since noon of the foregoing day. there were, however, at intervals, some squalls, with threats of the weather soon becoming violent. it was not long before they were realised, for within two hours after the last of the crew were put on board their respective ships, the wind rose to a great height, and so continued, without intermission, for six or seven successive days, so that no boat could, during that time, have lived in the water. on such a small interval depended the salvation of more than six hundred lives! upon their separation taking place, the officers who were distributed with portions of the crew among the _jamaica_ men, had orders respectively to deliver them to the first man of war or tender they should meet with, and to acquaint the secretary of the admiralty by the earliest opportunity of their proceedings. a pendant was hoisted on board the _belle_, by way of distinction that she might, if possible, lead the rest. some of the traders kept with her, and others made the best of their way, apprehensive lest they should soon fall short of provisions, as they had so many more to feed. the _silver eel_ transport, which had sailed from bluefields with the invalids of sir george rodney's fleet, and was under the command of a lieutenant of the navy, had been ordered to keep near the _ramilies_. that ship was accordingly at hand on september st, the day of her destruction, and in consequence of several deaths on the passage, had room enough for the reception of all those that were now ailing or maimed, and was consequently charged with them, being first properly fitted for their accommodation. the _silver eel_ parted from the admiral in latitude ° ´ n. and longitude ° ´ w.; after seeing the _ramilies_ demolished, and being ordered to make for the first port, ran into falmouth, october th, on the afternoon of which day one of the trade ships, with a midshipman and sixteen of the crew of the _ramilies_, reached plymouth sound. another of the same convoy having on board another portion of the crew, with the captain and first lieutenant, anchored in the same place before daylight the next morning. the _canada_, however, having exerted her utmost speed, had, prior to all these, on the th of the same month got to portsmouth, where she spread the news of the dispersion of this miserable fleet, which being conveyed to france, her privateers immediately put to sea in hopes of making prize of them. some of the _jamaica_ men, with part of the crew of the _ramilies_, fell in consequence into their hands; two of the _west india_ men were captured in sight of the _belle_, but she herself, with the admiral and thirty-three of his crew, arrived safe, though singly, on october th, in cork harbour, where was the _myrmidon_ frigate. the admiral immediately hoisted his flag on board the latter, and sailing with the first fair wind, arrived, on the th, in plymouth sound. the loss of h.m.s. _centaur_. by captain inglefield. the storm which proved fatal to the _ramilies_ was responsible for the loss of many other ships in the same convoy, among which was the _centaur_ of seventy-four guns, whose commander, captain inglefield, with the master and ten of the crew, providentially escaped the general fate. the captain's narrative affords the best explanation of the manner and means by which this signal deliverance was effected. "the _centaur_" (says captain inglefield) "left jamaica in rather a leaky condition, keeping two hand pumps going, and, when it blew fresh, sometimes a spell with a chain pump was necessary. but i had no apprehension that the ship was not able to encounter a common gale of wind. "in the evening of september th, when the fatal gale came on, the ship was prepared for the worst weather usually met in those latitudes, the main sail was reefed and set, the top-gallant masts struck, and the mizen yard lowered down, though at that time it did not blow very strong. towards midnight it blew a gale of wind, and the ship made so much water that i was obliged to turn all hands up to spell the pumps. the leak still increasing, i had thoughts to try the ship before the sea. happy i should have been, perhaps, had i in this been determined. the impropriety of leaving the convoy, except in the last extremity, and the hopes of the weather growing moderate, weighed against the opinion that it was right. "about two in the morning the wind lulled, and we flattered ourselves the gale was breaking. soon after we had much thunder and lightning from the south-east, with rain, when it began to blow strong in gusts of wind, which obliged me to haul the main sail up, the ship being then under bare poles. this was scarcely done, when a gust of wind, exceeding in violence anything of the kind i had ever seen or had any conception of, laid the ship on her beam ends. the water forsook the hold and appeared between decks, so as to fill the men's hammocks to leeward: the ship lay motionless, and to all appearance irrecoverably overset. the water increasing fast, forced through the cells of the ports, and scuttled in the ports from the pressure of the ship. i gave immediate directions to cut away the main and mizen mast, hoping when the ship righted to wear her. the main mast went first, upon cutting one or two of the lanyards, without the smallest effect on the ship; the mizen mast followed, upon cutting the lanyard of one shroud; and i had the disappointment to see the foremast and bowsprit follow. the ship upon this immediately righted, but with great violence; and the motion was so quick, that it was difficult for the people to work the pumps. three guns broke loose upon the main deck, and it was some time before they were secured. several men being maimed in this attempt, everything movable was destroyed, either from the shot thrown loose from the lockers, or the wreck of the deck. the officers, who had left their beds naked, when the ship overset in the morning, had not an article of clothes to put on, nor could their friends supply them. "the masts had not been over the sides ten minutes before i was informed the tiller was broken short in the rudder head; and before the chocks could be placed the rudder itself was gone. thus we were as much disastered as it was possible, lying at the mercy of the wind and sea; yet i had one comfort, that the pumps, if anything, reduced the water in the hold; and as the morning came on (the th) the weather grew more moderate, the wind having shifted in the gale to north-west. "at daylight i saw two line-of-battle ships to leeward; one had lost her fore mast and bowsprit, the other her main mast. it was the general opinion on board the _centaur_ that the former was the _canada_, the other the _glorieux_. the _ramilies_ was not in sight, nor more than fifteen sail of merchant ships. "about seven in the morning i saw another line-of-battle ship ahead of us, which i soon distinguished to be the _ville de paris_, with all her masts standing. i immediately gave orders to make the signal of distress, hoisting the ensign on the stump of the mizen mast, union downwards, and firing one of the forecastle guns. the ensign blew away soon after it was hoisted, and it was the only one we had; but i had the satisfaction to see the _ville de paris_ wear and stand towards us. several of the merchant ships also approached us, and those that could hailed, and offered their assistance; but depending upon the king's ship, i only thanked them, desiring, if they joined admiral graves, to acquaint him of our condition. i had not the smallest doubt but the _ville de paris_ was coming to us, as she appeared to us to have suffered the least by the storm, and having seen her wear, we knew she was under government of her helm; at this time, also, it was so moderate that the merchantmen set their top-sails; but approaching within two miles she passed us to windward: this being observed by one of the merchant ships she wore and came under our stern, offering to carry any message to her. i desired the master would acquaint captain wilkinson that the _centaur_ had lost her rudder as well as her masts, that she made a great deal of water, and that i desired he would remain with her until the weather grew moderate. i saw this merchantman approach afterwards near enough to speak to the _ville de paris_, but am afraid that her condition was much worse than it appeared to be, as she continued upon the tack. in the meantime all the quarter-deck guns were thrown overboard, and all but six which had overset on the main deck. the ship, lying in the trough of the sea, laboured prodigiously. i got over one of the small anchors, with a boom and several gun carriages, veering out from the head door by a large hawser, to keep the ship's bow to the sea; but this, with a top-gallant sail upon the stump of the mizen mast, had not the desired effect. "as the evening came on it grew hazy, and blew strong in squalls. we lost sight of the _ville de paris_, but i thought it a certainty that we should see her the next morning. the night was passed in constant labour at the pumps. sometimes the wind lulled, the water diminished; when it blew strong again, the sea rising, the water again increased. "towards the morning of the th i was informed there was seven feet water upon the kelson; that one of the winches was broken, that the two spare ones would not fit, and that the hand pumps were choked. these circumstances were sufficiently alarming; but upon opening the after hold, to get some rum up for the people, we found our condition much more so. "it will be necessary to mention that the _centaur's_ after hold was inclosed by a bulk head at the after part of the well: here all the dry provisions and the ship's rum were stowed upon twenty chaldron of coals, which unfortunately had been started on this part of the ship, and by them the pumps were continually choked. the chain pumps were so much worn as to be of little use; and the leathers, which, had the well been clear, would have lasted twenty days or more, were all consumed in eight. at this time it was observed that the water had not a passage to the well, for here there was so much that it washed against the orlop deck. all the rum--twenty-six puncheons--all the provisions, of which there was sufficient for two months, in casks, were staved, having floated with violence from side to side until there was not a whole cask remaining; even the staves that were found upon clearing the hold were most of them broken in two or three pieces. in the fore hold we had a prospect of perishing; should the ship swim, we had no water but what remained in the ground tier, and over this all the wet provisions and butts filled with salt water were floating, and with so much motion that no man could with safety go into the hold. there was nothing left for us to try but baling with buckets at the fore hatchway and fish-room; and twelve large canvas buckets were immediately employed at each. on opening the fish-room, we were so fortunate as to discover that two puncheons of rum, which belonged to me, had escaped. they were immediately got up and served out at times in drams; and had it not been for this relief, and some lime juice, the people would have dropped. "we soon found our account in baling; the spare pump had been put down the fore hatchway, and a pump shifted to the fish-room; but the motion of the ship had washed the coals so small that they reached every part of the ship, and the pumps were soon choked. however, the water by noon had considerably diminished by working the buckets; but there appeared no prospect of saving the ship if the gale continued. the labour was too great to hold out without water: yet the people worked without a murmur, and indeed with cheerfulness. "at this time the weather was more moderate, and a couple of spars were got ready for shears to set up a jury fore mast; but as the evening came on the gale again increased. we had seen nothing this day but the ship that had lost her main mast, and she appeared to be as much in want of assistance as ourselves, having fired guns of distress; and before night i was told her fore mast was gone. "the _centaur_ laboured so much that i had scarcely a hope she could swim till morning. however, by great exertion with the chain pumps and baling, we held our own; but our sufferings for want of water were very great, and many of the people could not be restrained from drinking salt water. "at daylight (the th) there was no vessel in sight; and flashes from guns having been seen in the night, we feared the ship we had seen the preceding day had foundered. towards ten o'clock in the forenoon the weather grew more moderate, the water diminished in the hold, and the people were encouraged to redouble their efforts to get the water low enough to break a cask of fresh water out of the ground tier; and some of the most resolute of the seamen were employed in the attempt. at noon we succeeded with one cask, which, though little, was a seasonable relief. all the officers, passengers, and boys, who were not of the profession of seamen, had been employed in thrumming a sail, which was passed under the ship's bottom, and i thought had some effect. the shears were raised for the fore mast; the weather looked promising, the sea fell, and at night we were able to relieve at the pumps and baling every two hours. by the morning of the th the fore hold was cleared of the water, and we had the comfortable promise of a fine day. it proved so, and i was determined to make use of it with all possible exertion. i divided the ship's company, with officers attending them, into parties, to raise the jury fore-mast; to heave over the lower-deck guns; to clear the wreck of the fore and after holds; to prepare the machine for steering the ship, and to work the pumps. by night the after hold was as clear as when the ship was launched; for, to our astonishment, there was not a shovel of coals remaining, twenty chaldrons having been pumped out since the commencement of the gale. what i have called the wreck of the hold was the bulkheads of the after hold, fish-room, and spirit-rooms. the standards of the cockpit, an immense quantity of staves and wood, and part of the lining of the ship were thrown overboard, that if the water should again appear in the hold we might have no impediment in baling. all the guns were overboard, the fore mast secured, and the machine, which was to be similar to that with which the _ipswich_ was steered, was in great forwardness; so that i was in hopes, the moderate weather continuing, that i should be able to steer the ship by noon the following day, and at least save the people on some of the western islands. had we had any other ship in company with us, i should have thought it my duty to have quitted the _centaur_ this day. "this night the people got some rest by relieving the watches; but in the morning of the st we had the mortification to find that the weather again threatened, and by noon it blew a storm. the ship laboured greatly and the water appeared in the fore and after hold, and increased. the carpenter also informed me that the leathers were nearly consumed; and likewise, that the chains of the pumps, by constant exertion and the friction of the coals, were considered as nearly useless. "as we had now no other resource but baling, i gave orders that scuttles should be cut through the deck to introduce more buckets into the hold, and all the sail-makers were employed, night and day, in making canvas buckets; and the orlop deck having fallen in on the larboard side, i ordered the sheet cable to be tossed overboard. the wind at this time was at west, and being on the larboard tack, many schemes had been practised to wear the ship, that we might drive into a less boisterous latitude, as well as approach the western islands; but none succeeded; and having a weak carpenter's crew they were hardly sufficient to attend the pumps, so that we could not make any progress with the steering machine. another sail had been thrummed and got over, but we did not find its use; indeed, there was no prospect but in a change of weather. a large leak had been discovered and stopped in the fore hold, but the ship appeared so weak from her labouring that it was clear she could not last long. the after cockpit had fallen in, the fore cockpit the same, with all the store-rooms down: the stern post was so loose that, as the ship rolled, the water rushed in on either side in great streams, which we could not stop. "night came on, with the same dreary prospect as that of the preceding day, and was passed in continual labour. morning came (the nd) without our seeing anything, or any change of weather, and the day was spent with the same struggles to keep the ship above water, pumping and baling at the hatchways and scuttles. towards night another of the chain pumps was rendered quite useless, by one of the rollers being displaced at the bottom of the pump, and this was without remedy, there being too much water in the well to get to it; we also had but six leathers remaining, so that the fate of the ship was not far off. still the labour went on without any apparent despair, every officer taking his share of it, and the people always cheerful and obedient. "during the night the water increased, but about seven in the morning of the rd i was informed that an unusual quantity of water appeared, all at once, in the fire hold, which, upon my going forward to be convinced, i found but too true; the stowage of the hold ground tier was all in motion, so that in a short time there was not a whole cask to be seen. we were convinced the ship had sprung a fresh leak. another sail had been thrumming all night, and i was giving directions to place it over the bows, when i perceived the ship settling by the head, the lower-deck bow ports being even with the water. "at this period the carpenter acquainted me the well was staved in, destroyed by the wreck of the hold, and the chain pumps displaced and totally useless. there was nothing left but to redouble our efforts in baling, but it became difficult to fill the buckets, from the quantity of staves, planks, anchor stocks, and yard-arm pieces which were now washed from the wings and floating from side to side with the motion of the ship. the people, till this period, had laboured, as if determined to conquer their difficulties, without a murmur or without a tear; but now, seeing their efforts useless, many of them burst into tears, and wept like children. "i gave orders for the anchors, of which we had two remaining, to be thrown overboard, one of which (the spare anchor) had been most surprisingly hove in upon the forecastle and midships when the ship had been upon her beam-ends, and gone through the deck. "every time that i visited the hatchway i observed the water increased, and at noon washed even with the orlop deck; the carpenter assured me the ship could not swim long, and proposed making rafts to float the ship's company, whom it was not in my power to encourage any longer with a prospect of their safety. some appeared perfectly resigned, went to their hammocks, and desired their messmates to lash them in; others were lashing themselves to gratings and small rafts: but the most predominant idea was that of putting on their best and cleanest clothes. "the weather, about noon, had been something moderate, and as rafts had been mentioned by the carpenter, i thought it right to make the attempt, though i knew our booms could not float half the ship's company in fine weather; but we were in a situation to catch at a straw. i therefore called the ship's company together, told them my intention, recommending them to remain regular and obedient to their officers. preparations were immediately made for this purpose; the booms were cleared; the boats, of which we had three, viz., cutter, pinnace, and five-oared yawl, were got over the side; a bag of bread was ordered to be put in each, and any liquors that could be got at, for the purpose of supplying the rafts. i had intended myself to go in the five-oared yawl, and the coxswain was desired to get anything from my steward that might be useful. two men, captains of the tops of the forecastle, or quarter-masters, were placed in each of them, to prevent any person from forcing the boats or getting into them till an arrangement was made. while these preparations were making, the ship was gradually sinking, the orlop decks having been blown up by the water in the hold, and the cables floated to the gun-deck. the men had for some time quitted their employment of baling, and the ship was left to her fate. "in the afternoon the weather again threatened, and blew strong in squalls, the sea ran high, and one of the boats (the yawl) was staved alongside and sunk. as the evening approached the ship appeared little more than suspended in water. there was no certainty that she would swim from one minute to another; and the love of life began now to level all distinctions. it was impossible, indeed, for any man to deceive himself with a hope of being saved upon a raft in such a sea; besides that, the ship in sinking, it was probable, would carry everything down with her in a vortex, to a certain destruction. "it was near five o'clock, when, coming from my cabin, i observed a number of people looking very anxiously over the side, and looking myself, i saw that several men had forced the pinnace and that more were attempting to get in. i had immediate thoughts of securing this boat before she might be sunk by numbers. there appeared not more than a moment for consideration; to remain and perish with the ship's company, to whom i could not be of use any longer, or seize the opportunity, which was the only way of escaping, and leave the people, with whom i had been so well satisfied on a variety of occasions that i thought i could give my life to preserve them--this, indeed, was a painful conflict, such as, i believe, no man can describe, nor any have a just idea of who have not been in a similar situation. "the love of life prevailed. i called to mr. rainy, the master, the only officer upon deck, desired him to follow me, and immediately descended into the boat, at the after-part of the chains; but not without great difficulty got the boat clear of the ship, twice the number that the boat would carry pushing to get in, and many jumping into the water. mr. baylis, a young gentleman fifteen years of age, leaped from the chains after the boat had got off, and was taken in. the boat falling astern, became exposed to the sea, and we endeavoured to pull her bow round to keep her to the break of the sea, and to pass to windward of the ship; but in the attempts she was nearly filled, the sea ran too high, and the only probability of living was keeping her before the wind. "it was then that i became sensible how little, if any, better our condition was than that of those who remained in the ship; at best, it appeared to be only a prolongation of a miserable existence. we were, all together, twelve in number, in a leaky boat, with one of the gunwales staved, in nearly the middle of the western ocean, without a compass, without quadrant, without sail, without great-coat or cloak, all very thinly clothed, in a gale of wind, with a great sea running! it was now five o'clock in the evening, and in half an hour we lost sight of the ship. before it was dark a blanket was discovered in the boat. this was immediately bent to one of the stretchers, and under it, as a sail, we scudded all night, in expectation of being swallowed up by every wave, it being with great difficulty that we could sometimes clear the boat of the water before the return of the next great sea; all of us half drowned, and sitting, except those who baled, at the bottom of the boat; and without having really perished, i am sure no people ever endured more. in the morning the weather grew moderate, the wind having shifted to the southward, as we discovered by the sun. having survived the night, we began to recollect ourselves, and to think of our future preservation. "when we quitted the ship the wind was at north-west or north-north-west. fayal had borne east-south-east two hundred and fifty or two hundred and sixty leagues. had the wind continued for five or six days, there was a probability that running before the sea we might have fallen in with some of the western islands. the change of wind was death to these hopes; for, should it come to blow, we knew there would be no preserving life but by running before the sea, which would carry us again to the northward, where we must soon afterwards perish. "upon examining what we had to subsist on, i found a bag of bread, a small ham, a single piece of pork, two quart bottles of water, and a few of french cordials. the wind continued to be southward for eight or nine days, and providentially never blew so strong but that we could keep the side of the boat to the sea; but we were always most miserably wet and cold. we kept a sort of reckoning, but the sun and stars being somewhat hidden from us, for twenty-four hours we had no very correct idea of our navigation. we judged, at this period, that we had made nearly an east-north-east course since the first night's run, which had carried us to the southeast, and expected to see the island of corvo. in this, however, we were disappointed, and we feared that the southerly wind had driven us far to the northward. our prayers were now for a northerly wind. our condition began to be truly miserable, both from hunger and cold; for on the fifth we had discovered that our bread was nearly all spoiled by salt water, and it was necessary to go on allowance. one biscuit divided into twelve morsels for breakfast, and the same for dinner; the neck of a bottle broken off, with the cork in, served for a glass, and this filled with water was the allowance of twenty-four hours for each man. this was done without any sort of partiality or distinction; but we must have perished ere this, had we not caught six quarts of rain water; and this we could not have been blessed with, had we not found in the boat a pair of sheets, which by accident had been put there. these were spread when it rained, and when thoroughly wet wrung into the kid with which we baled the boat. with this short allowance, which was rather tantalising than sustaining in our comfortless condition, we began to grow very feeble, and our clothes being continually wet, our bodies were in many places chafed into sores. "on the th day it fell calm, and soon after a breeze of wind sprang up from the south-south-west and blew to a gale, so that we ran before the sea at the rate of five or six miles an hour under our blanket, till we judged we were to the south ward of fayal and to the westward sixty leagues; but the wind blowing strong we could not attempt to steer for it. our wishes were now for the wind to shift to the westward. this was the fifteenth day we had been in the boat, and we had only one day's bread and one bottle of water remaining of a second supply of rain. our sufferings were now as great as human strength could bear, but we were convinced that good spirits were a better support than any great bodily strength; for on this day thomas matthews, quarter-master, the stoutest man in the boat, perished from hunger and cold; on the day before he complained of want of strength in his throat, as he expressed it, to swallow his morsel, and in the night drank salt water, grew delirious and died without a groan. as it became next to a certainty that we should all perish in the same manner in a day or two, it was somewhat comfortable to reflect that dying of hunger was not so dreadful as our imagination had represented. others had complained of these symptoms in their throats; some had drunk their own urine; and all but myself had drunk salt water. "as yet despair and gloom had been successfully prohibited; and as the evenings closed in, the men had been encouraged by turns to sing a song, or relate a story, instead of supper; but this evening i found it impossible to raise either. as the night came on it fell calm, and about midnight a breeze of wind sprang up, we guessed from the westward by the swell, but there not being a star to be seen, we were afraid of running out of the way, and waited impatiently for the rising sun to be our compass. "as soon as the dawn appeared we found the wind to be exactly as we had wished, at west-south-west, and immediately spread our sail, running before the sea at the rate of four miles an hour. our last breakfast had been served with the bread and water remaining, when john gregory, quarter-master, declared with much confidence that he saw land in the south-east. we had so often seen fogbanks, which had the appearance of land, that i did not trust myself to believe it, and cautioned the people (who were extravagantly elated) that they might not feel the effects of disappointment, till at length one of them broke out into a most immoderate fit of joy, which i could not restrain, and declared he had never seen land in his life if what he now saw was not land. "we immediately shaped our course for it, though on my part with very little faith. the wind freshened, and the boat went through the water at the rate of five or six miles an hour; and in two hours' time the land was plainly seen by every man in the boat, at a very great distance, so that we did not reach it till ten at night. it was at least twenty leagues from us when first discovered; and i cannot help remarking, with much thankfulness, the providential favour shown to us in this instance. "in every part of the horizon, except where the land was discovered, there was so thick a haze that we could not have seen anything for more than three or four leagues. fayal, by our reckoning, bore east by north, which course we were steering, and in a few hours, had not the sky opened for our preservation, we should have increased our distance from the land, got to the eastward, and of course missed all the island. as we approached the land our belief was strengthened that it was fayal. the island of pico, which might have revealed it to us, had the weather been perfectly clear, was at this time capped with clouds, and it was some time before we were quite satisfied, having traversed for two hours a great part of the island, where the steep and rocky shore refused us a landing. this circumstance was borne with much impatience, for we had flattered ourselves that we should meet with fresh water at the first part of the land we might approach; and being disappointed, the thirst of some had increased anxiety almost to a degree of madness, so that we were near making the attempt to land in some places where the boat must have been dashed to pieces by the surf. at length we discovered a fishing canoe, which conducted us into the road of fayal about midnight, but where the regulation of the port did not permit us to land till examined by the health officers; however, i did not think much of sleeping this night in the boat, our pilot having brought us some refreshments of bread, wine, and water. in the morning we were visited by mr. graham, the english consul, whose humane attention made very ample amends for the formality of the portuguese. indeed, i can never sufficiently express the sense i have of his kindness and humanity both to myself and people; for i believe it was the whole of his employment for several days to contrive the best means of restoring us to health and strength. it is true, i believe, there never were more pitiable objects. some of the stoutest men belonging to the _centaur_ were obliged to be supported through the streets of fayal. mr. rainy, the master, and myself, were, i think, in better health than the rest; but i could not walk without being supported; and for several days, with the best and most comfortable provisions of diet and lodgings, we grew rather worse than better." the loss of the _royal george_. by g. h. walker. when the brave die in battle, the ardour which impels them to glory and renders them insensible of their danger leaves a brilliance behind, which mitigates, in a great degree, the grief of their relatives and friends. but nothing can be more distressing than to behold a multitude of gallant men in a moment of inactivity, perhaps in the midst of amusements and the height of enjoyment, anchored on their own coast, and riding in smooth water, overwhelmed in a moment in the liquid abyss, and precipitated into an awful eternity. such was the fate of the crew of the _royal george_. the _royal george_, one hundred and eight guns, the flag ship of admiral kempenfeldt and one of the best ships in the navy, had just returned from a cruise in which she had sprung a leak which demanded attention. the carpenter and others, after a strict survey, finding that the leak was not more than two feet below the water-mark, and supposing it to be occasioned by the rubbing off the copper sheathing, it was resolved, in order to save time, instead of sending her into dock to give her a slight careen, or in the language of the seamen, "a parliament heel"--that is, to lay her to a certain degree upon her side while her defects were examined and repaired at spithead. it was meanwhile discovered that the pipe, for the occasional admission of water to cleanse and sweeten the ship, was out of repair, and that it was necessary to replace it with a new one. as the ship required to be heeled very much for this purpose, the greater part of the guns were removed from one side to the other; but the vessel heeling more than was intended and the crew having neglected to stop the scuppers of the lower decks, the water came in and for some time she stole down imperceptibly. during this time many of the crew were at dinner; but as soon as they discovered their dangerous condition they beat to arms to right the ship. they were, however, too late, and all their efforts were in vain, for in a few minutes the _royal george_ fell flat on one side, filled with water, and the guns, shot, etc., falling to the under side, she went to the bottom, august th, , before any signal of distress could be made. at this fatal moment there were nearly twelve hundred persons on board, including about two hundred and fifty women and several children, chiefly belonging to the seamen, who had been permitted to go on board when the ship cast anchor at spithead and to remain there until the order for sailing arrived. the people who were on watch upon deck, to the number of two hundred and thirty, were mostly saved by the boats, which were manned with the utmost expedition by the ships near the _royal george_ when they observed that the vessel was going down. their assistance was, however, delayed for some time by the swell occasioned by the sinking of such a large body, which produced a temporary whirlpool in the water. about seventy others, who rose after the ship disappeared, were also picked up; among these were four lieutenants, eleven women, and the rest seamen. one of the officers thus rescued was lieutenant durham, who fortunately was the officer of the watch and upon deck when he observed the vessel going down. he had just time to throw off his coat and scramble on the beam from which, as the ship sank, he was soon washed and left floating about among men and hammocks. a drowning marine caught him by the waistcoat and held him fast, so that he was several times drawn under water. it was in vain to reason with the man: he therefore clung with his legs round a hammock, with one hand unbuttoned his waistcoat, and, sloping his shoulders, committed it, together with the unfortunate marine, to the waves. he then got to some of the top rigging; a boat came to him, but he nobly declined the assistance offered by those on board her, pointing out to them where captain waghorne was in great danger, and desiring them to go to his relief, after which the gallant youth was taken up and brought in safety to the shore. mr. henry bishop, a young man about nineteen years of age, experienced a very extraordinary preservation. being on the lower deck at the time of the fatal accident, as the vessel filled the force of the water hurried him almost insensibly up the hatchway, when at that instant he was met by one of the guns which had fallen from the middle deck. striking him on his left hand it broke three of his fingers; he, however, found himself a few seconds later floating on the surface of the water, where he was ultimately taken up by a boat. by this sudden and dreadful catastrophe nearly nine hundred persons perished. among the rest, the loss of admiral kempenfeldt, whose flag was then flying on board the _royal george_, was universally lamented. he was the son of lieutenant-colonel kempenfeldt, a native of sweden, whose character is preserved in the _spectator_, under the name of captain sentry. he entered very early into the service of the navy, for which profession he soon discovered uncommon talents. in the year he was appointed captain of the _elizabeth_, and proceeded with commodore stevens to the east indies, where he distinguished himself in three several actions against the french squadron, being always opposed to a ship of superior force. his skill was of the utmost importance during the blockade of pondicherry as well as at the subsequent reduction of manilla by admiral cornish in . after serving a considerable time in the west indies he obtained leave to return to england. during the peace he constantly spent part of the year in france, not in the pursuit of pleasure, but in search of professional knowledge, in which, if he did not excel, he at least equalled any naval officer in europe. at the commencement of the american war he was appointed to the _buckingham_, and served as first captain under the admirals hardy, geary, and darby; and his gallant conduct contributed in no small degree to the capture of the convoy under m. guichen. his character in private life rendered his acquaintance an enviable acquisition, and as an officer his death was a very severe loss to his country. the _lark_ sloop victualler, which was lying alongside the _royal george_, was swallowed up in the vortex occasioned by the sinking of the vessel, and several of the people on board her perished. the _royal george_ was the oldest first-rate in the service. she was built at woolwich; her keel was laid down in and she was hauled out of the dock in july , it being unusual, at that time, to build such large ships on slips to launch. she was pierced for one hundred guns, but having recently had two additional ports, including the carronades, mounted one hundred and eight guns; she was rather short and high, like all the old first-rates, but sailed so well that she had more flags on board her than any vessel then in the service. lord anson, admiral boscawen, lord hawke, lord rodney, lord howe, and several other principal officers, repeatedly commanded in her. she carried the tallest masts and squarest canvas of any english built ship in the navy, and originally the heaviest metal--namely, fifty-two, forty, and twenty-eight pounders--but they had been changed, on account of her age, to forty, thirty-two and eighteen pounders. the mutiny of the _bounty_. the circumstances detailed in the following narrative are altogether of so singular and romantic a character that but for the undeniable authenticity of every particular, the whole might be considered as the production of the ingenious brain of a defoe. some of the incidents indeed surpass in impressive interest anything to be met with in the fictitious history of alexander selkirk's solitary existence and adventure. in december the _bounty_ sailed from spithead for otaheite under the command of lieutenant bligh, who had previously accompanied captain cook in his exploiting voyages in the pacific ocean. the object of the present expedition was to convey from otaheite to our west indian colonies the plants of the bread-fruit tree which dampier, cook, and other voyagers had observed to grow with the most prolific luxuriance in the south sea islands, and which furnished the natives with a perpetual and wholesome subsistence without even the trouble of cultivation. the crew of the _bounty_ consisted of forty-five individuals, including the commander and two skilful gardeners to take charge of the plants, for the removal of which every accommodation had been provided on board, under the superintendence of sir joseph banks who had personally visited otaheite with captain wallis. after a most distressing voyage, in which, after reaching cape horn, they were compelled to put the helm a-weather and take the route by van diemen's land, the voyagers anchored in matavia bay, otaheite, on october th, , having run over, by the log, since leaving england, a space of , miles, or an average of one hundred and eight miles in twenty-four hours. the simple natives, who had experienced much kindness from captain cook, testified great joy on the arrival of the strangers, and loaded them with presents of provisions of every sort. the character, condition, and habits of the islanders, as described to us even by their early visitors, present a most extraordinary contrast to the usual features of savage life. they were a kind, mild-tempered, social, and affectionate race, living in the utmost harmony amongst themselves, their whole lives being one unvaried round of cheerful contentment, luxurious ease, and healthful exercise and amusements. bligh appears to have been tempted to remain at this luxurious spot much longer than was either proper or necessary, as the bread-fruit plants, and provisions of hogs, fowls, fish, and vegetables of every description were amply supplied him by the kind natives. the liberty which he gave his crew to go on shore and enjoy all the indulgences which the place afforded, was extremely imprudent; and this, together with the capricious harshness and unjustifiable insult with which he occasionally treated every one on board--officers as well as men--appears to have been the sole cause of the unfortunate occurrence that afterwards took place. the _bounty_ which, as we have mentioned, arrived october th, , did not sail till april th, , when she departed loaded with presents, and amid the tears and regrets of the natives. they continued till the th amongst the islands of that archipelago, touching many of them, bartering and interchanging presents with the natives, many of whom remembered bligh when he accompanied cook in the _resolution_. it was on the night of the th that the mutiny broke out. the affair, as far as can ever be learned by the strictest investigation, was entirely unpremeditated, and resulted entirely from the commander's giving way to one of those furious and ungovernable fits of passion which he from time to time exhibited. on the day previous (the th), bligh, having missed some of the cocoanuts that were piled up on deck, ordered a search to be made; but none being discovered, he burst into a paroxysm of passion, calling them all scoundrels and thieves alike, swearing he would make the half of them jump overboard before they got through endeavour straits, and ordering the villains' (officers) grog to be stopped and gave them half a pound of yams for dinner. the officer of the watch, a young man of respectable family, named fletcher christian, who was master's mate, and had been two voyages with bligh, incurred the greatest share of abuse, the latter cursing him for a hound, and accusing him of having stolen the cocoanuts for his own use. christian, who was a fiery-spirited young man, appears to have become exasperated at this ignominious treatment, to much of the same kind of which he had been subjected for some time previous; so much so, indeed, that he declared to some of his messmates that he had been in hell for the last fortnight, on account of bligh's usage of him, and expressed his determination to leave the ship in a raft on the first opportunity, and commit himself to the waves rather than remain on board. during the night of the th he accordingly began to prepare his raft; and while so employed, one of the crew unfortunately suggested that it would be better for him to seize the ship at once. the idea which christian does not seem to have thought of till that moment, was instantly caught at, and a few whispers amongst the crew showed that the majority were quite ready for the scheme, which was forthwith put into execution. about sunrise on tuesday, april th, christian, with three of the crew, entered bligh's cabin and secured him in bed, tied his hands behind his back, and hurried him on deck. their companions had in the meanwhile secured those who were suspected to be disinclined to the mutiny; among whom was mr. peter heywood (afterwards so much distinguished in the royal navy service), and two other midshipmen, who were detained (contrary to their express wishes) to assist the mutineers in managing the vessel. several other of the crew, likewise, who disclaimed all share in the mutiny, were thus forcibly detained. a boat was then hoisted alongside, and bligh, with eighteen unfortunate companions, was forced into it. some provisions, clothes, and four cutlasses were given them, and they were cast adrift in the open ocean. twenty-five remained on board, the ablest of the ship's company. as the boat put off, "huzza for otaheite!" was shouted by the mutineers, thus indicating the destination of their further proceedings. being near the island of tofoa, the castaways rowed towards it for the purpose of obtaining some bread-fruit and water, with which the natives at first seemed very willing to supply them, until bligh imprudently advised his men to say, in answer to the queries put them about the ship, that it had overset and sunk. the consequence was, that the natives attacked them, stoned one man to death, and it was with difficulty that the remainder escaped. bligh's companions then entreated him to steer for home at all risks and hazards; and on being told that no hope of relief could be entertained till they reached timor, off the coast of new holland, a distance fully twelve hundred leagues, they readily agreed to be content with an allowance, which, on calculation, was found would not exceed an ounce of bread and a quarter of a pint of water per day for each man. after taking them, bound by a solemn promise to this effect, these unfortunate men boldly bore away, on may nd, across a sea where the navigation was little, in an open boat twenty-three feet long and deep, laden with eighteen men. it is not our purpose here to detail the particulars of this adventurous voyage. suffice it to say that, after enduring the most horrible distresses from cold, thirst, famine, and running a distance by the log of more than three hundred miles, the whole reached the island of timor alive on june th, but so much spent as more to resemble spectres than men. they were treated with great kindness by the inhabitants, but, notwithstanding every attention, four or five of them here died; the rest proceeded to batavia, whence they obtained passages to england, where bligh arrived in march, . the intelligence of the mutiny, and the sufferings of bligh and his companions, naturally excited a great sensation in england. bligh was immediately promoted to the rank of commander, and captain edwards was despatched to otaheite in the _pandora_ frigate, with instructions to search for the _bounty_ and her mutinous crew, and bring them to england. the _pandora_ reached matavia bay on march rd, ; and even before she had come to anchor, joseph coleman, formerly armourer of the _bounty_, pushed off from shore in a canoe, and came on board. he frankly told who he was, and professed his readiness to give every information that might be required of him. scarcely had the ship anchored, when messrs. heywood and stewart, late midshipmen of the _bounty_, also came on board; and in the course of two days afterwards, the whole of the remainder of the _bounty's_ crew (in number sixteen) then on the island surrendered themselves, with the exception of two, who fled to the mountains, where, as it afterwards appeared, they were murdered by the natives. from his prisoners, and the journals kept by one or two of them, captain edwards learnt the proceedings of christian and his associates after turning bligh and his companions adrift in the boat. it appears that they steered in the first instance to the island of toobouai, where they intended to form a settlement; but the opposition of the natives, and want of many necessary materials, determined them to return in the meantime to otaheite, where they arrived on may th, . in answer to the inquiries of tinah, the king, about bligh and the rest of the crew, the mutineers stated that they had fallen in with captain cook, who was forming a settlement in a neighbouring island, and had retained bligh and the others to assist him, while they themselves had been despatched to otaheite for an additional supply of hogs, goats, fowls, bread-fruit and various other articles. overjoyed at hearing their old friend cook was alive, and about to settle so near them, the humane and unsuspicious islanders set about actively to procure the supplies wanted, that in a few days the _bounty_ received on board three hundred and twelve hogs, thirty-eight goats, eight dozen of fowls, a bull and a cow, and a large quantity of bread-fruit, plantains, bananas, and other fruits. the mutineers also took with them eight men, nine women, and seven boys, with all of whom they arrived a second time at toobouai on june th, where they warped the ship up the harbour, landed the live stock, and set about building a fort fifty yards square. quarrels and disappointments, however, soon broke out among them. the poor natives were treated like slaves, and upon attempting to retaliate, were mercilessly put to death. christian, finding his authority almost entirely disregarded, called a consultation as to what steps were next to be taken, when it was agreed that toobouai should be abandoned; that the ship should once more be taken to otaheite, where those who might choose it would be put ashore, while the rest who preferred remaining in the vessel might proceed wherever they had a mind. this was accordingly done: sixteen of the crew went on shore at matavia (fourteen of whom, as already stated, were received on board the _pandora_, and two were murdered), while christian with his eight comrades, and taking with them seven otaheitan men and twelve women, finally sailed from matavia on september st, , from which time they had never been more heard of. captain edwards instituted a strict search after the fugitives amongst the various groups of islands in the pacific, but finding no trace of them, he set sail, after three months' investigation, for the east coast of new holland. here, by some mismanagement, the _pandora_ struck upon the singular coral reef that runs along that coast, called the barrier reef, and filled so fast that scarcely were the boats got out when she foundered and went down, thirty-four of the crew and four of the prisoners perishing in her. it is painful to record anything to the discredit of that service which has proved the pride and safeguard of great britain, and made her the acknowledged sovereign of the sea. but the concurring testimony of the unfortunate prisoners exhibits the conduct of captain edwards towards them in colours which are shocking to contemplate. they were confined in a small round house, built on the after deck on purpose, which could only be entered by a scuttle in the top, about eighteen inches square. from this narrow prison they were never allowed to stir, and they were, over and above, heavily loaded with irons both at the wrists and ankles. when the _pandora_ went down, no attempt was made to save them, and the ten survivors escaped almost in a state of complete nudity. after reaching a low, sandy, desert island, or rather quay, as such are nautically termed, captain edwards caused his men to form tents out of the sails they had saved, under which he and his men reposed in comparative comfort; but he refused the same indulgence to his miserable captives, whose only refuge, therefore, from the scorching rays of the sun, was by burying themselves up to the neck amongst the burning sand, so that their bodies were blistered as if they had been scalded with boiling water. but we refrain from dwelling on facts so disreputable to the character of a british sailor. the _pandora's_ survivors reached batavia in their boats, whence they obtained passages to england in dutch vessels. a court martial was soon after held (september, ), when six of the ten mutineers were found guilty and condemned to death--the other four were acquitted. only three of the six, however, were executed. mr. heywood, who was amongst the condemned (chiefly by the perverted and prejudiced evidence of captain bligh and a fellow-midshipman), was afterwards pardoned upon the strong recommendation of the court, who, notwithstanding the vindictive evidence against him, were perfectly convinced of his innocence. his subsequent honourable career proved him fully deserving the favourable opinion of his judges, as well as of the promotion he obtained. nearly twenty years elapsed after the period of the above occurrences, and all recollection of the _bounty_ and her wretched crew had passed away, when an accidental discovery, as interesting as unexpected, once more recalled public attention to that event. the captain of an american schooner having in accidentally touched at an island, up to that time supposed to be uninhabited, called pitcairn's island, found a community, speaking english, who represented themselves as the descendants of the mutineers of the _bounty_, of whom there was still one man, of the name of alexander smith, alive amongst them. intelligence of this singular circumstance was sent by the american captain (folger) to sir sydney smith at valparaiso, and by him transmitted to the lords of the admiralty. but the government was at that time perhaps too much engaged in the events of the continental war to attend to the information, nor was anything further heard of this interesting little society until . in that year two british men-of-war cruising in the pacific, made an island, which they could not at first believe to be pitcairn's island, as it was more than three degrees out of the longitude assigned it by captain carteret, who first discovered it in . they were confirmed in this opinion by observing symptoms of cultivation, and, on nearing the shore, saw plantations regularly and orderly laid out. soon afterwards they observed a few natives coming down a steep descent with their canoes on their shoulders, and in a few minutes perceived one of these little vessels darting through a heavy surf, and paddling off towards the ships. but their astonishment may be imagined, when, on coming along side, they were hailed in good english with--"won't you heave us a rope now?" this being done, a young man sprang up the side with extraordinary activity, and stood on the deck before them. in answer to the question, "who are you?" he replied that his name was thursday october christian, son of the late fletcher christian by an otaheitan mother; that he was the first born on the island, and was so named because he was born on a thursday in october. all this sounded singular and miraculous in the ears of the british captains, sir thomas staines and mr. pipon, but they were soon satisfied of its truth. young christian was at this time about twenty-four years old, a tall, handsome youth fully six feet high, with black hair, and an open, interesting english countenance. as he wore no clothes except a piece of cloth round his loins, and a straw hat ornamented with black cock's feathers, his fine figure and well-shaped muscular limbs were displayed to great advantage, and attracted general admiration. his body was much tanned by exposure to the weather; but although his complexion was somewhat brown, it wanted that tinge of red peculiar to the natives of the pacific. he spoke english correctly both in grammar and pronunciation; and his frank and ingenuous deportment excited in every one the liveliest feelings of compassion and interest. his companion was a fine, handsome youth, of seventeen or eighteen years of age, named george young, son of one of the _bounty's_ midshipmen. the youths expressed great surprise at everything they saw, especially a cow, which they supposed to be either a huge goat or a horned sow, having never seen any other quadruped. when questioned concerning the _bounty_, they referred the captains to an old man on shore, the only surviving englishman, whose name they said was john adams, but who proved to be the identical alexander smith before mentioned, having changed his name from some caprice or other. the officers went ashore with the youths, and were received by old adams, as we shall now call him, who conducted them to his house, and treated them to an elegant repast of eggs, fowls, yams, plaintains, bread-fruit, etc. they now learned from him an account of the fate of his companions, who, with himself, preferred accompanying christian in the _bounty_ to remaining at otaheite--which account agreed with that he afterwards gave at greater length to captain beechey in . our limit will not permit us to detail all the interesting particulars at length, as we could have wished, but they are in substance as follows:-- it was christian's object, in order to avoid the vengeance of the british law, to proceed to some unknown and uninhabited island, and the marquesas islands were first fixed upon. but christian, on reading captain carteret's account of pitcairn's island, thought it better adapted for the purpose, and shaped his course thither, having landed and traversed it, they found it every way suitable to their wishes, possessing water, wood, a good soil, and some fruits. the anchorage in the offing was extremely dangerous for ships, and it was scarcely possible for boats to get through the surf that broke on the shore. the mountains were so difficult of access, and the passes so narrow, that they might be maintained by a few persons against an army, and there were several caves, to which, in case of necessity, they could retreat, and where, as long as their provisions lasted, they might bid defiance to all pursuit. having ascertained all this, they returned on board, and having landed their hogs, goats, and poultry, and gutted the ship of everything that could be useful to them, they set fire to her, and destroyed every vestige that might lead to the discovery of their retreat. this was on january d, . the island was then divided into nine equal portions amongst them, a suitable spot of neutral ground being reserved for a village. the poor otaheitans now found themselves reduced to the condition of mere slaves; but they patiently submitted, and everything went on peaceably for two years. about that time, williams, one of the seamen, having the misfortune to lose his wife, forcibly took the wife of one of the otaheitans, which, together with their continued ill-usage, so exasperated the latter that they formed a plan for murdering the whole of their oppressors. the plot, however, was discovered and revealed by the englishmen's wives, and two of the otaheitans were put to death. but the surviving natives soon afterwards matured a more successful conspiracy, and in one day murdered five of the englishmen, including christian. adams and young were spared at the intercession of their wives, and the remaining two, m'koy and quintal (two desperate ruffians), escaped to the mountains, whence, however, they soon rejoined their companions. but the further career of these villains was short. m'koy having been brought up in a scotch distillery, succeeded in extracting a bottle of ardent spirits from the tea root; from which time he and quintal were never sober, until the former became delirious, and committed suicide by jumping over a cliff. quintal being likewise almost insane with drinking, made repeated attempts to murder adams and young, until they were absolutely compelled, for their own safety, to put him to death, which they did by felling him with a hatchet. adams and young were at length the only surviving males who had landed on the island, and being both of a serious turn of mind, and having time for reflection and repentance, they became extremely devout. having saved a bible and prayer-book from the _bounty_, they now performed family worship morning and evening, and addressed themselves to training up their own children, and those of their unfortunate companions, in piety and virtue. young, however, was soon carried off by an asthmatic complaint, and adams was thus left to continue his pious labours alone. at the time captain staines and pipon visited the island, this interesting little colony consisted of about forty-six persons, mostly grown-up young people, and all living in harmony and happiness together; and not only professing, but fully understanding and practising, the precepts and principles of the christian religion. adams had instituted the ceremony of marriage, and he assured his visitors that not one instance of debauchery or immoral conduct had occurred amongst them. the visitors having supplied these interesting people with some tools, kettles, and other articles, took their leave. the account which they transmitted home of this newly-discovered colony, was, strange to say, as little attended to by government as that of captain folger, and nothing more was heard of adams and his family for nearly twelve years, when in , captain beechey, in the _blossom_, bound on a voyage of discovery to behring's straits, touched at pitcairn's island. on the approach of the _blossom_ a boat came off under all sail towards the ship, containing old adams and ten of the young men of the island. after requesting and obtaining leave to come on board, the young men sprang up the side, and shook every officer cordially by the hand. adams, who was grown very corpulent, followed more leisurely. he was now dressed in a sailor's shirt and trousers, with a low-crowned hat, which he held in his hand in sailor fashion, while he smoothed down his bald forehead when addressed by the officers of the _blossom_. it was the first time he had been on board a british vessel since the destruction of the _bounty_, now thirty-five years ago; and it was evident his mind recurred to the events of that period. captain beechey procured from adams a detailed narrative of the whole transaction of the mutiny and subsequent events, which has since been published by that gentleman, and of which we have already given an abstract. the little colony had now increased to about sixty-six, including an english sailor of the name of john buffet, who at his own earnest desire had been left by a whaler. in this man, the society luckily found an able and willing schoolmaster. he instructed the children in reading, writing, and arithmetic, and devoutly co-operated with old adams in affording religious instruction to the community. the officers of the _blossom_ went ashore, and were entertained with a sumptuous repast at young christian's, the table being spread with plates, knives, and forks. buffet said grace in an emphatic manner, and so strict were they in this respect, that it was not deemed proper to touch a morsel of bread without saying grace both before and after it. the officers slept in the house all night, their bed-clothing and sheets consisting of the native cloth made of the native mulberry-tree. the only interruption to their repose was the melody of the evening hymn, which was chanted together by the whole family after the lights were put out; and they were awakened at early dawn by the same devotional ceremony. on sabbath the utmost decorum was attended to, and the day was passed in regular religious observances. all that remains to be said of these excellent people, concludes beechey, is, that they appear to live together in perfect harmony and contentment; to be virtuous, religious, cheerful, and hospitable beyond the limits of prudence; to be patterns of conjugal and parental affection, and to have very few vices. we remained with them many days, and their unreserved manners gave us the fullest opportunity of becoming acquainted with any faults they might have possessed. in consequence of a representation made by captain beechey, the british government sent out captain waldegrave in , in the _seringapatam_, with a supply of sailors' blue jackets and trousers, flannels, stockings and shoes, women's dresses, spades, mattocks, shovels, pickaxes, trowels, rakes, etc. he found their community increased to about seventy-nine, all exhibiting the same unsophisticated and amiable characteristics as we have before described. other two englishmen had settled amongst them; one of them, called nobbs, a self-constituted missionary, who was endeavouring to supersede buffet in his office of religious instructor. the patriarch adams, it was found, had died in march, , aged sixty-five. while on his death-bed he had called the heads of families together, and urged upon them to elect a chief, which, however, they had not yet done; but the greatest harmony still prevailed amongst them, notwithstanding nobb's exertions to form a party of his own. captain waldegrave thought that the island, which is about four miles square, might be able to support a thousand persons, upon reaching which number they would naturally emigrate to other islands. such is the account of this most singular colony, originating in crime and bloodshed. of all the repentant criminals on record, the most interesting, perhaps, is john adams. nor do we know where to find a more beautiful example of the value of early instruction than in the history of this man, who, having run a full career of most kinds of vice, was checked by an interval of leisure and reflection, and a sense of new duties awakened by the power of natural affection. the story of lord exmouth (sir edward pellew). edward pellew, afterwards viscount exmouth, was born at dover in . at thirteen years of age he went to sea on board the _juno_ frigate as midshipman, and later served in the _blonde_ frigate on lake champlain during the american war. while here, in command of the _pelican_ in , he defeated three french privateers. attracting the attention of his superiors by his cool and intrepid daring, he was sent home with despatches and strongly recommended for promotion. on the outbreak of war with france in he was made captain of the _nymph_, a thirty-six gun frigate, which he manned chiefly with cornish miners, signalising his appointment by capturing the _cleopatra_ of forty guns--"a crack ship of france"--after a brief and brilliant encounter on the morning of june th. the captain of the french frigate was killed and three lieutenants wounded, besides which she lost sixty of her men, one hundred and fifty being taken prisoners. captain pellew lost twenty-three men killed and twenty-seven wounded. this being the first capture after the outbreak of the war, captain pellew received the honour of knighthood. his next appointment was to the _arethusa_, of forty-four guns, in which he distinguished himself on many occasions while serving in the channel with sir j. b. warren's squadron. sir edward pellew was, however, distinguished not only for his military skill and prowess but for his heroic humanity. the story of the shipwreck of the _dutton_ and of sir edward pellew's gallant rescue of her crew and passengers has been often told, and we are glad to be able to quote the description given by his biographer. in january, , sir edward's ship the _indefatigable_ was refitting in plymouth harbour, and on the th sir edward and lady pellew were driving to a dinner party when they learned that there was a wreck off the shore, upon which sir edward left the carriage and proceeded to the hoe. "arrived at the beach, he saw at once that the loss of nearly all on board, between five hundred and six hundred, was inevitable, without some one to direct them. the principal officers of the ship had abandoned their charge and got on shore just as he arrived on the beach. having urged them, but without success, to return to their duty, and vainly offered rewards to pilots and others belonging to the port to board the wreck--for all thought it too hazardous to be attempted--he exclaimed, 'then i will go myself!' a single rope, by which _the officers_ and a few others had landed, formed the only communication with the ship, and by this he was hauled on board through the surf. the danger was greatly increased by the wreck of the masts which had fallen towards the shore, and he received an injury in the back which confined him to his bed for a week, in consequence of being dragged under the main mast. but, disregarding this at the time, he reached the deck, declared himself and assumed the command. he assured the people that every one would be saved if they quietly obeyed his orders; that he himself would be the last to quit the wreck, but that he would run any one through who disobeyed him. his well-known name, with the calmness and energy he displayed, gave confidence to the despairing multitude. he was received with three hearty cheers, which were echoed by the multitude on shore, and his promptitude and resource soon enabled him to find and apply the means by which all might be safely landed. his officers, in the meantime, though not knowing that he was on board, were exerting themselves to bring assistance from the _indefatigable_. mr. pellowe, first lieutenant, left the ship in the barge, and mr. thomson, acting master, in the launch; but the boats could not be brought alongside the wreck and were obliged to run for the barbican. a small boat belonging to a merchant vessel was more fortunate. mr. esdell, signal midshipman to the port admiral, and mr. coghlan, mate of the (merchant) vessel, succeeded, at the risk of their lives, in bringing her alongside. the ends of two additional hawsers were got on shore, and sir edward contrived cradles, to be slung upon them, with travelling ropes to pass forward and backward between the ship and the beach. each hawser was held on shore by a number of men, who watched the rolling of the wreck, and kept the ropes tight and steady. meantime a cutter had with great difficulty worked out of plymouth pool, and two large boats arrived from the dockyard, under the directions of mr. hemmings, the master-attendant, by whose caution and judgment they were enabled to approach the wreck, and received the more helpless of the passengers who were carried to the cutter. sir edward, with his sword drawn, directed the proceedings and preserved order, a task the more difficult as the soldiers had got at the spirits before he came on board and many were drunk. the children, the women and the sick were the first landed. one of them was only three weeks old, and nothing in the whole transaction impressed sir edward more strongly than the struggle of the mother's feelings before she would entrust her infant to his care, or afforded him more pleasure than the success of his attempt to save it. next, the soldiers were got on shore, then the ship's company, and finally sir edward himself, who was one of the last to leave her. every one was saved, and presently afterwards the wreck went to pieces." "nothing," says mr. giffard in his "deeds of naval daring," "could equal the lustre of such an action, except the modesty of him who was the hero of it. indeed, upon all occasions, forward as he was to eulogise the merits of his followers, sir edward was reserved, almost to a fault, upon everything connected with his own services. the only notice taken of the _dutton_ in the journal of the _indefatigable_, is the short sentence, 'sent two boats to the assistance of a ship on shore in the sound;' and in his letter to vice-admiral onslow, who had hoisted his flag at plymouth a day or two before, he throws himself almost out of sight and ascribes the chief merit to the officer who directed the boats:-- "'dear sir,--i hope it happened to me this afternoon to be serviceable to the unhappy sufferers on board the _dutton_; and i have much satisfaction in saying that every soul in her was taken out before i left her, except the first mate, boatswain and third mate, who attended the hauling of ropes to the shore, and they eased me on shore by the hawsers. it is not possible to refrain speaking in raptures of the handsome conduct of mr. hemmings, the master-attendant, who, at the imminent risk of his life, saved hundreds. if i had not hurt my leg and been otherwise much bruised, i would have waited on you; but hope this will be a passable excuse.--i am, with respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant, "'ed. pellew.'" services performed in the sight of thousands could not thus be concealed. praise was lavished upon him from every quarter. the corporation of plymouth voted him the freedom of the town. the merchants of liverpool presented him with a valuable service of plate. on the th of march following he was created a baronet as sir edward pellew, of ireverry, and received for an honourable augmentation of his arms a civic wreath, a stranded ship for a crest, and the motto "deo adjuvante fortuna sequatur." this motto, so modest, and not less expressive of his own habitual feeling, was chosen by himself, in preference to one proposed which was more personally complimentary. in he removed into _l'impétueux_, of seventy-four guns, and later to _le tonnant_, of eighty guns, soon after being raised to the rank of rear-admiral and placed in command of the fleet in the east indies, where he exterminated the french cruisers and remained until . after this he served in the north sea and then in the mediterranean. his services were rewarded with a peerage, to which he was raised as baron exmouth, and a pension of £ , a year. in he proceeded to the barbary states on a mission to liberate the christian slaves; but finding on his return that his treaties were disregarded, he returned to algiers and bombarded the town, reducing the enemy to submission, for which service he was made a viscount. in he was appointed to the chief command at plymouth, and in he returned from active service, but was made vice-admiral of england in . "few men," says a biographer, "in the naval service of this country--eminently distinguished as many have been--ever bore so prominent a part, or evinced more determined courage and coolness in the discharge of their arduous duties than did this gallant, humane and active officer. he seemed to be a very _beau idéal_ of a british sailor; his undaunted courage and enterprise was strikingly shown in his manly aspect, and though a perfect disciplinarian, his hearty and encouraging words produced a magic effect on his officers and men, while they always felt the fullest confidence in his skill and intrepidity. he died in january ." the glorious first of june. on january st, , louis xvi. of france was guillotined, and in the following month the french republic declared war against england. fully sensible of their inability to cope with the english in regular naval warfare the french contented themselves for some time with sending out cruisers and small squadrons and even single ships; and these were so successful that in the month of may, , ninety-nine ships were taken by the french, whereas only one, a frigate of thirty-eight guns, was captured by the english. at length the french government were compelled to attempt a naval armament on a larger scale, for their harvest failed them, and in dread of famine they were compelled to look abroad for sources of supply. the stability of their own government depended upon the success with which they dealt with this difficulty, for it was not to be expected that a new government, deriving its power and authority from the people, would be able to continue if the nation became irritated and excited by the pressure of famine. and yet the difficulties that beset their path were all but insurmountable. the nations of europe were almost without exception hostile to them, and america was almost the only country to which they could look for help, and the task of convoying supplies from america while the english were masters of the sea was one attended with very great difficulty and risk. the french government, however, had only a choice of difficulties. if they sent their fleet to sea it must encounter the english fleet; if they did not send a fleet to sea they were sure to lose their convoy of provisions and worse disasters would follow. there can be no doubt, however, that, under the circumstances, the utter destruction even of the whole fleet would have been a much less serious evil than the loss of the provision convoy, for the fleet might, in the course of time, be replaced, but if the provisions were taken france would either be actually starved or the people, under the apprehension of starvation, would rise against the government. it was therefore resolved to send the french fleet to sea; and about the middle of may a fleet, under the command of rear-admiral villaret, sailed from brest; jean bon st. andre, one of the representatives of the people, sailing on board the admiral's ship to stimulate and encourage the expedition. lord howe, aware of the expected convoy, proceeded to sea early in the same month with twenty-six sail of the line in the hope of intercepting it. on the th as he was cruising off brest, he received information that the enemy's fleet had put to sea, and on the same evening he received despatches from rear-admiral montague, who was also cruising in the channel, which induced him to attempt a junction of the two fleets. had this been effected lord howe would have had a very great superiority over the french fleet; but in the meantime he learnt that the french were but a few leagues to the westward, and he was consequently obliged to alter his course to go in quest of them. early in the morning of may th the advanced english frigates discovered the french fleet far on the weather bow of the english admiral's ship. at first the enemy did not appear to see the english, for they came down for some time in very loose order; but when they came nearer they hauled to the wind. they were, however, very slow in completely forming in regular order of battle, occupying indeed several hours in the operation. this circumstance was of great consequence to lord howe, as it afforded time for the detached part of the british fleet, commanded by rear-admiral pasley, to be placed advantageously for effecting an impression on their rear; and in the meantime the whole of the english fleet was making a nearer approach. in the french official report of the engagement given by jean bon st. andre, he observes that while the two fleets continued manoeuvring, one of the ships, _la révolutionnaire_, from motives not understood by the rest of the fleet, slackened its sails on the approach of the english; and that admiral pasley taking advantage of this circumstance, led on his division and attacked this vessel. in the conflict the british rear-admiral had his top mast disabled; assistance was therefore immediately ordered, and lord hugh seymour, in the _leviathan_, pushed up also to attack the _révolutionnaire_, and was supported by captain parker, of the _audacious_. the captain of the _révolutionnaire_ was killed and the vessel greatly damaged. english official accounts add that the _révolutionnaire_ struck to the _audacious_. night, however, put an end to the conflict; and in the morning a french ship fell in with the _révolutionnaire_ and towed her into rochefort. during the whole of the night of the th the two fleets continued in sight of each other; and on the morning of the following day lord howe made the signal for the fleet to tack, with the intention, if possible, of making some further impression on the rear of the enemy. as soon as the french admiral perceived this manoeuvre he also made the signal for his fleet to wear from van to rear, and continued edging down in a line for the purpose of bringing the van of the british fleet to action. lord howe upon this made the signal for passing through the enemy's line, and a severe action commenced. the _cæsar_, which was the leading ship of the british van, did not, however, keep to the wind; and this circumstance appearing likely to prevent the movement of passing the french line from taking its full and proper effect, the admiral immediately tacked, and being followed and supported by the _bellerophon_ and the _leviathan_, passed through between the fifth and sixth ships of the line of the enemy. lord howe having accomplished this part of his plan, put about again, in preparation for renewing the attack; but after manoeuvring and counter-manoeuvring for some time the french wore round and stood away in order of battle, on the larboard tack, followed by the british fleet in the same order. the fleets then remained separated a few miles; and as there was a very thick fog they were seldom seen by each other. this fog lasted for the greater part of the two following days. the object of the british admiral, hitherto, had been to obtain the weather-gauge of the enemy, in order that he might not only compel him to fight, but to fight on terms and in a situation comparatively favourable to himself. having succeeded in this object, an opportunity occurred on june st for bringing the french fleet to close and general action. lord howe accordingly threw out the signal for his ships to bear up together and come to close action, between seven and eight o'clock in the morning. the french fleet originally consisted of twenty-six sail of the line, and the british of the same force; but on the part of the former the _révolutionnaire_ had been towed into rochefort; and on the part of the latter the _audacious_ had parted company after her engagement with the _révolutionnaire_. the battle immediately commenced and was carried on in a very courageous manner on both sides; but though the revolutionary spirit of the french officers and seamen incited them to fight with more obstinacy than they generally displayed in naval engagements, it could not give them discipline, skill and experience equal to that of the british, and they soon became sensible that the victory could not be with them. several of the ships on both sides were dismasted, and the carnage was very great. in the french official account of the battle it was stated that the officers and crew of _le vengeance_, of seventy-four guns, displayed a true republican spirit; that after the lower decks were under water and destruction inevitable, they continued to fire the upper tier; and that at the moment the ship went to the bottom the air resounded with the cry of "vive la république, vive la liberté et la france." giffard in his "deeds of naval daring" gives several anecdotes of incidents which occurred during this famous day. he says, "on the morning of june st rear-admiral neuilly, pointing out to captain troubridge, at that time a prisoner on board the _sans pareil_, our fleet sailing parallel to them, said, 'your people are not disposed to fight; they won't venture down.' troubridge, who had seen the signal flying for breakfast on board the ships of the british fleet, was at the time partaking of the same meal, and, dropping the loaf he held, he placed his hand on the french officer's shoulder, saying, 'not fight! stop till they have had their breakfasts. i know john bull well, and when his belly is full, you will get it. depend on it, they will pay you a visit in half an hour.' in a few minutes after the british fleet bore up to engage. during the action troubridge was sent below, where for some time he leaned against the fore-mast. suddenly he felt the vibration of the mast as it was struck by a shot, and heard it fall over the side, when, grasping the astounded frenchman appointed to guard him with both hands, he began to caper about with all the gestures of a maniac. lord howe, in the _queen charlotte_, wished to be placed alongside the _montagne_, the french admiral's ship, and gave his orders to his master accordingly. as they approached the french line it appeared so compact and close that a doubt was expressed whether they could get through; while closing with the _montagne_, the master, who held the helm, called out that they would be on board the next ship. 'what's that to you, sir?' said lord howe. bowen, the master, as bold a man as his admiral, replied coolly in an undertone, 'if you don't care, i am sure i don't. i'll go near enough to singe some of our whiskers.' the _queen charlotte_ dashed through the line, brushed the ensign of the french admiral's (_villaret joyeuse_) flag ship on one side, grazing on the other the _jacobin's_ mizen shrouds with her jibboom, an exploit which has never been equalled, although approached by collingwood at trafalgar. the cannonade was tremendous and our gunnery most effective. the broadside poured into the stern of the _montagne_ as the _queen charlotte_ passed made a hole, said the sailors, large enough to row the admiral's barge through it. howe's masts were shot away as the _montagne_ ceased firing; this gave her the opportunity to make off to leeward. the _queen_, _defence_, _marlborough_, _royal george_, and _brunswick_ were the only ships which, like howe's, pushed through the enemy's line on that memorable and eventful day. the _queen_, in which lord gardner's flag was flying, was dreadfully cut up; her captain, hutt, died of his wounds, and has a monument in st. paul's. gardner learned during the engagement that a near relative, to whom he was attached, was killed. he went on giving his orders in an unaltered tone; but as the wind for a moment cleared off the smoke, marks of tears were on his face; they were easily traced, for it was besmeared with smoke and powder. the _defence_, captain gambier, got into the midst of the french ships, lost her main and mizen masts and behaved in the most gallant manner. captain berkeley of the _marlborough_ was carried off deck wounded, and the second lieutenant, seymour, afterwards sir michael, lost an arm. the ship was reduced to a wreck, but was fought to the last by lieutenant monckton. while the bowsprit of the _impétueux_ was over the _marlborough's_ quarters, a sailor, leaping over, said he would pay them a visit. he was called to take a sword. 'i'll find one there,' he said, and actually came back with two of the enemy's cutlasses in his hands. the _brunswick_ had a figure-head of the duke, with a laced cocked-hat on; the hat was shot off. the crew thinking that a prince of that house should not be uncovered in the face of an enemy, sent a request to their captain to supply the loss. he ordered his servant to give them his cocked-hat. the carpenter nailed it on, and there it remained until the battle was over. these incidents, amidst a terrific fire, paint our sailors as they were and as they are. harvey, the captain of the _brunswick_, died of his wounds." in less than an hour after the engagement had become close and general the french admiral, who had been engaged by lord howe's ship, the _queen charlotte_, made all sail and crowded off, followed by nearly all the ships in his van that were in a condition to carry sail; ten or twelve of those that were dismasted, or much crippled, were left behind. had the british fleet not been very much disabled all these must have been captured; but in consequence of their state several of them escaped; two or three, even under a sprit sail singly or a smaller sail, hoisted on the stump of the foremast, were able to get away. six, however, were secured and captured--viz., _la juste_ of eighty guns; _la sans pareille_ of eighty guns; _l'amérique_ of seventy-four guns; _l'achille_ of seventy-four guns; _l'impétueux_ of seventy-four guns; and the _northumberland_ of seventy-four guns; these added to _le vengeur_ and _le jacobin_, which were also sunk, made the whole loss of the french amount to eight ships of the line. the return of [those] killed on board of the english fleet was two hundred and seventy-two, and of wounded seven hundred and eighty-seven. the loss of the french is not accurately known, but it is believed to have been much greater than that of the english. on board of _la montagne_ the captain was killed and nearly three hundred men were either killed or wounded. in the ships that were taken six hundred and ninety men were killed and five hundred and eighty wounded; besides, it is supposed that three hundred and twenty perished in _le vengeur_. though this victory was a great triumph to the english and a severe blow to the arms of the republic, the french can hardly be said to have failed in the object of their expedition; for while lord howe was engaged in chasing and fighting the french fleet, the provision convoy, which the french fleet came out to protect, managed to escape him, and one hundred and sixty sail of vessels, valued at five millions sterling, and conveying an immense quantity of provisions and naval stores, arrived from america safe in port a few days after the engagement. on the wednesday, thursday, and friday immediately following the publication of the "extraordinary gazette" which announced lord howe's victory there were illuminations in all parts of the metropolis; a subscription was almost immediately raised at lloyd's coffee house for the widows and children of the seamen who fell in the engagement, and the proprietors of drury lane theatre gave a clear benefit, which produced upwards of one thousand three hundred pounds, in aid of the subscription. in order to show all due honour to the fleet which had achieved such a victory, on thursday, june th, george iii. and queen charlotte and three of the princesses arrived at portsmouth; the three younger princesses having come down the day before. the royal party then proceeding in barges in the usual procession, and receiving the customary honours, visited lord howe's ship at spithead. here his majesty held a naval levée, and presented lord howe with a diamond-hilted sword, the value of which was three thousand guineas, and a gold chain, to which a medal was afterwards suspended, to be worn round the neck. after these ceremonies were gone through the royal party dined with lord howe on board his ship. his lordship was also raised to the rank of an earl for his glorious services in the battle. triumph in retreat. a story of "billy blue." after the defeat of the french by lord howe on the st of june, , the french navy was much too shattered to attempt anything like offensive warfare for some time. notwithstanding this, however, fortune favoured france with an opportunity of revenge as early as the following year. in june, , admiral cornwallis, known in the fleet as "billy blue," was cruising off belle isle when on the th he fell in with a fleet of merchantmen under the convoy of three ships of the line and six frigates. his own force consisted of five sail of the line and two frigates, with which he made an easy capture of eight of the enemy's ships, the men-of-war effecting their escape. on the th, however, came the frenchman's opportunity of turning the tables; for, as the admiral was standing in towards the land, near the penmarks, one of his frigates signalled the sighting of the enemy's fleet, which numbered thirteen sail of the line, several frigates, two brigs and a cutter. the wind at first falling calm and afterwards coming round to the north, the enemy's ships were enabled to get to windward, and the next morning by daylight they were seen mooring on both quarters of the british squadron. during the preceding day and night the admiral himself had led the retreating ships in the _royal sovereign_, in order that he might be able to take advantage of any favourable opportunity that might present itself in the night for altering his course and getting away unperceived by the enemy; but with daylight he changed his disposition, ordering the two heavy sailing ships, the _brunswick_ and the _bellerophon_, to lead, and the _mars_ and _triumph_ to form the rear, while he himself, in the _royal sovereign_, formed a connecting link, and was prepared to bear down to the assistance of any of his squadron that might particularly need his help. it was now in the power of the french admiral to have engaged closely, and at about nine o'clock in the morning a line-of-battle ship and a frigate opened their fire upon the _mars_. from this time a pretty constant cannonade was kept up, the french ships firing at a distance as they came up, and three of the english ships returning it. such was the bad sailing of the _brunswick_ and _bellerophon_ that their fire was quite lost and they were obliged to keep their course without retaliating; in fact, it became necessary to cut away their anchors and launches, throw overboard part of their ballast, and crowd all the sail they could carry, to enable them to keep their proper place, while the _mars_ and _triumph_ continued under easy sail. the day had nearly passed over, and there was no serious appearance of attack; but as the afternoon drew on, the enemy, as if ashamed of having yet done nothing effectual to check the progress, or even to ruffle the majestic steadiness of our little line, seemed to be inclined to close upon the rear ship, the _mars_. two or three of them had fore-reached upon her beam, and a beautiful eighty-four-gun ship was hauling towards her, as if determined to act as champion, and by arresting one of the ships to bring the matter to an immediate issue, when an incident occurred which completely deceived the enemy. in the early morning the admiral had called by signal for a boat from the _phaëton_, and as her young officer, afterwards admiral sir francis beaufort, k.c.b., was eagerly springing up the _royal sovereign's_ side, he was stopped by the noble old admiral's foot and the words, "stop, sir; listen: go back immediately and tell your captain to go ahead of the squadron a long way, and, when far enough off, to make the signals for seeing first one or two strange sail, then more, and then a fleet; in short, to humbug those fellows astern. he will understand me. go." the _phaëton_ sailed well, but it took a long time to get to the admiral's "far enough," in order to give colour and credibility to her signals. at length, about three o'clock p.m., she made the signal for a stranger, then two, five, and then for a fleet, which was made by letting fly the top-gallant sheets and firing a lee gun. it was well known that the french had copies of our "tabular" signals, and by them captain stopford announced that the fleet was english; the large recall flag (the dutch ensign) was then hoisted to bring them into the squadron, and when time had been given for the supposed answer, the _phaëton_ wore round, under easy sail, towards the squadron, thus implying that a fleet of english ships was following her, and, passing under the admiral's stern, gave him three cheers. by a happy coincidence two or three small distant vessels were at that time actually peeping up on the horizon; but the bait had been fully swallowed; a flood of signals was made by the enemy--their fire became languid--and at half-past six their whole force tacked off to the eastward, leaving our gallant squadron to enjoy the fruit of their bravery and wit. in the official announcement of this encounter the admiral gives full credit to his gallant companions, as well as to sir c. cotton and sir erasmus gower, who, in the _mars_ and _triumph_, bore the brunt of the fray. of the officers, seamen and marines, he says that, "instead of being cast down at seeing thirty sail of the enemy's ships attacking our little squadron, they were in the highest spirits imaginable, and although circumstanced as we were, we had no great reason to complain of the conduct of the enemy, yet our men could not help repeatedly expressing their contempt of them. could common prudence have allowed me to let loose their valour i hardly know what might not have been accomplished by such men." of the admiral himself we are told that, on the anxious morning he continued the operation of shaving, dressing and powdering with his usual composure, and observed to captain whitby, in his customary cool and dry manner, that he had been in similar situations before, and knew very well what they, the french, would do. more than once during the day he repeated that sooner than abandon his comrades in the slow sailers, the _brunswick_ and the _bellerophon_, the _royal sovereign_ should go down with her colours flying. admiral (then captain) cornwallis had previously exhibited great daring in rodney's celebrated action in , when, in the _canada_, seventy-four, after having defeated the _hector_, a ship of equal force, single-handed, he bore down upon the huge _ville de paris_, and lay her alongside and commenced a combat which lasted two hours. a point of honour prevented de grasse striking to anything short of a flag; but when sir samuel hood came up in the _barfleur_ the count surrendered, having only three men, of whom he himself was one, alive and unhurt upon his upper deck. he declared, after the action, that the little red-sided ship (the _canada_) had done him more harm than all the rest with which he had contended. the fleet from which admiral cornwallis thus escaped were not destined long to boast of their triumph; for on the nd of the same month, lord bridport, with fourteen sail of the line and eight frigates, fell in with them, and as they indicated no intention to fight him, made the signal for four of his best sailing vessels to chase. as there was very little wind the pursuit continued all that day and during the night. early on the morning of the rd some of the british ships came up with the enemy; and a little before six o'clock the action began, and continued till three in the afternoon. the french kept as near their own shore as possible; so that only three were captured--the _alexander_, which had been taken from the british the preceding year, the _formidable_ and the _tigre_. the rest of the french squadron escaped into _l'orient_. the loss of the british in this action was thirty-one killed and one hundred and fifteen wounded; the loss of the french was not accurately ascertained. the mutiny of . at spithead, april th.--at the nore, may nd. in the course of february and march, , lord howe received several anonymous letters, enclosing petitions from the ships' companies of a number of vessels of the channel fleet, asking for increased pay and better provisions. these letters, though coming from different quarters, were apparently written by the same hand, and the authorities judging that they were so, and that they represented an agitation carried on by one person, took but little notice of them. a word to the wise is sufficient, but governments are not always wise, or the admiralty would at least have made inquiries as to the justice of the demands made. of this, however, they can hardly have been unaware, for while the pay of the army and the militia had been increased, the pay of the navy had remained the same from the time of charles ii., and many abuses had sprung up in the administration of the commissariat which bore very hardly upon the men. the greed of purveyors and the corruption of commissioners provided them with food short in quantity and often unfit to eat; while under the system then in vogue the ship's purser was allowed to deduct two ounces in every pound of provisions served out to the men and a similar proportion of grog and beer in lieu of direct wages from the government. it soon became evident, however, that the disaffection was far more formidable than was at first supposed. on the return of the channel fleet into port a secret correspondence was arranged between all the ships that composed it; and this ended in a unanimous agreement that no ship should lift an anchor until a redress of grievances was obtained. at this stage it was reported to lord spencer, the head of the admiralty, that a general conspiracy had been entered into to take command of the fleet on april th; to test which on the th lord bridport ordered the signal to prepare for sea. but instead of the men proceeding to weigh anchor, they manned the rigging and gave three cheers, as the signal for mutiny, and every other ship followed the example. the officers of every ship exerted themselves to their utmost to bring their men back to obedience; but all their endeavours were vain. the fleet being now in the complete possession of the seamen, every ship's company appointed two delegates, and lord howe's cabin was fixed upon as their place of consultation. on the th an oath was administered to every man in the fleet to support the cause in which they had engaged, and ropes were reeved to the yard arms in every ship as signals of the punishment that would be inflicted on those that betrayed it. several officers who had made themselves particularly obnoxious to their respective crews were sent ashore. in the meantime, though the admiral was restricted from putting to sea, he retained the command of the fleet in every other respect; the strictest discipline was maintained and the severest orders and regulations were enacted by the delegates, enjoining the most respectful attention to their officers, and threatening disobedience with rigorous chastisement. on the th two petitions, one to the admiralty and the other to the house of commons, were drawn up and signed by the delegates. they were both worded with the highest propriety of expression and respect. the petition to parliament stated that the price of all articles necessary for subsistence having advanced at least thirty per cent. since the reign of charles ii., when the seamen's pay was settled as at present, they requested that a proportionate relief might be granted to them. it represented at the same time that, while their loyalty was equal to that of the army, the pensions of chelsea had been augmented to thirteen pounds a year, but those of greenwich still remained at seven. the petition to the admiralty contained a recital of the services rendered by the petitioners and a warm declaration of their readiness to defend their country, and set forth the low rate of their pay, and the insufficiency of their allowance of provisions, demanding increase of both, together with the liberty of going ashore while in harbour and the continuance of pay to wounded seamen till cured and discharged. such, in the meanwhile, was the alarm of the public, and particularly of the government, that it was judged necessary to transfer the board of admiralty to portsmouth, in order to be nearer at hand to inspect the transactions on board the fleet, and to consult on the readiest and most likely means of quelling the discontent, the consequences of which might prove ruinous to the nation by throwing open the channel and all the neighbouring seas to the uncontrolled dominion of the french fleets and cruisers. the first lord of the admiralty, lord spencer, accompanied by lord arden and admiral young, repaired accordingly to portsmouth, where they directly proceeded to take into consideration the petition that had been transmitted to the board. they authorised lord bridport to inform the ships' companies that they would recommend the king to propose to parliament an augmentation of pay to the seamen in the navy at the rate of four shillings a month to petty officers and able seamen, three shillings to ordinary seamen, and two shillings to landsmen. seamen wounded in action were also to continue in the receipt of their pay till cured or declared unable to serve, when they should be allowed a pension or admitted into greenwich hospital. to this notification the seamen replied by requesting that the long-established distinctions in the navy, of able and ordinary seamen, should be retained; the pay of the former to be raised to one shilling a day, and that of petty officers and ordinary seamen in the usual proportion; they also requested that the pay of the marines while on board should be the same as of ordinary seamen, and that the pensions of greenwich hospital should be increased to ten pounds. on april th the lords of the admiralty notified to lord bridport their compliance with the demands of the seamen, directing him to make it known through the fleet, and to require, in consequence, an immediate return of the people to their duty, on pain of forfeiting their right to smart-money, to pensions from the chest of chatham, and to an admission into greenwich hospital, and of being made responsible for the consequences that might ensue from the continuance of their disobedience. they were informed, at the same time, that an unqualified pardon for all that had taken place would be granted to every ship's company that should, within one hour of these resolutions being communicated to them, submit to their officers and cease to hold farther intercourse with those who remained in a state of mutiny. on the st, admirals gardner, colpoys and poole went on board the _royal charlotte_ in order to confer with the delegates, who explicitly informed them that it was the determination of the crews to agree to nothing that should not be sanctioned by parliament and guaranteed by the king's proclamation. admiral gardner was so irritated by this declaration that he seized one of the delegates by the collar, and swore he would have them all hanged, with every fifth man throughout the fleet. this behaviour of the admiral so exasperated the ship's company that it was with difficulty he escaped with his life. the delegates from the _royal george_ returned immediately to their ship and informed their crew of what had happened; after some consultation they resolved to summon all the delegates on board their ship. this was forthwith done by hoisting the red, a signal that struck terror through the fleet, as it was not generally understood; the officers in particular being apprehensive that some fatal designs were in agitation. the crew now proceeded to load their guns, to order the watch to be kept as at sea, and to put everything in a state of defence. on the following day the ships' crews directed two letters to be written, one to the lords of the admiralty, to acquaint them with the motives for their conduct on the preceding day, and another to lord bridport, in which they styled him their father and their friend, and assured him of their respect and attachment. this induced him to return to his ship the next day, the rd, and to rehoist his flag, which he had struck during the confusion on the st. after a short and pathetic address to the crew he informed them that he had brought with him a redress of all their grievances and the king's pardon for what had passed. after some deliberation these offers were accepted and every man returned to his duty. from april rd to may th the fleet remained in due subordination; but on that day a fresh mutiny broke out. the seamen, from whatever cause it arose, had conceived a mistrust of government, and apprehending a violation of the promises made to them, renewed their former menaces. as soon as this alarming intelligence arrived, government dispatched with all speed a person of the highest weight and authority to quell this unexpected tumult. this was lord howe, an officer long held in the first degree of respect and esteem in the british navy, and personally beloved by all that had served under him for his humane disposition as well as for his many great qualities. his presence and exhortations wrought the desired effect, and happily dissipated the suspicions that were beginning to prevail. conformably to the expectation of the public, the house of commons on may th took into consideration the estimates laid before it by the ministry, for the purpose of augmenting the pay, and the bill, as soon as it was framed, went through the necessary formalities without delay, and immediately received the royal assent by commission. the suppression of the disturbances among the seamen at portsmouth, without recurring to violent measures, and by granting their petitions, occasioned universal satisfaction, and it was hoped that no farther complaints would arise. these reasonable expectations were, however, wholly disappointed by a fresh mutiny that broke out at the nore on may nd. the crews on that day took possession of their respective ships, elected delegates to preside over them, and to draw up a statement of their demands and transmit them to the lords of the admiralty. these demands went much farther than those of the seamen at portsmouth and plymouth, and were not met with the same indulgence. on june th, in the morning, the fleet at the nore was joined by the _agamemnon_, _leopard_, _ardent_, and _isis_ men-of-war, together with the _ranger_ sloop, which ships had deserted from the fleet under admiral duncan. the principal person at the head of this mutiny was one richard parker, a man of good natural parts and some education, and of a remarkably bold and resolute character. admiral buckner, the commanding officer at the nore, was directed by the lords of the admiralty to inform the seamen that their demands were totally inconsistent with the good order and regulations necessary to be observed in the navy, and could not for that reason be complied with; but that on returning to their duty they would receive the king's pardon for their breach of obedience. to this offer parker replied by a declaration that the seamen had unanimously determined to keep possession of the fleet until the lords of the admiralty had repaired to the nore and redressed the grievances which had been laid before them. in order to put an end with all possible expedition to a mutiny that appeared so dangerous, lord spencer, lord arden and admiral young hastened immediately to sheerness and held a board, at which parker and the other delegates attended; but their behaviour was so audacious that the lords of the admiralty returned to town without the least success. the principal article of complaint on the part of the mutineers was the unequal distribution of prize-money, for the omission of which they much blamed their fellow-seamen at portsmouth. on the return of the lords of the admiralty from sheerness a proclamation was issued offering his majesty's pardon to all such of the mutineers as should immediately return to their duty; intimating at the same time admiral buckner was the proper person to be applied to on such an occasion. all the buoys, by the order of government, were removed from the mouth of the thames and the neighbouring coast; from which precaution any ships that might attempt to get away would be in danger of running aground. great preparations were also made at sheerness against an attack from the mutinous ships, which had manifested some strong indications of an intention to bombard that place; and furnaces and hot balls were kept ready. emboldened by the strength of men and shipping in their hands, and resolved to persevere in their demand till they had exhorted a compliance, the mutineers proceeded to secure a sufficiency of provisions for that purpose by seizing two vessels laden with stores, and sent notice ashore that they intended to block up the thames and cut off all communication between london and the sea in order to force government to a speedy accession to their terms. they began the execution of this menace by mooring four of their vessels across the mouth of the river and stopping several ships that were coming from the metropolis. these transactions, while they excited the greatest alarm in the nation, were violently reprobated by the seamen belonging to the two divisions of the fleet lying at portsmouth and at plymouth. each of them addressed an admonition to their fellow-seamen at the nore, warmly condemning their proceedings as a scandal to the name of british seamen, and exhorting them to be content with the indulgence already granted by government, and to return to their duty without insisting on more concessions than had been demanded by the rest of the navy. but these warnings proved ineffectual. the reinforcement of the four ships lately arrived, and the expectation of being joined by others, induced them to persist in their demands. the committee of delegates on board the _sandwich_ came to a determination to commission lord northesk, whom they had kept in confinement in the _montague_, of which he was commander, to repair to the king in the name of the fleet, and to acquaint him with the conditions on which they were willing to deliver up the ships. the petition which he was charged to lay before the king was highly respectful and loyal to him, but very severe on his ministers, and they required an entire compliance with every one of their demands, threatening on the refusal of any to put immediately to sea. lord northesk readily undertook to be the bearer of their petition, but told them that from the unreasonableness of their demands he could not flatter them with the hope of success. confiding in him, they said, as the seamen's friend, they had entrusted him with this mission on pledging his honour to return with a clear and positive answer within fifty-four hours. lord northesk departed accordingly for london, and was introduced by lord spencer to the king. but no answer being returned to the message, and information being brought to the fleet that the nation at large highly disapproved of their proceedings, great divisions took place among the delegates, and several of the ships deserted the others--not, however, without much contest and bloodshed. the mutineers, despairing now of accomplishing their designs, struck the red flag, which they had hoisted as the signals of mutiny, and restored a free passage to the trade of the metropolis. every ship was now left at its own command, and they all gradually returned to obedience, though on board of some violent struggles happened between the mutineers and the loyal parties. the principal conductor of the mutiny, richard parker, was seized and imprisoned, and after a solemn trial that lasted three days on board of the _neptune_, was sentenced to death. he suffered with great coolness and intrepidity, acknowledging the justice of his sentence, and expressing his hope that mercy might be extended to his associates. but it was judged necessary to make public examples of the principal and most guilty, who were accordingly tried, and after full proof of their criminality, condemned and executed. others remained under sentence of death till after the great victory obtained over the dutch fleet at camperdown by admiral duncan, when his majesty issued a general pardon. the battle of camperdown. the mutiny at spithead found the british ministry intent upon blocking up the dutch fleet in the texel and admiral duncan appointed to the duty. the pacific suppression of that formidable rising left the government free to pursue their policy and admiral duncan to carry out his instructions. early in june, however, the admiral found himself deserted by the _agamemnon_, the _leopard_, the _ardent_, and the _isis_ men-of-war and the _ranger_ sloop, which left him and joined in the mutiny of the nore on the th. when the admiral found himself deserted by so important a section of his fleet, he called his own ship's crew together and addressed them in the following speech:-- "my lads,--i once more call you together with a sorrowful heart from what i have lately seen, the disaffection of the fleet. i call it disaffection, for the crews have no grievances. to be deserted by my fleet in the face of an enemy is a disgrace which, i believe, never before happened to a british admiral; nor could i have supposed it possible. my greatest comfort under god is that i have been supported by the officers, seamen, and marines of this ship; for which, with a heart overflowing with gratitude, i request you to accept my sincere thanks. i flatter myself much good may result from your example, by bringing those deluded people to a sense of their duty, which they owe, not only to their king and country, but to themselves. "the british navy has ever been the support of that liberty which has been handed down to us by our ancestors, and which i trust we shall maintain to the latest posterity; and that can only be done by unanimity and obedience. this ship's company and others, who have distinguished themselves by their loyalty and good order, deserve to be, and doubtless will be, the favourites of a grateful country. they will also have from their inward feelings a comfort which will be lasting, and not like the floating and false confidence of those who have swerved from their duty. "it has often been my pride with you to look into the texel and see a foe which dreaded coming out to meet us; my pride is now humbled indeed; my feelings are not easily to be expressed! our cup has overflowed and made us wanton. the all-wise providence has given us this check as a warning, and i hope we shall improve by it. on him then let us trust, where our only security can be found. i find there are many good men among us; for my own part, i have had full confidence of all in this ship; and once more beg to express my approbation of your conduct. "may god, who has thus far conducted you, continue to do so; and may the british navy, the glory and support of our country, be restored to its wonted splendour, and be not only the bulwark of britain, but the terror of the world. "but this can only be effected by a strict adherence to our duty and obedience; and let us pray that the almighty god may keep us in the right way of thinking. "god bless you all." at an address so unassuming, modest and pious, and so well calculated, from its simplicity and truth, to touch the human heart, the whole ship's crew were dissolved in tears. they declared, by every expression they could devise, their resolution to abide by the admiral in life or death. their example was followed by all the other ships, besides those already mentioned. and the admiral, notwithstanding the defection of so considerable a part of his squadron, repaired to his station off the coast of holland to watch the motions of the dutch fleet, and resolved still to do battle if opportunity served. while he lay off the texel the dutch fleet did not venture out; but on his being driven from his station by a gale of wind they took advantage of his absence and put to sea; they had scarcely cleared the land, however, when they were descried by the british fleet, which had returned from yarmouth as soon as possible. it was at nine o'clock on the morning of october th, , that the two fleets came in sight of each other. admiral duncan, having judiciously placed his squadron in such a position that the enemy could not regain the texel unless they fought their way thither, immediately bore up and made the signal for a general chase. the dutch at the time were forming in a line on the larboard tack to receive the british, the wind being at north-west. as soon as the british squadron came near, admiral duncan made the signal to shorten sail in order to connect the ships of his squadron: soon after this the land was seen between camperdown and egmont, on the coast of holland. this convinced him that no time was to be lost in making the attack, as otherwise he might get entangled with the shore; he accordingly made the signal to bear up, break the enemy's line and engage them to leeward, each ship her opponent. by this manner he got between them and the land, whither they were fast approaching. vice-admiral onslow, in obedience to the signal, bore down on the rear of the dutch fleet in the most gallant manner, his division following the example; and the action commenced about forty minutes after twelve o'clock. admiral duncan, in the _venerable_, soon got through the line of the enemy, and began a close action with his division against their van. the engagement lasted nearly two hours and a half, when the masts of the dutch admiral's ship were observed to go by the board: even for some time after this, however, she was defended in the most gallant manner; but at last, being overpowered by numbers, her colours were struck, and the dutch admiral, de winter, was brought on board the _venerable_. about the same time vice-admiral onslow had obliged the ship which carried the dutch vice-admiral's flag to strike her colours. many others had also surrendered. during the action the two fleets had approached so near the coast of holland, being within five miles of it, that they had only nine fathoms of water. the first thing, therefore, to which admiral duncan directed his attention was to get the heads of the disabled ships off shore. this was indeed difficult and dangerous; for the wind continued for some time to blow strong from west-south-west to west-north-west, and consequently directly on the coast of holland; as soon as it shifted to the north the admiral made the signal to wear, and stood to the westward. on october th he succeeded in reaching orford ness, the _venerable_ being so leaky that, with all her pumps going, she could be scarcely kept free of water. during the action one of the enemy's ships caught fire and drove very near the _venerable_; but no mischief was done. the british squadron suffered much in their masts, rigging, etc. the number of killed and wounded on board of the british ships was very great; but that of the dutch much greater, five hundred men being killed and wounded on board two of their ships only. besides the dutch admiral's ship, eight others of the line and two frigates were captured. the dutch attributed their defeat to the circumstance that vice-admiral storey fled into the texel with the greater part of his division soon after the action began. it was in connection with this engagement that the incident occurred which forms the subject of the illustration on the cover of this volume. the admiral's ship, the _venerable_, was so hotly pressed that more than once her colours were shot away. on one of these occasions the flag is said to have been rescued and replaced by jack crawford, one of the _venerable's_ men, in some such way as is described in the following lines:-- we had battled all the morning, 'mid the never-ceasing hail of shot and shell and splinter, of cable--shred, and sail; we had thrice received their onslaught, which we thrice had driven back, and were waiting, calm and ready, for the last forlorn attack; when the stainless flag of england, that has braved a thousand years, was shot clean from the masthead; and they gave three hearty cheers. 'twas the purpose of a moment, and the bravest of our tars plunged headlong in the boiling surf, amid the broken spars; he snatched the shot-torn colours, and wound them round his arm, then climbed upon the deck again, and there stood safe and calm he paused but for a moment--for it was no time to stay-- then leaped into the rigging that had yet survived the fray; higher yet he climbed and higher, till he gained a dizzy height, and then turned and paused a moment to look down upon the fight. whistled wild the shots around him, as a curling, smoky wreath formed a cloudy shroud to hide him from the enemy beneath. beat his heart with proud elation as he firmly fixed his stand, and again the colours floated as he held them in his hand. then with pistol deftly wielded, 'mid the battle's ceaseless blast, fastened there the colours firmly, as he nailed them to the mast; then, as if to yield him glory, the smoke-clouds cleared away-- and we sent him up the loudest cheer that reached his ear that day, and, with new-born zeal and courage, dashed more boldly to the fight, till the day of battle ended in the triumph of the night. jack crawford was a native of sunderland, where he died in . in a statue was erected to his memory in his native town by public subscription, and was unveiled on april th by lord camperdown, a descendant of admiral duncan, in whose ship crawford served. the loss of h.m.s. _repulse_. by g. h. walker. the _repulse_ was one of the ships belonging to the channel fleet, under the command of sir allen gardner, but had been detached for the purpose of intercepting provision vessels going into brest. on the night of march th, , she struck upon a sunken rock, supposed to be the mace, about twenty-five leagues southeast of ushant. the crew made good a landing on one of the glenan islands, about two miles from the continent. here the captain, and most of the officers, were made prisoners, and sent to quimper; but mr. rother, the first lieutenant, mr. gordon, the fifth, mr. finn, the master, two midshipmen, and eight seamen, got into the larger cutter; and, on the fourth day after leaving the ship, during which interval they experienced bad weather, and were, at times, near perishing, arrived safe at guernsey. the following letter from one of the officers who escaped, to his father, gives a full account of the loss of the _repulse_, and likewise of the adventures of the boat's crew, from the time of their quitting the ship till their arrival at guernsey:-- "guernsey, _march th, _. "my dear father,--i embrace the opportunity of a packet sailing for england, to acquaint you with the unfortunate fate of the _repulse_. coming off the penmarks, in company with the _agamemnon_, on saturday, march th, it then blowing a very heavy gale of wind, captain alms was thrown down the companion ladder by the rolling of the ship, by which accident some of his ribs were broken and he was much bruised. the same day, we parted company with the _agamemnon_, in chase of a strange sail to leeward; and, about six in the evening, we came up with and re-captured the _princess royal_ packet, from the west indies. next morning, captain alms, finding himself much worse, resolved to put into torbay. we accordingly bore up and shaped a course, which, if our reckoning had been correct, would have carried us far enough to the westward of ushant. but, unfortunately, owing to the thickness of the weather (not having had an observation for some days), and to the different set of the tides, which are very strong on this coast, the ship had got nearly three degrees to the east of her reckoning; and at twelve o'clock the same night going under an easy sail, that the prize might be able to keep up, breakers were discovered ahead. it was extremely foggy, and the ship was going at the rate of about seven knots, with the wind almost right aft, so that our endeavours to clear the danger were ineffectual. in a moment the ship struck with great violence and was instantly so completely surrounded with rocks, that we could not even see the opening which we had entered. in this dreadful situation we continued nearly three quarters of an hour, the ship, from the great surf that ran among the rocks, striking so violently, that we every moment expected she would go to pieces. "i shall not attempt to describe the appearance of so many men, with certain and almost instant death staring them in the face: but i cannot forbear observing, that those whom i ever considered the greatest reprobates now became the greatest cowards, and were so overcome by their awful situation, that they were totally unable to exert themselves for their own perservation. we had no hopes of deliverance. the prize was, indeed, in company, and we kept firing guns to inform her of our danger. it was, however, absolutely impossible for us to receive any assistance from that quarter; and if our firing enabled her to escape herself it was as much as we could expect. that nothing on our part might be left untried, the sails were hove aback, and, with the divine assistance, the ship backed astern, clear of the danger. "our joy on this occasion was, however, of short duration, for the ship made so much water, that in half an hour it reached as high as the orlop deck; and the rudder having lost all command, there appeared to be no other chance of saving our lives than by running for the coast of france. accordingly, having got her head round to the eastward, we made all the sail we could. we had now sufficient employment for all hands, some were busy at the pumps, others were engaged in throwing the guns overboard, and otherwise lightening the ship; while others, again, were employed in lining a sail with beds, blankets, etc., which being got over the bows, and bowsed taut up to the ship's bottom, was of very great service. the water being considerably above the orlop deck, we were enabled to bale at the hatchway; by which, and the wonderful exertions of men actuated by the fear of death, we were enabled to keep her afloat till five o'clock, when, to our inexpressible joy, the echo of the report of one of our guns announced our being near the land, the fog being so thick that we could not see the length of the ship. but judge what must have been our sensations when we found ourselves within half a ship's length of a lee shore, bounded by a precipice as high as our mast head, against which the sea broke with excessive violence, and on which we were running with great rapidity. the only chance of preservation we now had, was by letting go an anchor, which, however, did not bring us up. at the moment when we expected to be dashed to pieces, our jib-boom almost touching the precipice, providence again interposed in our behalf, and the eddy wind, reverberating from the rock, took the sail aback, and most miraculously saved us from destruction. "we now cut the cable, and the ship drifted along the shore, till we cleared a rugged point a quarter of a mile to the leeward of us, when she filled and ran up under a weather shore, which, being very high, sheltered us a good deal. here we grounded; but, from the heavy surf, the ship continued striking with such violence that we were afraid she would go to pieces before we could leave her. we therefore made what haste we could in getting the boat out, and then cut away the masts, when she lay tolerably easy. "as i had early in the morning resolved within myself to attempt escaping in one of the boats, rather than be made prisoner, i mentioned my design to mr. gordon, fifth lieutenant, who readily agreed to accompany me. the eight-oared cutter being hoisted, i got into her, as she was the best boat for the purpose, under pretence of seeking a landing place; and having taken on board as many men as she could conveniently carry, i landed them to the leeward of the point about a mile from the ship, and then returned for another cargo. having disclosed my plan to the boat's crew, i sent one of them on board the ship for a compass, boat's mast, sails, etc., but, to my infinite mortification, he could only get a compass, the boat's sail being down in the store-room. the pilot now came into my boat to go on shore. i thought if i could secure him, it would be a great point, and i was glad to obtain his concurrence. "i had made four or five more trips between the ship and the shore, when mr. rothery, the first lieutenant, called me to take him on board, which i did, and was agreeably surprised to find that mr. gordon had acquainted him with our secret, that he was resolved to go with us, and had made some provision for the voyage. it consisted of some pieces of hung beef, which, though raw, was better than nothing, a small quantity of bread, and half a dozen of brandy, as he imagined, but which afterwards proved to be wine. when i mentioned our want of sail, he replied that we must make shift to supply that deficiency with some table-cloths and sheets he had brought with him. "we still continued going and returning, till almost all the people were landed, and on our way had fortunately picked up the jolly-boat's mast and sails, and the masts and yards belonging to several other boats, so that the only article we now wanted was water. i recollected the fire cask in the mizen chains, which we desired a man to push overboard. having picked it up and taken it in, with mr. gordon, we again committed ourselves to the mercy of the waves and the care of providence. "but before i leave the ship, it will be proper to mention the number of lives that were lost. when we first struck upon the rock, five of the crew, whose apprehensions were too powerful for any other consideration, got into a boat that was hung over the quarter, and in their hurry to escape, cut one of the tackles by which the boat was suspended, while they kept the other fast. the boat, consequently, hung by one end, and they were all thrown out and drowned. "i forgot to mention that, while the boats were employed in landing the people, those on board had thrown the ends of several hawsers on shore, which the peasantry made fast to the rock, and which being hauled taut on board, they could go on shore upon them with great ease. two men, however, being intoxicated, fell off the hawsers into the water, and perished. these, together with four marines, who lay upon deck dead-drunk at the time we came away, and who, i believe, were not afterwards carried on shore, are, as far as i know, all that suffered on this occasion. "having a fair wind, we set the jolly-boat's sail for a fore sail, then made a sparing breakfast and thought to recruit our spirits with a dram, when, to our great disappointment, we found we had nothing but wine. this was not the greatest of our misfortune, for, upon broaching our water, we found it so strongly impregnated with the varnish with which the cask had been so frequently laid over, that it was scarcely drinkable, and even made some of us sick. "one of the men having, fortunately, some sail needles in his pocket, all hands turned to sail-making, some sewing, others unlaying rope, and making it into twine. a table-cloth and a sheet sewed together made an excellent main sail; and out of a piece of canvas we happened to have in the boat we contrived to make a mizen sail, so that in a couple of hours we had a complete suit. "about twelve o'clock we were much alarmed by being becalmed among the penmark rocks, and they were obliged to pull hard to avoid being dashed to pieces against them. we soon afterwards had a fine breeze, and about five found ourselves close in with the land, a few miles to the southward of cape roz. the wind was so scant that we could barely lie along shore, and were obliged to pass several signal posts, at each of which the enemy had a gun, so that we every moment expected to be fired at. i believe by our being so badly rigged, and white sail, they took us for frenchmen. "about dusk, we had another narrow escape among a reef of rocks, which lay off cape roz, and upon which we were set by a very heavy swell and a strong tide. it was now nearly dark, and, as it had every appearance of blowing hard, we ran down into a deep bay, a little to the southward of brest harbour, purposing to come to an anchor till the morning; but in luffing up round a point, under which we intended to take shelter, we were much surprised by the appearance of something like a fort, and soon found our fears realised when the sentinel hailed us in french, which he did twice. we now bore up, and made sail from it as fast as we could, and i fancy were out of reach before they could get a gun ready, as we saw a number of lights moving about. "some of the boat's crew now thought our undertaking so desperate that they proposed to surrender rather than run any further risk. it was, however, agreed to wait till daylight, and we accordingly came to an anchor in the middle of the bay, not daring to trust ourselves any more in shore. about eleven, the wind having moderated, and the moon shining bright, we got under weigh, and ran between the saints and the main, which is a very dangerous passage. by two o'clock next morning we were clean off ushant, having also passed between that and the main. we were now in high spirits to think we had got clear of the coast of france, and regaled ourselves with an additional glass of wine; having also a fair wind for england, which continued all that day till four in the afternoon, when, to our great distress, it fell calm, at a time when, by the distance we had to run, we computed ourselves at no more than eight leagues from plymouth. at seven, a breeze sprang up from the northward, and at eight it blew extremely violent, with a heavy sea. the gale continued to increase till eleven, when our situation became very alarming, exposed to a heavy gale of wind, in the middle of the english channel, in an open boat, with the sea breaking over us in such a manner that we expected each succeeding wave would overwhelm the boat and terminate our existence. "the pilot, after some consideration, proposed to us, as the only chance we had remaining, to bear up for the island of guernsey or jersey. to this proposal we all would readily have acceded, but were of opinion that if he once put the boat before the sea she would immediately fill. during our consultation a singular circumstance occurred, which determined us to follow the pilot's advice. three distinct flashes of lightning were perceived, at regular intervals, in the southeast which was exactly the direction the islands bore from us. this the superstition of the boat's crew interpreted as a signal from heaven. we accordingly bore up, and stood in the same direction in which we had observed the lightning. "next morning the gale rather abated; and about two o'clock in the afternoon, to our inexpressible joy, we discovered the island of guernsey; but the wind failing, we did not make the land till late the following morning." [illustration: the "victory" at portsmouth.] the story of nelson's boyhood. by robert southey. horatio nelson, son of edmund and catherine nelson, was born september th, , in the rectory of burnham thorpe, a village in the county of norfolk, of which his father was rector. the maiden name of his mother was suckling: her grandmother was an elder sister of sir robert walpole, and horatio was named after his godfather, the first lord walpole. mrs. nelson died in , leaving eight, out of eleven, children. her brother, captain maurice suckling, of the navy, visited the widower upon this event, and promised to take care of one of the boys. three years afterwards, when horatio was only twelve years of age, being at home during the christmas holidays, he read in the county newspaper that his uncle was appointed to the _raisonnable_, of sixty-four guns. "do, william," said he to a brother who was a year and a half older than himself, "write to my father, and tell him that i should like to go to sea with uncle maurice." mr. nelson was then at bath, whither he had gone for the recovery of his health; his circumstances were straitened, and he had no prospect of ever seeing them bettered: he knew that it was the wish of providing for himself by which horatio was chiefly actuated, and did not oppose his resolution: he understood also the boy's character, and had always said, that in whatever station he might be placed, he would climb, if possible, to the very top of the tree. accordingly, captain suckling was written to. "what," said he in his answer, "has poor horatio, who is so weak, done, that he above all the rest should be sent to rough it out at sea? but let him come, and the first time we go into action, a cannon ball may knock off his head, and provide for him at once." it is manifest from these words that horatio was not the boy whom his uncle would have chosen to bring up in his own profession. he was never of a strong body; and the ague, which at that time was one of the most common diseases in england, had greatly reduced his strength; yet he had already given proofs of that resolute heart and nobleness of mind, which, during his whole career of labour and of glory, so eminently distinguished him. when a mere child, he strayed a-bird's-nesting from his grandmother's house in company with a cow-boy: the dinner hour elapsed; he was absent, and could not be found, and the alarm of the family became very great, for they apprehended that he might have been carried off by gipsies. at length, after search had been made for him in various directions, he was discovered alone, sitting composedly by the side of a brook which he could not get over. "i wonder, child," said the old lady when she saw him, "that hunger and fear did not drive you home." "fear! grandmamma," replied the future hero, "i never saw fear: what is it?" once, after the winter holidays, when he and his brother william had set off on horseback to return to school, they came back because there had been a fall of snow; and william, who did not much like the journey, said it was too deep for them to venture on. "if that be the case," said the father, "you certainly shall not go: but make another attempt, and i will leave it to your honour. if the road is dangerous, you may return; but remember, boys, i leave it to your honour." the snow was deep enough to have afforded them a reasonable excuse; but horatio was not to be prevailed upon to turn back. "we must go on," said he; "remember, brother, it was left to our honour!" there were some fine pears growing in the schoolmaster's garden, which the boys regarded as lawful booty, and in the highest degree tempting; but the boldest among them were afraid to venture for the prize. horatio volunteered upon this service: he was lowered down at night from the bedroom window by some sheets, plundered the tree, was drawn up with the pears, and then distributed them among his schoolfellows without reserving any for himself. "he only took them," he said, "because every other boy was afraid." early on a cold and dark spring morning mr. nelson's servant arrived at this school at north walsham, with the expected summons for horatio to join his ship. the parting from his brother william, who had been for so many years his playmate and bed-fellow, was a painful effort, and was the beginning of those privations which are the sailors' lot through life. he accompanied his father to london. the _raisonnable_ was lying in the medway. he was put into the chatham stage, and on its arrival was set down with the rest of the passengers and left to find his way on board as best he could. after wandering about in the cold without being able to reach the ship, an officer observed the forlorn appearance of the boy, questioned him, and, happening to be acquainted with his uncle, took him home and gave him some refreshments. when he got on board, captain suckling was not in the ship, nor had any person been apprised of the boy's coming. he paced the deck the whole remainder of the day without being noticed by any one, and it was not till the second day that somebody, as he expressed it, "took compassion on him." the _raisonnable_ having been commissioned on account of the dispute respecting the falkland islands, was paid off as soon as the difference with the court of spain was accommodated, and captain suckling was removed to the _triumph_, seventy-four, then stationed as a guardship in the thames. this was considered as too inactive a life for a boy, and nelson was therefore sent [on] a voyage to the west indies in a merchant ship, commanded by mr. john rathbone, an excellent seaman, who had served as master's mate under captain suckling in the _dreadnought_. he returned a practical seaman, but with a hatred of the king's service, and a saying then common among the sailors--"aft the most honour; forward the better man." rathbone had probably been disappointed and disgusted in the navy; and, with no unfriendly intentions, warned nelson against a profession which he himself had found hopeless. his uncle received him on board the _triumph_ on his return, but he had not been many months on board when his love of enterprise was excited by hearing that two ships were fitting out for a voyage of discovery towards the north pole. in consequence of the difficulties which were expected on such a service, these vessels were to take out effective men instead of the usual number of boys. this, however, did not deter him from soliciting to be received, and by his uncle's interest he was admitted as coxswain under captain lutwidge, second in command. they sailed from the nore on june th; on the th of the following month they were in latitude ° ´ ´´, longitude ° ´ ´´ e. the next day, about the place where most of the old discoverers had been stopped, the _racehorse_ was beset with ice; but they hove her through with ice anchors. captain phipps continued ranging along the ice, northward and westward, till the th; he then tried to the eastward. on the th he was in latitude ° ´, longitude ° ´ e., among the islands and in the ice, with no appearance of an opening for the ships. the weather was exceedingly fine, mild, and unusually clear. here they were becalmed in a large bay, with three apparent openings between the islands which formed it; but everywhere, as far as they could see, surrounded with ice. there was not a breath of air, the water was perfectly smooth, the ice covered with snow, low and even, except a few broken pieces near the edge, and the pools of water in the middle of the ice fields just crusted over with young ice. on the next day the ice closed upon them, and no opening was to be seen anywhere, except a hole or lake, as it might be called, of about a mile and a half in circumference, where the ships lay fast to the ice with their ice anchors. they filled their casks with water from these ice-fields, which was very pure and soft. the men were playing on the ice all day; but the greenland pilots, who were further than they had ever been before and considered that the season was far advancing, were alarmed at being thus beset. the next day there was not the smallest opening, the ships were within less than two lengths of each other, separated by ice, and neither having room to turn. the ice, which the day before had been flat and almost level with the water's edge, was now in many places forced higher than the mainyard by the pieces squeezing together. a day of thick fog followed: it was succeeded by clear weather, but the passage by which the ships had entered from the westward was closed, and no open water was in sight, either in that or any other quarter. by the pilots' advice the men were set to cut a passage and warp through the small openings to the westward. they sawed through pieces of ice twelve feet thick; and this labour continued the whole day, during which their utmost efforts did not move the ships above three hundred yards, while they were driven, together with the ice, far to the north-east and east by the current. young as he was, nelson was appointed to command one of the boats which were sent out to explore a passage into the open water. it was the means of saving a boat belonging to the _racehorse_ from a singular but imminent danger. some of the officers had fired at, and wounded, a walrus. the wounded animal dived immediately and brought up a number of its companions, and they all joined in an attack upon the boat. they wrested an oar from one of the men; and it was with the utmost difficulty that the crew could prevent them from staving or upsetting her, till the _carcass's_ boat came up, and the walruses, finding their enemies thus reinforced, dispersed. young nelson exposed himself in a more daring manner. one night, during the mid-watch, he stole from the ship with one of his comrades, taking advantage of a rising fog, and set out over the ice in pursuit of a bear. it was not long before they were missed. the fog thickened, and captain lutwidge and his officers became exceedingly alarmed for their safety. between three and four in the morning the weather cleared, and the two adventurers were seen at a considerable distance from the ship, attacking a huge bear. the signal for them to return was immediately made: nelson's comrade called upon him to obey it, but in vain; his musket had flashed in the pan, their ammunition was expended, and a chasm in the ice, which divided him from the bear, probably preserved his life. "never mind," he cried; "do but let me get a blow at this devil with the butt-end of my musket, and we shall have him." captain lutwidge, however, seeing his danger, fired a gun, which had the desired effect of frightening the beast; and the boy returned. the captain reprimanded him sternly for conduct so unworthy of the office which he filled, and desired to know what motive he could have for hunting a bear. "sir," said he, pouting his lip, as he was wont to do when agitated, "i wished to kill the bear that i might carry the skin to my father." a party were now sent to an island about twelve miles off (named walden's island in the chart, from the midshipman who was entrusted with this service) to see where the open water lay. they came back with information that the ice, though close all about them, was open to the westward, round the point by which they came in. they said also, that upon the island they had had a fresh east wind. this intelligence considerably abated the hopes of the crew: for where they lay it had been almost calm, and their main dependence had been upon the effect of an easterly wind in clearing the bay. there was but one alternative, either to wait the event of the weather upon the ships, or to betake themselves to the boats. no time was to be lost; the ships had driven into shoal water, having but fourteen fathoms. should they, or the ice to which they were fast, take the ground, they must inevitably be lost, and at this time they were driving fast towards some rocks on the north-east. captain phipps had sent for the officers of both ships and told them his intention of preparing the boats for going away. they were immediately hoisted out and the fitting begun. canvas bread-bags were made, in case it should be necessary suddenly to desert the vessels; and men were sent with the lead and line to the northward and eastward, to sound wherever they found cracks in the ice, that they might have notice before the ice took the ground; for, in that case, the ships must have instantly been crushed or overset. on august th they began to haul the boats over the ice, nelson having command of the four-oared cutter. the men behaved excellently well, like true british seamen: they seemed reconciled to the thought of leaving the ships, and had full confidence in their officers. about noon, the ice appeared rather more open near the vessels; and as the wind was easterly, though there was but little of it, the sails were set and they got about a mile to the westward. they moved very slowly, and were not now nearly so far to the westward as when they were first beset. however, all sail was kept upon them, to force them through whenever the ice slacked the least. whatever exertions were made, it could not be possible to get the boats to the water's edge before the th; and if the situation of the ships should not alter by that time, it would not be justifiable to stay longer by them. the commander therefore resolved to carry on both attempts together, moving the boats constantly, and taking every opportunity of getting the ships through. a party was sent out next day to the westward to examine the state of the ice: they returned with tidings that it was very heavy and close, consisting chiefly of large fields. the ships, however, moved something, and the ice itself was drifting westward. there was a thick fog, so that it was impossible to ascertain what advantage had been gained. it continued on the th; but the ships were moved a little through some very small openings: the mist cleared off in the afternoon, and it was then perceived that they had driven much more than could have been expected to the westward, and that the ice itself had driven still farther. in the course of the day they got past the boats, and took them on board again. on the morrow the wind sprang up to the north-north-east. all sail was set, and the ships forced their way through a great deal of very heavy ice. they frequently struck, and with such force that one stroke broke the shank of the _racehorse's_ best bower anchor; but the vessels made way, and by noon they had cleared the ice and were out at sea. the ships were paid off shortly after their return to england; and nelson was then placed by his uncle with captain farmer, in the _seahorse_, of twenty guns, then going out to the east indies in the squadron under sir edward hughes. his good conduct attracted the attention of the master (afterwards captain surridge), and, upon his recommendation, the captain rated him as midshipman. at this time his countenance was florid, and his appearance rather stout and athletic; but when he had been about eighteen months in india he felt the effects of that climate, so perilous to european constitutions. the disease baffled all power of medicine; he was reduced almost to a skeleton; the use of his limbs was for some time entirely lost; and the only hope that remained was from a voyage home. accordingly he was brought home by captain pigot, in the _dolphin_; and had it not been for the attentive and careful kindness of that officer on the way, nelson would never have lived to reach his native shores. soon after his return, on april th, , he passed his examination for a lieutenancy. captain suckling sat at the head of the board; and when the examination had ended, in a manner highly honourable to nelson, rose from his seat, and introduced him to the examining captains as his nephew. they expressed their wonder that he had not informed them of this relationship before; he replied that he did not wish the younker to be favoured; he knew his nephew would pass a good examination, and he had not been deceived. first steps up the ladder. a chapter from nelson's career. by robert southey. though nelson did not live to be an old man, he crowded his life with so much activity that it is quite impossible to follow it in detail within the limits of the present space. active to restlessness, he wearied beyond endurance of perfunctory duty and official routine, and if active service did not come in his way he sought it. the death of his uncle, captain suckling, soon after he had obtained his lieutenancy, threw him upon his own resources, and compelled him to look out for himself. this naturally strengthened his self-reliance and helped to develop his character. on the day following his examination for a lieutenancy nelson was appointed to the _lowestoffe_ frigate,--captain william locher then fitting out for jamaica,--from whence he passed to the bristol flag-ship and soon became first lieutenant. on december th, , he was appointed to the command of the _badger_ brig. while the _badger_ was lying in montego bay an incident occurred which showed the coolness and readiness of resource of the young officer. the _glasgow_, a craft of twenty guns, having entered the bay and cast anchor, was found to be on fire, the steward having carelessly caused the conflagration while taking rum from the after hold. many of the crew sought safety in flight, leaping into the water to escape the inevitable explosion of the magazine. nelson, however, was soon upon the spot, when he compelled the remainder of the crew to throw the powder overboard and point the cannon upwards, thereby minimising the evil consequences of the catastrophe. shortly after this nelson was employed in conveying five hundred men from port royal to cape gracias a dios in honduras, in furtherance of a project of general dalling to take fort san juan and cut off the communication of the spaniards between their northern and southern possessions in america. the castle of san juan is thirty-two miles below the lake of nicaragua, from which the river issues, and sixty-nine from its mouth. boats reach the sea from thence in a day and a half; but their navigation back, even when unladen, is the labour of days. the english appeared before it on the th, two days after they had taken san bartolomeo. nelson's advice was, that it should instantly be carried by assault: but nelson was not the commander, and it was thought proper to observe all the formalities of a siege. ten days were wasted before this could be commenced: it was a work more of fatigue than of danger; but fatigue was more to be dreaded than the enemy. the rains set in, and, could the garrison have held out a little longer, disease would have rid them of their invaders. even the indians sank under it, the victims of unusual exertion and of their own excesses. the place surrendered on the th. but victory procured to the conquerors none of the relief they expected; the castle was worse than a prison, and it contained nothing which could contribute to the recovery of the sick or the preservation of those who were yet unaffected. the huts, which served for hospitals, were surrounded with filth and with the putrefying hides of slaughtered cattle--almost sufficient of themselves to have engendered pestilence; and when, at last, orders were given to erect a convenient hospital, the contagion had become so general that there were none who could work at it; for, besides the few who were able to perform garrison duty, there were not orderly men enough to assist the sick. nelson was attacked with the prevailing dysentery when the news arrived that he had been appointed to succeed captain glover in the _janus_ of forty-four guns. he returned to the harbour the day before san juan surrendered, and immediately sailed for jamaica in the sloop that had brought the news of the appointment. his health, however, compelled him to forego his opportunity and return to england, where he spent four months in rest and recuperation. nelson's next appointment was to the _albemarle_ of twenty-eight guns with which, as he said, as if to try his constitution he was now sent to the north seas and kept there the whole winter. nelson arrived at this station during the armed neutrality; and when he anchored off elsineur, the danish admiral sent on board, desiring to be informed what ships had arrived, and to have their force written down. "the _albemarle_," said nelson to the messenger, "is one of his britannic majesty's ships: you are at liberty, sir, to count the guns as you go down the side; and you may assure the danish admiral that, if necessary, they shall all be well served." other characteristic actions are recorded of nelson at this time. on his return to the downs, while he was ashore visiting the senior officer, there came on so heavy a gale that almost all the vessels drove, and a store-ship came athwart-hawse of the _albemarle_. nelson feared she would drive on the goodwin sands: he ran to the beach; but even the deal boatmen thought it impossible to get on board, such was the violence of the storm. at length some of the most intrepid offered to make the attempt for fifteen guineas; and, to the astonishment and fear of all the beholders, nelson embarked during the height of the tempest. with great difficulty and imminent danger he succeeded in reaching her. she lost her bowsprit and foremast, but escaped further injury. nelson was now ordered to quebec, and accordingly sailed for canada. during her first cruise on that station the _albemarle_ captured a fishing-schooner, which contained, in her cargo, nearly all the property that her master possessed, and the poor fellow had a large family at home, anxiously expecting him. nelson employed him as a pilot in boston bay, then restored him the schooner and cargo, and gave him a certificate to secure him against being captured by any other vessel. the man came off afterwards to the _albemarle_, at the hazard of his life, with a present of sheep, poultry, and fresh provisions. a most valuable supply it proved; for the scurvy was raging on board: this was in the middle of august, and the ship's company had not had a fresh meal since the beginning of april. while here, lord hood introduced nelson to prince william henry, duke of clarence, telling him that if he wished to ask any questions respecting naval tactics, captain nelson could give him as much information as any officer in the fleet. another characteristic act of nelson occurred while he was cruising between puerto cabello and la guayra, under french colours, for the purpose of obtaining information, when a king's launch, belonging to the spaniards, passed near, and, being hailed in french, came alongside without suspicion, and answered all the questions asked concerning the number and force of the enemy's ships. the crew, however, were not a little surprised when they were taken on board, and found themselves prisoners. one of the party went by the name of the count de deux ponts. he was, however, a prince of the german empire, and brother to the heir of the electorate of bavaria: his companions were french officers of distinction, and men of science, who had been collecting specimens in the various branches of natural history. nelson having entertained them with the best his table could afford, told them they were at liberty to depart with their boat and all that it contained; he only required them to promise that they would consider themselves as prisoners, if the commander-in-chief should refuse to acquiesce in their being thus liberated: a circumstance which was not by any means likely to happen. tidings soon arrived that the preliminaries of peace had been signed; and the _albemarle_ returned to england, and was paid off. nelson's next appointment was to the _boreas_, twenty-eight guns, bound for the leeward islands as a cruiser on the peace establishment. here we have a happy picture of his treatment of the midshipmen who came under his influence. if he perceived that a boy was afraid at first going aloft, he would say to him, in a friendly manner: "well, sir, i am going a race to the mast-head, and beg that i may meet you there." the poor little fellow instantly began to climb, and got up how he could--nelson never noticed in what manner, but, when they met in the top, spoke cheerfully to him, and would say how much any person was to be pitied who fancied that getting up was either dangerous or difficult. every day he went into the school-room, to see that they were pursuing their nautical studies, and at noon he was always the first on deck with his quadrant. whenever he paid a visit of ceremony, some of these youths always accompanied him. the sense of duty, which was so strong an element in nelson's character, led him into much trouble at this period of his career. the navigation act as then in existence had been allowed to become a dead letter in as far as america and nova scotia were concerned, and nelson felt that it was the duty of the navy to enforce it. this led him into difficulties with his superiors, who resented his dictation, and with the traders whose interests he attacked. in the result he had to choose between disobeying his superiors and disobeying acts of parliament. "i determined," he says, "upon the former, trusting to the uprightness of my intentions, and believing that my country would not let me be ruined for protecting her commerce." for this he would probably have been tried by court martial had not the spirit of the fleet been with him. as it was he was subject to civil proceedings, which made it impossible for him to leave his ship for a long time for fear of arrest and subjected him to annoyance for years after. the government, however, ultimately took up his defence and finally thanked the commander-in-chief for the services rendered by nelson against his orders. nelson's attempts at this time to put down the abuses whereby the british government were being defrauded by dishonest traders also made him many enemies; but in this as in most of his enterprises, he was ultimately successful; inducing the government to introduce proper systems of checking supplies. about this time he found consolation for public worries in domestic felicity, betrothing the daughter of mr. herbert, the president of nevis, then, though only in her eighteenth year, the widow of dr. nisbet, a physician. she had one child, a son, by name josiah, who afterwards entered the navy. one day mr. herbert, who had hastened, half-dressed, to receive nelson, exclaimed, on returning to his dressing-room, "good god! if i did not find that great little man, of whom everybody is so afraid, playing in the next room, under the dining-table, with mrs. nisbet's child!" a few days afterwards mrs. nisbet herself was first introduced to him, and thanked him for the partiality which he had shown her little boy. they were married on march th, ; prince william henry, who had come out to the west indies the preceding winter, being present, by his own desire, to give away the bride. nelson took his wife to his father's parsonage, meaning only to pay him a visit before they went to france; a project which he had formed for the sake of acquiring a competent knowledge of the french language. but his father could not bear to lose him thus unnecessarily. mr. nelson had long been an invalid, suffering under paralytic and asthmatic affections, which, for several hours after he rose in the morning, scarcely permitted him to speak. he had been given over by his physicians for this complaint nearly forty years before his death, and was, for many of his last years, obliged to spend all his winters at bath. the sight of his son, he declared, had given him new life. "but, horatio," said he, "it would have been better that i had not been thus cheered, if i am so soon to be bereaved of you again. let me, my good son, see you whilst i can. my age and infirmities increase, and i shall not last long." to such an appeal there could be no reply. nelson took up his abode for a time at the parsonage, and amused himself with the sports and occupations of the country. on board the _agamemnon_. the siege of bastia.--the siege of calvi.--the annexation of corsica.--the capture of the "Ã�a ira" and the "censeur." by robert southey. on january th, , by the united interest of prince william, now duke of clarence, and lord hood, nelson was appointed to the _agamemnon_ of sixty-five guns and was ordered to the mediterranean to serve under lord hood. while here, he was sent with despatches to sir william hamilton, our envoy at the court of naples, and thus formed the acquaintance of sir william and his wife. when returning from this mission, he fell in with five sail of the enemy and gave chase. he came near enough to one frigate to engage her, but after inflicting and receiving much damage was unable to follow up his advantage. shortly after, he was detached with a small squadron to co-operate with general paoli and the anti-galician party in corsica, an expedition--the immediate object of which was the conquest of the city of bastia, then held by the french--in which nelson showed what a determined sailor can do on shore. lord hood submitted to general dundas, who commanded the land forces, a plan for the reduction of this place; but the general declined co-operating, thinking the attempt impracticable without a reinforcement of two thousand men, which he expected from gibraltar. upon this lord hood determined to reduce it with the naval force under his command, and leaving part of his fleet off toulon, sailed with the rest to bastia. general d'aubant, who succeeded general dundas in the command of the land forces, held the same opinion as his predecessor and refused to furnish his lordship with a single soldier, cannon, or any stores. lord hood could only obtain a few artillerymen; so ordering on board the troops who, having been embarked as marines, were borne on the ships' books as part of their respective complements, he began the siege with eleven hundred and eighty-three soldiers, artillerymen, and marines, and two hundred and fifty sailors. "we are but few," said nelson, "but of the right sort; our general at st. fiorenzo not giving us one of the five regiments he has there lying idle." these men were landed on april th, under lieutenant-colonel villettes and nelson, who had now acquired from the army the title of brigadier. guns were dragged by the sailors up heights where it appeared almost impossible to convey them; a work of the greatest difficulty, and one which nelson said could never, in his opinion, have been accomplished by any but british seamen. the soldiers, though less dexterous in such service, because not accustomed, like sailors, to habitual dexterity, behaved with equal spirit. "their zeal," said the brigadier, "is almost unexampled. there is not a man but considers himself as personally interested in the event, and as deserted by the general. it has, i am persuaded, made them equal to double their numbers." la combe st. michel, the commissioner from the national convention, who was in the city, replied to the summons of the british admiral in these terms: "i have hot shot for your ships, and bayonets for your troops. when two-thirds of our men are killed, i will then trust to the generosity of the english." the siege, however, was not sustained with the firmness which such a reply seemed to augur. on may th a treaty of capitulation was begun, and that same evening the troops from st. fiorenzo made their appearance on the hills; and, on the following morning, general d'aubant arrived with the whole army to take possession of the town. the events of the siege had justified the confidence of the sailors; but they themselves excused the opinion of the generals, when they saw what they had done. "i am all astonishment," said nelson, "when i reflect upon what we have achieved: one thousand regulars, fifteen hundred national guards, and a large party of corsican troops, four thousand in all, laying down their arms to twelve hundred soldiers, marines, and seamen! i always was of opinion, have ever acted up to it and never had any reason to repent it, that one englishman was equal to three frenchmen. had this been an english town, i am sure it would not have been taken by them." the _agamemnon_ was now despatched to co-operate at the siege of calvi with general sir charles stuart. nelson had less responsibility here than at bastia, and was acting with a man after his own heart, who was never sparing of himself, and slept every night in the advanced battery. but the service was not less hard than that of the former siege. "we will fag ourselves to death," said he to lord hood, "before any blame shall lie at our doors. i trust it will not be forgotten that twenty-five pieces of heavy ordnance have been dragged to the different batteries, mounted, and all but three fought by seamen, except one artilleryman to point the guns." the climate proved more destructive than the service; for this was during the period of the "lion sun," as they there call our season of the "dog days." of two thousand men above half were sick, and the rest like so many phantoms. nelson described himself as the reed among the oaks, bowing before the storm when they were laid low by it. "all the prevailing disorders have attacked me," said he, "but i have not strength enough for them to fasten on." the loss from the enemy was not great; but nelson received a serious injury: a shot struck the ground near him, and drove the sand and small gravel into one of his eyes. he spoke of it slightly at the time: writing the same day to lord hood, he only said that he got a little hurt that morning, not much; and the next day, he said, he should be able to attend his duty in the evening. in fact, he suffered it to confine him only one day; but the sight was lost. after the fall of calvi, his services were, by a strange omission, altogether overlooked and his name was not even mentioned in the list of wounded. nelson felt himself neglected. "one hundred and ten days," said he, "i have been actually engaged, at sea and on shore, against the enemy; three actions against ships, two against bastia in my ship, four boat actions, and two villages taken, and twelve sail of vessels burnt. i do not know that any one has done more. i have had the comfort to be always applauded by my commander-in-chief, but never to be rewarded; and, what is more mortifying, for services in which i have been wounded others have been praised, who, at the same time, were actually in bed, far from the scene of action. they have not done me justice. but, never mind. i'll have a _gazette_ of my own." how amply was this prediction realised! as the result of this expedition, corsica was annexed to the british crown with the consent of the majority of the people, and received a constitution as free as our own. some, however, favoured french occupation, and soon after france taking advantage of the discontent, sought the reconquest of the island. corsica was now loudly threatened. the french had a superior fleet in the mediterranean, and they sent it out with express orders to seek the english and engage them. accordingly, the toulon fleet, consisting of seventeen ships of the line, and five smaller vessels, put to sea. admiral hotham, who had succeeded lord hood, received this information at leghorn, and sailed immediately in search of them. he had with him fourteen sail of the line and one neapolitan seventy-four; but his ships were only half manned, containing but seven thousand six hundred and fifty men, whereas the enemy had sixteen thousand nine hundred. he soon came in sight of them: a general action was expected; but after manoeuvring for a day in sight of the english fleet, they allowed themselves to be chased. nelson followed the _Ã�a ira_ for several hours, inflicting and receiving considerable damage, the result of which was that seven of the _agamemnon_ men were hurt, while the _Ã�a ira_ lost one hundred and ten, and was so cut up that she could not get a top mast aloft during the following night. the next morning the french fleet was observed about five miles off the _Ã�a ira_, and the _censeur_ which had her in tow being about three and a half miles distant. all sail was made to cut these ships off, and a partial engagement of the two fleets ensued. the _agamemnon_ was again engaged with her yesterday's antagonist; but she had to fight on both sides the ship at the same time. the _Ã�a ira_ and the _censeur_ fought most gallantly: the first lost nearly three hundred men, in addition to her former loss; the last, three hundred and fifty. both at last struck, and lieutenant andrews, of the _agamemnon_, hoisted english colours on board them both. as soon as these vessels had struck, nelson went to admiral hotham, and proposed that the two prizes should be left with the _illustrious_ and _courageux_, which had been crippled in the action, and with four frigates, and that the rest of the fleet should pursue the enemy and follow up the advantage to the utmost. but his reply was--"we must be contented: we have done very well." "now," said nelson, "had we taken ten sail, and allowed the eleventh to escape, when it had been possible to have got at her, i could never have called it well done. goodall backed me: i got him to write to the admiral; but it would not do. we should have had such a day as, i believe, the annals of england never produced." nelson's next expedition was to genoa to co-operate with the austrian and sardinian forces; but his allies were unworthy of him and by their irresolution and delay continued to frustrate his best laid schemes. in an engagement between the austrians and the french, general de vins, the austrian general, gave up the command in the middle of the battle, pleading ill-health. "from that moment," says nelson, "not a soldier stayed at his post: it was the devil take the hindmost. many thousands ran away who had never seen the enemy; some of them thirty miles from the advanced posts. had i not--though, i own, against my inclination--been kept at genoa, from eight to ten thousand men would have been taken prisoners, and, amongst the number, general de vins himself; but, by this means, the pass of the bocchetta was kept open. the purser of the ship, who was at vado, ran with the austrians eighteen miles without stopping: the men without arms, officers without soldiers, women without assistance. the oldest officer, say they, never heard of so complete a defeat, and certainly without any reason. thus has ended my campaign." the defeat of general de vins gave the enemy possession of the genoese coast from savona to voltri; and it deprived the austrians of their direct communication with the english fleet. the _agamemnon_, therefore, could no longer be useful on this station, and so nelson sailed for leghorn to refit. when his ship went into dock, there was not a mast, yard, sail, or any part of the rigging but what stood in need of repair, having been cut to pieces with shot. the hull was so damaged that it had for some time been secured by cables, which were served or thrapped round it. the evacuation of corsica and the battle of cape st. vincent. by robert southey. sir john jervis now became commander of the mediterranean fleet, and nelson joined him in fiorenzo bay. the manner in which nelson was received is said to have excited some envy. one captain observed to him: "you did just as you pleased in lord hood's time, the same in admiral hotham's, and now again with sir john jervis; it makes no difference to you who is commander-in-chief." had nelson consulted his own inclinations at this time, he would have returned for a short period of rest, but as sir john jervis put it, "we cannot spare you, either as captain or admiral," and so he resumed his station in the gulf of genoa. the french had not followed up their successes in that quarter with their usual celerity. scherer, who commanded there, owed his advancement to any other cause than his merit, was removed from a command for which his incapacity was afterwards clearly proved, and bonaparte was appointed to succeed him. bonaparte, with a celerity which had never before been witnessed in modern war, pursued his advantages to the uttermost; and, in a very short time, dictated to the court of turin terms of peace, or rather of submission, by which all the strongest places of piedmont were put into his hands. on one occasion, and only on one, nelson was able to impede the progress of this new conqueror. six vessels, laden with cannon and ordnance-stores for the siege of mantua, sailed from toulon for st. pier d'arena. assisted by captain cockburn, in the _meleager_, he drove them under a battery, pursued them, silenced the batteries, and captured the whole. military books, plans, and maps of italy, with the different points marked upon them where former battles had been fought, sent by the directory for bonaparte's use, were found in the convoy. the loss of this artillery was one of the chief causes which compelled the french to raise the siege of mantua. the successes of bonaparte on land led the british government to order the evacuation of corsica, and nelson undertook to protect the embarkation of british property. the viceroy, sir gilbert elliott, deeply felt the impolicy and ignominy of this evacuation, and nelson exclaimed, when he heard that the fleet was to leave the mediterranean, "do his majesty's ministers know their own minds? they do not know what this fleet is capable of performing--anything and everything. much as i shall rejoice to see england, i lament our present orders in sackcloth and ashes, so dishonourable to the dignity of england, whose fleets are equal to meet the world in arms." sir gilbert elliott believed that the great body of the corsicans were perfectly satisfied with the british government, but when they found that the english intended to evacuate the island, they naturally and necessarily sent to make their peace with the french. the partisans of france found none to oppose them. a committee of thirty took upon them the government of bastia, and sequestrated all the british property; armed corsicans mounted guard at every place, and a plan was laid for seizing the viceroy. nelson, who was appointed to superintend the evacuation, frustrated these projects. at a time when every one else despaired of saving stores, cannon, provisions, or property of any kind, and a privateer was moored across the mole-head to prevent all boats from passing, he sent word to the committee that if the slightest opposition were made to the embarkment and removal of british property, he would batter the town down. the privateer pointed her guns at the officer who carried this message, and muskets were levelled against his boats from the mole-head. upon this captain sutton, of the _egmont_, pulling out his watch, gave them a quarter of an hour to deliberate upon their answer. in five minutes after the expiration of that time, the ships, he said, would open their fire. upon this the very sentinels scampered off, and every vessel came out of the mole. a ship-owner complained to the commodore that the municipality refused to let him take his goods out of the custom-house. nelson directed him to say that unless they were instantly delivered he would open his fire. the committee turned pale; and without answering a word gave him the keys. their last attempt was to levy a duty upon the things that were re-embarked. he sent them word that he would pay them a disagreeable visit if there were any more complaints. the committee then finding that they had to deal with a man who knew his own power and was determined to make the british name respected, desisted from the insolent conduct which they had assumed, and it was acknowledged that bastia never had been so quiet and orderly since the english were in possession of it. in less than a week private property and public stores to the value of £ , had been safely removed. the french, favoured by the spanish fleet, which was at that time within twelve leagues of bastia, pushed over troops from leghorn, who landed near cape corse on the th, and, on the th, at one in the morning entered the citadel, an hour only after the british had spiked the guns and evacuated it. nelson embarked at daybreak, being the last person who left the shore; having thus, as he said, seen the first and the last of corsica. having thus ably effected this humiliating service, nelson was ordered to hoist his broad pennant on board the _minerve_ frigate, captain george cockburn, and, with the _blanche_ under his command, proceed to porto ferrajo, and superintend the evacuation of that place also. on his way he fell in with two spanish frigates, the _sabina_ and the _ceres_. the _minerve_ engaged the former, which was commanded by don jacobo stuart, a descendant of the duke of berwick. after an action of three hours, during which the spaniards lost a hundred and sixty-four men, the _sabina_ struck. the spanish captain, who was the only surviving officer, had hardly been conveyed on board the _minerve_, when another enemy's frigate came up, compelled her to cast off the prize, and brought her a second time to action. after half an hour's trial of strength, this new antagonist wore and hauled off; but a spanish squadron of two ships of the line and two frigates came in sight. the _blanche_, from which the _ceres_ had got off, was far to windward, and the _minerve_ escaped only by the anxiety of the enemy to recover their own ship. as soon as nelson reached porto ferrajo, he sent his prisoner in a flag of truce to carthagena, having returned him his sword; this he did in honour of the gallantry which don jacobo had displayed, and not without some feeling of respect for his ancestry. by the same flag of truce he sent back all the spanish prisoners at porto ferrajo, in exchange for whom he received his own men who had been taken in the prize. nelson now sailed from porto ferrajo with a convoy for gibraltar, and thence proceeded westward in search of the admiral. off the mouth of the straits he fell in with the spanish fleet, and on february th, , reaching the station off cape st. vincent, informed sir john jervis of its proximity. he was now directed to shift his broad pennant on board the _captain_, seventy-four, captain r. w. miller; and, before sunset, the signal was made to prepare for action, and to keep, during the night, in close order. at daybreak the enemy were in sight. the british force consisted of two ships of one hundred guns, two of ninety-eight, two of ninety, eight of seventy-four, and one sixty-four: fifteen of the line in all; with four frigates, a sloop, and a cutter. the spaniards had one four-decker, of one hundred and thirty-six guns, six three-deckers of one hundred and twelve, two eighty-fours, eighteen seventy-fours: in all, twenty-seven ships of the line, with ten frigates and a brig. their admiral, don joseph de cordova, had learnt from an american, on the th, that the english had only nine ships, which was indeed the case when his informer had seen them; for a reinforcement of five ships from england, under admiral parker, had not then joined, and the _culloden_ had parted company. upon this information, the spanish commander, instead of going into cadiz, as was his intention when he sailed from carthagena, determined to seek an enemy so inferior in force; and relying, with fatal confidence, upon the american account, he suffered his ships to remain too far dispersed, and in some disorder. when the morning of the th broke and discovered the english fleet, a fog for some time concealed their number. the look-out ship of the spaniards, fancying that her signal was disregarded, because so little notice seemed to be taken of it, made another signal that the english force consisted of forty sail of the line. the captain afterwards said he did this to rouse the admiral; it had the effect of perplexing him, and alarming the whole fleet. the absurdity of such an act shows what was the state of the spanish navy under that miserable government, by which spain was so long oppressed and degraded and finally betrayed. in reality, the general incapacity of the naval officers was so well known, that in a pasquinade, which about this time appeared at madrid, wherein the different orders of the state were advertised for sale, the greater part of the sea-officers, with all their equipments, were offered as a gift; and it was added that any person who would please to take them should receive a handsome gratuity. before the enemy could form a regular order of battle, sir john jervis, by carrying a press of sail, came up with them, passed through their fleet, then tacked, and thus cut off nine of their ships from the main body. these ships attempted to form on the larboard tack, either with a design of passing through the british line, or to leeward of it, and thus rejoining their friends. only one of them succeeded in this attempt, and that only because she was so covered with smoke that her intention was not discovered till she had reached the rear: the others were so warmly received that they put about, took to flight, and did not appear again in the action till its close. the admiral was now able to direct his attention to the enemy's main body, which was still superior in number to his whole fleet, and more so in weight of metal. he made signal to tack in succession. nelson, whose station was in the rear of the british line, perceived that the spaniards were bearing up before the wind, with an intention of forming their line, going large, and joining their separated ships; or else, of getting off without an engagement. to prevent either of these schemes, he disobeyed the signal without a moment's hesitation, and ordered his ship to be wore. this at once brought him into action with the _santissima trinidad_, one hundred and thirty-six, the _san joseph_, one hundred and twelve, the _salvador del mundo_, one hundred and twelve, the _san nicolas_, eighty, the _san isidro_, seventy-four, another seventy-four, and another first-rate. trowbridge, in the _culloden_, immediately joined, and most nobly supported him; and for nearly an hour did the _culloden_ and _captain_ maintain what nelson called "this apparently, but not really, unequal contest;"--such was the advantage of skill and discipline and the confidence which brave men derive from them. the _blenheim_ then passing between them and the enemy, gave them a respite, and poured in her fire upon the spaniards. the _salvador del mundo_ and _san isidro_ dropped astern, and were fired into, in a masterly style, by the _excellent_, captain collingwood. the _san isidro_ struck; and nelson thought that the _salvador_ struck also. "but collingwood," says he, "disdaining the parade of taking possession of beaten enemies, most gallantly pushed up, with every sail set, to save his old friend and messmate, who was, to every appearance, in a critical situation;" for the _captain_ was at this time actually fired upon by three first-rates, by the _san nicolas_, and by a seventy-four, within about pistol-shot of that vessel. the _blenheim_ was ahead, the _culloden_ crippled and astern. collingwood ranged up, and hauling up his main sail just astern passed within ten feet of the _san nicolas_, giving her a most tremendous fire, then passing on for the _santissima trinidad_. the _san nicolas_ luffing up, the _san joseph_ fell on board her, and nelson resumed his station abreast of them, and close alongside. the _captain_ was now incapable of farther service, either in the line or in chase: she had lost her foretop-mast; not a sail, shroud, or rope was left, and her wheel was shot away. nelson, therefore, directed captain miller to put the helm a-starboard, and, calling for the boarders, ordered them to board. captain berry, who had lately been nelson's first lieutenant, was the first man who leaped into the enemy's mizen chains. miller, when in the very act of going, was ordered by nelson to remain. berry was supported from the spritsail yard, which locked in the _san nicolas's_ main rigging. a soldier of the th broke the upper quarter-gallery window, and jumped in, followed by the commodore himself, and by others as fast as possible. the cabin doors were fastened, and the spanish officers fired their pistols at them through the window; the doors were soon forced, and the spanish brigadier fell while retreating to the quarter-deck. nelson pushed on, and found berry in possession of the poop, and the spanish ensign hauling down. he passed on to the forecastle, where he met two or three spanish officers, and received their swords. the english were now in full possession of every part of the ship; and a fire of pistols and musketry opened upon them from the admiral's stern gallery of the _san joseph_. nelson having placed sentinels at the different ladders, and ordered captain miller to send more men into the prize, gave orders for boarding that ship from the _san nicolas_. it was done in an instant, he himself leading the way, and exclaiming--"westminster abbey, or victory!" berry assisted him into the main chains; and at that very moment a spanish officer looked over the quarter-deck rail and said they surrendered. it was not long before he was on the quarter-deck, where the spanish captain presented to him his sword, and told him the admiral was below, dying of his wounds. there, on the quarter-deck of an enemy's first-rate, he received the swords of the officers, giving them, as they were delivered, one by one, to william fearney, one of his old "agamemnons," who, with the utmost coolness, put them under his arm. one of his sailors came up, and, with an englishman's feeling, took him by the hand, saying he might not soon have such another place to do it in, and he was heartily glad to see him there. twenty-four of the _captain's_ men were killed, and fifty-six wounded; a fourth part of the loss sustained by the whole squadron falling upon this ship. nelson received only a few bruises. the spaniards had still eighteen or nineteen ships, which had suffered little or no injury; that part of the fleet which had been separated from the main body in the morning was now coming up, and sir john jervis made signal to bring-to. his ships could not have formed without abandoning those which they had captured, and running to leeward: the _captain_ was lying a perfect wreck on board her two prizes; and many of the other vessels were so shattered in their masts and rigging as to be wholly unmanageable. the spanish admiral meantime, according to his official account, being altogether undecided in his own opinion respecting the state of the fleet, inquired of his captains whether it was proper to renew the action: nine of them answered explicitly that it was not; others replied that it was expedient to delay the business. the _pelayo_ and the _principe conquistador_ were the only ships that were for fighting. as soon as the action was discontinued nelson went on board the admiral's ship. sir john jervis received him on the quarter-deck, took him in his arms, and said he could not sufficiently thank him. for this victory the commander-in-chief was rewarded with the title of earl st. vincent. in the official letter of sir john jervis nelson was not mentioned. it is said that the admiral had seen an instance of the ill consequence of such selections, after lord howe's victory, and therefore would not name any individual, thinking it proper to speak to the public only in terms of general approbation. his private letter to the first lord of the admiralty was, with his consent, published for the first time in a "life of nelson," by mr. harrison. here it is said that "commodore nelson, who was in the rear on the starboard tack, took the lead on the larboard, and contributed very much to the fortune of the day." it is also said that he boarded the two spanish ships successively; but the fact that nelson wore without orders, and thus planned as well as accomplished the victory, is not explicitly stated. perhaps it was thought proper to pass over this part of his conduct in silence, as a splendid fault: but such an example is not dangerous. the author of the work in which this letter was first made public, protests against those over-zealous friends "who would make the action rather appear as nelson's battle than that of the illustrious commander-in-chief, who derives from it so deservedly his title. no man," he says, "ever less needed, or less desired, to strip a single leaf from the honoured wreath of any other hero, with the vain hope of augmenting his own, than the immortal nelson; no man ever more merited the whole of that which a generous nation unanimously presented to sir j. jervis, than the earl st. vincent." certainly earl st. vincent well deserved the reward which he received: but it is not detracting from his merit to say that nelson is as fully entitled to as much fame from this action as the commander-in-chief; not because the brunt of the action fell upon him; not because he was engaged with all the four ships which were taken, and took two of them, it may almost be said, with his own hand; but because the decisive movement which enabled him to perform all this, and by which the action became a victory, was executed in neglect of orders, and upon his own judgment, and at his peril. earl st. vincent deserved his earldom; but it is not to the honour of those by whom titles were distributed in those days that nelson never obtained the rank of earl for either of those victories which he lived to enjoy, though the one was the most complete and glorious in the annals of naval history, and the other the most important in its consequences of any which was achieved during the whole war. before the news of the action reached england, nelson was advanced to the rank of rear-admiral, and now his gallantry was rewarded by the order of the bath. the sword of the spanish rear-admiral, presented to nelson when he boarded his ship, and which sir john jervis insisted on his keeping, he presented to the mayor and corporation of norwich, saying that he knew no place where it could give him or his family more pleasure to have it kept than in the capital city of the county where he was born. the freedom of that city was voted to him on that occasion. but of all the numerous congratulations which he received, none could have affected him more deeply than that which came to him from his venerable father. "i thank my god," said that excellent man, "with all the power of a grateful soul, for the mercies he has most graciously bestowed on me in preserving you. not only my few acquaintances here, but the people in general, met me at every corner with such handsome words that i was obliged to retire from the public eye. the height of glory to which your professional judgment, united with a proper degree of bravery, guarded by providence, has raised you, few sons, my dear child, attain to, and fewer fathers live to see. tears of joy have involuntarily trickled down my furrowed cheeks. who could stand the force of such general congratulations? the name and services of nelson have sounded throughout this city of bath from the common ballad singer to the public theatre." the good old man concluded by telling him that the field of glory in which he had so long been conspicuous was still open, and by giving him his blessing. the story of santa cruz. by robert southey. about the middle of the year nelson hoisted his flag as rear-admiral of the blue on board the _theseus_. this ship had taken part in the mutiny in england, and being just arrived from home, some danger was apprehended from the temper of the men. this was one reason why nelson was removed to her. he had not been on board many weeks before a paper, signed in the name of all the ship's company, was dropped on the quarter-deck, containing these words: "success attend admiral nelson! god bless captain miller! we thank them for the officers they have placed over us. we are happy and comfortable, and will shed every drop of blood in our veins to support them; and the name of the _theseus_ shall be immortalised as high as her captain's." while nelson was in the _theseus_, he was employed in the command of the inner squadron at the blockade of cadiz. during this service the most perilous action occurred in which he was ever engaged. making a night attack upon the spanish gun-boats, his barge was attacked by an armed launch, under their commander, don miguel tregoyen, carrying twenty-six men. nelson had with him only his ten barge-men, captain freemantle, and his coxswain, john sykes, an old and faithful follower, who twice saved the life of his admiral by parrying the blows that were aimed at him, and, at last, actually interposed his own head to receive the blow of a spanish sabre, which he could not by any other means avert;--thus dearly was nelson beloved. notwithstanding the great disproportion of numbers, eighteen of the enemy were killed, all the rest wounded, and their launch taken. twelve days after this _rencontre_, nelson sailed at the head of an expedition against teneriffe. in this disastrous expedition, which took place in july , nelson was much embarrassed by difficulties of wind and tide, but though foiled in his plans still felt it a point of honour to make some attempt to capture the town. perfectly aware how desperate a service this was likely to prove, before he left the _theseus_, he called lieutenant nisbet into the cabin that he might assist in arranging and burning his mother's letters. perceiving that the young man was armed he earnestly begged him to remain behind. "should we both fall, josiah," said he, "what would become of your poor mother? the care of the _theseus_ falls to you; stay, therefore, and take charge of her." nisbet replied, "sir, the ship must take care of itself; i will go with you to-night, if i never go again." he met his captains at supper on board the _seahorse_; captain freemantle, whose wife, whom he had lately married in the mediterranean, presided at table. at eleven o'clock the boats, containing between six and seven hundred men, with a hundred and eighty on board the _fox_ cutter, and from seventy to eighty in a boat which had been taken the day before, proceeded in six divisions toward the town, conducted by all the captains of the squadron, except freemantle and bowen, who attended with nelson to regulate and lead the way to the attack. they were to land on the mole, and thence hasten, as fast as possible, into the great square; then form and proceed as should be found expedient. they were not discovered till about half-past one o'clock, when, being within half gun-shot of the landing place, nelson directed the boats to cast off from each other, give a huzza, and push for the shore. but the spaniards were excellently well prepared; the alarm bells answered the huzza, and a fire of thirty or forty pieces of cannon, with musketry from one end of the town to the other, opened upon the invaders. nothing, however, could check the intrepidity with which they advanced. the night was exceedingly dark; most of the boats missed the mole and went on shore through a raging surf, which stove all to the left of it. the admiral, freemantle, thompson, bowen, and four or five other boats found the mole; they stormed it instantly and carried it, though it was defended, as they imagined, by four or five hundred men. its guns, which were six-and-twenty pounders, were spiked; but such a heavy fire of musketry and grape was kept up from the citadel and the houses at the head of the mole, that nearly all the assailants were killed or wounded. in the act of stepping out of the boat nelson received a shot through the right elbow, and fell; but, as he fell, he caught the sword, which he had just drawn, in his left hand, determined never to part with it while he lived, for it had belonged to his uncle, captain suckling, and he valued it like a relic. nisbet, who was close to him, placed him at the bottom of the boat, and laid his hat over the shattered arm, lest the sight of the blood, which gushed out in great abundance, should increase his faintness. he then examined the wound; and taking some silk handkerchiefs from his neck, bound them round tight above the lacerated vessels. had it not been for this presence of mind in his step-son, nelson must have perished. one of his barge-men, by name lovel, tore his shirt into shreds, and made a sling with them for the broken limb. they then collected five other seamen, by whose assistance they succeeded, at length, in getting the boat afloat; for it had grounded with the falling tide. nisbet took one of the oars, and ordered the steersman to go close under the guns of the battery, that they might be safe from its tremendous fire. they pushed on for the _theseus_. when they came alongside, nelson peremptorily refused all assistance in getting on board. a single rope was thrown over the side, which he twisted round his left hand, saying, "let me alone: i have yet my legs left, and one arm. tell the surgeon to make haste and get his instruments. i know i must lose my right arm; so the sooner it is off the better." the total loss of the english, in killed, wounded, and drowned, amounted to two hundred and fifty. nelson made no mention of his own wound in his official despatches; but in a private letter to lord st. vincent--the first which he wrote with his left hand--he shows himself to have been deeply affected by the failure of this enterprise. "i am become," he said, "a burthen to my friends, and useless to my country; but by my last letter you will perceive my anxiety for the promotion of my son-in-law, josiah nisbet. when i leave your command, i become dead to the world:--'i go hence, and am no more seen.' if from poor bowen's loss you think it proper to oblige me, i rest confident you will do it. the boy is under obligations to me; but he repaid me, by bringing me from the mole of santa cruz. i hope you will be able to give me a frigate to convey the remains of my carcass to england." "a left-handed admiral," he said subsequently, "will never again be considered as useful; therefore, the sooner i get to a very humble cottage the better, and make room for a sounder man to serve the state." not having been in england till now, since he lost his eye, he went to receive a year's pay, as smart money; but could not obtain payment, because he had neglected to bring a certificate from a surgeon that the sight was actually destroyed. a little irritated that this form should be insisted upon; because, though the fact was not apparent, he thought it was sufficiently notorious, he procured a certificate, at the same time, for the loss of his arm; saying, they might just as well doubt one as the other. this put him in good humour with himself, and with the clerk who had offended him. on his return to the office, the clerk, finding it was only the annual pay of a captain, observed he thought it had been more. "oh!" replied nelson, "this is only for an eye. in a few days i shall come for an arm; and in a little time longer, god knows, most probably for a leg." accordingly, he soon afterwards went; and with perfect good humour exhibited the certificate of the loss of his arm. the story of the battle of the nile. by robert southey. early in the year sir horatio nelson hoisted his flag on board the _vanguard_, and was ordered to rejoin earl st. vincent. immediately on his rejoining the fleet, he was despatched to the mediterranean, with a small squadron, in order to ascertain, if possible, the object of the great expedition which at that time was fitting out, under bonaparte, at toulon. the defeat of this armament, whatever might be its destination, was deemed by the british government an object paramount to every other; and earl st. vincent was directed, if he thought it necessary to take his whole force into the mediterranean, to relinquish, for that purpose, the blockade of the spanish fleet, as a thing of inferior moment; but, if he should deem a detachment sufficient, "i think it almost unnecessary," said the first lord of the admiralty, in his secret instructions, "to suggest to you the propriety of putting it under sir horatio nelson." it is to the honour of earl st. vincent that he had already made the same choice. the armament at toulon consisted of thirteen ships of the line, seven forty-gun frigates, with twenty-four smaller vessels of war, and nearly two hundred transports. nelson sailed from gibraltar on may th, with the _vanguard_, _orion_, and _alexander_, seventy-fours; the _caroline_, _flora_, _emerald_, and _terpsichore_ frigates; and the _bonne citoyenne_ sloop of war, to watch this formidable armament. on the th, when they were in the gulf of lyons, a gale came on from the north-west. it moderated so much on the th, as to enable them to get their top-gallant masts and yards aloft. after dark, it again began to blow strong; but the ships had been prepared for a gale, and therefore nelson's mind was easy. shortly after midnight, however, his main-top mast went over the side, and the mizen-top mast soon afterward. the night was so tempestuous, that it was impossible for any signal either to be seen or heard; and nelson determined, as soon as it should be daybreak, to wear, and scud before the gale: but, at half-past three the foremast went in three pieces, and the bowsprit was found to be sprung in three places. when day broke, they succeeded in wearing the ship with a remnant of the spritsail: this was hardly to have been expected. the _vanguard_ was at that time twenty-five leagues south of the islands of hieres, with her head lying to the north-east, and if she had not wore, the ship must have drifted to corsica. captain ball, in the _alexander_, took her in tow, to carry her into the sardinian harbour of st. pietro. here, by the exertions of sir james saumarez, captain ball, and captain berry, the _vanguard_ was refitted in four days; months would have been employed in refitting her in england. the delay which was thus occasioned was useful to him in many respects: it enabled him to complete his supply of water, and to receive a reinforcement, which earl st. vincent, being himself reinforced from england, was enabled to send him. it consisted of the best ships of his fleet: the _culloden_, seventy-four, captain t. trowbridge; _goliath_, seventy-four, captain t. foley; _minotaur_, seventy-four, captain t. louis; _defence_, seventy-four, captain john peyton; _bellerophon_, seventy-four, captain h. d. e. darby; _majestic_, seventy-four, captain g. b. westcott; _zealous_, seventy-four, captain s. hood; _swiftsure_, seventy-four, captain b. hallowell; _theseus_, seventy-four, captain r. w. miller; _audacious_, seventy-four, captain davidge gould. the _leander_, fifty, captain t. b. thompson, was afterwards added. these ships were made ready for the service as soon as earl st. vincent received advice from england that he was to be reinforced. as soon as the reinforcement was seen from the masthead of the admiral's ship, off cadiz bay, signal was immediately made to captain trowbridge to put to sea; and he was out of sight before the ships from home cast anchor in the british station. trowbridge took with him no instructions to nelson as to the course he was to steer, nor any certain account of the enemy's destination: everything was left to his own judgment. unfortunately, the frigates had been separated from him in the tempest, and had not been able to rejoin: they sought him unsuccessfully in the bay of naples, where they obtained no tidings of his course, and he sailed without them. the first news of the enemy's armament was, that it had surprised malta. nelson formed a plan for attacking it while at anchor at gozo; but on june nd intelligence reached him that the french had left that island on the th, the day after their arrival. it was clear that their destination was eastward--he thought for egypt--and for egypt, therefore, he made all sail. had the frigates been with him he could scarcely have failed to gain information of the enemy: for want of them, he only spoke three vessels on the way; two came from alexandria, one from the archipelago; and neither of them had seen anything of the french. he arrived off alexandria on the th, and the enemy were not there, neither was there any account of them; but the governor was endeavouring to put the city in a state of defence, having received advice from leghorn that the french expedition was intended against egypt, after it had taken malta. nelson then shaped his course to the northward, for caramania, and steered from thence along the southern side of candia, carrying a press of sail, both night and day, with a contrary wind. baffled in his pursuit, he returned to sicily. the neapolitan ministry had determined to give his squadron no assistance, being resolved to do nothing which could possibly endanger their peace with the french directory; by means, however, of lady hamilton's influence at court, he procured secret orders to the sicilian governors; and, under those orders, obtained everything which he wanted at syracuse--a timely supply, without which, he always said, he could not have recommenced his pursuit with any hope of success. "it is an old saying," said he in his letter, "that the devil's children have the devil's luck. i cannot to this moment learn, beyond vague conjecture, where the french fleet are gone to; and having gone a round of six hundred leagues at this season of the year, with an expedition incredible, here i am, as ignorant of the situation of the enemy as i was twenty-seven days ago." on july th he sailed from syracuse for the morea. anxious beyond measure, and irritated that the enemy should so long have eluded him, the tediousness of the nights made him impatient; and the officer of the watch was repeatedly called on to let him know the hour, and convince him, who measured time by his own eagerness, that it was not yet daybreak. the squadron made the gulf of coron on the th. trowbridge entered the port, and returned with the intelligence that the french had been seen about four weeks before steering to the south-east from candia. nelson then determined immediately to return to alexandria; and the british fleet accordingly, with every sail set, stood once more for the coast of egypt. on august st, about ten in the morning, they came in sight of alexandria. the port had been vacant and solitary when they saw it last; it was now crowded with ships, and they perceived with exultation that the tri-colour flag was flying upon the walls. at four in the afternoon, captain hood in the _zealous_ made the signal for the enemy's fleet. for many preceding days nelson had hardly taken either sleep or food: he now ordered his dinner to be served, while preparations were making for battle, and when his officers rose from the table and went to their separate stations, he said to them: "before this time to-morrow i shall have gained a peerage or westminster abbey." the french, steering direct for candia, had made an angular passage for alexandria; whereas nelson, in pursuit of them, made straight for that place, and thus materially shortened the distance. the two fleets must actually have crossed on the night of june nd. the french fleet arrived at alexandria on july st; and brueys, not being able to enter the port, which time and neglect had ruined, moored his ships in aboukir bay, in a strong and compact line of battle; the headmost vessel, according to his own account, being as close as possible to a shoal on the north-west, and the rest of the fleet forming a kind of curve along the line of deep water, so as not to be turned by any means in the south-west. the advantage of numbers, both in ships, guns, and men, was in favour of the french. they had thirteen ships of the line and four frigates, carrying guns, and , men. the english had the same number of ships of the line, and one fifty-gun ship, carrying guns and men. the english ships were all seventy-fours: the french had three eighty-gun ships and one three-decker of one hundred and twenty. during the whole pursuit it had been nelson's practice, whenever circumstances would permit, to have his captains on board the _vanguard_, and explain to them his own ideas of the different and best modes of attack, and such plans as he proposed to execute, on falling in with the enemy, whatever their situation might be. there is no possible position, it is said, which he did not take into calculation. his officers were thus fully acquainted with his principles of tactics; and such was his confidence in their abilities, that the only thing determined upon, in case they should find the french at anchor, was for the ships to form as most convenient for their mutual support, and to anchor by the stern. "first gain the victory," he said, "and then make the best use of it you can." the moment he perceived the position of the french, that intuitive genius with which nelson was endowed displayed itself; and it instantly struck him that where there was room for an enemy's ship to swing there was room for one of ours to anchor. the plan which he intended to pursue, therefore, was to keep entirely on the outer side of the french line, and station his ships, as far as he was able, one on the outer bow and another on the outer quarter, of each of the enemy's. this plan of doubling on the enemy's ships was projected by lord hood, when he designed to attack the french fleet at their anchorage in gourjean road. lord hood found it impossible to make the attempt; but the thought was not lost upon nelson, who acknowledged himself on this occasion indebted for it to his old and excellent commander. captain berry, when he comprehended the scope of the design, exclaimed with transport, "if we succeed, what will the world say!" "there is no _if_ in the case," replied the admiral; "that we shall succeed is certain: who may live to tell the story is a very different question." as the squadron advanced they were assailed by a shower of shot and shells from the batteries on the island, and the enemy opened a steady fire from the starboard side of their whole line, within half gun-shot distance, full into the bows of our van ships. it was received in silence: the men on board every ship were employed aloft in furling sails, and below in tending the braces and making ready for anchoring. a miserable sight for the french, who, with all their skill, and all their courage, and all their advantages of numbers and situation, were upon that element, on which, when the hour of trial comes, a frenchman has no hope. a french brig was instructed to decoy the english, by manoeuvring so as to tempt them toward a shoal lying off the island of bekier; but nelson either knew the danger or suspected some deceit, and the lure was unsuccessful. captain foley led the way in the _goliath_, outsailing the _zealous_, which for some minutes disputed this post of honour with him. he had long conceived that if the enemy were moored in line of battle in with the land the best plan of attack would be to lead between them and the shore, because the french guns on that side were not likely to be manned, nor even ready for action. intending, therefore, to fix himself on the inner bow of the _guerrier_, he kept as near the edge of the bank as the depth of water would admit; but his anchor hung, and having opened his fire, he drifted to the second ship, the _conquerant_, before it was clear, then anchored by the stern, inside of her, and in ten minutes shot away her mast. hood, in the _zealous_, perceiving this, took the station which the _goliath_ intended to have occupied, and totally disabled the _guerrier_ in twelve minutes. the third ship which doubled the enemy's van was the _orion_, sir j. saumarez; she passed to windward of the _zealous_, and opened her larboard guns as long as they bore on the _guerrier_, then passing inside the _goliath_, sank a frigate which annoyed her, hauled round toward the french line, and anchoring inside, between the fifth and sixth ships from the _guerrier_, took her station on the larboard bow of the _franklin_ and the quarter of the _peuple souverain_, receiving and returning the fire of both. the sun was now nearly down. the _audacious_, captain gould, pouring a heavy fire into the _guerrier_ and the _conquerant_, fixed herself on the larboard bow of the latter; and when that ship struck, passed on to the _peuple souverain_. the _theseus_, captain miller, followed, brought down the _guerrier's_ remaining main and mizen masts, then anchored inside of the _spartiate_, the third in the french line. while these advanced ships doubled the french line the _vanguard_ was the first that anchored on the outer side of the enemy, within half pistol-shot of their third ship, the _spartiate_. nelson had six colours flying in different parts of his rigging, lest they should be shot away;--that they should be struck, no british admiral considers as a possibility. he veered half a cable, and instantly opened a tremendous fire; under cover of which the other four ships of his division, the _minotaur_, _bellerophon_, _defence_, and _majestic_, sailed on ahead of the admiral. in a few minutes every man stationed at the first six guns in the fore part of the _vanguard's_ deck was killed or wounded--these guns were three times cleared. captain louis, in the _minotaur_, anchored next ahead, and took off the fire of the _aquilon_, the fourth in the enemy's line. the _bellerophon_, captain darby, passed ahead, and dropped her stern anchor on the starboard bow of the _orient_, seventh in the line, brueys' own ship, of one hundred and twenty guns, whose difference of force was in proportion of more than seven to three, and whose weight of ball, from the lower deck alone, exceeded that from the whole broadside of the _bellerophon_. captain peyton, in the _defence_, took his station ahead of the _minotaur_, and engaged the _franklin_, the sixth in the line; by which judicious movement the british line remained unbroken. the _majestic_, captain westcott, got entangled with the main rigging of one of the french ships astern of the _orient_, and suffered dreadfully from that three-decker's fire; but she swung clear, and closely engaging the _heureux_, the ninth ship on the starboard bow, received also the fire of the _tonnant_, which was the eighth in the line. the other four ships of the british squadron, having been detached previous to the discovery of the french, were at a considerable distance when the action began. it commenced at half-past six; about seven, night closed, and there was no other light than that from the fire of the contending fleets. trowbridge, in the _culloden_, then foremost of the remaining ships, was two leagues astern. he came on sounding, as the others had done: as he advanced, the increasing darkness increased the difficulty of the navigation, and suddenly, after having found eleven fathoms water, before the lead could be hove again, he was fast aground; nor could all his own exertions, joined to those of the _leander_ and the _mutine_ brig, which came to his assistance, get him off in time to bear a part in the action. his ship, however, served as a beacon to the _alexander_ and _swiftsure_, which would else, from the course which they were holding, have gone considerably farther on the reef, and must inevitably have been lost. these ships entered the bay, and took their stations, in the darkness, in a manner long spoken of with admiration by all who remembered it. captain hallowell, in the _swiftsure_, as he was bearing down, fell in with what seemed to be a strange sail; nelson had directed his ships to hoist four lights horizontally at the mizen peak, as soon as it became dark, and this vessel had no such distinction. hallowell, however, with great judgment, ordered his men not to fire: if she was an enemy, he said, she was in too disabled a state to escape; but, from her sails being loose, and the way in which her head was, it was probable she might be an english ship. it was the _bellerophon_, overpowered by the huge _orient_: her lights had gone overboard, nearly two hundred of her crew were killed or wounded; all her masts and cables had been shot away; and she was drifting out of the line, towards the lee side of the bay. her station, at this important time, was occupied by the _swiftsure_, which opened a steady fire on the quarter of the _franklin_ and the bows of the french admiral. at the same instant, captain ball, with the _alexander_, passed under his stern, and anchored within side on his larboard quarter, raking him, and keeping up a severe fire of musketry upon his decks. the last ship which arrived to complete the destruction of the enemy was the _leander_. captain thompson, finding that nothing could be done that night to get off the _culloden_, advanced with the intention of anchoring athwart-hawse of the _orient_. the _franklin_ was so near her ahead that there was not room for him to pass clear of the two; he, therefore, took his station athwart-hawse of the latter, in such a position as to rake both. the two first ships of the french line had been dismasted within a quarter of an hour after the commencement of the action; and the others had in that time suffered so severely, that victory was already certain. the third, fourth, and fifth were taken possession of at half-past eight. meantime, nelson received a severe wound on the head from a piece of langrage shot. captain berry caught him in his arms as he was falling. the great effusion of blood occasioned an apprehension that the wound was mortal. nelson himself thought so: a large flap of the skin of the forehead, cut from the bone, had fallen over one eye, and the other being blind, he was in total darkness. when he was carried down, the surgeon--in the midst of a scene scarcely to be conceived by those who have never seen a cock-pit in time of action, and the heroism which is displayed amid its horrors,--with a natural and pardonable eagerness quitted the poor fellow then under his hands, that he might instantly attend the admiral. "no!" said nelson, "i will take my turn with my brave fellows." nor would he suffer his own wound to be examined till every man who had been previously wounded was properly attended to. fully believing that the wound was mortal, and that he was about to die, as he had ever desired, in battle and in victory, he called the chaplain, and desired him to deliver what he supposed to be his dying remembrance to lady nelson: he then sent for captain louis on board from the _minotaur_, that he might thank him personally for the great assistance which he had rendered to the _vanguard_; and, ever mindful of those who deserved to be his friends, appointed captain hardy from the brig to the command of his own ship, captain berry having to go home with the news of the victory. when the surgeon came in due time to examine his wound (for it was in vain to entreat him to let it be examined sooner) the most anxious silence prevailed; and the joy of the wounded men, and of the whole crew, when they heard that the hurt was merely superficial, gave nelson deeper pleasure than the unexpected assurance that his life was in no danger. the surgeon requested, and as far as he could, ordered him to remain quiet; but nelson could not rest. he called for his secretary, mr. campbell, to write the despatches. campbell had himself been wounded, and was so affected at the blind and suffering state of the admiral, that he was unable to write. the chaplain was then sent for; but, before he came, nelson, with his characteristic eagerness, took the pen, and contrived to trace a few words, marking his devout sense of the success which had already been obtained. he was now left alone; when suddenly a cry was heard on the deck that the _orient_ was on fire. in the confusion, he found his way up, unassisted and unnoticed; and, to the astonishment of every one, appeared on the quarter-deck, where he immediately gave orders that boats should be sent to the relief of the enemy. it was soon after nine that the fire on board the _orient_ broke out. brueys was dead: he had received three wounds, yet he would not leave his post; a fourth cut him almost in two. he desired not to be carried below, but to be left to die upon deck. the flames soon mastered his ship. her sides had just been painted, and the oil-jars and paint-buckets were lying on the poop. by the prodigious light of this conflagration the situation of the two fleets could now be perceived, the colours of both being clearly distinguishable. about ten o'clock the ship blew up, with a shock which was felt to the very bottom of every vessel. many of her officers and men jumped overboard, some clinging to the spars and pieces of wreck, with which the sea was strewn, others swimming to escape from the destruction which they momentarily dreaded. some were picked up by our boats; and some even in the heat and fury of the action were dragged into the lower ports of the nearest british vessel by the british sailors. the greater part of her crew, however, stood the danger till the last, and continued to fire from the lower deck. this tremendous explosion was followed by a silence not less awful: the firing immediately ceased on both sides, and the first sound which broke the silence was the dash of her shattered masts and yards falling into the water from the vast height to which they had been exploded. it is upon record that a battle between two armies was once broken off by an earthquake:--such an event would be felt like a miracle; but no incident in war, produced by human means, has ever equalled the sublimity of this co-instantaneous pause, and all its circumstances. about seventy of the _orient's_ crew were saved by the english boats. among the many hundreds who perished, were the commodore, casa-bianca, and his son, a brave boy, only ten years old. they were seen floating on a shattered mast when the ship blew up. she had money on board (the plunder of malta) to the amount of £ , sterling. the masses of burning wreck, which were scattered by the explosion, excited for some moments apprehensions in the english which they had never felt from any other danger. two large pieces fell into the main and fore tops of the _swiftsure_, without injuring any person. a port fire also fell into the main-royal of the _alexander_: the fire which it occasioned was speedily extinguished. captain ball had provided, as far as human foresight could provide, against any such danger. all the shrouds and sails of his ship, not absolutely necessary for its immediate management, were thoroughly wetted, and so rolled up that they were as hard and as little inflammable as so many solid cylinders. the firing recommenced with the ships to leeward of the centre, and continued till about three. at daybreak, the _guillaume tell_ and the _genereux_, the two rear ships of the enemy, were the only french ships of the line which had their colours flying; they cut their cables in the forenoon, not having been engaged, and stood out to sea, and two frigates with them. the _zealous_ pursued; but as there was no other ship in a condition to support captain hood, he was recalled. it was generally believed by the officers that if nelson had not been wounded, not one of these ships could have escaped: the four certainly could not, if the _culloden_ had got into action, and if the frigates belonging to the squadron had been present, not one of the enemy's fleet would have left aboukir bay. these four vessels, however, were all that escaped; and the victory was the most complete and glorious in the annals of naval history. "victory," said nelson, "is not a name strong enough for such a scene;" he called it a conquest. of thirteen sail of the line, nine were taken and two burnt; of the four frigates, one was sunk, another, the _artimese_, was burnt by her captain, who, having fired a broadside at the _theseus_, struck his colours, then set fire to his ship and escaped with most of his crew to shore. the british loss in killed and wounded amounted to . westcott was the only captain who fell; of the french, including the wounded, were sent on shore, and perished. the shore, for an extent of four leagues, was covered with wreck; and the arabs found employment for many days in burning on the beach the fragments which were cast up, for the sake of the iron. part of the _orient's_ main mast was picked up by the _swiftsure_. captain hallowell ordered his carpenter to make a coffin of it; the iron as well as wood was taken from the wreck of the same ship. it was finished as well and handsomely as the workman's skill and materials would permit, and hallowell then sent it to the admiral with the following letter,--"sir, i have taken the liberty of presenting you a coffin made from the main mast of _l'orient_, that when you have finished your military career in this world you may be buried in one of your trophies. but that that period may be far distant, is the earnest wish of your sincere friend, benjamin hallowell."--an offering so strange, and yet so suited to the occasion, was received by nelson in the spirit with which it was sent. as if he felt it good for him, now that he was at the summit of his wishes, to have death before his eyes, he ordered the coffin to be placed upright in his cabin. nelson was now at the summit of glory: congratulations, rewards, and honours were showered upon him by all the states, and princes, and powers to whom his victory gave a respite. at home he was created baron nelson of the nile and of burnham thorpe, with a pension of £ for his own life, and those of his two immediate successors. a grant of £ , was voted to nelson by the east india company; the turkish company presented him with a piece of plate; the city of london presented a sword to him and to each of his captains; gold medals were distributed to the captains; and the first lieutenants of all the ships were promoted, as had been done after lord howe's victory. after the battle of the nile, nelson returned to naples, where he renewed his friendship with sir william and lady hamilton. italy received him everywhere with open arms, and the most flattering welcome was given him by both court and people. the story of his stay in italy, however, is the saddest chapter in his life, for it was here that his domestic happiness was destroyed, and his fine chivalrous nature received its only stain. his birthday, which occurred a week after his arrival, was celebrated with one of the most splendid _fêtes_ ever beheld at naples. but, notwithstanding the splendour with which he was encircled, and the flattering honours with which all ranks welcomed him, nelson was fully sensible of the depravity, as well as weakness, of those by whom he was surrounded. "what precious moments," said he, "the courts of naples and vienna are losing! three months would liberate italy! but this court is so enervated, that the happy moment will be lost. i am very unwell; and their miserable conduct is not likely to cool my irritable temper. it is a country of fiddlers and poets, libertines and scoundrels." he saved the court from the inevitable consequences of misrule for a time, drove the french out of rome, laid siege to malta, and worked miracles of energy and skill in many ways, but he left italy with the feeling that there was no pleasure in life. nelson was welcomed in england with every mark of popular honour. at yarmouth, where he landed, every ship in the harbour hoisted her colours. the mayor and corporation waited upon him with the freedom of the town, and accompanied him in procession to church, with all the naval officers on shore and the principal inhabitants. bonfires and illuminations concluded the day; and, on the morrow, the volunteer cavalry drew up and saluted him as he departed, and followed the carriage to the borders of the county. at ipswich the people came out to meet him, drew him a mile into the town and three miles out. in london, he was feasted by the city, drawn by the populace from ludgate hill to guildhall, and received the thanks of the common council for his great victory and a golden hilted sword studded with diamonds. nelson had every earthly blessing except domestic happiness; he had forfeited that for ever. the bombardment of copenhagen. by robert southey. in the year , nelson, who had been made vice-admiral of the blue, was sent to the baltic, as second in command under sir hyde parker, by earl st. vincent, now first lord of the admiralty. the three northern courts had formed a confederacy for making england resign her naval rights. of these courts russia was guided by the passions of its emperor, paul, a man not without fits of generosity and some natural goodness, but subject to the wildest humours of caprice and crazed by the possession of greater power than can ever be safely, or perhaps innocently, possessed by weak humanity. denmark was french at heart; ready to co-operate in all the views of france, to recognise all her usurpations, and obey all her injunctions. sweden, under a king whose principles were right and whose feelings were generous, but who had a taint of hereditary insanity, acted in acquiescence with the dictates of two powers whom it feared to offend. the danish navy, at this time, consisted of twenty-three ships of the line with about thirty-one frigates and smaller vessels, exclusive of guardships. the swedes had eighteen ships of the line, fourteen frigates and sloops, seventy-four galleys and smaller vessels, besides gun-boats, and this force was in a far better state of equipment than the danish. the russians had eighty-two sail of the line and forty frigates. of these there were forty-seven sail of the line at cronstadt, revel, petersburg, and archangel; but the russian fleet was ill-manned, ill-officered, and ill-equipped. such a combination under the influence of france would soon have become formidable; and never did the british cabinet display more decision than in instantly preparing to crush it. the british fleet sailed on march th and mr. vansittart sailed in it; the government still hoping to obtain its ends by negotiation. mr. vansittart left the fleet at the scaw and preceded it in a frigate with a flag of truce. precious time was lost by this delay which was to be purchased by the dearest blood of britain and denmark; according to the danes themselves, the intelligence that a british fleet was seen off the sound produced a much more general alarm in copenhagen than its actual arrival in the roads; for their means of defence were, at that time, in such a state that they could hardly hope to resist, still less to repel, an enemy. on the st, nelson had a long conference with sir hyde; and the next day addressed a letter to him worthy of himself and of the occasion. mr. vansittart's report had then been received. it represented the danish government as in the highest degree hostile, and their state of preparation as exceeding what our cabinet had supposed possible; for denmark had profited with all activity, by the leisure which had so impoliticly been given her. "the more i have reflected," said nelson to his commander, "the more i am confirmed in opinion that not a moment should be lost in attacking the enemy. they will every day and every hour be stronger; we shall never be so good a match for them as we are at this moment. the only consideration is how to get at them with the least risk to our ships." of the two courses open to them, that of proceeding past cronenburg, and taking the deepest and straightest channel along the middle grounds and attacking the danish line of floating batteries, or that of attempting the passage of the belt, sir hyde parker preferred the latter, nelson and captain domett the former, though as nelson put it, "let it be by the sound, by the belt, or anyhow, only lose not an hour!" when it was finally decided to take the passage of the sound. the next day was wasted in despatching a flag of truce to the governor of cronenburg castle, to ask whether he had received orders to fire at the british fleet, as the admiral must consider the first gun to be a declaration of war on the part of denmark. a soldier-like and becoming answer was returned to this formality. the governor said that the british minister had not been sent away from copenhagen but had obtained a passport at his own demand. he himself, as a soldier, could not meddle with politics: but he was not at liberty to suffer a fleet--of which the intention was not yet known--to approach the guns of the castle which he had the honour to command, and he requested, if the british admiral should think proper to make any proposals to the king of denmark, that he might be apprised of it before the fleet approached nearer. during this intercourse a dane, who came on board the commander's ship, having occasion to express his business in writing found the pen blunt, and, holding it up, sarcastically said, "if your guns are not better pointed than your pens you will make little impression on copenhagen!" nelson, who was now appointed to lead the van, shifted his flag to the _elephant_, captain foley--a lighter ship than the _st. george_, and, therefore, fitter for the expected operations. the two following days were calm. orders had been given to pass the sound as soon as the wind would permit; and on the afternoon of the th the ships were cleared for action with an alacrity characteristic of british seamen. at daybreak on the th it blew a top-sail breeze from north-west. the signal was made and the fleet moved on in order of battle; nelson's division in the van, sir hyde's in the centre, and admiral graves' in the rear. the whole force consisted of fifty-one sail of various descriptions, of which sixteen were of the line. the greater part of the bomb and gun vessels took their stations off cronenburg castle, to cover the fleet; while others on the larboard were ready to engage the swedish shore. the danes, having improved every moment which ill-timed negotiation and baffling weather gave them, had lined their shore with batteries; and as soon as the _monarch_, which was the leading ship, came abreast of them a fire was opened from about a hundred pieces of cannon and mortars. our light vessels immediately in return opened their fire upon the castle. the enemy's shot fell near enough to splash the water on board our ships; not relying upon any forbearance of the swedes they meant to have kept the mid channel, but when they perceived that not a shot was fired from helsinburg and that no batteries were to be seen on the swedish shore, they inclined to that side, so as completely to get out of reach of the danish guns. the uninterrupted blaze which was kept up from them till the fleet had passed served only to exhilarate our sailors and afford them matter for jest, as the shot fell in showers a full cable's length short of its destined aim. about mid-day the whole fleet anchored between the island of huen and copenhagen. sir hyde, with nelson, admiral graves, some of the senior captains, and the commanding officers of the artillery and the troops, then proceeded in a lugger to reconnoitre the enemy's means of defence; a formidable line of ships, radeaux, pontoons, galleys, fire-ships, and gun-boats, flanked and supported by extensive batteries, and occupying, from one extreme point to the other, an extent of nearly four miles. a council of war was held in the afternoon. nelson offered his services for the attack, requiring ten sail of the line and the whole of the smaller craft. sir hyde gave him two more line-of-battle ships than he asked for and left everything to his judgment. the enemy's force was not the only, nor the greatest, obstacle with which the british fleet had to contend: there was another to be overcome before they could come in contact with it. the channel was little known and extremely intricate; all the buoys had been removed; and the danes considered this difficulty as almost insuperable, thinking the channel impracticable for so large a fleet. nelson himself saw the soundings made and the buoys laid down, boating it upon this exhausting service, day and night, till it was effected. when this was done, he thanked god for having enabled him to get through this difficult part of his duty. "it had worn him down," he said, "and was infinitely more grievous to him than any resistance which he could experience from the enemy." on the morning of april st the whole fleet removed to an anchorage within two leagues of the town and off the north-west end of the middle ground: a shoal lying exactly before the town, at about three-quarters of a mile distance, and extending along its whole sea front. the king's channel, where there is deep water, is between this shoal and the town; and here the danes had arranged their line of defence, as near the shore as possible: nineteen ships and floating batteries, flanked, at the end nearest the town, by the crown batteries, which were two artificial islands at the mouth of the harbour--most formidable works; the larger one having, by the danish account, sixty-six guns; but, as nelson believed, eighty-eight. the fleet having anchored, nelson, with riou in the _amazon_, made his last examination of the ground; and about one o'clock, returning to his own ship, threw out the signal to weigh. it was received with a shout throughout the whole division; they weighed with a light and favourable wind. the narrow channel between the island of saltholm and the middle ground had been accurately buoyed; the small craft pointed out the course distinctly; riou led the way: the whole division coasted along the outer edge of the shoal, doubled its further extremity, and anchored there off draco point, just as the darkness closed--the headmost of the enemy's line not being more than two miles distant. the signal to prepare for action had been made early in the evening; and, as his own anchor dropped, nelson called out, "i will fight them the moment i have a fair wind." it had been agreed that sir hyde, with the remaining ships, should weigh on the following morning, at the same time as nelson, to menace the crown batteries on his side and the four ships of the line which lay at the entrance of the arsenal, and to cover our own disabled ships as they came out of action. the danes, meantime, had not been idle: no sooner did the guns of cronenburg make it known to the whole city that all negotiation was at an end, that the british fleet was passing the sound, and that the dispute between the two crowns must now be decided by arms, than a spirit displayed itself most honourable to the danish character. all ranks offered themselves to the service of their country; the university furnished a corps of twelve hundred youths, the flower of denmark. it was one of those emergencies in which little drilling or discipline is necessary to render courage available: they had nothing to learn but how to manage the guns, and were employed day and night in practising them. when the movements of nelson's squadron were perceived, it was known when and where the attack was to be expected, and the line of defence was manned indiscriminately by soldiers, sailors, and citizens. this was an awful night for copenhagen--far more so than for the british fleet, where the men were accustomed to battle and victory, and had none of those objects before their eyes which render death terrible. nelson sat down to table with a large party of his officers; he was, as he was ever wont to be when on the eve of action, in high spirits, and drank to a leading wind and to the success of the morrow. after supper they returned to their respective ships, except riou, who remained to arrange the order of battle with nelson and foley, and to draw up instructions: hardy, meantime, went in a small boat to examine the channel between them and the enemy, approaching so near, that he sounded round their leading ship with a pole, lest the noise of throwing the lead should discover him. the incessant fatigue of body as well as mind which nelson had undergone during the last three days had so exhausted him that he was earnestly urged to go to his cot; and his old servant, allen, using that kind of authority which long and affectionate services entitled and enabled him to assume on such occasions, insisted upon his complying. the cot was placed on the floor and he continued to dictate from it. about eleven hardy returned and reported the practicability of the channel and the depth of water up to the enemy's line. about one the orders were completed; and half a dozen clerks in the foremost cabin proceeded to transcribe them, nelson frequently calling out to them from his cot to hasten their work, for the wind was becoming fair. instead of attempting to get a few hours of sleep he was constantly receiving reports on this important point. at daybreak it was announced as becoming perfectly fair. the clerks finished their work about six. nelson, who was already up, breakfasted, and made signal for all captains. between eight and nine the pilots and masters were ordered on board the admiral's ship. the pilots were mostly men who had been mates in baltic traders, and their hesitation about the bearing of the east end of the shoal and the exact line of deep water gave ominous warning of how little their knowledge was to be trusted. the signal for action had been made, the wind was fair--not a moment to be lost. nelson urged them to be steady, to be resolute, and to decide; but they wanted the only ground for steadiness and decision in such cases, and nelson had reason for regret that he had not trusted to hardy's single report. captain murray, in the _edgar_, led the way; the _agamemnon_ was next in order; but, on the first attempt to leave her anchorage she could not weather the edge of the shoal, and nelson had the grief to see his old ship, in which he had performed so many years' gallant services, immovably aground at a moment when her help was so greatly required. signal was then made for the _polyphemus_; and this change in the order of sailing was executed with the utmost promptitude; yet so much delay had thus been unavoidably occasioned, that the _edgar_ was for some time unsupported, and the _polyphemus_, whose place should have been at the end of the enemy's line where their strength was the greatest, could get no further than the beginning, owing to the difficulty of the channel; there she occupied indeed an efficient station, but one where her presence was less required. the _isis_ followed, with better fortune, and took her own berth. the _bellona_, sir t. thompson, kept too close on the starboard shoal, and grounded abreast of the outer ship of the enemy; this was the more vexatious, inasmuch as the wind was fair, the room ample, and three ships had led the way. the _russell_, following the _bellona_, grounded in like manner; both were within reach of shot, but their absence from their intended stations was severely felt. each ship had been ordered to pass her leader on the starboard side, because the water was supposed to shoal on the larboard shore. nelson, who came next after these two ships, thought they had kept too far on the starboard direction, and made signal for them to close with the enemy, not knowing that they were aground; but when he perceived that they did not obey the signal, he ordered the _elephant's_ helm to starboard, and went within these ships, thus quitting the appointed order of sailing and guiding those which were to follow. the greater part of the fleet were probably, by this act of promptitude on his part, saved from going on shore. each ship, as she arrived nearly opposite to her appointed station, let her anchor go by the stern and presented her broadside to the danes. the distance between each was about half a cable. the action was fought at the distance of nearly a cable's length from the enemy. at five minutes after ten the action began. the first half of our fleet was engaged in about half an hour; and by half-past eleven the battle became general. the plan of the attack had been complete, but seldom has any plan been more disconcerted by untoward accidents. of twelve ships of the line, one was entirely useless, and two others in a situation where they could not render half the service which was required of them. of the squadron of gun-brigs only one could get into action: the rest were prevented, by baffling currents, from weathering the eastern end of the shoal, and only two of the bomb-vessels could reach their station on the middle ground, and open their mortars on the arsenal, firing over both fleets. nelson's agitation had been extreme when he saw himself, before the action began, deprived of a fourth part of his ships of the line; but no sooner was he in battle, where his squadron was received with the fire of more than a thousand guns, than, as if that artillery, like music, had driven away all care and painful thoughts, his countenance brightened; and, as a bystander describes him, his conversation became joyous, animated, elevated, and delightful. the commander-in-chief, meantime, near enough to the scene of action to know the unfavourable accidents which had so materially weakened nelson, and yet too distant to know the real state of the contending parties, suffered the most dreadful anxiety. to get to his assistance was impossible; both wind and current were against him. fear for the event, in such circumstances, would naturally preponderate in the bravest mind; and at one o'clock, perceiving that after three hours' endurance the enemy's fire was unslackened, he began to despair of success. "i will make the signal of recall," said he to his captain, "for nelson's sake. if he is in a condition to continue the action successfully he will disregard it; if he is not, it will be an excuse for his retreat, and no blame can be imputed to him." under a mistaken judgment, therefore, but with this disinterested and generous feeling he made the signal for retreat. nelson was at this time, in all the excitement of action, pacing the quarter-deck. a shot through the main mast knocked the splinters about; and he observed to one of his officers with a smile, "it is warm work, and this day may be the last to any of us at a moment;" and then stopping short at the gangway, added with emotion--"but mark you! i would not be elsewhere for thousands." about this time the signal lieutenant called out, that no. (the signal for discontinuing the action) was thrown out by the commander-in-chief. he continued to walk the deck and appeared to take no notice of it. the signal officer met him at the next turn, and asked him if he should repeat it, "no," he replied, "acknowledge it." presently he called after him to know if the signal for close action was still hoisted; and being answered in the affirmative, said, "mind you keep it so." he now paced the deck, moving the stump of his lost arm in a manner which always indicated great emotion. "do you know," said he to mr. ferguson, "what is shown on board the commander-in-chief? no. !" mr. ferguson asked what that meant,--"why, to leave off action!" then, shrugging up his shoulders, he repeated the words--"leave off action? now, hang me if i do! you know, foley," turning to the captain, "i have only one eye--i have a right to be blind sometimes;" and then, putting the glass to his blind eye, in that mood of mind which sports with bitterness, he exclaimed, "i really do not see the signal! keep mine for closer battle flying! that's the way i answer such signals! nail mine to the mast!" admiral graves, who was so situated that he could not discern what was done on board the _elephant_, disobeyed sir hyde's signal in like manner: whether by fortunate mistake, or by a like brave intention, has not been made known. the other ships of the line, looking only to nelson, continued the action. the signal, however, saved riou's little squadron but did not save its heroic leader. this squadron, which was nearest the commander-in-chief, obeyed, and hauled off. "what will nelson think of us!" was riou's mournful exclamation when he unwillingly drew off. he had been wounded in the head by a splinter, and was sitting on a gun encouraging his men, when, just as the _amazon_ showed her stern to the _trekroner_ battery, his clerk was killed by his side, and another shot swept away several marines who were hauling in the main-brace. "come, then, my boys!" cried riou, "let us die all together!" the words had scarcely been uttered before a raking shot cut him in two. except it had been nelson himself, the british navy could not have suffered a severer loss. the action continued along the line with unabated vigour on our side and with the most determined resolution on the part of the danes. they fought to great advantage because most of the vessels in their line of defence were without masts: the few which had any standing had their top-masts struck, and the hulls could only be seen at intervals. the _bellona_ lost seventy-five men; the _iris_, one hundred and ten; the _monarch_, two hundred and ten. she was, more than any other line-of-battle ship, exposed to the great battery, and supporting, at the same time, the united fire of the _holstein_ and the _zealand_, her loss this day exceeded that of any single ship during the whole war. amid the tremendous carnage in this vessel some of the men displayed a singular instance of coolness: the pork and peas happened to be in the kettle; a shot knocked its contents about; they picked up the pieces, and ate and fought at the same time. the prince-royal had taken his station upon one of the batteries, from whence he beheld the action and issued his orders. denmark had never been engaged in so arduous a contest, and never did the danes more nobly display their national courage. a youth of seventeen, by name villemoes, particularly distinguished himself on this memorable day. he had volunteered to take the command of a floating battery, which was a raft consisting merely of a number of beams nailed together, with a flooring to support the guns: it was square, with a breastwork full of port-holes, and without masts--carrying twenty-four guns and one hundred and twenty men. with this he got under the stern of the _elephant_, below the reach of the stern-chasers; and, under a heavy fire of small arms from the marines, fought his raft till the truce was announced, with such skill, as well as courage, as to excite nelson's warmest admiration. between one and two the fire of the danes slackened; about two it ceased from the greater part of their line, and some of their lighter ships were adrift. it was, however, difficult to take possession of those which struck, because the batteries on amak island protected them, and because an irregular fire was kept up from the ships themselves as the boats approached. this arose from the nature of the action; the crew were continually reinforced from the shore, and fresh men coming on board, did not inquire whether the flag had been struck, or, perhaps, did not heed it; many, or most of them, never having been engaged in war before. by half-past two the action had ceased along that part of the line which was astern of the _elephant_, but not with the ships ahead and the crown batteries. nelson, seeing the manner in which his boats were fired upon when they went to take possession of the prizes, became angry, and said he must either send on shore to have this irregular proceeding stopped, or send a fire-ship and burn them. half the shot from the _trekroner_ and from the batteries at amak at this time struck the surrendered ships, four of which had got close together; and the fire of the english in return was equally, or even more, destructive to these poor devoted danes. nelson, who was as humane as he was brave, was shocked at this massacre--for such he called it--and, with a presence of mind peculiar to himself, and never more signally displayed than now, he retired into the stern galley, and wrote thus to the crown-prince: "vice-admiral lord nelson has been commanded to spare denmark when she no longer resists. the line of defence which covered her shores has struck to the british flag; but if the firing is continued on the part of denmark he must set on fire all the prizes that he has taken, without having the power of saving the men who have so nobly defended them. the brave danes are the brothers, and should never be the enemies, of the english." a wafer was given him, but he ordered a candle to be brought from the cockpit and sealed the letter with wax, affixing a larger seal than he ordinarily used. "this," said he, "is no time to appear hurried and informal." captain sir frederick thesiger, who acted as his aide-de-camp, carried this letter with a flag of truce. meantime the fire of the ships ahead and the approach of the _ramilies_ and _defence_ from sir hyde's division, which had now worked near enough to alarm the enemy, though not to injure them, silenced the remainder of the danish line to the eastward of the _trekroner_. that battery, however, continued its fire. during thesiger's absence, nelson sent for freemantle, from the _ganges_, and consulted with him and foley whether it was advisable to advance with those ships which had sustained least damage, against the yet uninjured part of the danish line. they were decidedly of opinion that the best thing which could be done was, while the wind continued fair to remove the fleet out of the intricate channel, from which it had to retreat. in somewhat more than half an hour after thesiger had been despatched, the danish adjutant-general, lindholm, came bearing a flag of truce; upon which the _trekroner_ ceased to fire and the action closed after four hours' continuance. he brought an inquiry from the prince, what was the object of nelson's note? the british admiral wrote in reply: "lord nelson's object in sending the flag of truce was humanity; he therefore consents that hostilities shall cease and that the wounded danes may be taken on shore. and lord nelson will take his prisoners out of the vessels, and burn or carry off his prizes as he shall think fit. lord nelson, with humble duty to his royal highness the prince, will consider this the greatest victory he has ever gained if it may be the cause of a happy reconciliation and union between his own most gracious sovereign and his majesty the king of denmark."--sir frederick thesiger was despatched a second time with the reply; and the danish adjutant-general was referred to the commander-in-chief for a conference upon this overture. lindholm, assenting to this, proceeded to the _london_, which was riding at anchor full four miles off; and nelson, losing not one of the critical moments which he had thus gained, made signal for his leading ships to weigh in succession; they had the shoal to clear, they were much crippled, and their course was immediately under the guns of the _trekroner_. the _monarch_ led the way. this ship had received six-and-twenty shot between wind and water. she had not a shroud standing; there was a double-headed shot in the heart of her fore mast and the slightest wind would have sent every mast over her side. the imminent danger from which nelson had extricated himself soon became apparent; the _monarch_ touched immediately upon a shoal, over which she was pushed by the _ganges_ taking her amid-ships; the _glatton_ went clear; but the other two, the _defiance_ and the _elephant_, grounded about a mile from the _trekroner_, and there remained fixed for many hours in spite of all the exertions of their wearied crews. the _désirée_ frigate also, at the other end of the line, having gone toward the close of the action to assist the _bellona_, became fast on the same shoal. nelson left the _elephant_ soon after she took the ground to follow lindholm. the heat of action was over; and that kind of feeling, which the surrounding scene of havoc was so well fitted to produce, pressed heavily upon his exhausted spirits. the sky had suddenly become overcast; white flags were waving from the mast-heads of so many shattered ships; the slaughter had ceased, but the grief was to come; for the account of the dead was not yet made up, and no man could tell for what friends he would have to mourn. there was another reflection also, which mingled with these melancholy thoughts and predisposed him to receive them. he was not here master of his own movements as at egypt; he had won the day by disobeying his orders; and in so far as he had been successful, had convicted the commander-in-chief of an error in judgment. "well," said he, as he left the _elephant_, "i have fought contrary to orders and i shall perhaps be hanged! never mind, let them!" this was the language of a man, who, while he is giving utterance to an uneasy thought, clothes it half in jest because he half repents that it has been disclosed. his services had been too eminent on that day, his judgment too conspicuous, his success too signal, for any commander, however jealous of his own authority or envious of another's merits, to express anything but satisfaction and gratitude, which sir hyde heartily felt and sincerely expressed. it was speedily agreed that there should be a suspension of hostilities for four-and-twenty hours; that all the prizes should be surrendered and the wounded danes carried on shore. seventeen sail of the danes were taken, burnt, or sunk in this battle. the boats of sir hyde's division were actively employed all night in bringing out the prizes and in getting afloat the ships which were on shore. at daybreak, nelson, who had slept in his own ship, the _st. george_, rowed to the _elephant_, and his delight at finding her afloat seemed to give him new life. there he took a hasty breakfast, praising the men for their exertions, and then pushed off to the prizes which had not yet been removed. the english spent the day in refitting their own ships, securing the prizes, and distributing the prisoners; the danes, in carrying on shore and disposing of the wounded and the dead. it had been a murderous action. our loss, in killed and wounded, was nine hundred and fifty-three. the loss of the danes, including prisoners, amounted to about six thousand. the negotiations, meantime, went on; and it was agreed that nelson should have an interview with the prince the following day. the preliminaries of the negotiation were adjusted at this interview. during the repast which followed, nelson, with all the sincerity of his character, bore willing testimony to the valour of his foes. he told the prince that he had been in a hundred and five engagements but that this was the most tremendous of all. "the french," he said, "fought bravely, but they could not have stood for one hour the fight which the danes had supported for four." he requested that villemoes might be introduced to him; and, shaking hands with the youth, told the prince that he ought to be made an admiral. the prince replied: "if, my lord, i am to make all my brave officers admirals, i should have no captains or lieutenants in my service." for the battle of copenhagen, fought on april nd, , nelson was raised to the rank of viscount; an inadequate mark of reward for services so splendid and of such paramount importance to the dearest interests of england. there was, however, some prudence in dealing out honours to him step by step; had he lived long enough he would have fought his way up to a dukedom. he had not been many weeks on shore before he was called upon to undertake a service for which no nelson was required. bonaparte, who was now first consul and in reality sole ruler of france, was making preparations upon a great scale for invading england; but his schemes in the baltic had been baffled; fleets could not be created as they were wanted; and his armies, therefore, were to come over in gun-boats and such small craft as could be rapidly built or collected for the occasion. from the former governments of france such threats have only been matter of insult or policy: in bonaparte they were sincere; for this adventurer, intoxicated with success, already began to imagine that all things were to be submitted to his fortune. we had not at that time proved the superiority of our soldiers over the french, and the unreflecting multitude were not to be persuaded that an invasion could only be effected by numerous and powerful fleets. a general alarm was excited, and, in condescension to this unworthy feeling, nelson was appointed to a command extending from orfordness to beachy head, on both shores--a sort of service, he said, for which he felt no other ability than what might be found in his zeal. this zeal he continued to display without abatement until the peace of amiens gave him leisure to return home again. the story of the battle of trafalgar. by robert southey. in the short-lived peace of amiens came to an end, and nelson was re-appointed to the command of the mediterranean fleet. hoisting his flag upon the _victory_ he busied himself for some time in preventing a combination of the french fleets. notwithstanding his vigilance, the french ships escaped from toulon and joined with those of cadiz. nelson followed them to the west indies, but they were evidently more inclined to fence than to fight, and so contrived to elude him. nelson, weary of cruising in search of the enemy, gave up the chase, and returned to england determined to rest awhile and recoup. all his stores were brought up from the _victory_, and he found in his house at merton the rest he required. many days had not elapsed before captain blackwood, on his way to london with despatches, called on him at five in the morning. nelson, who was already dressed, exclaimed the moment he saw him: "i am sure you bring me news of the french and spanish fleets! i think i shall yet have to beat them!" they had refitted at vigo after an indecisive action with sir robert calder, then proceeded to ferrol, brought out the squadron from thence, and with it entered cadiz in safety. "depend on it, blackwood," he repeatedly said, "i shall yet give m. villeneuve a drubbing." but, when blackwood had left him, he wanted resolution to declare his wishes to lady hamilton and his sisters, and endeavoured to drive away the thought. he had done enough; he said, "let the man trudge it who has lost his budget!" his countenance belied his lips and as he was pacing one of the walks in the garden, which he used to call the quarter-deck, lady hamilton came up to him and told him she saw he was uneasy. he smiled, and said, "no, he was as happy as possible; he was surrounded by those he loved, his health was better since he had been on shore, and he would not give sixpence to call the king his uncle." she replied that she did not believe him, that she knew he was longing to get at the combined fleets, that he considered them as his own property, that he would be miserable if any man but himself did the business, and that he ought to have them as the price and reward of his two years' long watching and his hard chase. "nelson," said she, "however we may lament your absence, offer your services; they will be accepted and you will gain a quiet heart by it; you will have a glorious victory, and then you may return here and be happy." his services were as willingly accepted as they were offered; and lord barham, giving him the list of the navy, desired him to choose his own officers. "choose yourself, my lord," was his reply; "the same spirit actuates the whole profession; you cannot choose wrong." early on september th nelson reached portsmouth, and having despatched his business on shore, endeavoured to elude the populace by taking a by-way to the beach; but a crowd collected in his train, pressing forward to obtain sight of his face; many were in tears, and many knelt down before him and blessed him as he passed. england has had many heroes, but never one who so entirely possessed the love of his fellow-countrymen as nelson. all men knew that his heart was as humane as it was fearless; that there was not in his nature the slightest alloy of selfishness or cupidity; but that, with perfect and entire devotion, he served his country with all his heart, and with all his soul, and with all his strength; and, therefore, they loved him as truly and as fervently as he loved england. they pressed upon the parapet to gaze after him when his barge pushed off, and he was returning their cheers by waving his hat. the sentinels who endeavoured to prevent them from trespassing upon this ground, were wedged among the crowd; and an officer, who, not very prudently upon such an occasion, ordered them to drive the people down with their bayonets, was compelled speedily to retreat, for the people would not be debarred from gazing till the last moment upon the hero--the darling hero--of england! nelson arrived off cadiz on september th--his birthday. fearing that if the enemy knew his force they might be deterred from venturing to sea, he kept out of sight of land, desired collingwood to fire no salute and hoist no colours; and wrote to gibraltar to request that the force of the fleet might not be inserted there in the _gazette_. his reception in the mediterranean fleet was as gratifying as the farewell of his countrymen at portsmouth: the officers, who came on board to welcome him, forgot his rank as commander in their joy at seeing him again. on the day of his arrival, villeneuve received orders to put to sea the first opportunity. villeneuve, however, hesitated when he heard that nelson had resumed the command. he called a council of war; and their determination was, that it would not be expedient to leave cadiz unless they had reason to believe themselves stronger by one-third than the british force. in the public measures of this country secrecy is seldom practicable, and seldom attempted: here, however, by the precautions of nelson and the wise measures of the admiralty, the enemy were for once kept in ignorance; for, as the ships appointed to reinforce the mediterranean fleet were despatched singly, each as soon as it was ready, their collected number was not stated in the newspapers and their arrival was not known to the enemy. but the enemy knew that admiral louis, with six sail, had been detached for stores and water to gibraltar. accident also contributed to make the french admiral doubt whether nelson himself had actually taken the command. an american, lately arrived from england, maintained that it was impossible--for he had seen him only a few days before in london, and at that time there was no rumour of his going again to sea. the station which nelson had chosen was some fifty or sixty miles to the west of cadiz, near cape st. mary's. at this distance he hoped to decoy the enemy out, while he guarded against the danger of being caught with a westerly wind near cadiz and driven within the straits. the blockade of the port was rigorously enforced, in hopes that the combined fleet might be forced to sea by want. the danish vessels, therefore, which were carrying provisions from the french ports in the bay, under the name of danish property, to all the little ports from ayamonte to algeziras, from whence they were conveyed in coasting boats to cadiz, were seized. without this proper exertion of power, the blockade would have been rendered nugatory by the advantage thus taken of the neutral flag. the supplies from france were thus effectually cut off. there was now every indication that the enemy would speedily venture out: officers and men were in the highest spirits at the prospect of giving them a decisive blow; such, indeed, as would put an end to all further contest upon the seas. "i verily believe," said nelson, writing on october th, "that the country will soon be put to some expense on my account; either a monument, or a new pension and honours; for i have not the smallest doubt but that a very few days, almost hours, will put us in battle. the success no man can insure; but for the fighting them, if they can be got at, i pledge myself. the sooner the better: i don't like to have these things upon my mind." at this time he was not without some cause of anxiety; he was in want of frigates--the eyes of the fleet, as he always called them--to the want of which the enemy before were indebted for their escape and bonaparte for his arrival in egypt. he had only twenty-three ships--others were on the way; but they might come too late; and though nelson never doubted of victory, mere victory was not what he looked to, he wanted to annihilate the enemy's fleet. on the th, nelson sent collingwood what he called, in his diary, the nelson-touch. "i send you," said he, "my plan of attack, as far as a man dare venture to guess at the very uncertain position the enemy may be found in; but it is to place you perfectly at ease respecting my intentions, and to give full scope to your judgment for carrying them into effect. we can, my dear coll, have no little jealousies. we have only one great object in view--that of annihilating our enemies and getting a glorious peace for our country. no man has more confidence in another than i have in you; and no man will render your services more justice than your very old friend, nelson and bronte." the order of sailing was to be the order of battle; the fleet in two lines with an advanced squadron of eight of the fastest sailing two-deckers. the second in command, having the entire direction of his line, was to break through the enemy, about the twelfth ship from their rear; he would lead through the centre, and the advanced squadron was to cut off three or four ahead of the centre. this plan was to be adapted to the strength of the enemy, so that they should always be one-fourth superior to those whom they cut off. nelson said that "his admirals and captains, knowing his precise object to be that of a close and decisive action, would supply any deficiency of signals and act accordingly. in case signals cannot be seen or clearly understood, no captain can do wrong if he places his ship alongside that of an enemy." one of the last orders of this admirable man was that the name and family of every officer, seaman, and marine who might be killed or wounded in action, should be, as soon as possible, returned to him, in order to be transmitted to the chairman of the patriotic fund, for the benefit of the sufferer or his family. about half-past nine in the morning of the th, the _mars_, being the nearest to the fleet of the ships which formed the line of communication with the frigates in-shore, repeated the signal that the enemy were coming out of port. the wind was at this time very light, with partial breezes, mostly from the south-south-west. nelson ordered the signal to be made for a chase in the south-east quarter. about two the repeating ships announced that the enemy were at sea. all night the british fleet continued under all sail, steering to the south-east. at daybreak they were in the entrance of the straits, but the enemy were not in sight. about seven one of the frigates made signal that the enemy were bearing north. upon this the _victory_ hove to; and shortly afterwards nelson made sail again to the northward. in the afternoon the wind blew fresh from the south-west, and the english began to fear that the foe might be forced to return to port. a little before sunset, however, blackwood, in the _euryalus_, telegraphed that they appeared determined to go to the westward. "and that," said the admiral in his diary, "they shall not do if it is in the power of nelson and bronte to prevent them." nelson had signified to blackwood that he depended upon him to keep sight of the enemy. they were observed so well that all their motions were made known to him; and, as they wore twice, he inferred that they were aiming to keep the port of cadiz open and would retreat there as soon as they saw the british fleet; for this reason he was very careful not to approach near enough to be seen by them during the night. at daybreak the combined fleets were distinctly seen from the _victory's_ deck, formed in a close line of battle ahead, on the starboard tack, about twelve miles to leeward and standing to the south. our fleet consisted of twenty-seven sail of the line and four frigates; theirs of thirty-three and seven large frigates. their superiority was greater in size and weight of metal than in numbers. they had four thousand troops on board; and the best riflemen who could be procured, many of them tyrolese, were dispersed through the ships. soon after daylight nelson came upon deck. october st was a festival in his family, because on that day his uncle, captain suckling, in the _dreadnought_, with two other line-of-battle ships, had beaten off a french squadron of four sail of the line and three frigates. nelson, with that sort of superstition from which few persons are entirely exempt, had more than once expressed his persuasion that this was to be the day of his battle also; and he was well pleased at seeing his prediction about to be verified. the wind was now from the west, light breezes, with a long, heavy swell. signal was made to bear down upon the enemy in two lines, and the fleet set all sail. collingwood, in the _royal sovereign_, led the lee line of thirteen ships; the _victory_ led the weather line of fourteen. having seen that all was as it should be, nelson retired to his cabin, and wrote the following prayer:-- "may the great god whom i worship grant to my country and for the benefit of europe in general a great and glorious victory, and may no misconduct in any one tarnish it; and may humanity after victory be the predominant feature in the british fleet! for myself individually, i commit my life to him that made me; and may his blessing alight on my endeavours for serving my country faithfully! to him i resign myself and the just cause which is entrusted to me to defend. amen. amen. amen." having thus discharged his devotional duties, he proceeded to recite at length in his diary the services rendered to him and through him to the english nation by lady hamilton, commending her to the care of the government. this entry was witnessed by henry blackwood and t. m. hardy. blackwood arrived on board the _victory_ about six o'clock. he found nelson in good spirits, but very calm; not in that exhilaration which he had felt upon entering into battle at aboukir and copenhagen. he knew that his own life would be particularly aimed at, and seems to have looked for death with almost as sure an expectation as for victory. his whole attention was fixed upon the enemy. they tacked to the northward and formed their line on the larboard tack; thus bringing the shoals of trafalgar and st. pedro under the lee of the british, and keeping the port of cadiz open for themselves. this was judiciously done; and nelson, aware of the advantages it gave them, made signal to prepare to anchor. villeneuve was a skilful seaman; worthy of serving a better master and a better cause. his plan of defence was as well conceived and as original as the plan of attack. he formed the fleet in a double line; every alternate ship being about a cable's length to windward of her second ahead and astern. nelson, certain of a triumphant issue to the day, asked blackwood what he should consider as a victory. that officer answered, that, considering the handsome way in which battle was offered by the enemy, their apparent determination for a fair trial of strength and the situation of the land, he thought it would be a glorious result if fourteen were captured. he replied: "i shall not be satisfied with less than twenty." soon afterwards he asked him if he did not think there was a signal wanting. captain blackwood made answer that he thought the whole fleet seemed very clearly to understand what they were about. these words were scarcely spoken before that signal was made which will be remembered as long as the language, or even the memory, of england shall endure--nelson's last signal:--"england expects every man will do his duty!" it was received throughout the fleet with a shout of answering acclamation, made sublime by the spirit which it breathed and the feeling which it expressed. "now," said lord nelson, "i can do no more. we must trust to the great disposer of all events and the justice of our cause. i thank god for this opportunity of doing my duty." the french admiral, from the _bucentaure_, beheld the new manner in which his enemy was advancing--nelson and collingwood each leading his line--and pointing them out to his officers he is said to have exclaimed that such conduct could not fail to be successful. yet villeneuve had made his own dispositions with the utmost skill, and the fleets under his command waited for the attack with perfect coolness. ten minutes before twelve they opened their fire. eight or nine of the ships immediately ahead of the _victory_, and across her bows fired single guns at her, to ascertain whether she was yet within their range. as soon as nelson perceived that their shot passed over him, he desired blackwood and captain prowse, of the _sirius_, to repair to their respective frigates, and, on their way, to tell all the captains of the line-of-battle ships that he depended on their exertions, and that, if by the prescribed mode of attack they found it impracticable to get into action immediately, they might adopt whatever they thought best, provided it led them quickly and closely alongside an enemy. standing on the front poop, blackwood took him by the hand, saying he hoped soon to return and find him in possession of twenty prizes. he replied, "god bless you, blackwood; i shall never see you again." nelson's column was steered about two points more to the north than collingwood's, in order to cut off the enemy's escape into cadiz: the lee line, therefore, was first engaged. "see," cried nelson, pointing to the _royal sovereign_ as she steered right for the centre of the enemy's line, cut through it astern of the _santa anna_, three-decker, and engaged her at the muzzle of her guns on the starboard side--"see how that noble fellow, collingwood, carries his ship into action!" collingwood, delighted at being first in the heat of the fire, and knowing the feelings of his commander and old friend, turned to his captain, and exclaimed: "rotherham, what would nelson give to be here!" both these brave officers, perhaps, at this moment, thought of nelson with gratitude for a circumstance which had occurred on the preceding day. admiral collingwood, with some of the captains, having gone on board the _victory_ to receive instructions, nelson inquired of him where his captain was, and was told in reply that they were not upon good terms with each other. "terms!" said nelson; "good terms with each other!" immediately he sent a boat for captain rotherham, led him, as soon as he arrived, to collingwood, and saying: "look; yonder are the enemy!" bade them shake hands like englishmen. the enemy continued to fire a gun at a time at the _victory_, till they saw that a shot had passed through her main-top-gallant sail; then they opened their broadsides, aiming chiefly at her rigging, in the hope of disabling her before she could close with them. nelson, as usual, had hoisted several flags, lest one should be shot away. the enemy showed no colours till late in the action, when they began to feel the necessity of having them to strike. for this reason, the _santissima trinidad_, nelson's old acquaintance, as he used to call her, was distinguishable only by her four decks; and to the bow of this opponent he ordered the _victory_ to be steered. meantime, an incessant raking fire was kept up upon the _victory_. the admiral's secretary was one of the first who fell: he was killed by a cannon shot while conversing with hardy. captain adair of the marines, with the help of a sailor, endeavoured to remove the body from nelson's sight, who had a great regard for mr. scott; but he anxiously asked, "is that poor scott that's gone?" and being informed that it was indeed so, exclaimed, "poor fellow!" presently, a double-headed shot struck a party of marines, who were drawn up on the poop, and killed eight of them: upon which nelson immediately desired captain adair to disperse his men round the ship, that they might not suffer so much from being together. a few minutes afterwards a shot struck the fore-brace bits on the quarter-deck, and passed between nelson and hardy, a splinter from the bit tearing off hardy's buckle and bruising his foot. both stopped and looked anxiously at each other: each supposed the other to be wounded. nelson then smiled, and said: "this is too warm work, hardy, to last long." the _victory_ had not yet returned a single gun; fifty of her men had been by this time killed or wounded, and her main-top mast with all her studding sails and their booms shot away. nelson declared that, in all his battles, he had seen nothing which surpassed the cool courage of his crew on this occasion. at four minutes after twelve she opened her fire from both sides of her deck. it was not possible to break the enemy's line without running on board one of their ships; hardy informed him of this and asked him which he would prefer. nelson replied: "take your choice, hardy, it does not signify much." the master was ordered to put the helm to port, and the _victory_ ran on board the _redoubtable_ just as her tiller-ropes were shot away. the french ship received her with a broadside, then instantly let down her lower-deck ports, for fear of being boarded through them, and never afterwards fired a great gun during the action. her tops, like those of all the enemy's ships, were filled with riflemen. nelson never placed musketry in his tops; he had a strong dislike to the practice; not merely because it endangers setting fire to the sails, but also because it is a murderous sort of warfare, by which individuals may suffer and a commander now and then be picked off, but which never can decide the fate of a general engagement. captain harvey, in the _temeraire_, fell on board the _redoubtable_ on the other side. another enemy was in like manner on board the _temeraire_, so that these four ships formed as compact a tier as if they had been moored together, their heads all lying the same way. the lieutenants of the _victory_ seeing this, depressed their guns of the middle and lower decks, and fired with a diminished charge, lest the shot should pass through and injure the _temeraire_. and because there was danger that the _redoubtable_ might take fire from the lower-deck guns, the muzzles of which touched her side when they were run out, the fireman of each gun stood ready with a bucket of water, which, as soon as the gun was discharged, he dashed into the hole made by the shot. an incessant fire was kept up from the _victory_ from both sides; her larboard guns playing upon the _bucentaure_ and the huge _santissima trinidad_. it had been part of nelson's prayer that the british fleet might be distinguished by humanity in the victory he expected. setting an example himself, he twice gave orders to cease firing upon the _redoubtable_, supposing that she had struck, because her great guns were silent; for, as she carried no flag, there was no means of instantly ascertaining the fact. from this ship, which he had thus twice spared, he received his death. a ball fired from her mizen-top, which, in the then situation of the two vessels, was not more than fifteen yards from that part of the deck where he was standing, struck the epaulette on his left shoulder, about a quarter after one, just in the heat of action. he fell upon his face on the spot which was covered with his poor secretary's blood. hardy, who was a few steps from him, turning round, saw three men raising him up. "they have done for me at last, hardy!" said he. "i hope not!" cried hardy. "yes," he replied, "my back-bone is shot through!" yet even now, not for a moment losing his presence of mind, he observed, as they were carrying him down the ladder, that the tiller-ropes, which had been shot away, were not yet replaced, and ordered that new ones should be rove immediately. then, that he might not be seen by the crew, he took out his handkerchief, and covered his face and his stars. had he but concealed these badges of honour from the enemy, england, perhaps, would not have had cause to receive with sorrow the news of the battle of trafalgar. the cockpit was crowded with wounded and dying men, over whose bodies he was with some difficulty conveyed and laid upon a pallet in the midshipman's berth. it was soon perceived, upon examination, that the wound was mortal. this, however, was concealed from all except captain hardy, the chaplain, and the medical attendants. he himself being certain, from the sensation in his back, and the gush of blood he felt momently within his breast, that no human care could avail him, insisted that the surgeon should leave him, and attend to those to whom he might be useful. "for," said he, "you can do nothing for me." all that could be done was to fan him with paper and frequently to give him lemonade to alleviate his intense thirst. he was in great pain, and expressed much anxiety for the event of the action, which now began to declare itself. as often as a ship struck, the crew of the _victory_ hurrahed; and at every hurrah a visible expression of joy gleamed in the eyes, and marked the countenance of the dying hero. but he became impatient to see captain hardy; and as that officer though often sent for could not leave the deck, nelson feared that some fatal cause prevented him, and repeatedly cried: "will no one bring hardy to me? he must be killed! he is surely dead!" an hour and ten minutes elapsed from the time when nelson received his wound before hardy could come to him. they shook hands in silence; hardy in vain struggling to suppress the feelings of that most painful and yet sublimest moment. "well, hardy," said nelson, "how goes the day with us?" "very well," replied hardy; "ten ships have struck, but five of the van have tacked and show an intention to bear down upon the _victory_. i have called two or three of our fresh ships round, and have no doubt of giving them a drubbing." "i hope," said nelson, "none of our ships have struck?" hardy answered, "there was no fear of that." then, and not till then, nelson spoke of himself. "i am a dead man, hardy," said he; "i am going fast; it will be all over with me soon. come nearer to me. let my dear lady hamilton have my hair, and all other things belonging to me." hardy observed that he hoped mr. beatty could yet hold out some prospect of life. "oh, no!" he replied; "it is impossible; my back is shot through. beatty will tell you so." captain hardy then once more shook hands with him, and with a heart almost bursting, hastened upon deck. by this time all feeling below the breast was gone; and nelson having made the surgeon ascertain this, said to him, "you know i am gone. i know it. i feel something rising in my breast" (putting his hand on his left side) "which tells me so." and upon beatty's inquiring whether his pain was very great, he replied, "so great, that he wished he was dead. yet," said he, in a lower voice, "one would like to live a little longer, too!" and after a few minutes, in the same undertone, he added: "what would become of poor lady hamilton if she knew my situation!" next to his country, she occupied his thoughts. captain hardy, some fifty minutes after he had left the cockpit, returned, and, again taking the hand of his dying friend and commander, congratulated him on having gained a complete victory. how many of the enemy were taken he did not know, as it was impossible to perceive them distinctly, but fourteen or fifteen at least. "that's well!" cried nelson; "but i bargained for twenty." and then in a stronger voice, he said: "anchor, hardy; anchor." hardy, upon this, hinted that admiral collingwood would take upon himself the direction of affairs. "not while i live, hardy," said the dying nelson, ineffectually endeavouring to raise himself from the bed. "do you anchor." his previous order for preparing to anchor had shown how clearly he foresaw the necessity of this. presently, calling hardy back, he said to him, in a low voice: "don't throw me overboard;" and he desired that he might be buried by his parents, unless it should please the king to order otherwise. then reverting to private feelings--"take care of my dear lady hamilton, hardy; take care of poor lady hamilton. kiss me, hardy," said he. hardy knelt down and kissed his cheek; and nelson said: "now i am satisfied. thank god, i have done my duty!" hardy stood over him in silence for a moment or two, then knelt again, and kissed his forehead. "who is that?" said nelson; and being informed, he replied: "god bless you, hardy." and hardy then left him for ever. nelson now desired to be turned upon his right side, and said: "i wish i had not left the deck; for i shall soon be gone." death was, indeed, rapidly approaching. he said to the chaplain: "doctor, i have _not_ been a _great_ sinner;" and after a short pause, "remember that i leave lady hamilton and my daughter horatia as a legacy to my country." his articulation now became difficult; but he was distinctly heard to say: "thank god, i have done my duty!" nelson expired at thirty minutes after four, three hours and a quarter after he had received his wound. within a quarter of an hour after nelson was wounded, about fifty of the _victory's_ men fell by the enemy's musketry. they, however, on their part, were not idle; and it was not long before there were only two frenchmen left alive in the mizen-top of the _redoubtable_. one of them was the man who had given the fatal wound; he did not live to boast of what he had done. an old quarter-master had seen him fire, and easily recognised him, because he wore a glazed cocked hat and a white frock. this quarter-master and two midshipmen, mr. collingwood and mr. pollard, were the only persons left in the _victory's_ poop; the two midshipmen kept firing at the top, and he supplied them with cartridges. one of the frenchmen attempting to make his escape down the rigging, was shot by mr. pollard, and fell on the poop. but the old quarter-master, as he cried out, "that's he, that's he," and pointed at the other, who was coming forward to fire again, received a shot in his mouth, and fell dead. both the midshipmen then fired at the same time, and the fellow dropped in the top. when they took possession of the prize they went into the mizen-top, and found him dead, with one ball through his head and another through his breast. the _redoubtable_ struck within twenty minutes after the fatal shot had been fired from her. during that time she had been twice on fire; in her forechains, and in her forecastle. the french, as they had done in other battles, made use in this of fire-balls and other combustibles--implements of destruction which other nations from a sense of honour and humanity have laid aside--which add to the sufferings of the wounded without determining the issue of the combat; which none but the cruel would employ, and which never can be successful against the brave. once they succeeded in setting fire, from the _redoubtable_, to some ropes and canvas on the _victory's_ booms. the cry ran through the ship and reached the cockpit. but even this dreadful cry produced no confusion; the men displayed that perfect self-possession in danger by which english seamen are characterised; they extinguished the flames on board their own ship, and then hastened to extinguish them in the enemy, by throwing buckets of water from the gangway. when the _redoubtable_ had struck, it was not practicable to board her from the _victory_; for though the two ships touched, the upper works of both fell in so much that there was a great space between their gangways, and she could not be boarded from the lower or middle decks because her ports were down. some of our men went to lieutenant quilliam and offered to swim under her bows, and get up there; but it was thought unfit to hazard lives in this manner. what our men would have done from gallantry, some of the crew of the _santissima trinidad_ did to save themselves. unable to stand the tremendous fire of the _victory_, whose larboard guns played against this great four-decker, and not knowing how else to escape them nor where else to betake themselves for protection, many of them leapt overboard and swam to the _victory_, and were actually helped up her sides by the english during the action. the spaniards began the battle with less vivacity than their unworthy allies, but continued it with greater firmness. the _argonauta_ and _bahama_ were defended till they had each lost about four hundred men; the _san juan nepomuceno_ lost three hundred and fifty. often as the superiority of british courage has been proved against france upon the seas, it was never more conspicuous than in this decisive conflict. five of our ships were engaged muzzle to muzzle with five of the french. in all five the frenchmen lowered their lower-deck ports and deserted their guns; while our men continued deliberately to load and fire till they had made the victory secure. the total british loss in the battle of trafalgar amounted to one thousand five hundred and eighty-seven. twenty of the enemy struck. unhappily the fleet did not anchor, as nelson, almost with his dying breath, had enjoined; a gale came on from the south-west; some of the prizes went down, some went on shore; one effected its escape into cadiz; others were destroyed--four only were saved, and those by the greatest exertions. the wounded spaniards were sent ashore, an assurance being given that they should not serve till regularly exchanged; and the spaniards, with a generous feeling which would not, perhaps, have been found in any other people, offered the use of their hospitals for our wounded, pledging the honour of spain that they should be carefully attended there. when the storm, after the action, drove some of the prizes upon the coast, they declared that the english, who were thus thrown into their hands, should not be considered as prisoners of war; and the spanish soldiers gave up their own beds to their shipwrecked enemies. the spanish vice-admiral, alva, died of his wounds. villeneuve was sent to england and permitted to return to france. the french government say that he destroyed himself on the way to paris, dreading the consequences of a court martial; but there is every reason to believe that the tyrant, who never acknowledged the loss of the battle of trafalgar, added villeneuve to the numerous victims of his murderous policy. * * * * * transcriber's notes obvious typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected. ambiguous end-of-line hyphenation has been preserved. inconsistencies in punctuation and hyphenation have been preserved: several authors contributed to this book. words printed in reverse order have not been corrected. page : "trenche-le·mer" changed to "trenche-le-mer" (richard's own ship being named "_trenche-le-mer_,") page : "there" changed to "three" (we continued the fight with the carmosel three) page : "a-ground" is spelled "aground" elsewhere in book (their ships being a-ground,) page : "disturbace" changed to "disturbance" (from receiving any disturbance upon his) page : missing opening quotation mark added ("had but just come) page : missing word added in brackets (the return of [those]) page : missing word added in brackets (nelson was therefore sent [on] a voyage) [illustration: thepocketbooks] [illustration: thepocketbooks] the german fleet _being the companion volume to "the fleets at war" and "from heligoland to keeling island."_ by archibald hurd author (joint) of "german sea-power, its rise, progress and economic basis." hodder and stoughton london new york toronto mcmxv contents chapter page introduction i. past ascendency ii. the first german fleet iii. germany's fleet in the last century iv. british influence on the german navy v. the german navy acts vi. german ships, officers, and men vii. william ii. and his naval minister appendix i.--germany's naval policy appendix ii.--british and german ship-building programmes introduction in the history of nations there is probably no chapter more fascinating and arresting than that which records the rise and fall and subsequent resurrection of german sea-power. in our insular pride, conscious of our glorious naval heritage, we are apt to forget that germany had a maritime past, and that long before the german empire existed the german people attained pre-eminence in oversea commerce and created for its protection fleets which exercised commanding influence in northern waters. it is an error, therefore, to regard germany as an up-start naval power. the creation of her modern navy represented the revival of ancient hopes and aspirations. to those ambitions, in their unaggressive form, her neighbours would have taken little exception; germany had become a great commercial power with colonies overseas, and it was natural that she should desire to possess a navy corresponding to her growing maritime interests and the place which she had already won for herself in the sun. the more closely the history of german sea-power is studied the more apparent it must become, that it was not so much germany's navy acts, as the propaganda by which they were supported and the new and aggressive spirit which her naval organisation brought into maritime affairs that caused uneasiness throughout the world and eventually created that feeling of antagonism which found expression after the opening of war in august, . in the early part of i wrote, in collaboration with a friend who possessed intimate knowledge of the foundations and the strength of the german empire, a history of the german naval movement,[ ] particular emphasis being laid on its economic basis. in the preparation of the present volume i have drawn upon this former work. it has been impossible, however, in the necessarily limited compass of one of the _daily telegraph_ war books, to deal with the economic basis upon which the german navy has been created. i believe that the chapters in "german sea-power" with reference to this aspect of german progress--for which my collaborator was responsible and of which, therefore, i can speak without reserve--still constitute a unique presentation of the condition of germany on the eve of the outbreak of war. much misconception exists as to the staying power of germany. the german empire as an economic unit is not of mushroom growth. those readers who are sufficiently interested in the subject of the basis of german vitality, will realise vividly by reference to "german sea-power" the deep and well-laid foundations upon which not only the german navy, but the german empire rest. whether this history should be regarded as the romance of the german navy or the tragedy of the german navy must for the present remain an open question. in everyday life many romances culminate in tragedy, and the course of events in the present war suggest that the time may be at hand when the german people will realise the series of errors committed by their rulers in the upbuilding of german sea-power. within the past fifteen years it is calculated that about £ , , has been spent in the maintenance and expansion of the german fleet, the improvement of its bases, and the enlargement of the kiel canal. much of this money has been raised by loans. those loans are still unpaid; it was believed by a large section of the german people that great britain, hampered by party politics and effete in all warlike pursuits, would, after defeat, repay them. that hope must now be dead. the german people, as the memorandum which accompanied the navy act of reveals, were led to anticipate that the fleet, created by the sacrifice of so much treasure, would not only guarantee their shores against aggression, but would give absolute protection to their maritime and colonial interests, and would, eventually, pay for itself. the time will come when they will recognise that from the first they have been hoodwinked and deceived by those in authority over them. it may be that german statesmen, and the emperor himself, were themselves deceived by the very brilliance of the dreams of world power which they entertained and by the conception which they had formed of the lack of virility, sagacity and prescience of those responsible for the fortunes of other countries, and of great britain in particular. german navy acts were passed in full confidence that during the period when they were being carried into effect the rest of the world would stand still, lost in admiration of germany's culture and germany's power. the mass of the german people were unwilling converts to the new gospel. they had to be convinced of the wisdom of the new policy. for this purpose a press bureau was established. throughout the german states this organisation fostered, through the official and semi-official press, feelings of antagonism and hatred towards other countries, and towards england and the united states especially, because these two countries were germany's most serious rivals in the commercial markets of the world, and also possessed sea-power superior to her own. it is interesting to recall in proof of this dual aim of german policy the remarks of von edelsheim, a member of the german general staff, in a pamphlet entitled "operationen ubersee."[ ] the author, after first pointing out the possibility of invading england, turned his attention to the united states.[ ] his remarks are so interesting in view of the activity of german agents on the other side of the atlantic after the outbreak of war, that it is perhaps excusable to quote at some length this explanation by a member of the german general staff of how the german fleet was to be used against the united states as an extension of the power of the huge german army. "the possibility must be taken into account that the fleet of the united states will at first not venture into battle, but that it will withdraw into fortified harbours, in order to wait for a favourable opportunity of achieving minor successes. therefore it is clear that naval action alone will not be decisive against the united states, but that combined action of army and navy will be required. considering the great extent of the united states, the conquest of the country by an army of invasion is not possible. but there is every reason to believe that victorious enterprises on the atlantic coast, and the conquest of the most important arteries through which imports and exports pass, will create such an unbearable state of affairs in the whole country that the government will readily offer acceptable conditions in order to obtain peace. "if germany begins preparing a fleet of transports and troops for landing purposes at the moment when the battle fleet steams out of our harbours, we may conclude that operations on the american soil can begin after about four weeks, and it cannot be doubted that the united states will not be able to oppose to us within that time an army equivalent to our own. "at present the regular army of the united states amounts to , men, of whom only , could be disposed of. of these at least , are required for watching the indian territories and for guarding the fortifications on the sea coast. therefore only about , men of the regular army are ready for war. besides, about , militia are in existence, of whom the larger part did not come up when they were called out during the last war. lastly, the militia is not efficient; it is partly armed with muzzle-loaders, and its training is worse than its armament. "as an operation by surprise against america is impossible, on account of the length of time during which transports are on the way, only the landing can be affected by surprise. nevertheless, stress must be laid on the fact that the rapidity of the invasion will considerably facilitate victory against the united states, owing to the absence of methodical preparation for mobilization, owing to the inexperience of the personnel, and owing to the weakness of the regular army. "in order to occupy permanently a considerable part of the united states, and to protect our lines of operation so as to enable us to fight successfully against all the forces which that country, in the course of time, can oppose to us, considerable forces would be required. such an operation would be greatly hampered by the fact that it would require a second passage of the transport fleet in order to ship the necessary troops that long distance. however, it seems questionable whether it would be advantageous to occupy a great stretch of country for a considerable time. the americans will not feel inclined to conclude peace because one or two provinces are occupied by an army of invasion, but because of the enormous, material losses which the whole country will suffer if the atlantic harbour towns, in which the threads of the whole prosperity of the united states are concentrated, are torn away from them one after the other. "therefore the task of the fleet would be to undertake a series of large landing operations, through which we are able to take several of these important and wealthy towns within a brief space of time. by interrupting their communications, by destroying all buildings serving the state commerce and the defence, by taking away all material for war and transport, and, lastly, by levying heavy contributions, we should be able to inflict damage on the united states. "for such enterprises a smaller military force will suffice. nevertheless, the american defence will find it difficult to undertake a successful enterprise against that kind of warfare. though an extremely well-developed railway system enables them to concentrate troops within a short time on the different points on the coast, the concentration of the troops and the time which is lost until it is recognised which of the many threatened points of landing will really be utilised will, as a rule, make it possible for the army of invasion to carry out its operation with success under the co-operation of the fleet at the point chosen. the corps landed can either take the offensive against gathering hostile forces or withdraw to the transports in order to land at another place." these declarations of german naval and military policy are of interest as illustrating the character of the propaganda by which the naval movement was encouraged. _the navy was to give world-wide length of reach to the supreme german army, and enable germany to dictate peace to each and every nation, however distantly situated._ an appeal was made to the lowest instincts of the german people. they were counselled to create a great naval force on the understanding that the money expended would by aggressive wars be repaid with interest and that, as a result of combined naval and military operations, they would extend the world power of the german empire, and incidentally promote germany's maritime interests in all the oceans of the world. those who were responsible for the inflammatory speeches and articles by which the interest of the german people in the naval movement was excited, forgot the influence which these ebullitions would have upon the policy of other powers and upon their defensive preparations. it was only after hostilities had broken out that the german people realised what small results all their sacrifices had produced. by the words, more than the acts, of those responsible for german naval policy, the other powers of the world had been forced to expand and reorganise their naval forces. germany had at great cost won for herself the position of second greatest naval power in the world, but in doing so she had unconsciously forced up the strength of the british fleet and dragged in her path the united states, france, italy, japan, russia, and to a limited extent, but only to a limited extent, her ally, austria-hungary. during the years of agitation the other powers of the world had not stood still, as it was assumed in germany they would do. first, the british people increased their naval expenditure and more ships were built and more officers and men were entered; and then the german navy act of was passed. it had been the practice of the naval powers to keep about one-half only of their ships in full sea-going commission. the armed peace, before germany began to give expression to her maritime ambitions, was a yoke which rested easily upon the navies of the world. as a british naval officer has remarked:-- "up to the end of the last century our navy enjoyed a peace routine. we maintained squadrons all over the world, and the pick of our personnel was to be found anywhere but in home waters. the mediterranean claimed the pick of both our ships and men. here naval life was one long holiday. the routine was to lay in harbour for nine months out of the year. about july the whole fleet would congregate at malta for the summer's cruise. sometimes it would be east of malta, taking in the grecian archipelago and the holy land; at others it would be west, visiting the french and italian ports, paying a visit to the rock, and then home to malta for another long rest. "preparation for war was never thought of. why should it be? the french navy had no aggressive designs, and was much below our own, both in material strength and in personnel, while the russian navy was partly confined in the black sea, the other part being in the baltic. and so we, both officers and men, set out to have a good time. our ships were kept up to yacht-like perfection as regards their paintwork, while their bright work shone like gold, and the road to promotion lay not through professional efficiency, but the state of cleanliness and splendour of one's ship. all kinds of drills and evolutions were devised, not because of their war value, but because they had a competitive value, and so ship could be pitted against ship and an element of sport introduced. "there was nothing really wrong in all this. the british navy was there to maintain for us our title of 'mistress of the seas,' and as no other nation apparently wished to challenge our title, there was nothing to do but pass away the time as pleasantly as possible; when the navy was called on to perform any task it carried it through with vigour, valour, and efficiency, and immediately settled down again."[ ] this regime came to an end soon after grand admiral von tirpitz became german naval secretary towards the end of the nineteenth century. he set the navies of the world a new model. he determined to take advantage of the easy-going spirit which animated the pleasant relations then existing between the great fleets. there was to be nothing pleasant about the german fleet. it was to be a strenuous agent of germany's aggressive aims. in the organisation of german sea-power new principles found expression. in home waters and abroad the german navy was always ready instantly for war. the screw was applied gradually stage by stage. under the german navy act of this aggressive sea policy found its ultimate expression: it was proposed to keep always on a war footing nearly four-fifths of the ships in northern waters, while at the same time the squadrons abroad were to be greatly increased in strength. happily, owing to lord fisher's foresight and strategical ability, the british navy was enabled step by step to respond to each and every measure taken by germany. he created for us a grand fleet and when hostilities broke out that fleet took up its war stations and denied to the main forces of germany the use of any and every sea. german policy operated as a tonic, though not to the same extent, on the other great fleets of the world. in the summer of germany discovered that every anticipation upon which her foreign, naval and military policies had been based had been falsified by events. in particular, in adding to her strength at sea and on land, she had rendered herself weak by creating enemies east and west. her navy, which was to have engaged in a victorious campaign against the greatest naval power of the world in isolation--the rest of the world watching the inevitable downfall of the mistress of the seas with approval--found arrayed against it not the british fleet only, but the fleets of france and russia in europe and the navy of japan in the far east. in studying, therefore, the history of the naval development of germany, and contrasting the high hopes which inspired the naval movement with the events which occurred on the outbreak of war, and in subsequent months, one is led to wonder whether, after all, the romance of the german navy will not be regarded in the future, by the german people at least, rather as a great and costly tragedy. footnotes: [footnote : "german sea-power, its rise, progress and economic basis," by archibald hurd and henry castle ( , london, john murray, s. d.).] [footnote : "modern germany" (smith elder, ).] [footnote : germans always assumed that they could attack the united states without intervention on our part, just as they assumed that they could engage in war with us without becoming involved with the united states. they believed that germany would fight both countries in turn--and victoriously.] [footnote : "the british navy from within" by "ex-royal navy" (hodder & stoughton).] the german fleet chapter i past ascendency like the foundations of the empire in , the formation of the modern german fleet is the result of a movement that had its origin among the people and not among the princes of the country. and this naval movement sprang up and reached its greatest vigour in those sea-board districts that still sedulously keep alive the splendid tradition of the hanseatic league, which, as the strongest maritime power of its day, for centuries almost monopolized the trade of northern and western europe, and with the word "sterling," a corruption of "easterling," the name popularly given to its members, has left on great britain the indelible stamp of its former mercantile domination. for the coin of the hanse towns, by reason of its unimpeachable quality, was once universally sought after in england, and thus became the standard of monetary excellence. the memories of the hansa are the "historical foundation" on which have been based germany's claims to a leading place among the maritime nations, and they have played a prominent part in every agitation for the increase of her fleet. why, it was asked, should she not again assume upon the seas that dominating position which she once undoubtedly held? why, with her expanding population, trade, and wealth, should she not reclaim that maritime ascendency which she forfeited to holland in the seventeenth century, and which a hundred years later passed to great britain? why should she not realize that dream which was in the mind of friedrich list when he wrote: "how easy it would have been for the hanse towns, in the epoch of their rule over the sea, to attain national unity through the instrumentality of the imperial power, to unite the whole littoral from dunkirk to riga under one nationality, and thus to win and maintain for the german nation supremacy in industry, trade, and sea-power!" it is, moreover, not without significance that the hansa itself was, in a sense, democratic, and that, at a time when germany, as a national unit, was rendered impotent in the world by her superabundance of princes, her citizens were able, on their own initiative, and by their own energies, to assert their power and capacity as a maritime people. the story of the hansa is full of strange anomalies and antitheses. historians differ by centuries as to the date at which the existence of the league commenced, and just as it never had a definite beginning, so it has never had a formal end, for to this day two of the hanse towns--hamburg and bremen--have certain institutions in common, such as their supreme law courts and their diplomatic representation in prussia. for hundreds of years the confederation acted, and was treated by foreign governments, as an independent state and a great power, but its composition was never certain and always fluctuating. from first to last the names of no fewer than ninety cities and towns were entered upon its rolls, but it is impossible to say of each of them how often and when it joined or left the league. foreign rulers, and especially the english monarchs, made repeated attempts to obtain from the hansa an official list of its members, but compliance with their demands was systematically evaded on one pretext or another. the league's policy was, as far as possible, to assert the claims of its members, and to disown responsibility for those made against them. this policy is pretty clearly expressed in the following answer returned by the league in to complaints put forward on behalf of english merchantmen who had suffered through the depredations of the dantzic privateer or pirate, paul beneke: "the towns of the hansa are a corpus in the possession of the privileges they hold in any realms, lands, or lordships, and when their privileges are infringed, they are accustomed to meet and consult, and then to issue for all of them ordinances against all goods from the countries in which their privileges have been infringed, that they shall not be suffered in the commonalty of towns. but they were not making war against england; only some of the towns of the hansa, which had been injured by england, had determined upon it at their own venture, win or lose, which did not take place in the name of the hanse commonalty." the theory of the federation was, in fact, that it existed for the purpose only of taking, and not of giving, and it refused to imply a corporate responsibility by publishing its membership rolls. it is impossible, in the space available, to tell in any detail the fascinating story of the rise of the hansa to the position of a great power, with its guild halls and factories in foreign lands, of which the oldest and most important was the steelyard, in london. the history of this institution is believed to go back to the latter days of the roman occupation. when the hanseatic league was at the height of its power--from the last quarter of the fourteenth to the first half of the sixteenth centuries, the steelyard, in london, closely resembled a state within a larger state. it occupied a site now covered by cannon street station, extending from thames street to the river, and bounded to the east and west respectively by all hallows and cousins lane. the steelyard had something of the appearance of a fortress and was stoutly defended against attack. the community within its precincts was governed with monastic severity. their affairs were administered by an alderman with the assistance of two adjuncts and nine counsellers who took part in all the state and civic pageants of london as a corporation. this great german commercial institution on british soil, and the other houses established in other countries, reflected the great power which was wielded by the hanseatic league in commerce. these german traders, however, realised that their increasing trade on the seas required adequate defence. mainly at the instigation of the merchants of lübeck, a considerable navy was created, this german city being dependent for its prosperity mainly upon the herring fishing and curing industries of europe. in process of time the germans succeeded in driving away english, french and spanish rivals, and created a great monopoly of the herring fisheries of northern europe, from which they drew immense wealth and on which depended a number of other industries. it was mainly for the protection of the sound herrings that the hansa undertook against the scandinavian states the numerous campaigns by which it won the keys of the baltic. the war which culminated with the peace of spralsunde in raised the league to the rank of a first-class sea power. encouraged by its success in crushing and humiliating denmark, the hansa had little hesitation in measuring itself against england. the towns became associated through the victualling brothers with an active form of corsair warfare on english shipping. by its triumph over the danes, the hansa secured a practical monopoly of the shipping and trade of the baltic and north sea, which it held almost unimpaired for nearly two hundred years. in the words of gustav wasa, "the three good (scandinavian) crowns remained small wares of the hansa up to the sixteenth century," and as long as this was so the commercial and maritime supremacy of the league was practically unchallengeable. the manner in which the easterlings availed themselves of the ascendency they had now acquired is a classic example of the ruthless and unscrupulous exploitation of political power for the purposes of purely material gain, for they were actuated by no national or ideal aims, but solely by the desire to enrich themselves. favoured by the confusion and chaos prevailing in the lands of their potential rivals, they became the exclusive brokers through whose mediation the spices of the orient, the wines of france, the cloth of flanders, the tin, wool, hides, and tallow of england, were exchanged for the dried cod of norway, the ores of sweden, the wheat of prussia, the honey and wax of poland, the furs of russia, and the myriads of herrings which every summer were caught in the sound, and salted and packed on the coast of scania. what they aimed at, and what for long years they substantially obtained, was the disappearance of all flags but their own from the north sea and the baltic. moreover, a great part of the carrying trade between england and france also fell to their lot. the conditions were such as rendered warlike operations between england and the teutonic order inevitable. it is impossible to trace in any detail the guerilla tactics which were adopted on both sides. it is only necessary for our present purpose to convey some idea of the sea power which the hansa exercised in order that we may better understand the ambitions of germany to which the emperor william the second and grand admiral von tirpitz gave expression in the early years of the twentieth century. at the outset of its career, its warships were manned by the burghers themselves, but as the fleet increased in size--it was quadrupled during the first half of the fifteenth century--recourse to mercenaries became more and more general. the commanders of the ships were invariably citizens of the towns which had equipped them, and were frequently members of the governing council, while the admiral of a fleet was always a councillor, and usually a burgomaster. the officers of the land forces, which were raised as occasion demanded, were principally drawn from the impoverished nobility, whose members welcomed any opportunity of repairing their shattered fortunes by martial adventure. of the naval resources of the league, some idea can be formed from the fact that, in the war against the scandinavian kingdoms in , it sent out a fleet of ships, manned by , sailors and fighting men. for the exhausting, if not inglorious, seven years' war against gustav wasa's successor, lübeck alone fitted out men-of-war, of which one, the _adler_, carried sailors, fighting men, and "constables." her armament consisted of carthouns, demi-carthouns, culverins, and many smaller pieces of ordnance. among her munitions were , cannon-balls and hundredweight of powder. chapter ii the first german fleet in one of the window niches on the ground floor of the military museum (zeughaus) at berlin lies an old and dilapidated -pounder gun. in its deep and disfiguring coat of rust it is an inconspicuous object, and, amid that rich and varied collection of artillery from all the ages, the eye of the casual visitor will not rest upon it for more than a disparaging moment. and yet few of the treasures of the museum have a more interesting history to tell, for it is the sole remaining relic of the first serious experiment in naval and colonial policy ever made by a german ruler. on an elevation rising from the beach of cape three points, on the gold coast, now british territory, are still to be seen the crumbling ruins of the fort of gross-friedrichsburg, built there by the elector of brandenburg in , and when the german corvette _sophie_ visited the spot, with pious purpose, in , this corroded gun was unearthed from beneath the weeds and brushwood that have overgrown the decayed ramparts. frederick william, the great elector, has been exemplary for many of his successors. frederick the great rightly considered him the most able of the previous princes of the house of hohenzollern, while the present german emperor has made a special cult of his memory, and assuredly had a symbolic intention when he appeared at a fancy-dress ball disguised as the first of his ancestors who equipped a fleet and founded a colony. when frederick william was called to the brandenburg throne in at the age of twenty, germany was still in the throes of the thirty years' war, and no part of the empire had suffered more than his electorate from the consequences of that unspeakable calamity. of all the causes which have contributed to impede the normal development of the painstaking and industrious german race, none had so malign an influence as that stupendous conflict. it not merely delayed civilization, but over vast tracts of country positively exterminated it. at the close of the war many once flourishing towns had absolutely disappeared from the face of the earth, and where formerly a numerous peasantry had tilled its fertile fields a howling wilderness extended in all directions as far as the eye could reach. in north germany to-day an apparently purposeless pond, or a detached clump of venerable trees, still shows where once a village stood, and bears mute witness to the ruthless barbarity with which the religious partition of central europe was brought about. when an end was put to the bloodshed and rapine by the peace of westphalia ( ), the population of germany had been reduced to one half--in some districts to one tenth--of its former dimensions. many portions of the empire are even to-day not so thickly inhabited as they were before the war. industry and commerce had migrated to england, france, and holland; and leipzig and frankfort were the only german towns that had retained any trade worthy of mention. the hansa, with its fleets of warships and merchantmen, was but a memory of the past. königsberg had no longer a ship of its own; the trade of dantzig and stettin was almost entirely carried in foreign bottoms; and even hamburg, which directly had been but comparatively little touched by the thirty years of chaos and turmoil, and had benefited from its exceptional connection with england, was left commercially crippled. at a hanse parliament held in , only hamburg, lübeck, and bremen were represented. germany had been so drained of money that barter had generally taken the place of purchase by coin; wages were paid in the products of labour, grain, ore, and manufactured goods, and even state officials in some cases received their salaries in kind. even before the war broke out, brandenburg, a country of barren soil and few natural resources, had stood far below the rest of germany both materially and intellectually. in the twin towns, berlin and cöln, which faced one another from opposite banks of the spree, and have since been merged to form the colossal capital of the new empire, contained together no more than , souls. brandenburg and frankfort-on-oder each had a population of , . only two other towns, stendal and salzwedel, could boast more than , inhabitants. and it was of the mere ruins of this country that frederick william formed the foundation-stone of the prussian kingdom and of the german empire of to-day. if the thirty years' war had produced any form of national consolidation, if it had increased the authority of the empire or resulted in the absorption of the smaller states by the larger, that would at least have been some compensation to germany for its long and terrible ordeal. but exactly the opposite was the case. the war ceased simply because no one had the will or the strength to continue it, and a miserable compromise was the result. the only gainers were the princes, who, as the wielders of the armed forces, had been able to enhance their power, and now acquired a larger measure of independence in their relationships to the emperor. their number remained legion. in the germany mapped out by the westphalian negotiators there were eight electors, sixty-nine spiritual and ninety-six temporal princes, sixty-one imperial towns, and a multitude of counts and barons exercising various degrees of sovereign power. frederick william's claim to the title "great," which was bestowed upon him by his own generation, has been contested, but may be allowed to pass. as military leader, diplomatist, organizer, and administrator, he certainly had unusual gifts. above all, he excelled in duplicity and treachery. the most eminent living german historian has said of him that "both in internal and external politics he acted with an unscrupulousness so manifest that it cannot be palliated," and can find no better excuse for his many deeds of "faithlessness" and "double-dealing" than that, in this respect, he was merely "the master of the diplomatic art of his day." the elector was actuated solely by his own personal and dynastic interests, and was utterly devoid of "german" patriotism, for in return for the liberal subsidies on which he prospered, he undertook, in a secret treaty, to support the candidature of the french king or dauphin for the imperial german throne, and he was mainly responsible for the truce which left strasburg in french hands for nearly two centuries. during the incessant wars which filled up most of his reign he fought both with and against every other belligerent. his sword was always at the disposal of the highest bidder, either of hard cash or of territorial extension, and by adroit choice of the moment for changing sides he generally made a profitable bargain. true, he was obliged to restore the western portion of pomerania which he had conquered from the swedes, but he obtained a much more important acquisition--the recognition of his full sovereignty in what is now east prussia. that region had been wrested from the slavs by the german orders of chivalry, founded at the time of the crusades, and had subsequently become an evangelical duchy, ruled by a junior branch of the house of hohenzollern, as a fief of the kingdom of poland. on the extinction of the ducal line, it had reverted to the rulers of brandenburg, and by a timely sale of his military assistance, first to the swedes and then to the poles, the great elector induced both to admit his unrestricted and unqualified rights of sovereignty in the duchy. his successor persuaded the emperor to agree to his assumption of the kingly title for this territory, and it is an interesting fact--especially in view of the last development of the german empire, which in its present constitutional form and in much else is dependent upon catholic support--that this elevation was largely brought about by the intervention of two jesuit fathers. it was from the kingdom of prussia which was thus established, and which was a completely independent state altogether outside the competencies of the holy roman empire, that arose the hohenzollern ascendency in germany, and round it that the new german empire crystallized. for this reason the episode is quite germane to our present purpose. the germans excel as diligent pupils and patient imitators, and the great elector was no exception to this rule. from his fourteenth to his eighteenth year he had been educated under the care of frederick henry, the statthalter of holland, then the chief sea-power of the world, from whom he had imbibed many ideas as to the importance of navies, colonies, and sea-borne trade. his connection with the netherlands was maintained and strengthened by his marriage with an orange princess, the aunt of william iii. of england, and many dutchmen entered his service. among them was an ex-admiral, gijsels by name, who assiduously kept alive the dreams of sea-power which the elector had brought back with him from holland. it was on his prompting that, in , when frederick william was embroiled with the swedes, and found his operations hampered by the lack of a fleet, an enquiry as to the possibility of remedying this deficiency was ordered by the elector. the investigation resulted, for the time being, only in the compilation of a memorandum as to a "brandenburg-imperial admiralty," and some fruitless attempts to obtain ships in the netherlands. but gijsels' projects went far beyond a mere fleet. all the world was then discussing the colonizing activity of the western european states, and frederick william's predecessor on the electoral throne had conceived abortive plans for founding an east indian trading company. what the ex-admiral proposed to the elector in was, that brandenburg, austria, and spain should combine for the purpose of securing a colonial ascendency, which was to be arrived at by playing off england, france, and holland against one another. negotiations to this end seem actually to have been commenced, but they broke down over the jealous suspicions of the diplomatists approached, and the perpetual turning of the european kaleidoscope. during the next fifteen years the idea of a brandenburg navy appears to have been allowed to sleep. in the meantime a very remarkable book had been published, which should be mentioned here because it contains the essential elements of the programme of the most modern naval agitation in germany. the author was johann becher, by profession a chemist, but in his leisure a political seer of the type of friedrich list, whose great forerunner he was. his work, "political discourse on the causes of the rise and decline of towns and countries," was published in . becher had travelled much, and he wrote: "in germany there is hardly any longer trade or commerce; all business is going to ruin; no money is to be found with either great or small; on the other hand look at holland, how rich she is and how she grows richer every day; that could not be if she feared the sea as much as our nation of high germany." becher then addressed to his countrymen the following impassioned exhortation: "up, then, brave german; act so that on the map, besides new spain, new france, new england, there shall in the future be found also new germany. you are as little lacking as other nations in the intelligence and resolution to do such things; yea, you have all that is necessary; you are soldiers and peasants, alert, laborious, diligent, and indefatigable." becher had held positions at various german courts, and it is not improbable that his appeal fell upon sympathetic ears among the entourage of the great elector. but however that may be, the war of denmark and brandenburg against sweden, which broke out in , did actually, for the first time in history, witness a fleet at the disposal of a member of the dynasty that now occupies the imperial throne in germany. true, it was not yet the actual property of the elector, but of benjamin raule, an enterprising dutch merchant, who had migrated to denmark, and now laid a naval project before the brandenburg sovereign. his proposals were readily acceded to, and he received permission to fit out a flotilla of two frigates and ten smaller vessels, and to operate with them under the brandenburg flag against the swedes. the elector merely stipulated that he should receive per cent. of the value of all prizes captured. raule's vessels rendered substantial service in the capture of stettin, and of that much-coveted strip of the pomeranian coast which was so essential to the realisation of frederick william's maritime aspirations. the elector's hopes were disappointed by the treaty of st. germain, under which he was compelled to restore this precious booty to the intrusive scandinavians, but in the meantime his naval plans had taken a wider scope in fresh contracts with the resourceful dutchman. in the first of these, raule undertook, for a monthly subsidy of , thalers,[ ] to maintain a fleet of eight frigates and a fire-ship, mounting altogether guns. shortly afterwards the terms of the agreement were extended, and at the commencement of the year , twenty-eight ships of war, with a total of guns, were flying the red eagle of brandenburg. though robbed by the peace of the coast-line and seaports on which he had counted as the base of his maritime power and the recruiting ground for his fleet, the elector did not allow himself to be discouraged, and he very soon found fresh work for his little flotilla to do. the greatest master of german mercenaries at that date, he had, a few years previously, hired a portion of his army to spain for use against the french. as repeated applications for the price of this support had proved unavailing, he now determined to collect the debt, which amounted to , , thalers, by forcible distraint. accordingly six ships, which were followed at an interval of some months by three others, were sent out to attempt to intercept the silver fleet on its way to the spanish netherlands. the vessels were almost without exception commanded by dutchmen, but were mainly manned by germans, though the crews included many english, dutch, danish and norwegian sailors. naturally the soldiers carried on board were drawn from the brandenburg army; and orders were given that they should be trained in ship's work "because we are disposed to use the same permanently for the navy." though the flotilla did not fulfil either its immediate or its ultimate purpose, the expedition was notable for two reasons. in the first place, a large spanish warship, the _carolus secundus_, with a valuable cargo of lace on board, was captured, and so became the first war vessel that was actually the property of a hohenzollern state. in the second place, the quest of the spanish silver resulted in a sea-fight, which, in respect both of the force engaged and the losses sustained, still heads the record of naval warfare under a hohenzollern flag. a detachment of four ships, cruising in the neighbourhood of cape st. vincent, sighted a fleet of a dozen spanish frigates, which had put out for the special purpose of chasing the germans from the sea. the brandenburg commander, thinking that this was the anxiously-expected silver flotilla, bore down upon it, and did not realise his mistake till it was too late to avoid something of a conflict. before he could succeed in manoeuvring his ships out of range of his overwhelmingly superior enemy, he had lost ten men killed and thirty wounded; and since that day germany had fought no more terrible battle on the sea until the war broke out in . another section of the elector's fleet cruised for several months in west indian waters without achieving much result, while the retaliatory measures adopted by the spaniards secured a safe passage for the silver ships and rendered it prudent for frederick william to abandon his daring and risky enterprise. meanwhile the elector had allotted his infant navy a task of a different character. soon after entering the service of brandenburg, raule had drawn up plans of colonization, and in the same year in which the fruitless search for the silver convoy began, he obtained permission to try his luck on the gold coast, and got together a syndicate to finance the undertaking. the elector was wary, and declined to risk pecuniary participation, but he ordered that "twenty good healthy musketeers, together with two non-commissioned officers," should be placed under raule's command. one of the principal objects of the expedition was to secure a share in the profitable trade in slaves which was then carried on between the west coast of africa and north america, but modern german historians for the most part ignore this feature of the enterprise. the two vessels despatched on this errand reached the gold coast in safety, but aroused the resentment of the dutch already settled there, who confiscated one of them, and compelled the other to quit african waters. however, the leader of the expedition had by that time managed to conclude what served the purposes of a treaty with certain native chiefs, who thereby placed themselves under the suzerainty of the elector, and consented to the erection of a fort in the district under their control. on the strength of this questionable document, an "african company" for the "improvement of shipping and commerce wherein the best prosperity of a country consists," was called into existence in the year . in the charter of incorporation, the elector promised to protect the company against "all and everyone who may undertake to trouble, incommode, or to any extent injure the same in its actions in free places on the coasts of guinea and angola"; but both the naval and the military commanders were charged to keep at a respectful distance from "all dutch company fortresses, as well as those of other potentates, such as england, france, denmark, etc." the capital of the company was the modest sum of , thalers. of this frederick william contributed only , , and the electoral prince , thalers, while almost half of the total was supplied by raule, who had by now become "director-general of the brandenburg navy." the two frigates in which the second gold coast expedition shipped cast anchor off cape three points on december th, , but some difficulty was experienced in finding the chiefs who had "signed" the provisional treaty and who were each to have received a ratification engrossed in letters of gold, "a silver-gilt cup, and a portrait of his electoral highness." frederick william had also issued instructions that his black allies and their wives were to be entertained on board the warships. after a great deal of trouble, some other chieftains of the "moors," as they are called in the official correspondence relating to this matter, were hunted out and induced to contract a second and definite treaty; and on january st, , with due ceremony and much beating of drums, blowing of trumpets, and firing of guns, the brandenburg flag was hoisted over "the first german colony." the flagstaff had been planted on a little eminence, which was subsequently, with all speed, transformed into the fort gross-friedrichsburg, and no doubt the rusty cannon now in the zeughaus at berlin is one of the half-dozen which had been mounted on the hill on the previous day in preparation for the great occasion. in the following year the headquarters of the african company was removed from pillau to emden. this latter town was not situated on brandenburg soil, and the manner in which the elector secured a footing in it is both instructive and characteristic of his easy methods of intervening and making a good bargain wherever an opportunity presented itself. it chanced that at that time the estates of east frisia were at loggerheads with their ruler, and they appealed to frederick william for assistance. nothing loth, he landed a force by night, and by a surprise attack seized the castle of greetsiel, which thus became his naval base. by an agreement with the town of emden he subsequently acquired the right to station within its walls a "compagnie de marine" for the service of the african corporation. this force, which was gradually increased to three, and temporarily to four, companies, and ultimately received the name of the "marine battalion," was drawn upon to man both the ships and the forts in africa. the transfer to emden brought other advantages besides an ice-free port, a base on the north sea, and an abbreviation of the route to gross-friedrichsburg, for the east frisian estates and the elector of cologne were both persuaded to invest largely in the african company in consequence of the change. in the year of the emden agreement, the brandenburg navy was formally founded by the establishment of an "admiralty" at berlin. the cabinet order by which this institution was created shows that the fleet then in full possession of the state comprised ships, with guns, while raule was still under contract to provide further vessels. the permanent personnel consisted of vice-commodore, naval captains, officers of marines, mates, and seamen. in , the elector took the company entirely into his own hands, and simultaneously acquired a station on the island of st. thomas, in the west indies, as a place of call for the ships engaged in the slave traffic. he had also at that time made preparations for forming an east indian trading company (at a much earlier date he had unsuccessfully attempted to acquire tranquebar, on the coromandel coast, from the danes) and for fitting out an expedition to china and japan. these schemes, however, came to nothing. the settlement at cape three points had by no means an easy existence. fever made fearful ravages among the garrison, which, when the first reliefs arrived, after an interval of nearly a year and threequarters, had been reduced by sickness from ninety to sixteen men. everything that was needed for the construction of the fort, even building-stone, had to be brought thousands of miles across the sea from germany. the dutch traders in the neighbourhood had at once raised objections to the new colony, and, as their protests were unheeded, stirred up the natives against its members. it was only after prolonged negotiations at the hague that the elector secured a full recognition of his right to the settlement. and none the less the dutch west india company continued to harass the german colonists, appropriating their ships, and turning them out of a couple of subsidiary fortifications which they had erected at other points along the coast. gross-friedrichsburg and taccroma, another of the four brandenburg stations on the guinea littoral, for several years maintained themselves only by the menace of their guns. these untoward events are believed to have preyed upon the mind of the great elector, and to have hastened his end. at the time of his death, in april, , brandenburg and holland were on the brink of war over the gold coast affair. his successor on the electoral throne in one very important respect reaped what frederick william had sown, for he obtained the title of king of prussia, by virtue of which, far more than from any specifically imperial prerogatives, william ii. holds his present power in germany. frederick i. was a vain man, who was more interested in appearances than in realities, and cared more for the pomp and ceremonies of court life than for the solid business of colonisation and slave-trading. as a source of revenue, with which to defray the cost of his empty extravagances, the african undertaking was feebly encouraged to continue its work; but, deprived of the directing brain and the stimulating enthusiasm of its founder, it soon sickened and languished. accada and taccarary, the two settlements which had been seized by the dutch, were delivered up after a lengthy squabble, but the fortifications of the latter had been destroyed, and they were not rebuilt. at first the trade of the colony, which had called into existence a flourishing shipyard at havelberg, near the junction of the navel and the elbe, was fairly satisfactory, and the spirit of the brandenburg navy was raised by the successful operations of a couple of its frigates against french merchantmen, but in the company fell upon evil days. it suffered pecuniary loss, both through the capture of some of its ships by the french and through the peculations of several officials, whose multiple dishonesty hints at a scandalous laxity of control. the invaluable raule, too, fell into disfavour, and spent four years in gaol, though he was reinstated in his position on being liberated. at last the company was no longer able to send out ships of its own, and for eight years, during the war of the spanish succession, the garrison of gross-friedrichsburg was left entirely to itself. for a considerable portion of that time five large brandenburg ships of war were rotting in the harbours of emden and hamburg, when they might have been much more profitably employed in attempting to keep up communications with the perishing colonists. when at last reliefs reached gross-friedrichsburg only seven men out of an original force of , were fit for duty. what little credit attaches to the last days of the first german colony is the due of jan cuny, a native chief, who had placed himself under brandenburg protection, apparently for the purpose of obtaining support against the english and dutch settlements of the vicinity, with both of which he was at feud. it is characteristic of the period that, while prussians were fighting shoulder to shoulder with english and dutch on the continent of europe, they were in open conflict with them on the west coast of africa. frederick i. at one time thought it necessary to protest, through his minister at london, against the difficulties which the english were causing him on the gold coast. all the trouble seems to have arisen out of the demand made by a dutch official at axim for the surrender of a female relative of cuny whom he claimed as a slave. jan was evidently a man of considerable parts. he led his army with great discretion and resourcefulness, and no doubt the prussians at gross-friedrichsburg thought it to their advantage to be on good terms with so formidable a warrior, especially as he was the sworn foe of their jealous european neighbours. at any rate, the relations between cuny and the fort became both cordial and confiding, and when the last governor of gross-friedrichsburg, du bois, discouraged by the indifference and neglect of the home authorities, sailed for emden to enter remonstrances, he entrusted the protection of the colony to his black ally. du bois arrived in europe only to find that the doom of gross-friedrichsburg was already irrevocably sealed. the parsimonious frederick william i., the father of frederick the great, had ascended the prussian throne, and his careful mind, completely absorbed by plans of immediate economy, was incapable of taking such flights into the distance and the future as were necessary for the appreciation of the value of colonial policy. the african settlements had been doing badly and had become unremunerative, and his only thought was to dispose of them as speedily as possible for hard cash, which could be either hoarded or spent on his solitary extravagance--seven-foot grenadiers. immediately after his accession, he instructed his representative in london that he was prepared to "transfer his forts on the coast of guinea to anyone else upon easy conditions." he was not long in finding a purchaser in that very dutch west india company which had from the outset been a thorn in the side of the great elector's colonial enterprise. on november nd, , gross-friedrichsburg and its dependent territory passed from hohenzollern rule for the sum of , ducats and twelve negro boys, of whom it was stipulated that six should be adorned with golden chains. the signing of the contract and its execution were, however, two very different things. the redoubtable jan cuny had not been reckoned with, and when two dutch vessels arrived to take over the fort they found him in possession and flying the prussian flag. the order for the transfer of the fort was shown to his emissaries, who, after a good deal of delay, were sent on board the ships, but this he flatly refused to recognise, declaring that he would yield up his trust only to a vessel belonging to the king of prussia. the commander of the dutch expedition, captain van der hoeven, thought he would make short work of this insolent chieftain, and landed a body of fifty men to take the fort by storm. but cuny once again showed the generalship which had raised him to the eminence of a prussian deputy-governor. a force of , natives fusilladed the landing party from an ambuscade and killed nearly every one of them. hoeven was only able to save himself by swimming back to his ship, with three bullets in his body, and retired to the nearest dutch settlement to excogitate a fresh plan of campaign. cuny, however, was flushed by his success, and not at all inclined to give up the prestige which he derived from a fortress bristling with guns and well furnished with small arms and ammunition. for seven long years he held out, repulsing the repeated attacks of the dutch, and it was only when his supplies were exhausted and an overwhelming force had been put into the field against him, that he withdrew from his defences and vanished into the jungle from which he had come. simultaneously with gross-friedrichsburg, there was transferred from the prussian king to the dutch company yet another african colony, of which mention has yet to be made. this was the island of arguin, which lies off the coast of what is now french territory to the south of cape blanco, and in some maps is given the ominous name of agadir. the islet, which was one of the principal centres of the gum trade, had been first occupied by the portuguese in , but had passed by conquest to holland, and from the latter to france. after the peace of nymegen, in , however, the french senegal company found itself unable to maintain a garrison in arguin, and obtained permission from louis xiv. to blow up the fort which had been erected there. the island then fell into the hands of the native ruler of arguin, on the mainland, and remained subject to him till two ships of the great elector appeared off its coasts in october, . on the strength of a treaty concluded by the commander of the expedition with the king of arguin, frederick william seems to have claimed jurisdiction right along the coast of africa from the canary isles to the senegal river. these pretensions were not allowed to pass undisputed, and, towards the end of , a couple of french vessels appeared off the fort and demanded its evacuation by the germans. as this was refused they made an attempt to seize it by force, but, meeting with a stubborn resistance, abandoned the attack, and, after an unsuccessful endeavour to assert their rights during the peace negotiations at ryswick, the french seemed to reconcile themselves to the new situation, for they even proposed commercial co-operation with the occupants of the arguin fort. after the death of the great elector, arguin suffered, like gross-friedrichsburg, through the indifference of his successor, and the difficulty of communication arising from the war of the spanish succession. when a relief ship arrived in , it found that the governor had been captured by the natives, with whom he had quarrelled; and the remnant of the arguin garrison was in so deplorable a condition, that "in a few days they must have perished of hunger." the transfer of arguin to the dutch proved as difficult as that of gross-friedrichsburg. in the french had renewed their claims to the island, and, a few years later, the senegal company, landing men and heavy guns, laid siege to the fort. after holding out for a few weeks, the commander, jan wynen, a dutchman, withdrew secretly by night with his force in order to escape the humiliation of a formal surrender, and when its new owners at last arrived to take possession of it the colony was actually in french hands. it was in both cases a foreigner who last kept the flag flying over what were to be the only german colonies established till the final quarter of the nineteenth century. with the colonies disappeared the force with which they had been won, the fleet, and it too had to wait long, though not quite so long, before it experienced a revival. it is interesting to reflect how the history of the world might have been changed if the great elector's two immediate successors had united to his far-reaching schemes of "world-policy" his determination in carrying them out, and had bequeathed to the greater frederick prosperous colonial possessions and a formidable navy. as it was, the naval episodes of the reign of this gifted monarch only show how pitifully and completely the dawning sea-power of his grandfather had passed away. in the seven years' war, the shores of prussia were continually ravaged by swedish frigates, and as nothing could be effected by the armed fishing boats and coasting vessels which were all that could be pitted against them, field-marshal lehwald, to whom the protection of that part of prussia had been entrusted, appealed for help to the corporation of merchants at stettin. that body responded with energy and promptitude, and, with great haste, a flotilla of four galliots, four large fishing boats, and four coasting vessels were transformed into "ships of war." in august, , this improvised fleet ventured out of the oder to attack the swedes, but it was so completely overthrown after several days' fighting that the experiment was never repeated. in the meanwhile frederick had been inveigled into another maritime adventure, which was to prove just as barren of positive results. early in the war several englishmen communicated to the king their readiness to fit out privateers to prey on the commerce of austria and sweden, both of which countries had seized prussian merchantmen. they protested in all cases that their principal motive was a desire to serve the cause of a monarch whom they admired and revered, and who was, as a matter of fact, at that time the ally of england. but at the same time they promised him "prodigious profits" from the enterprise, and it was admittedly the latter consideration which induced the king to listen to their proposals. though his own ministers expressed strong doubts, and the english government urged that he would run the risk of embroiling himself with neutral states, he issued a number of letters of marque. the advice which had been given him proved to have been only too well founded. not only were there no "prodigious profits," but the blunders of the royal officials and the indiscretions of the ships under his flag involved the king in voluminous diplomatic correspondence and long and fruitless litigation. to accelerate the process of destroying the enemy's trade, a number of blank letters of marque, ministerially signed and stamped with the royal seal, were sent out to the prussian minister in london, and he somewhat imprudently lent a couple of these to an interesting adventurer, named erskine douglas, who said that he wished to show them to shipowners with whom he was in treaty for the equipment of privateers. douglas claimed to be a relative of the prussian field-marshal keith, who was of scottish origin, and he brought letters of introduction from well-known members of the english nobility, so the minister may perhaps be excused for entrusting the documents to him. but his confidence was gravely abused, for douglas, having come to an agreement with the firm of dunbar and eyre, filled in the forms on his own responsibility, and two privateers were sent out with these fraudulent credentials. shortly afterwards, one of these ships, the _lissa_, put into emden with a rich swedish prize. lying in the harbour was an english man-of-war, and the captain of this ship, declaring that the english sailors on board the _lissa_ were all either deserters or men who had bound themselves to serve in the british navy, required that they should be given up to him. as compliance was refused, he went on board the _lissa_ with an armed escort, and, disregarding all the protests of its captain, took away with him twenty-six members of the crew. this action was regarded by frederick as an infraction of prussian rights of sovereignty, and representations to that effect were made in london before it was discovered in how irregular a manner the _lissa_ had become possessed of her papers. the matter was then discreetly allowed to drop. the swedes, for their part, contested the legality of the capture, but the prussian government ruled that the letter of marque was valid, although it had not actually been issued by royal authority. at the same time prussia advanced the strange view that, in the event of the owners of the _lissa_ having had cognizance of the deception which had been practised, king frederick was entitled to the whole value of the prize. instructions were, however, given that the _lissa_ should be deprived of her charter, but before they could be executed she had sailed for england. another of douglas's privateersmen, the _prince ferdinand_, under a captain merryfield, had betaken herself to the mediterranean, where, in a nine-months' cruise, she captured thirteen prizes, but caused so much confusion that the king thought it wiser to put a stop to the whole undertaking. the immediate ground for this step was the complaints of the ottoman government, with which frederick was negotiating with a view to obtaining its support in the prosecution of the war. the appropriation of a couple of female negro slaves belonging to a pasha, who were on board one of the ships captured by merryfield, seems to have had at least as much weight in the turkish grievance as the more substantial losses of the merchants of salonika. as prussia had no territory and very little diplomatic representation on the shores of the mediterranean, merryfield was obliged to take his prizes into neutral harbours and place them in the custody of the english consuls. they were the subjects of endless law suits, tedious international wrangling, and practically no profits. merryfield's wild career was terminated by a charge of secretly selling neutral goods from one of his prizes to his own advantage. at the instance of the prussian government he was flung into gaol at malta. he remained in prison five years, and even at the end of that term would not have regained his liberty if the grand master of the maltese knights had not refused to pay for his maintenance any longer. hardly less chequered were the fortunes of captain wake, the only regularly accredited prussian privateer of whom anything is known. the operations of his ship, the _embden_, in the mediterranean also resulted in ceaseless bickerings, and he was delayed in cagliari for two years by disputes of one sort or another. at last, growing weary, he set off to berlin to prosecute his claims to a swedish ship which he had seized, but of which the authorities at cagliari would not permit him to dispose. four and a half years after the capture, she was adjudged his good prize; but before he could enter into possession of her she was sunk at her moorings by a violent storm. the total gain of the prussian government from the activity of these three privateers was quite negligible; while, on the other hand, the trouble and annoyance caused by them was immeasurable. the anticipations that the seas would be swept of austrian and swedish commerce by a swarm of vessels under the prussian flag proved to have been quite illusory, and it was a particular disappointment to frederick that the german shipowners looked askance at the whole business, and in no single instance applied for letters of marque. a noteworthy feature of the episode is that frederick's government, reversing the practice of the hansa, laid down for its privateers the rule that a neutral flag covered the enemy's goods, and that neutral goods were safe from capture even when under the enemy's flag. this, it is maintained, has ever since been prussian tradition. a final word is due to the "société de commerce maritime"--now under the name "seehandlung," the state bank of the kingdom of prussia--which was established by frederick the great in , "to carry on shipping under the prussian flag, and trade with the ports of spain and all other places where reasonable and certain prospects of substantial profits from imports and exports are to be found." it was vessels of this corporation which, towards the close of the first half of the nineteenth century, bore a german flag for the first time round the world, and its foundation shows that the great elector's ideas were only dormant and not dead. frederick's immediate purpose was to open up the markets of south america to silesian linen, but, in consequence of the rigid protectionist policy of spain, it was only possible to do this by transhipment at spanish ports. the original capital of the company was , , thalers, in shares of thalers each, and of these , were the property of the king. the société was granted the exclusive right of trading in english, french, and spanish salt, and in polish wax, and was also endowed with many other privileges. it did not at first prove a very profitable venture, and its early days were also clouded over by the defalcations of one of its managers. in course of time it became little more than a branch of the royal treasury and the negotiator of state loans, but in the thirties of last century it passed under the control of a man who determined to restore to it something of its original character, and laid out a considerable capital in english-built ships. at that period german merchantmen seldom ventured beyond bordeaux and lisbon; but the vessels of the seehandlung repeatedly encircled the globe, showed their flag in the remotest harbours of orient and occident, and established directly that export to south america of the wares of the riesengebirge which frederick the great had in his mind when he called the company into existence. footnotes: [footnote : thaler then = about s. d.] chapter iii germany's fleet in the last century though the sword of napoleon completed the destruction of the holy roman empire, which had done so much to hamper the development of the teutonic race, the vienna congress, rearranging the map of europe after his overthrow, left germany still divided into thirty-nine different states. there were four kingdoms, one electorate, seven grand duchies, ten duchies, ten principalities, one landgraviate, and the four free towns--hamburg, bremen, lübeck, and frankfort-on-main. these states were loosely united in the german confederacy. the people of germany, and especially those who had risen against napoleon, had expected a more complete unity on a democratic basis, and the disappointment of their hopes was one of the chief causes of the revolution which, in , broke out simultaneously in nearly every one of the federal capitals. this movement took the governments by surprise, and so overwhelming was the popular demand for unity, that they offered but little opposition to the convening of a national assembly, which met at frankfort-on-main on may th, , and appointed the austrian archduke johann provisional "administrator of the empire." it is generally asserted that the failure of this serious attempt to weld germany together was an inevitable consequence of the jealousy existing between austria and prussia, but none can say with certainty what the sequel might not have been, had not frederick william iv., the grand-uncle of the present german emperor, refused the imperial crown when it was offered to him by the national assembly. it is very well conceivable that, if that monarch had been less fully persuaded of the divine rights of kings and of the incompetence of popular representatives to bestow crowns, the work which bismarck did in the next twenty years, with so grievous an expenditure of blood and iron, might have been accomplished by peaceable means, and that the world might to-day have been confronted with the problem of a much larger, much richer, and much more united germany. those who would not regard german domination in europe as an unmixed blessing have reason to be thankful for frederick william's archaic theories on the relationships of princes to their peoples. and those who care to amuse themselves by following up the grand alternatives of history must not forget that saw the birth of the modern german fleet, which was the fruit of a purely popular movement. indeed, the patriots of the frankfort parliament found in the "imperial fleet," which they actually founded, the necessary symbol of that national unity which was the goal of their aspirations. strong, spontaneous, and almost universal as was the german naval movement of , it did not attain its actual dimensions without an effective external stimulus. in the very month in which the revolutionaries were defending their barricades in the streets of berlin and other german capitals, frederick vii. had declared his intention of incorporating schleswig in denmark; and, while an informal convention was arranging the preliminaries for the national assembly, the danish fleet was blockading the coasts of prussia in retaliation for the military support afforded by that kingdom, as the mandatory of the german confederation, to the rebellious duchies. nothing was better calculated than an incident of this sort to bring home to the german mind the importance of sea-power. that the ships of a little country like denmark should be able, with impunity, to forbid the sea to a great military power, seemed to every german who reflected upon it a grotesque inversion of the natural order of events. though the national assembly, at one of its first sittings, appointed a permanent committee to grapple with the naval question, the impatient interest of the public displayed itself in schemes and suggestions which poured in from every side. in many places committees were formed to help to raise the funds necessary for the equipment of a fleet. it is significant of the widespread nature of the movement that the raftsmen of gernsbach, in the black forest, offered to transport down the river murg free of cost the timber required for the building of germany's war ships. the seaports, which felt most keenly the insulting pressure of the danish blockade, took the leading part in the agitation. a congress of delegates from the german coast towns came together at hamburg and nominated a "naval commission," on which, in addition to the governments most immediately concerned, a number of private committees were represented. this body wasted no time in talk, but set to work with feverish activity. as warships were not to be had ready-made, several merchant vessels were purchased and hastily armed with guns furnished by hanover; and at the beginning of july, the federal government was notified that these extemporized men-of-war were ready to put out and attack the enemy. but at the moment the negotiations with denmark for a truce had already begun, and for the time being the squadron remained peacefully at its moorings. meanwhile, even before an imperial executive had been got together, the frankfort parliament had voted for naval purposes a sum of , , thalers,[ ] half of which was to be spent immediately and the remainder as necessity might arise. part of the money was to be taken from the fortress fund of the old confederacy, and the remainder raised by levies in due proportion on the various states of the union. the question of these "matricular contributions," which in some cases were altogether refused, and in others only paid after much hesitation and vacillation, was one of the chief reasons for the ultimate dissolution of the first "german" navy. in november an imperial naval authority was constituted under the control of the minister of commerce, who was at the same time deputy for bremen. an advisory commission of experts was also appointed, and the chair in this body was, at the personal request of the archduke-administrator, taken by the man who, in one sense, may be regarded as the father of the present german fleet, prince adalbert of prussia, and to whom, for this reason, more detailed reference must be made hereafter. the commission submitted a scheme, in which it was recommended that germany should, for the present, make no attempt to gain a place in the ranks of the first-class naval powers, but content herself with the protection of her baltic and north sea coasts and her sea-borne trade. these purposes, it was held, could be fulfilled by a fleet of fifteen sixty-gun sailing frigates--if possible with auxiliary engines--five steam frigates, twenty steam corvettes, ten despatch-boats, five schooners, and thirty gun-sloops. during the winter, officials were despatched to england to purchase and order ships, and to america to induce the united states government to allow some of its naval officers to enter temporarily into the german service. these latter negotiations at first promised success, but in the end the government at washington declared itself unable to entertain the request. with the purchase of material the german emissaries had better luck, and when the truce with denmark expired in the spring of , the navy list already contained the names of twelve vessels, though, it is true, hardly one of them was yet fit for action. a commander-in-chief had also been found in the person of karl bromme, a native of leipzig, whose name had been permanently anglicized into "brommy" while he was learning seafaring in the american merchant service. this man, "the first german admiral," had followed cochrane to greece, where he was successively flag captain to admiral miaulis, organizer in the ministry of marine, and commandant of the military school at the piræus. from there he was tempted away to become "imperial commissioner" to the incipient german navy, and after taking part in the sittings of the commission of experts, he was sent in that capacity to bremerhaven to supervise the formation of the fleet and to found a naval arsenal. on june th brommy, with a steam frigate and two steam corvettes, attacked a danish frigate which was lying becalmed off heligoland. hardly, however, had the engagement commenced before a signal shot from the island warned the belligerents that they were within british territorial waters, and must suspend hostilities. soon afterwards the danish blockading squadron approached the scene, and the german ships hurried back to their harbour. this was the only opportunity the german fleet had of showing its quality. brommy was promoted to rear-admiral later in the year. insignificant as the heligoland skirmish was in itself, it had a sequel which has played a great part in all subsequent movements for increasing the german fleet. brommy's ships had fought under the black-red-and-gold that were to be the colours of the new empire. but this empire had then no legal existence, and, as a matter of fact, never did have one, and no doubt palmerston was only giving expression to recognised principles of international law when he wrote that vessels committing acts of belligerency under the black-red-and-gold flag would render themselves liable to be treated as "pirates." the frankfort government, a product of excitement and inexperience, made many mistakes which the ripe tradition of an old-established administration would have avoided, and, in its haste to assert itself on the seas, doubtless did not give sufficient thought to the restrictions imposed upon it by its own anomalous status. the hoisting of the black-red-and-gold on a flotilla or warships was undeniably a questionable proceeding, and one which justified the view propounded by the british foreign minister. at the same time, his words belong to the category of things which had better have been left unsaid. the word "pirate" rankled then, and has ever since continued to rankle, and the palmerstonian note has been cited ten thousand times, and is still cited, as the supreme example of the tyrannous arrogance with which britain rules the waves. a fortnight after brommy's one exploit as a german naval commander, the remnant of the national assembly was dispersed by military force at stuttgart, where it had taken refuge, and germany relapsed into the condition of a loosely-jointed federation of mutually jealous and suspicious princes, whose rival claims had to be settled on the battlefield before the great work of unification could be accomplished. the infant navy, which had been the work of a popular movement and a popular parliament, proved a source of dissension and embarrassment to the confederacy governments. several of the inland states were altogether opposed to the idea that germany needed a navy. a strong party advocated that one fleet should be provided by austria for the adriatic, a second by prussia for the baltic, and a third by the remaining german states for the north sea. the last point of this project was the subject of special negotiations, and at one time there seemed some chance of hanover assuming the office of "federal admiral." in the end, however, divergent interests and irreconcilable rivalries produced the only possible result, and, in february, , the confederated governments decided to cut the gordian knot. the promising german navy was dissolved, admiral brommy received his discharge (he was subsequently employed for some time as chief of the technical department of the austrian admiralty), and an oldenburg official, whose unforgettable name has helped to brand his memory with the whole infamy of a transaction for which he was in nowise responsible, was appointed "commissioner of the germanic confederation charged with the regulation of naval affairs." this, at least, is the designation appended to his signature on the advertisement which, in the german, english, and french languages, announced to all the world that the german navy was forthwith to be knocked down to the highest bidder. it was the form rather than the fact of the sale which was taken so ill in privy councillor hannibal fischer, but it is difficult to see what else he could have done. he made efforts to dispose of the ships by private treaty, and actually sold some of them to prussia and others to english firms, but a residue remained for which no purchaser could be found in this way, and there was nothing for it but to put them up to public auction. there thus came under the hammer two steam frigates, six steam corvettes, a sailing frigate, and twenty-seven gunboats propelled by oars. of the eight steamers three had been built at bristol, and one each at glasgow, leith, new york, hamburg, and bremen. except in the case of the american vessel, the engines were all of british make. concurrently with the abortive efforts to found a german navy, prussia had taken independent action, and laid the real foundation of the great fleet which now aspires to contest the british mastery of the seas. at that time there was not even the slenderest basis for the kingdom to work upon. the task had to be undertaken from the very beginning. during the first half of the nineteenth century, it is true, the advisability of building a navy had more than once been exhaustively discussed by the prussian government. in the general resettlement of , the island of rügen and the strip of pomeranian coast opposite to it had passed from sweden to prussia, and included in the transfer were six gun-sloops and a swedish officer, captain christian lange, who was summoned to berlin to report to the war ministry on the utility of the little flotilla. as the result of his representations, he was commissioned to submit plans and estimates for a war schooner, and for an armed rowing boat for use on the rivers. these vessels were eventually built, with the express idea that they were to serve as experiments and models for the construction of a regular fleet. in great haste prescriptions as to a naval uniform were issued, and the questions of dockyards and harbour works were also deliberated. but the only issue of all this work was the conviction that the national resources were not yet equal to the financial strain which would have been entailed by the creation of a navy. similar investigations and discussions in the years and were, for the same reason, equally fruitless. at the commencement of the revolutionary year, the only vessels in the possession of the prussian government were a corvette, which was employed as a navigation school, a paddle steamer, which conveyed the mails between stettin and st. petersburg, and which, under the terms of the contract for its construction, was to be adaptable to the purposes of an "auxiliary cruiser," and a couple of armed yawls. by the autumn of a prussian flotilla of ten sloops and yawls, three of which had been built with the funds collected by private committees, was ready for operations against the danes. it was placed under the command of a dutch ex-naval captain named schröder. the crews provided for him-- men in all--were a strange medley of active soldiers, reservists, and seamen from the merchant service. for various reasons, not the least weighty of which was the doubtful status of the black-red-and-gold flag, the squadron sailed under the prussian colours. while it was fitting out, the first steps were taken towards the establishment of a naval organization and the training of a corps of officers. by the following summer the prussian fleet could already boast two steamers, one sailing corvette, and twenty-one gun sloops, with a total complement of thirty-seven officers and , men, and mounting in all sixty-seven guns. but only once did this primitive navy have the satisfaction of taking part in a pitched naval engagement. this was a duel between a prussian steamer and a danish brig, which fought for five hours off the island of rügen. the encounter was terminated by the fall of darkness, and before day broke again another danish corvette arrived on the scene and put the prussians to flight. but, in spite of a lack of fighting, the presence of commodore schröder's force along the coast undoubtedly did much to relieve the pressure of the blockade. the peace with denmark in ushered in a period of assiduous and systematic labour at the task of building up a prussian fleet. throughout this important period, the moving spirit was the man who has already been described as the father of the german navy, prince adalbert of prussia. this enthusiastic and indefatigable sailor was a first cousin of king frederick william iv., who refused the imperial crown as a democratic gift, and of the emperor william i., who finally won it on the battlefields of france. in his boyhood, prince adalbert had had the doctrine of the vital importance of sea-power implanted in his mind by a veteran soldier, field-marshal gneisenau, and he never forgot the lesson. at the age of twenty-one he paid a visit of two months' duration to england, where he was cordially welcomed into naval circles, and where his passion for the sea was inflamed by the conversation of men who had fought under nelson at trafalgar. he lost no opportunity of inspecting war vessels, shipyards, and docks, and returned to germany with note-books crammed with information as to all he had seen and heard. a british admiral is said to have declared that the prince knew more about the warships of great britain than many of their own officers, and one of the last acts of this sailor hohenzollern was to pay a visit to the english dockyards to familiarize himself with the latest novelties in naval construction. four years after his first journey to england, one of those naval enquiries already alluded to was held at berlin, and a commission was appointed to advise as to the types of vessels to be chosen for the fleet which the prussian government contemplated building at some indefinite future date. prince adalbert was a member of this body, but when asked for his views on the subject he satisfied himself with laying before his colleagues the opinion of his friend, captain mingaye, a british naval officer, who advised that the triumph of steam over sails and oars presented prussia with a splendid opportunity to create sea-power which should be "mighty" from the outset. curiously enough, the war minister, von rauch, inferred from this suggestion that naval construction was passing through a transition stage of doubtful issue, and it was used by him as a pretext for postponing the consideration of the whole question; for, he argued, prussia could not afford to squander money on uncertain experiments. in the succeeding years, the prince cruised the mediterranean in an austrian ship with his friend the archduke johann, afterwards the imperial administrator, and made in sardinian and british war vessels several longer voyages, during which he devoted himself with a whole heart to the study of seamanship and navigation. he also added materially to his knowledge while on board one of the ships of the british mediterranean squadron, which at the time was engaged in manoeuvres. on his return home from these experiences, he secured the appointment of schröder to the navigation school ship _amazon_, always with the idea that the vessel would be the training-ground of the officers' corps of a future prussian navy. as we have seen, the prince was chosen as chairman of the frankfort advisory committee on naval questions. some months previously he had addressed to the national assembly a "memorandum as to the formation of a german fleet." this document, which was printed and published, not only is a remarkable testimony to the author's insight into the true nature of naval problems, but also contains a clear enunciation of the principles which have since guided germany's naval policy. pointing to the humiliation of the danish blockade he wrote: "and this germany--united germany--must calmly submit to, precisely at the great moment when, after long years, it once more feels itself a whole, a power of forty millions of people. but the fatherland recognises the oppressive nature of its situation; it demands a remedy all the more speedy because after these events, it foresees with certainty how much more painful its position might some day be if it were pitted against one of the great sea powers, a power against which the german ships would not be secure even in their own harbours, a fleet which could menace our coasts with debarkations on a much more extensive scale than is possible to our present foe. united germany, however, wishes to see her territories energetically protected, her flag respected, her trade once more flourishing, and in the future to have some influence on the sea." prince adalbert then weighed the three alternatives: (_a_) defensive coast protection; (_b_) offensive coast protection; and (_c_) an independent german sea-power; and finally reached the conclusion: "germany must either build no battleships or at once build so many that she can act towards her neighbours as an independent sea-power. anything intermediate would be a useless expense, an empty pretension, and would arouse in the nation expectations which, in the moment of danger, our sea-power would not be able to fulfil. "if we now ask what would be the smallest number of battleships which would allow us to act in european waters as an independent fleet, especially against the ever-ready russian baltic fleet, i think we must take twenty battleships as the minimum that would be able to measure itself with it. but such a fleet would make germany fourth among the sea-powers of first rank, and place her incontestably in a position to play a great rôle on the sea, a rôle which would be worthy of her position in europe. for with her twenty battleships she would be able to throw an enormous weight into the scales, turn the balance by her adherence to an alliance, and consequently be as much sought after as an ally on account of her sea-power as on account of her land-power." the prince accordingly proposed that the german building programme should include battleships with auxiliary screws, frigates, steam cruisers, gunboats, and gun-sloops; and that the construction of these vessels should be spread over a period of ten years. in this project we have that same principle of the gradual working up to a fixed standard of strength which has characterised all modern german naval legislation. however, the prince did not manage to persuade the frankfort technical commission to adopt his scheme in its entirety, though the programme approved went a long way towards meeting his views. why this programme was never carried out has already been seen. in the memorandum just quoted from, prince adalbert had written: "the entire nation unanimously demands a german war fleet, for german, absolutely german, it must be, a true representative of the new-born unity of the fatherland"; and it must have been with a heavy heart that he saw his vision melt away, and went back to berlin to employ his gifts in a more restricted and less promising field. the difficulties which opposed themselves to the realisation of the prince's ideas will be appreciated, when it is stated that the man who built the first warship of any size which had been launched from a german yard since the days of the hanseatic league is still alive. wilhelm schwarm, now ninety-four years of age, was employed as a young man in klawitter's shipyard at dantzig, and at the time when the air was filled with talk of a future german navy, the firm very shrewdly sent him over to the works of robinson and russell, on the thames, to learn the art of constructing vessels of larger size than were then built on the baltic. he brought back with him the plans for a paddle corvette, which was built under his supervision on the klawitter slips, fitted with english engines, and, under the name of _dantzig_, was an important addition to the prussian fleet. at the time of the crimean war this vessel showed the prussian flag at constantinople for the first time in history, and it was also with her that prince adalbert experienced a rather grotesque adventure in the mediterranean in . in the previous year a german ship had been plundered by the riff pirates, and the prince, happening to be in those parts with the _dantzig_, made a reconnaissance, in one of the ship's boats, of the coast of cape tree forcas, where the outrage had occurred. the natives, as was their custom, fired on the party from the shore. annoyed by this molestation, prince adalbert determined to teach the arabs a severe lesson. having manned and armed all his boats, he stormed the steep and rocky shore and planted the prussian flag on the summit of the cliffs. his triumph was, however, a very brief one, for the enemy immediately returned to the attack, and drove the landing party back to the boats with the loss of seven killed and twenty-three wounded. official panegyrists extol this rash escapade as an "heroic deed," and declare that it did much to raise the confidence of the young prussian navy. as the riff pirates were no doubt also exultant over their victory, the affair must have been one of those rare encounters with the issue of which both sides were equally satisfied. the _dantzig_ was sold a few years later in england, in the belief that her timbers were unsound, and was then passed on to japan, where she was run ashore and burnt by her own crew during an engagement in the civil war. the problem of obtaining properly qualified personnel for the corps of naval officers was not less difficult to solve than that of building efficient warships. england would have been the natural source on which to draw for instructors, but for political reasons it was decided not to seek assistance from that most competent of all quarters, and the services of three officers of the swedish navy were secured. for similar reasons a swedish naval constructor was engaged. a few years later, however, permission was asked and obtained for a number of cadets to learn their profession on british men-of-war. the year brought an event of the utmost importance for the development of the prussian navy--the acquisition of wilhelmshaven as a north sea base. at that time prussia did not possess an inch of coast-line on the north sea, and could obtain access to it only through the belt and the sound, then under the control of the superior naval power of denmark. among the innumerable projects with which the national assembly had been deluged, was the scheme of three citizens of rendsburg for the construction of a water-way pretty much along the line subsequently followed by the kaiser wilhelm canal. this plan was, however, based on the false assumption that schleswig-holstein would at once become, and ever afterwards remain, german territory. it had also been proposed to the frankfort government by an oldenburg official that the jade bay should be chosen as the north sea base for the fleet, and this suggestion seems to have fixed the attention of prince adalbert on the inlet which is now the chief naval headquarters of the german empire. the grand duke of oldenburg was approached, and he consented to cede to prussia the piece of marshly land which has since been covered by the harbours, docks, shipyards, workshops, barracks, and fortifications of wilhelmshaven. prussia paid a sum of , thalers for this invaluable possession, and at the same time took upon herself the protection of the coast and sea-trade of the duchy. herculean efforts and inexhaustible patience were required to adapt prussia's acquisition on the jade to its destined purposes. years had to be spent in a careful survey of the bed of the harbour, in order to ascertain how far the channel was affected by the movements of sand and mud under the influence of the tide. further years were consumed by the task of sinking piles in the treacherous peaty soil to obtain a solid foundation for dock and harbour walls. frequently a storm or a spring tide destroyed in a few hours the fruits of months of strenuous labour. as hanover refused to allow the construction of a railway across her territory, which lay between prussia and oldenburg, it was necessary to convey all the building materials to the spot by the long and tedious sea-route. at first not even drinking-water was to be had on the desolate site, and prolonged and costly exertions were needful before it could be procured in sufficient quantities. sixteen years elapsed before the new harbour was formally declared open by the prussian king, afterwards the emperor william i., in the presence of british ships, the officers of which probably regarded the works with indulgent curiosity and little guessed the significance which wilhelmshaven would one day possess for their own country. when the second war with denmark broke out in , prussia's fleet was still absurdly inadequate to deal with the naval force opposed to it. the ship establishment at the close of was composed as under: _steamships with fighting value._ corvettes, mounting or guns each. corvette, mounting guns. _steamships with little fighting value._ first-class gunboats, mounting guns each. second-class gunboats, mounting guns each. despatch-boats, mounting together guns. _steamship without fighting value._ corvette, mounting guns. _sailing ships with little or no fighting value._ frigates, mounting a total of guns. brigs, mounting a total of guns. schooners, mounting a total of guns. _also without fighting value._ rowing-boats, mounting a total of guns. denmark, on the other hand, had steam war vessels, among which were battleship, frigates, corvettes, and armoured craft. even with the assistance of a number of austrian ships, which arrived in the north sea from the mediterranean, the prussian fleet could contribute nothing decisive towards the issue of the war. at the most it prevented the danish blockade of the german coast-line from being effective. the prussian government attempted to reduce its inferiority by hiring merchant vessels, and hurriedly purchased warships in france and england. one of these latter, the monitor _arminius_, which was of english build, was almost entirely paid for with the voluntary contributions which had continued to flow in. this fact shows how steady and keen the interest of a large section of the population in the development of the navy already was, and how erroneous it is to ascribe the naval enthusiasm in germany of recent years entirely to the official agitation. peace was concluded before the new ships could be made ready for sea. the war of was one of the great cross-roads of british history. difficult as it is to "overlook the cards of providence," as bismarck puts it, there can be little doubt that we took the wrong turning. the great german chancellor candidly admitted that the possession of kiel and a strategic canal through holstein were two of the principal objects which prussia had in view when she drew the sword. the two leading members of the british cabinet were in favour of backing up denmark; and one of them, palmerston, used language in parliament which might well have led that country to count upon our support. a strong body of english public opinion also warmly espoused the danish cause. but queen victoria, largely influenced by the sympathy for germany which she had imbibed from the prince consort, threw all the weight of the crown into the opposite scale. there are few more agitated passages to be found in the records of diplomacy than those letters to lord granville in which she argued, threatened, entreated, and, finally falling back on the last strength of woman, her weakness, complained that she was "completely exhausted by anxiety and suspense," and "so tired and unwell she can hardly hold up her head or hold her pen." her will prevailed in the end, and she was able to congratulate herself that, "owing to the determined stand she had made against her two principal ministers, she had saved the country from an unnecessary war." when prussia, completely reversing her attitude, made those very claims of the danish king which she had contested by force of arms her pretext for annexing the two duchies under the "rights of conquest," the queen suffered a bitter disillusionment, and, on her instructions general grey wrote to lord granville, that "prussia should at least be made aware of what she and her government and every honest man in europe must think of the gross and unblushing violation of every assurance and pledge that she had given which prussia had been guilty of." it will hardly be contended now that a war which should have left schleswig-holstein in the hands of denmark would have been anything but exceedingly advantageous, economical, and opportune for great britain. even before, in the formal division of the spoils, prussia had obtained austrian recognition of her right to kiel, she had occupied that port and transferred her naval headquarters thither from dantzig. the construction of the north sea baltic canal was delayed many years, mainly by the opposition of count moltke, who argued that its cost would be so great that it would, on the whole, be cheaper to build a second fleet with the money. he further urged that the canal would be navigable only in the summer, and that in the event of a war the army would be weakened by the necessity of providing for its defence. but for the doubts and jealousies of the sister service, the german navy might years ago have enjoyed the benefits of that prolongation of the canal, contemplated by bismarck, which would have allowed its ironclads to steam from kiel to wilhelmshaven without putting out into the open sea. in the hope that the lessons of the war would have produced the desirable effect on the public mind, the prussian government, in , laid before its parliament a bill that may be considered as the definite inauguration of the naval policy which germany has ever since pursued. in the memorandum submitted to the house with the measure, it was contended that the time had come for prussia to join the ranks of the sea-powers, in order that she might be in a position to protect her own and the other german coasts and maritime trade, and, for all future time, to assert her european position as against such states as were accessible only by water. "for the present," it was stated, "she is unable to enter into rivalry with the first-class naval powers, but she must occupy a position commanding esteem among those of the second class." accordingly, the government asked for authority to build armoured frigates of the highest efficiency, an equal number of armoured vessels of the cupola or turret type for coast defence, corvettes for the protection of sea-borne trade, despatch-boats, and at least transports. it was calculated that ten years would be necessary for the execution of this plan, but rather for the training of the personnel and the provision of the indispensable harbour works than for the actual construction of the ships. the cost of the proposed fleet was estimated at , , thalers, that of its annual maintenance at about , , thalers. in recommending the scheme to the diet, bismarck used the following words, which contain very noteworthy implications: "during the last twenty years no question has so unanimously interested public opinion in germany as precisely the naval question. we have seen associations, the press, and the diets give expression to their sympathy, and this sympathy exercised itself in the collection of comparatively important sums. the government and the conservative party have been reproached with the slowness and parsimony with which action has been taken in this direction. it was particularly the liberal parties which carried on this agitation. we believe, therefore, that we are doing you a great pleasure with this bill." but the liberal majority, then exclusively preoccupied with the constitutional struggle against the masterful and autocratic minister-president, threw out the bill, and modified naval estimates were given the force of law by royal decree. the attitude of the prussian liberals of that epoch was very similar to that of the socialists in recent years. in the brief war of , the austrian fleet was tied down to the mediterranean by the superior sea-power of italy, and the operations of the prussian ships were confined to a few cheap victories over the antiquated coast and river fortifications of hanover. as the result of the war, prussia was rounded off by the incorporation of the kingdom of hanover, electoral hesse, nassau, and the old imperial town of frankfort-on-main. she thus secured for herself the entire german north sea littoral, with the exception of the coast-line of oldenburg, which by treaty was already hers in fact if not in law. immediately after the conclusion of peace, all the states to the north of the main were closely welded together in the north german confederation, the first decisive step towards the creation of the empire. an article in the federal constitution ran: "the federal navy is one and indivisible under the command of prussia. its organization and composition fall to his majesty the king of prussia, who nominates the officials and officers of the navy, and to whom they, as well as the crews, must take the oath of fealty. kiel harbour and the jade harbour are federal war harbours. the expenses necessary for the establishment and maintenance of the fleet and the institutions connected therewith will be borne by the federal treasury." two years later a fresh naval programme was submitted to, and approved by, the north german reichstag. it laid down that within ten years the fleet should be brought up to the subjoined strength: large and small armoured ships. corvettes. despatch-boats. transports. steam gunboats. school-ships. the new vessels actually needed for the attainment of this establishment were armoured ships, corvettes, despatch-boats, transports, and school-ship. as native ship-builders had so far had no experience in the construction of ironclads, only one vessel of this type was placed in germany, the state yard at dantzic being experimentally entrusted with the work, while the rest were purchased or ordered in england or france. no fact could illustrate more vividly the tremendous progress which germany has since made in this respect. oddly enough, the great war with france was succeeded by a marked cooling-off of the popular enthusiasm for the navy in germany. the reasons for this appear to have been disappointment with what the fleet actually accomplished and the complete overthrow of the enemy without its assistance. even if all the federal ships had been in perfect trim and manned by thoroughly trained crews, they were confronted by so overwhelming a superiority of force that at best they could have achieved little or nothing. but the outbreak of hostilities coincided with a series of accidents which temporarily disabled several of germany's best war vessels, and at that time there was not a single dock in the country in which they could be repaired. officers and crews were, too, imperfectly trained and insufficiently familiar with both engines and guns, the harbour equipments were inadequate, and, in fact, everything was in a state of unpreparedness. that the french, with their great naval superiority, effected so little, and did not even make a determined attempt to force the jade and destroy the works at wilhelmshaven, can only be ascribed to their lack of initiative and the paralyzing operation of their crushing defeats on land. the only regular engagement fought at sea during the war was an encounter of uncertain issue between a small german gunboat and a french despatch-boat off the coast of cuba. but in spite of the odds against the federal fleet, public opinion in germany protested that it should have shown more dash and enterprise, and in some way have crowned itself with laurels. even more prejudicial to the popularity of an ambitious naval policy was the patent fact that the hereditary and most formidable foe had been thoroughly and rapidly humbled by a purely land campaign, and that his superiority on the sea had availed him practically nothing. to such considerations must be attributed a large share of the indifference with which many germans regarded their navy during the next thirty years. the prevalent views were reflected in the memorandum with which, in , the minister of marine, lieutenant-general von stosch, ushered in the first naval programme of the new german empire. this document stated that in a long war germany must leave the offensive to her land force, and that the proper task of her navy was to assert the power of the empire where smaller interests were at stake in places to which the army could not penetrate. an increase in the fleet was, however, stated to be necessary on the ground of the growth of german sea-borne trade, and it was proposed that the following vessels should be available by the year : armoured frigates. armoured corvettes. armoured monitors. armoured batteries. cruisers. despatch-boats. gunboats. torpedo-boats. school-ships. the cost of these vessels was estimated at , , thalers, that of their maintenance in the year at , , thalers. the plan, which was much more modest in its pretensions than its predecessors, and in principle constituted a retirement from the position formerly taken up, was approved by the first parliament of the new germany. the first royal review of the german fleet took place in the warnemünde roads in . the ships present were four ironclads, a despatch-boat, and four school-ships; their total complements , officers and men. when the year arrived, general von stosch published a memorandum on the execution of his plan. it is significant of the change that had come over public opinion that the government had not dared to ask the reichstag for a substitute for the armoured frigate _grosser kurfürst_, which was lost in collision off folkestone, and that consequently one of the eight vessels of her type was lacking. the last of the six armoured corvettes had yet to be built, and instead of five monitors thirteen armoured gunboats had been constructed, because it was thought that the latter class of ship was better suited for the defence of the jade, weser, and elbe. it had been decided not to build the floating batteries, which would have been an easy prey to the "fish" torpedo, introduced as a weapon of naval warfare since they were projected. one out of the twenty corvettes, and eight large and nine small torpedo craft were also still wanting. german national vanity had, however, secured a questionable triumph: the empire was now entirely independent of foreigners so far as its warships were concerned. but if germany had continued to purchase some of her warships in england while she was still but a tyro in the art of naval architecture, she would have saved much money, and made more rapid progress. general von stosch simultaneously presented another memorandum, dealing with the future development of the navy. in it he laid stress on the reasons which could be adduced against the principle hitherto followed, and since readopted, of fixing the building programme in advance for a longer period, and advised that it was inexpedient to look farther ahead than three or four years. while admitting that "the seas are ever more ceasing to separate the nations," and that "the course of history seems ever more to indicate that a state cannot withdraw from the sea if it is striving to maintain for itself a position in the world beyond the immediate future," he laid down the axiom that "naval battles alone seldom decide the destinies of states, and for immeasurable time the decision of every war will for germany lie with her land army." thus, though he admitted the desirability of "a concentrated high sea fleet always ready for action," he considered it best to defer the construction of battleships till further experience had shown whether their functions could not be equally well performed by vessels of a smaller type. the conclusion reached by the memorandum was that it was necessary to add without delay to only one class of vessel--namely, that which served the purposes of coast defence. in this connection the following words were used: "here it is the torpedo-boat, which, especially when used in large numbers at night, will render the carrying through of a blockade almost impossible. every night the blockading ships would be compelled to withdraw to a distance under steam. their coal consumption would thereby be much increased, the tension of the crews, in consequence of the need for unremitting vigilance, would become intolerable, and at night the blockaded harbours would be accessible. even when in motion, the blockading ships would not be safe at night. the torpedo-boats would follow them and recognize their aim by the lights which the enemy would not be able to do without when steaming in squadron formation. the torpedo-boat is a weapon which is of special advantage to the weaker on the sea. a few states already possess a considerable strength in torpedo craft. for the german navy torpedo-boats are considered necessary, and of these thirty-five will be ready for service shortly." it was while the german fleet was still impotent for all serious purposes that the empire acquired the mass of its colonies: south-west africa, togo, the cameroons, german new guinea, the bismarck archipelago, and the marshall islands were all annexed in . the decisive step towards the acquisition of german east africa was taken in the following year. william i. lived just long enough to lay the foundation-stone of the kiel canal, which had been one of the dreams of the frankfort patriots forty years earlier. his death was followed after an interval of three months by that of frederick i., and with the accession of william ii., in , the latest era of german naval policy may be said to have commenced. until, however, admiral tirpitz was put in charge of the ministry of marine, in , practically nothing was done to add to the fighting strength of the fleet. any progress which was made in connection with the navy was confined to developments of organisation, and to the exchange of german rights in zanzibar and witu for the islet of heligoland. this transaction was scoffed at by bismarck, then in retirement, who, however, only contemplated the possibility of a naval war with france, and it was bitterly resented by german public opinion, and especially by that heated section of it which poses as the pioneer on the path of militarism, navalism, and colonism. only during the last three or four years has the conviction gradually begun to gain ground, that perhaps, after all, germany did not make such a bad bargain, and heligoland has simultaneously taken an ever more and more prominent place in the speculations of political prophets as to the probable outcome of an anglo-german war. the keen interest of the emperor william, and his ambition to play the leading part on the stage of the world, would not, in themselves, have sufficed to bring about the change which has been wrought during the past seventeen years. the decisive personal factors here have been the fixed purpose, the steady will, the unflagging energy, the inexhaustible patience, the profound political insight, and the rare diplomatic skill of admiral tirpitz, the nearest approach to a really great man that germany has produced since bismarck. he is the true creator of the german fleet. footnotes: [footnote : thaler = about s.] chapter iv british influence on the german navy in a very special sense the german navy is the child of the british navy, which is the mother of all the great naval forces of the world to-day. from the very first it has been no secret that the german fleet was definitely planned on the model furnished by the many centuries' development of the british navy, and the emperor william has been one of the principal agencies through which this formative influence has been exerted in more recent years. he came to the throne at a moment when naval sentiment in germany was at its lowest point, and he assisted in the initial revival which occurred before grand admiral von tirpitz came on the scene. old residents of portsmouth still remember a boy whom they occasionally saw walking about the dockyard looking at the ships with admiration and rapt attention. his greatest delight seemed to be to watch the great ironclads moving in and out of spithead. sometimes he would find his way on board vessels of the royal navy. this lad was none other than the present german emperor. as a grandson of queen victoria, he was a frequent visitor in his boyhood and early manhood to his grandmother during the summer months when she was in residence at osborne, and on one occasion his father and mother, then crown prince and princess of germany, rented norris castle, on the outskirts of cowes, and lived there for several months with their children. prince william, who was a great favourite of the late queen, thus not only became an eager spectator of the naval pageants in the solent directly under the windows of osborne house and norris castle, but watched with interest the gay assemblage in cowes roadstead for the regatta from year to year. at this time the newly-created german empire had practically no fleet. during the franco-prussian war the few ships which flew the flag of the north german confederation were so weak that they could take no part in the conflict. the memory of these recent events was still fresh in the mind of the future emperor when he visited england and watched the activities of the british navy, whose far-flung squadrons performed the triple task of protecting the motherland from fear of invasion, safeguarding all her oversea possessions, and defending british ocean-borne commerce. he determined that he, too, would have a great fleet when he succeeded to the throne of the german empire. this is no imaginary picture of the ideas which were taking root in the mind of the ruler of the german empire to-day. years afterwards--in fact, in --addressing king edward, on the occasion of his majesty's visit to the kiel regatta, the emperor paid a tribute to the power and traditions of the british navy, with which, he added, he became acquainted as a youth during visits which he paid to england. he recalled that he had had many a sail in the _dolphin_ and _alberta_, old british yachts, and had seen mighty ironclads constructed which had since served their time and disappeared from the navy list. "when i came to the throne i attempted to reproduce on a scale commensurate with the resources and interests of my own country that which had made such a deep impression on my mind when i saw it as a young man in england." when he first advocated the construction of a big navy, the german people viewed his dreams with indifference and distrust. shackled by a system of conscription in order to provide the empire with its huge army, they asked what it would profit them if to the burden of a great army they added the vast expense of a fleet capable not merely of defending their coasts, but of operating on the offensive in distant seas. at first the emperor made little progress in educating public opinion; but he still nursed those dreams of sea-power--very moderate dreams at that date, before admiral von tirpitz came on the scene--which had first taken shape in his mind when he wandered about portsmouth dockyard, and viewed from the grounds of osborne house the coming and going of mighty british warships. in the early days of the present century he referred with some pride to the persistency with which he had pursued his aims in spite of popular disfavour. at the launch of the _kaiser karl der grosse_ he said: "if the increase in the navy which i had demanded with urgent prayers had not been consistently refused me during the first eight years of my reign--i did not even escape derision and mocking at the time--in how different a manner should we now be able to promote our prosperous commerce and our interests overseas!" he had to wait for many years before he saw his dreams reaching fruition. as the british parliament is the mother of all popular representative institutions, so the british navy is the mother of navies. if the records of most of the great fleets of the world are searched, it will be found that in greater or less degree they owe their birth to the more or less direct assistance of british naval officers, oft times acting with the direct authority of the british admiralty; while in almost every fleet in the world even to-day may be found ships designed by british brains and constructed of british material by the skilled craftsmen of these islands. it was to england that peter the great came to watch the shipbuilding on the thames, and it was with a large body of british mechanics that he returned to russia to create a fleet with which to defend his empire and extend its borders at the point of the gun. the prestige of the russian navy in the seventeenth century was due entirely to the skill and daring of scotsmen. the greigs of four generations, admiral elphinstone, lord duffus gordon, and a number of other scotsmen entered the navy of the czar and did splendid service; and some of the descendants of these pioneers of the russian navy may still be traced in the fleet of to-day. the american navy was, of course, of distinctly british origin; so were the fleets of many of the south american republics; while, as everybody knows, the seeds of sea-power of japan were sown by british naval officers, including first and foremost admiral sir archibald douglas, and her ships were mainly built in england. the excellence to which the chinese navy once attained was also due to british instruction under another scotsman, admiral lang; and one of the principal shipyards of italy, as well as her gun factory, is of british origin, and is still linked with its british parent. the spanish navy is now being recreated under british supervision; turkey never was so nearly a sea power as when she had british naval officers in her service; and under admiral mark kerr the glories of the greek navy are being revived. in the case of the modern german fleet the british admiralty had little part in its upbuilding, but british naval power fired the imagination of the emperor, and it was a kindly present made years before by king william iv. to the then king of prussia which first directed his majesty's thoughts towards the sea. when the present emperor was a boy, one of his favourite recreations was to sail a beautiful model of about tons of a british frigate on the havel lakes near potsdam. this little ship, of excellent workmanship, was sent as a present to the then ruler of prussia early in the last century by our sailor king, and was a never-failing source of pleasure to the present german emperor as a youth. from his earliest years at home and in england the future ruler's aspirations were always towards the sea, and we can now see that his dreams of later years, which have taken such tangible shape, were largely due to those vivid impressions of sea-power which he obtained during his visits to england, and which reached their climax in , when queen victoria, on the occasion of his visit to the cowes regatta, conferred on him, a foreign monarch, the, then, unique rank of admiral of the fleet. though other foreign princes and monarchs have since been made honorary officers of the british navy, the german emperor remained for some years the only person of foreign birth holding supreme rank. the commission conferred upon the kaiser was of course purely honorary, but his majesty never concealed the pride with which he donned the british uniform with its deep gold cuffs and cocked hat, and he could claim that he was the only ruler of a foreign state who ever commanded the british navy in modern times. great britain has boasted of her "splendid isolation," and the german emperor's is the only alien hand which has controlled any of her fleets. in times gone by a british squadron was placed under the orders of peter the great. this incident occurred during the czar's operations against sweden, when he received the assistance of a squadron from these islands and hoisted his flag in command of the allied forces. between that date and the year when the german emperor became an admiral of the fleet the british navy maintained its absolute independence, and british officers were not even permitted to accept foreign decorations. but soon after receiving the honorary rank from queen victoria, the emperor seized the opportunity to emulate the example of peter the great, and he afterwards confessed in a speech he delivered on board the british battleship, _royal sovereign_, that the incident had left an indelible impression upon his mind. "one of the best days of my life," he remarked, "which i shall never forget as long as i live, was the day when i inspected the mediterranean fleet when i was on board the _dreadnought_,[ ] and my flag was hoisted for the first time." the emperor at this time was making a cruise in the mediterranean, and visited the piræus to attend the wedding of his sister to the present king of greece. sir anthony hoskins, who was then only a vice-admiral, was in command of the british fleet which had assembled in honour of the royal marriage. the german emperor decided that in his new rôle as a british officer he would exercise command, and consequently the emblem of an admiral of the fleet, which consists of the union flag, was broken at the main on board the old battleship _dreadnought_, and sir anthony hoskins, being a junior officer, was forthwith relieved of the control of the british men-of-war, and nominally, though not of course actually, the german emperor, during the time that his flag was flown, was in command of the greatest of all the fighting squadrons of the british empire. on a subsequent occasion, at malta, his majesty again visited the british fleet. arriving at this great naval base he announced that on the following day he would inspect one of the men-of-war. accordingly, he proceeded on board, and his flag was forthwith hoisted. it was thought that his majesty would formally walk round the decks and then take some light refreshments and return to his yacht. this was not the case, however. no sooner did the emperor reach the quarter-deck, where he was received with naval honours by all the officers, than he took off his coat and intimated that he was ready to go over the ship. his majesty went everywhere, from the turrets to the engine and boiler-rooms, and kept the captain fully occupied in answering a multitude of questions as to the design and equipment of the vessel. with all the impetuosity of his nature he dived into every hole and corner and saw everything, and the captain was kept so busy that he forgot his duty as host and the wines he had laid in for the occasion. at last the inspection ended, the questions ceased, and his majesty prepared, after complimenting the captain on the smartness of his ship, to go down the companion ladder to his lunch. as he did so, he turned to this commanding officer and said: "yours must be the longest ship in the british navy." "i think not, your majesty," replied the captain, "it's only feet long." "oh, you surely are mistaken," added the emperor, and then the captain remembered the naval slang as to "long-ships in the navy"--namely, those with long intervals between refreshments. he forthwith apologised profusely for the oversight, and implored the emperor to return to the cabin. his majesty would not, however, do so, but added: "january th is my birthday, and my orders are that on that day you entertain all your brother captains to dinner and drink my health." he then left, pleased at the result of the incident. when the day arrived, the dinner was duly held, and the guests enjoyed themselves immensely. during the evening they despatched the following message to the emperor: "the orders of our admiral of the fleet have been carried out, and we have drunk your majesty's good health. but there is one point on which we cannot agree with your majesty, and that is as to the length of h.m.s. ----." from this the emperor, who is familiar with the language of the navy, was able consequently to infer that on that evening there had been no lack of hospitality. after the lapse of many years during which the progress of the german navy became ever more and more the preoccupation of the british people, it is difficult to realize that when the movement for naval expansion on the other side of the north sea first began to take shape it was regarded with sympathy by the british nation, and the german emperor, wearing his uniform as an honorary british officer, was, of all monarchs, the most popular in this country. the two countries were on terms of growing cordiality when the emperor succeeded his father in . the absence of any reference by the new emperor in his proclamation either to england or to france caused momentary anxiety, but that feeling quickly passed away, and in the following summer the new emperor was the central figure in the great naval pageant at spithead. for the first time in the history of the british fleet naval manoeuvres had been held in , and in the year after william ii.'s accession the young ruler witnessed the greatest display of british sea-power which had ever been organised. the assembly of far exceeded in numbers and in the suggestion of power the naval review which had marked the celebration of queen victoria's jubilee. it was the most powerful fleet ever brought together in time of peace. the naval defence act, the culmination of a long and vigorous agitation, had been passed in the spring, and it was thought appropriate to mobilize the fleet as a demonstration in the eyes of the world. the german emperor determined to visit this country for the special purpose of joining in this festival of british sea-power. in those days the act of mobilization occupied considerable time; though the ships in reserve were manned in the middle of july it was not until august st that the fleet assembled at spithead. it included battleships, coast defence vessels, cruisers, gun vessels, gunboats, and torpedo boats. the great anchorage presented a brave appearance when, on the following day, the emperor arrived, escorted by a squadron of his small navy. this force consisted of the battleships _friedrich der grosse_, _preussen_, _deutschland_, _kaiser_, _sachsen_, _baden_, and _oldenburg_, together with the despatch-vessels _zieten_ and _wacht_; while the training ship for german naval cadets, the _niobe_, was also present together with the corvette _irene_, commanded by the emperor's brother. the german emperor and his ships received an enthusiastic welcome as he passed through the british fleet on board his yacht, the _hohenzollern_. the spectacle was one of the most brilliant and imposing ever witnessed in waters which had often been the scene of naval displays. on the following monday, when the prince of wales, representing queen victoria, inspected the ships, his royal highness was accompanied by his majesty, to whom, subsequently, all the principal officers were presented on board the _victoria and albert_. early on the following day the fleet proceeded to sea, steaming past the german emperor, who watched the evolution from the deck of the _osborne_, moored in sandown bay. thus did the new ruler of germany, on whom queen victoria had just conferred the honorary rank of admiral of the fleet in the british service, gain a unique knowledge of the size and efficiency of the british navy normally maintained on a peace footing in home waters. the contrast in organization and in administration between the british navy and the german army can hardly have failed to impress the young emperor, who had devoted himself with unremitting persistency to the study of the military machine of his own country. looking back with the knowledge which we now possess of the rapidity with which a navy can be raised from a peace footing to a war footing as exemplified by the modern german navy, we can imagine the impression which the british mobilization made upon his majesty. and then, when the time came for the ships to pass out of the anchorage into the channel, the delays and confusion which occurred must have suggested to the young ruler, familiar with the standard of efficiency attained by the german army, that something was lacking. a contemporary account of this evolution records that: "it was at half-past three in the morning that the fleet began to unmoor preparatory to proceeding to sea, but it was not until nearly eleven that sir george tryon--the admiral in supreme command--was able to give the signal for his squadron to weigh anchor. nearly all the delay was caused by trouble and mishaps connected with the anchoring gear of various ships. there is no part of the equipment of a man-of-war which requires more management and experience in handling than the ground tackle. every vessel has peculiarities of her own in this respect, therefore it is due, probably, to the crews being in most cases quite strange to their ships, and to the officers not yet having got the hang of things, that so many shortcomings were made apparent. soon after ten o'clock admiral baird, in command of the other section of the fleet, got impatient of further delay, for it was manifest that if he did not start speedily another review might have to be postponed. so he signalled the ships of his squadron to proceed to sea as soon as ready, and shortly afterwards they began filing out eastward in a long single line. but some ships could not obey the order; and amongst these were the _anson_, _collingwood_, and _inflexible_, still engaged in getting up their anchors." this same writer concluded his account of the spectacle with the remark that "a grander, a more magnificent demonstration of england's fleet it would indeed be difficult to imagine." but behind the seeming of things there stood revealed an organization which, though it had recently been greatly improved, still left much to be desired in rapid and efficient action. moreover, at this time even in the channel fleet, which then consisted of five ships, and was the only fully commissioned force in home waters, the main purpose of sea-power, to shoot straight, was certainly not kept in view. in his interesting book of reminiscences, "the navy as i have known it," admiral the hon. sir edmund fremantle, describing the conditions which existed in the jubilee year, records: "we had large crews and, as all the ships were masted, there was a fair amount of sail drill, while i fear gunnery was little attended to." there is no record of the impressions which the german emperor carried home with him from spithead, but it is more than probable that, while his majesty was impressed by the great display of ships and men, he was not less impressed by the failure to utilize these resources to the best possible advantage. the british navy was living on its past achievements. though it possessed a mass of material and a large personnel, neither was well organized for war. the available resources exceeded anything belonging to any other nation, but the fleet still basked, content, in the glow of the triumphs achieved in the early years of the nineteenth century. the navy was unreformed. steam had taken the place of sails, wood had been superseded, first by iron and then by steel, but the routine of the squadrons, the training of officers and men had undergone little change. the conditions of naval warfare had altered, but the british fleet remained faithful to the old regime, holding fast to the belief that when war occurred there would be a sufficient interval to allow it to complete its arrangements, elaborate its plans, and place all its resources on a war footing. as the british navy in its influence on world policy inspired german ambitions, so german thoroughness in organization, when applied to the growing german fleet, reacted upon the british navy and gave it a new and vigorous life. footnotes: [footnote : this ship was, of course, the predecessor of the present _dreadnought_.] chapter v the german navy acts among the political developments of the last quarter of a century there is none more remarkable than the evolution of german naval ambitions as revealed in the legislation passed since . one of the first acts after the emperor ascended the throne was the reorganization of the central navy administration, which had hitherto been presided over by a general officer of the army. this fact in itself indicates the subordinate position which the navy had hitherto occupied in the defensive machinery of the german empire. the fleet itself was of extremely modest proportions. it consisted only of a few small battleships of heavy gun-power, but limited radius of action, whose rôle was the defence of the coasts of germany, and more particularly the baltic littoral, for at this period few men-of-war under any flag cruised in the north sea. the spearhead of the british navy was exposed in the mediterranean, where the latest and most powerful ships were stationed, and the small channel fleet spent most of its time not in the channel, but ringing the changes on vigo and other spanish ports--lisbon, lagos, gibraltar, madeira, and port mahon. this squadron consisted of five obsolescent ships, and the only british vessels permanently in home waters--so complete was the domination of the situation in southern waters--were a number of port and coast-guard ships, half manned and distributed round the coast, and the unmanned vessels in reserve in the dockyards. the distribution of the french fleet was on much the same lines, the majority of the modern ships being concentrated in the mediterranean, while a small force was based upon brest. russia alone was represented in northern waters, and it was consequently in the baltic that the german fleet, such as it was, was trained and drilled. except for a few gunboats, the german naval ensign was entirely unrepresented in distant seas, and public opinion showed no desire to increase the naval votes in order to enable german influence to be exercised beyond home waters. after the emperor's accession to the throne in june, , and after the reorganization of naval administration, an effort was made to obtain an increased grant from the reichstag, but only with partial success. from to - the naval expenditure had increased gradually from £ , , to about £ , , . in - the estimates had advanced to nearly £ , , , and in the following year they rose still further to £ , , , and then they began to fall once more under the pressure of the reichstag, which viewed with no sympathy the new naval ambitions which were finding expression in the press. during these years the reichstag repeatedly reduced the votes put forward by admiral von hollmann, the minister of marine. throughout his period of office, from to , he failed signally to inoculate the parliamentary majority with the new ideas and the new enthusiasm which dominated the marineamt; and at last in , after being repulsed, first by the budget committee and then by the reichstag itself, the marine minister, whose ambitions were really extremely modest, retired from the scene, compelled to admit defeat. he was a sailor and neither a statesman nor an administrator, and his blunt methods were not to the liking of the politicians. no surprise consequently was felt when three months after this final humiliation the admiral resigned his office. one of the pioneers of german sea-power, admiral von hollmann began, under the inspiration of the emperor, the naval movement which, a few years later, under the impulse that the boer war imparted to public opinion, and with the help of an elaborate press bureau, was carried to such lengths by his successor. on the resignation of admiral von hollmann, the emperor appointed as naval secretary a comparatively unknown naval officer named tirpitz. born on march th, , at cüstrin, and the son of a judge, alfred tirpitz became a naval cadet in , and was afterwards at the naval academy from to . he subsequently devoted much attention to the torpedo branch of the service, and was mainly responsible for the torpedo organization and the tactical use of torpedoes in the german navy--a work which british officers regard with admiration. subsequently he became inspector of torpedo service, and was the first flotilla chief of the torpedo flotillas. later he was appointed chief of the staff of the naval station in the baltic and of the supreme command of the german fleet. during these earlier years of his sea career admiral tirpitz made several long voyages. he is regarded as an eminent tactician, and is the author of the rules for german naval tactics as now in use in the navy. in he was promoted to the rank of rear-admiral, and became vice-admiral in . during and he commanded the cruiser squadron in east asia, and was appointed secretary of state of the imperial navy office in january, . in the following year he was made a minister of state, and in received the hereditary rank of nobility, entitling him to the use of the prefix "von" before his name. with the advent of this officer as marine minister, german naval affairs at once underwent a change. his predecessor, who entertained very modest theories as to the size of the fleet which germany should possess, had attempted to browbeat the politicians, thumping the table in irritation when he could not get his way. the new minister from the first adopted other methods. he devoted himself to the education of the people by means of an elaborate press bureau, and was soon the undisputed master of german naval policy. he met opposition in the reichstag with a smiling reasonableness, and set himself to win the support of opponents by good-tempered argument. in fact, admiral von tirpitz from the first revealed himself as a politician and diplomatist, and from the time that he took office, though now and again slight checks were experienced, naval policy in germany made rapid--indeed, astonishing--progress. in the year after admiral von tirpitz went to the marine office, a navy bill, far more ambitious in its terms than any proposal that had been put forward by admiral von hollmann, was accepted by the reichstag. this measure was believed to embody at any rate the beginnings of a scheme which he had submitted to the emperor some time prior to his appointment. at any rate, it enunciated a new and vital principle. as has been seen, the government, whether prussian or german, had on previous occasions drafted extensive naval programmes for the carrying out of which a period of ten or twelve years was required. not once, however, had the establishment of ships and personnel been fixed by law; and the parliament in each case committed itself to the entire scheme only to the extent of passing the first annual instalment considered necessary by the government as the initial step towards the desired goal. in this way neither diet nor reichstag bound itself or its successors for the future, but left both free to deal with the annual naval estimates as they thought fit. and in practice it had been found that very liberal use was made of the budgetary prerogatives, that standards once approved were not considered binding, and that the fate of the naval estimates depended to a considerable extent on the relations which happened for the moment to exist between the government and the majority parties on questions totally unconnected with the naval requirements of the empire. another disadvantage of the practice of leaving the reichstag free to determine annually the number of vessels which should be laid down in a given year, was, that it gave the shipbuilding, armour-plate, and ordnance industries no sure basis for their plans for the future. the rule that germany must build, engine, arm, and equip her own war vessels had been generally accepted, but the industries which should enable her to do this were still in their infancy, and were almost entirely dependent upon the orders of the home government. if they were ever to be able to supply the demands of a powerful fleet, it was necessary that slips should be multiplied, plant increased, and workshops extended. but so long as the naval policy of the empire was indefinite and subject to violent fluctuations, ship-builders and manufacturers would not endanger their businesses by locking up large amounts of capital in appliances which could be used for the building and arming of warships and for no other purposes. if german industry was ever to be in a position to satisfy the demands of a large and efficient fleet, some guarantee of steady and remunerative orders must, it was urged, be afforded to the trades concerned. and apart altogether from its own needs, the government also hoped that, some day, germany would be able to claim a share in those large profits which great britain appropriated to herself as the world's shipbuilder. it was by such arguments that admiral von tirpitz justified his demand that the strength of the fleet, the date at which it should attain that strength, and the age at which each ship should be automatically replaced by a new one, should be fixed by legal enactment. no portion of his bill was more hotly contested than this. it was objected that, by accepting it, the reichstag would be depriving itself of a considerable portion of that power of the purse which constituted the only effective bulwark of its rights. but in the end the smiling and imperturbable patience of admiral von tirpitz gained the day, and the reichstag satisfied itself with the formal right of drawing the absolutely unavoidable conclusions from its own enactment and passing every year the naval estimates, which could not be rejected without an infraction of the law. the repeated sections in the act of which appear to reserve the chamber's budget rights, are, in reality, meaningless and valueless--except as a monument to the folly of those who believed they had a meaning and a value. admiral von tirpitz apparently drew from his first legislative experience the perfectly correct conclusion that the reichstag can be made to do almost anything if one only treats it in the right way. in the explanatory memorandum attached to the bill, admiral von tirpitz was able to adduce two convincing reasons why the fleet should at once be considerably augmented. one of these was the fact that germany's naval strength had in recent years actually diminished. in case of mobilization, it was pointed out, she would have had only seven efficient battleships, whereas she had once had fourteen. of the armoured cruisers which had been adopted in other navies for foreign service in times of peace, she did not possess a single example, and their work had to be done by three antiquated battleships. moreover, to the tasks allotted to the fleet in the memorandum of , another of great importance had been added--namely, the defence of germany's newly-acquired colonial empire. further, it was contended that the growth of the empire's population, trade, and industry, the development of her sea-fisheries, and the increasing investment of german capital abroad, had all added to the possibilities of her becoming involved in quarrels with other nations. the fleet which admiral von tirpitz considered necessary to fulfil the old and the new sea requirements of the empire was as under: the battle fleet. battleships ( as material reserve). armoured coast-defence vessels. large cruisers. small cruisers. foreign service fleet. _large cruisers._ for east asia for central and south america material reserve -- total _small cruisers._ for east asia for central and south america for east africa for the south seas material reserve -- total station ship. the period proposed for the gradual attainment of this strength was seven years, but the reichstag shortened it by a year, and thus it became known as the "sexennat." it was pronounced inexpedient to attempt to fix for some years in advance the empire's requirements in torpedo craft, school-ships, and training ships. that this scheme was intended by its author to be merely a beginning has been shown by the sequel, but admiral von tirpitz himself little dreamed that he would so soon be able to take the next and decisive step, which should bring him to within measurable distance of his goal. early in he said in the budget committee: "i declare expressly that in no quarter has the intention to submit a new navy plan in any way been manifested; that, on the contrary, in all quarters concerned, the firmest intention exists to carry out the navy law, and to observe the limits therein laid down." in other words, the law was to run its six years' course. nevertheless, before the year was at an end, the bill which was to become the navy law of had already been announced by the government. in the light of the vast development of germany's colonial and commercial interests the navy act of was of an unambitious character. the german fleet was at this time still the weakest possessed by any of the great powers of europe, except austria-hungary, which then had no naval pretensions. if only as a matter of historical interest it is interesting to record that, at the moment when this effort towards expansion was made, germany kept in commission only four ships which could be dignified with the description of battleships, together with four smaller armoured vessels. the only modern ships of the line under the german ensign consisted of these four battleships of the worth class, vessels of , tons displacement in comparison with ships of , tons which had already been incorporated in the british fleet. the german ships, though nominally battleships, were really only coast-defence vessels, heavily gunned and thickly armoured, but with storage for only tons of coal; whereas contemporary british ships of the majestic class possessed a capacity of , tons.[ ] the four vessels of this class, in addition to the _worth_, were the _weisenburg_, _kurfürst friedrich wilhelm_, and _brandenburg_. they marked a notable advance on the little armoured ships of three to four thousand tons of the siegfried class, which had been built during the early 'nineties, but, owing to their limited fuel capacity, their radius of action was extremely restricted, and they were, in fact, only very powerful coast-defence ships, with a speed on trial of between sixteen and seventeen knots. the design of every armoured ship is a compromise between armament, armour, speed, and coal capacity, and in this german design a predominance then unprecedented in any navy in the world was given to the two first-named characteristics. on paper these ships were vessels of great offensive power, as is revealed by the contrast given on p. between them and the contemporary battleships of the majestic class of the british fleet, which displaced about , tons and attained a speed of eighteen knots, with , tons of coal on board. these few details reveal the fundamental differences between the character of the british and german navies at this time and the policy which they represented. the british government, in accordance with precedent, was providing a fleet of the high-seas type, while the german government was content with a small force built specifically for the purpose of coast-defence. these four large german coast-defence ships were at this time supported by the four vessels of the sachsen type of , tons, already obsolescent; by six old ships--one dating back to ; by eight little armoured vessels of the beowulf class, of about , tons, which had been constructed during the early 'nineties; and the tail of the list was brought up by eleven armoured gunboats each of , tons displacement. this enumeration of the naval forces of germany indicates conclusively the modest ambitions which hitherto had animated her naval administration. the german fleet, except for the purposes of coast defence, and specifically for the protection of her baltic shores, was a negligible quantity, having no +------------+---------------------------+----------------------------+ | | majestic class. | worth class. | +------------+---------------------------+----------------------------+ |length |over all, ft. | ft. in. ( ft. | | | ( ft. at water-line). | in. at water-line.) | | | | | |beam | ft. | ft. in. | |mean draught| ft. in. | ft. in. | |armour |partial -in. harveyed |complete belt, · to | | | belt, ft. | · in. (compound | | | broad, and ft. | in earlier, steel in | | | long; bulkheads, | later, ships); barbettes | | | in. (max.); | and conning-tower, | | | barbettes, in.; | · in.; | | | barbette-shields, | ammunition hoists, | | | in.; casemates | · in.; gun-hoods, | | | ( ), in.; protected | in.; cellulose | | | deck · to | cofferdam belt; | | | in.; forward | casemate for · -in. | | | conning tower, | guns, in.; steel | | | in.; after conning | deck, in., flat on | | | tower, in. | top of belt. | | | | | |armament | -in. -ton | -in. krupp | | | (wire-wound) | breech-loading, | | | breech-loading; | in each | | | -in. | barbette; · in. | | | quickfirers in casemates;| quickfiring of | | | -pounder | calibres in a casemate | | | quick-firers; | forward of | | | -pounder | the centre barbettes; | | | boat-guns; | · -in. | | | -pounder quick-firing; | quick-firers of | | | maxims; | calibres; · in. | | | torpedo-tubes | breech-loading | | | ( -in.), submerged, | boat or field guns; | | | above | -pounder quick-firers;| | | water astern. | machine; | | | | torpedo tubes, | | | | submerged. | +------------+---------------------------+----------------------------+ influence either upon european or world policy. the truth of this statement is conclusively proved by the following table showing the relative strength of the only five navies of the world which were, at that time, of appreciable importance, the fleets of japan and of the united states being then still in their infancy: +---------------------+--------+-------+-------+------+--------+ | |britain.|france.|russia.|italy.|germany.| +---------------------+--------+-------+-------+------+--------+ |battleships: | | | | | | | first-class | | | | | | | second-class | | | | | | | third-class | | | | | | | +--------+-------+-------+------+--------+ | total battleships| | | | | | | +--------+-------+-------+------+--------+ |coast-defence ships | | | | -- | | | +--------+-------+-------+------+--------+ |cruisers: | | | | | | | first-class | | | | -- | | | second-class | | | | | | | third-class | | | | | | | +--------+-------+-------+------+--------+ | total cruisers | | | | | | | +--------+-------+-------+------+--------+ |torpedo gunboats | | | | | | +---------------------+--------+-------+-------+------+--------+ it must be confessed that at this time the german fleet bore no reasonable relation to germany's growing trade and oversea interests. but the mass of the people of the german empire were still unconscious of any deficiency, and, blinded by the success of their armies during the war with france and the small influence which naval power exerted in that struggle, they had refused for many years to take upon themselves the burden which the new naval ambitions represented. but with the passage of the navy act of , and the widespread agitation carried on by the navy league, under the highest patronage, and--even more important--by the press bureau under admiral von tirpitz, a change immediately occurred; and the success with which the british forces were enabled to conduct their military operations in south africa, while europe was forced to stand by inactive, owing to the supreme control which the british fleet possessed of sea communications, produced a revulsion of feeling. the current of european events, and the reception with which the emperor's speeches met, convinced the government, within a comparatively few months of the passage of the act of , that they might safely abandon this modest measure and replace it by a new bill. what had happened in the meantime? this: the outbreak of the boer war had generated in germany an absolutely unprecedented hostility to great britain, which was afterwards roused to white heat by the seizure of the mail steamer _bundesrat_ and other german vessels on the african coast. admiral von tirpitz had a unique opportunity such as was never likely to present itself to him again. he made prompt and full use of it, and while great britain was in the thick of the embarrassments of the early stages of the south african war, the great navy bill of was passed into law. the seizure of the german vessels was admitted by the british government to have been a blunder. an apology was tendered to germany on account of it, and promises made that similar incidents should not recur. the action of the british warships did nothing but harm, and would certainly never have been taken if the foreign office in london had been properly informed on the situation in germany by its representatives in berlin, and had itself kept the admiralty fully posted. consequently, in the spring of , the act of was replaced by a new one, in face of all admiral von tirpitz's protestations of two years before. _this measure set up an establishment of almost twice the size of the former one, and embraced ships intended for battle purposes on the high seas._ during the discussion of the measure in the reichstag the centre party compelled the government to modify their original scheme, and to drop five large and five small cruisers for service on foreign stations, while the reserve of cruisers was reduced by one large and two small vessels. in the course of the debate the naval secretary announced that, while the government were compelled to agree to the amendment of their proposals, they still insisted upon the necessity of providing the original number of ships for duty in foreign seas, but would agree to postpone the final settlement of the question until a subsequent date. in its final form, as it received the approval of the reichstag and of the emperor, and as it was published in the _imperial german gazette_ of june th, , the bill set up the following establishment for the fleet: the battle fleet. fleet flagships. squadrons, each of battleships. large cruisers for scouting purposes. small cruisers for scouting purposes. foreign fleet. large cruisers. small cruisers. reserve. battleships. large cruisers. small cruisers. the new act was based upon the same calculation of the effective life of ships as the one of , and provided that, except in the case of total loss, battleships were to be replaced after twenty-five years and cruisers after twenty years. it was provided that the age of ships was to be reckoned from the grant of the first instalment in payment for the ship to be replaced to the passing of the first instalment in payment for the ship to be built as "substitute" (ersatzschiff). it was proposed to keep half the battle squadrons--the first and second--fully manned on a war footing, together with one-half of the torpedo craft and all the school-ships and auxiliary vessels. the third and fourth battle squadrons were to form the reserve fleet, half the ships of which were to be kept in permanent commission. the act also made provision for nucleus crews for the second half of the torpedo-boats, for the requirements of ships serving abroad, and for the needs of the shore establishments. more remarkable, perhaps, than the actual terms of the navy act was the character of the explanatory memorandum put forward by the navy department.[ ] in this notable document occurs the following statement of the new naval policy of the german empire: "to protect germany's sea trade and colonies, in the existing circumstances, there is only one means: germany must have a battle fleet so strong that, even for the adversary with the greatest sea-power, a war against it would involve such dangers as to imperil his position in the world. "for this purpose it is not absolutely necessary that the german battle fleet should be as strong as that of the greatest naval power, because a great naval power will not, as a rule, be in a position to concentrate all its striking forces against us. but even if it should succeed in meeting us with considerable superiority of strength, the defeat of a strong german fleet would so substantially weaken the enemy that, in spite of a victory he might have obtained, his own position in the world would no longer be secured by an adequate fleet." the memorandum well repays study in the light of subsequent events. almost at the moment of its publication admiral von der goltz, a former chief of the admiralstab, gave a less reserved exposition of german policy, thus reflecting the opinions held by the naval officers responsible for the character of the proposed expansion of the german fleet. "let us consider," he said, "the case of a war against england. in spite of what many people think, there is nothing improbable in such a war, owing to the animosity which exists in our country towards england, and, on the other side, to the sentiments of the british nation towards all continental powers, and in particular against germany. these are not chauvinistic exaggerations, but the opinion of the whole of the people of great britain, who are jealous of our commercial development. if england should ever lose her mercantile supremacy on the seas, the decline of her naval dominion would only be a question of time, and she realizes the fact instinctively. of course the british government will make every effort to prevent the violent explosion of these sentiments, preferring peaceful competition to war. but how long can that last? violence becomes a right to a people which fears for its existence. "the opinion is generally held in this country that any resistance against england at sea would be impossible, and that all our naval preparations are but wasted efforts. it is time that this childish fear, which would put a stop to all our progress, should be pulled up by the roots and destroyed. "at this moment ( ) we are almost defenceless against england at sea, but already we possess the beginnings of a weapon which statesmanship can put to a good use, and our chances of success in a war against england grow more favourable day by day. "the maritime superiority of great britain, overwhelming now, will certainly remain considerable in the future; but she is compelled to scatter her forces all over the world. in the event of war in home waters, the greater part of the foreign squadrons would no doubt be recalled; but that would be a matter of time, and then all the stations oversea could not be abandoned. on the other hand, the german fleet, though much smaller, can remain concentrated in european waters. "with the increases about to be made it will be in a position to measure its strength with the ordinary british naval forces in home waters (then consisting only of the small and inefficiently manned channel squadron); but it should not be forgotten that the question of numbers is far less important at sea than on land. numerical inferiority can be compensated by efficiency, by excellence of material, by the capacity and discipline of the men. careful preparation permitting rapid mobilization can ensure a momentary superiority." with the passage of the navy act of , germany proceeded to develop a high-sea fleet--a naval force capable of going anywhere and doing anything. hitherto her ships had represented in their design the domination of a coast-defence policy. she now entered upon the construction of ships of the first class. naval construction was regularized, and forthwith proceeded with great rapidity. during the five years-- to --no ship even nominally of the battleship class was launched. during to only four vessels, and between and only six vessels, and these all of relatively modest fighting power, were put in the water, but in no fewer than five first-class battleships were sent afloat. at the time when the navy act of was passed germany had just completed the five ships of the old kaiser class, with a displacement of about , tons, and mounting four · -inch guns of calibre as battle weapons in association with a large number of secondary guns--eighteen pieces of · inches. the technical advisers of the german admiralty at this date pinned their faith to a storm of projectiles from quick-firing guns, and in order that weights might be kept down and the ships might be restricted to dimensions to enable them to navigate the kiel canal, reliance was placed upon the · -inch gun at a moment when in practically all the navies of the world a -inch weapon was being mounted. the type of battleship design which was introduced with the passage of the act of , and which was yet in hand when the measure of was prepared, still combined a weak main armament of four · -inch guns with an exceedingly heavy secondary armament and a complete armoured belt. whereas british ships at this time, such as those of the duncan class, were being given only partial belts, and these only inches thick amidships, tapering off fore and aft, the german vessels received thicker belts extending over the whole length. of this new design--known as the wittelsbach class--five units were building when the act was passed. they had a maximum coal capacity of , tons of coal, with tons of oil, and were capable of steaming at a speed of about eighteen knots, thus reflecting the rise of german ambition for something more than a coast-defence fleet. the belts of these ships were · inches wide, with a thickness amidships of · inches, while the four · -inch guns were protected with armour · inches thick, and the secondary turrets and casemates carrying the eighteen · -inch guns were protected with armour · inches thick. after the passage of the navy act of the · -inch gun, as the battle weapon, was abandoned in favour of an -inch of calibre, and the displacement of the new ships of the deutschland class, as they are generically termed, although there are minor differences in the ten vessels, was nearly , tons. these ships really represented the entrance of germany upon the high seas as a first-class naval power, possessing vessels fit to lie in the line and to fight the men-of-war under any foreign flag. the new design may be contrasted with advantage with that of the worth class which has already been described: deutschland class. _armour._ krupp, complete belt, about feet wide,[ ] · inches amidships, tapering to · inches at ends; lower edge amidships, · inches; lower deck side amidships, · inches; main turrets and barbettes, inches to · inches; secondary turrets, · inches; battery, · inches; conning-tower, · inches; s.t.--aft, · inches; deck, · inches on slopes, · inches on flat. _armament._ four inch ( calibre) in pairs in turrets, fore and aft; · inch ( calibre), in battery on main deck, singly in turrets on upper deck; · inch ( pounder); machine; torpedo tubes, ( inch), submerged, bow, and stern. simultaneously with the construction of these ten battleships, six armoured cruisers, ranging in displacement from , to about , tons, were laid down, and in a single clause amending the act was passed increasing the foreign fleet by five armoured cruisers and the fleet reserve by one armoured cruiser, thus fulfilling in part the original programme of the navy department with which the reichstag had interfered. at about the same date german naval opinion made a complete _volte face_ in regard to the fighting value of the submarine. about the time when the act of was passed the british admiralty, after a careful study of the progress of submarine navigation in france and america, decided that it could no longer ignore this type of man-of-war. it was forthwith decided to buy an experimental ship from the holland company of the united states, which had already demonstrated the practical value of this particular type of submersible torpedo-boat. the original craft which was purchased under these circumstances was a little ship with a submerged displacement of only tons, and a water-line displacement of tons. she was propelled on the surface by a four-cylinder gasoline engine giving a speed of eight to eight and a half knots, while below the surface she was driven by an electric motor, and was capable of only six or seven knots. the entrance of this little ship into the british service was hailed in germany with something approaching derision, and in the technical papers the futility of the submarine was urged with a wealth of argument. the little holland boat, however, was merely the foundation from which the british authorities proceeded to develop a type of craft in keeping with the offensive rôle of the british navy, and in submarines were being built for the british fleet mounting two torpedo tubes on a displacement of about tons, and possessing a surface speed of fourteen knots in combination with a submerged speed of ten knots. when it is added that these craft possessed a full speed radius of about , miles on the surface and were estimated to be able to travel miles under water, it is not surprising that german naval opinion as to the advantages of the submarine underwent a sudden and dramatic change. henceforth the submarine was to be treated by german naval officers with respect. without the formality of any public announcement, either in the reichstag or in the press, an under-water boat was laid down at the germania yard at kiel in , and thenceforward an energetic policy of construction was pursued, although it was not until two years later that legislative provision was made for the building of this type of warship. a very remarkable feature of german policy has been the persistency with which cruisers have been built even at a time when other naval powers, including great britain, were inactive. as a matter of course, during the period when the german government was content to provide a fleet mainly for the purposes of coast defence, great importance was attached to the efficiency and adequacy of the cruiser squadrons. at the time of the passage of the navy act of , for instance, there were eighteen cruisers completed and nearly a dozen others in hand. under the act of that year provision was made to continue this policy while attaining a higher standard of battle strength.[ ] even when, in , legislative effect was given to the ambition of the marine office further to expedite battleship construction, in spite of the heavy cost involved by the transition from mixed armament ships to the all-big-gun ships of the dreadnought era, the reichstag was asked to stereotype the cruiser programme. the act made provision for two light cruisers to be laid down annually, and in the measure passed in an addition of two "small cruisers" was made for the period - . a notable contrast is provided by a study of germany's action and the policy of the british admiralty charged with the protection of a vast oversea trade and half the shipping of the world. during the later years of the last century and the first four years of the present century a persistent policy of construction was pursued both in armoured and protected cruisers, and then for several years there was a complete cessation of this form of shipbuilding activity. other countries, germany only excepted, either acting on their own initiative or accepting the lead of the british authorities also desisted from cruiser construction. the advance in the size and cost of large armoured ships threw heavy burdens upon the respective exchequers, and no doubt the saving effected was a welcome relief at a moment when under every flag naval expenditure was advancing at an unparalleled rate. the result of the persistent policy adopted by germany became apparent in , when in modern swift cruisers suitable for scouting the two fleets were practically upon an equality. it was in these circumstances, faced by evidence of german progress in cruiser construction, that the british authorities again decided to embark upon the building of new squadrons of cruisers of small size and high speed--in fact, of considerably smaller size than the ships then in hand in germany. but in battleship construction german policy has necessarily been less continuous and consistent. the war between russia and japan in the far east, and the lessons which it taught to the naval world were destined to upset completely the theories upon which battleship and larger cruiser design in germany had been based in the early years of the present century. the german naval authorities had persisted in attaching primary importance to the secondary gun, still believing in the moral and material effect of a storm of projectiles from numerous quick-firing guns. they were still proceeding with the construction of ships--battleships and large cruisers--embodying these ideas when a new board of admiralty in london, with admiral sir john--now lord--fisher as first sea lord, appointed a committee to reconsider the design of british ships in the light of the information which the gunnery tests of the fleet and the struggle in the far east had supplied. thanks to the british alliance with the japanese, british officers, and british officers only, had been permitted to be present with the japanese fleet during the decisive battles of the war. with the advantage of the information thus obtained the designs of british ships were reconsidered. the report of this committee was treated as confidential. in presenting the navy estimates for to the house of commons, the earl of selborne, the first lord, contented himself with making the following statement as to the work of this body, and of the new programme of construction: "i may claim that the work of the committee will enable the board to ensure to the navy the immediate benefit of the experience which is to be derived from the naval warfare between russia and japan, and of the resultant studies of the naval intelligence department. i can however hold out no hope that it will be consistent with the interests of the public service to publish either the reference to the committee or its report. "it is proposed to begin during the financial year - : battleship, armoured cruisers, ocean-going destroyers, ocean-going destroyer of the experimental type, coastal destroyers, submarines.[ ] "his majesty has approved that the battleship should be called the _dreadnought_, and the first of the armoured cruisers the _invincible_." it was not until many months later that it gradually became known that the british admiralty were embarking upon the construction of an entirely new type of battleship, and it was even later that information was available as to the character of the "armoured cruisers" mentioned in the first lord's statement. in the following spring a partial revelation of the change in british design was made in the _naval annual_: "the _dreadnought_, officially laid down at portsmouth on october nd, , though some material had already been built into her, was launched by his majesty on february th, . the admiralty announce that the period of building for armoured vessels is to be reduced to two years, but the _dreadnought_ is to be completed in february, . the rapidity of her construction will therefore out-rival that of the _majestic_ and _magnificent_, which were completed within two years from the date of the laying of their first keel plates. "the _dreadnought_ represents a remarkable development in naval construction, which has been for some time foreshadowed, notably by captain cuniberti, the famous italian naval constructor. the russo-japanese war, more particularly the battle of tsushima, established the fact that naval engagements can, and will, be fought at greater distances than were formerly considered possible. hence the medium armament is held by many authorities to lose much of its value." in the _naval annual_ of that year, it was reported that the japanese contemplated laying down a battleship with an armament of four -inch and ten -inch guns. it was then announced that the _dreadnought_ was to carry a main armament of ten -inch calibre guns, of per cent. greater power than those carried by the _majestic_, while the medium armament was to disappear entirely. the question of protection entered also very largely into the consideration, and _the times_, in describing the new ship, said that it was understood that "she was to be made as nearly unsinkable as possible from the explosion of a torpedo or mine." it was even stated that there would be no openings in the watertight bulkheads, and this proved to be the fact. moreover, this ship was the first large vessel in the world to be fitted with turbines. it was stated unofficially that this new ship of the all-big-gun type rendered obsolescent practically all the battleships of the world with mixed armaments--that is with guns of varying size. the british naval authorities continued to maintain a discreet silence as to the character of the new vessels, and the design, as its main characteristics became known, was assailed with a good deal of criticism. the controversy was at its height when president roosevelt called upon commander sims, the inspector of target practice in the united states navy, to make a report upon the advantages possessed by the all-big-gun ship of high speed and complete armour protection in view of the criticism of the british design of admiral mahan.[ ] commander sims, who had made a life-study of gunnery questions, prepared a long report describing the character of the revolution in design, and its influence upon the navies of the world. it is interesting to recall some passages from this report, which in its essential portions appeared in the proceedings of the united states naval institute, particularly as the british admiralty have never considered it wise to enter upon a detailed defence of their policy. commander sims stated: "concerning the advisability of building all-big-gun ships, that is, discarding all smaller guns (except torpedo-defence guns) and designing the ships to carry the maximum number of heavy turret guns, these alone to be used in battle against other ships, i think it could be clearly shown that captain mahan is in error in concluding that it would add more to our naval strength to expend the same amount of money that the big ships would cost, for smaller and slower ships, carrying the usual intermediate guns ( -inch, etc.); and that, as in the question of speed, this error is due to the fact that much important information concerning the new methods of gun-fire was not considered by the author in preparing his article. (note.--unfortunately these methods of gun-fire cannot at present be specifically explained in a published article, as this would involve a discussion of our methods of controlling our ships' batteries, and bringing our ships into action with an enemy.) "i may, however, assure the reader that, from the point of view of the efficiency of gun-fire alone, it would be unwise ever to build a man-of-war of any type whatever, having more than one calibre of gun in her main battery. in other words, it may be stated that the abandonment of mixed-battery ships in favour of the all-big-gun, one-calibre ship was directly caused by the recognition of certain fundamental principles of naval markmanship developed by gunnery officers. "therefore we have but to decide what the calibre for each class of ships should be, a decision which should present no special difficulty, provided it be first determined how we are to defeat the enemy--whether by the destruction of his ships (by sinking them or disabling their guns) or by the destruction or demoralization of their personnel. "in this connection the following facts should first be clearly understood--namely: " . turrets are now, for the first time, being designed that are practically invulnerable to all except heavy projectiles. instead of having sighting-hoods on the turret roof, where sights, pointers, and officers are exposed to disablement (as frequently happened in the russian ships) there will be prismatic sights, projecting laterally from the gun trunnions, through small holes in the side of the turret, and the gun-ports will be protected by -inch armour plates, so arranged that no fragments of shells can enter the turrets. " . on the proposed all-big-gun ships the heavy armour belt will be about eight feet above the water-line, and extending from end to end. the conning-tower, barbettes, etc., will be of heavy armour; and there being no intermediate battery (which could not be protected by heavy armour, on account of its extent), it follows that in battle all the gunnery personnel, except the small, single fire-control party aloft, will be behind heavy armour, and that, therefore, neither the ship or her personnel can be materially injured by small calibre guns. "considering, therefore, that our object in designing a battleship is that she may be able to meet those of our possible enemies upon at least equal terms, it seems evident that it would be extremely unwise to equip our new ships with a large number of small guns that are incapable of inflicting material damage upon the all-big-gun one-calibre ships of our enemies, or upon the personnel manning their guns." in the same paper commander sims explained the principal tactical qualities that are desirable in a fleet--namely, compactness of the battle formation and the flexibility of the fleet as a unit--that is, its ability to change its formation in the least possible time and space with safety to its units. proceeding to elaborate his views, commander sims stated: "for example, suppose two fleets of eight vessels each, composed of ships that are alike in all respects, and suppose their personnel to be equally skilful, with the exception of the commanders-in-chief, whose difference in energy and ability is such that one fleet has been so drilled as to be able to manoeuvre with precision and safety while maintaining one-half the distance between its units that the other fleet requires. "this is putting an extreme case, but it shows: " . that the short fleet, being about half the length of the other one, can complete certain important manoeuvres in about one-half the time and one half the space required for similar manoeuvres of the long fleet. " . that, when ranged alongside each other, the defeat of the long fleet is inevitable, since the rapidity of hitting of the individual units is assumed to be equal, and each of the four leading ships of the long fleet receives about twice as many hits as she can return, though the eighth ship of the short fleet would suffer a preponderance of gun-fire from the fifth or sixth vessel of the long fleet, the seventh and eighth being too far astern to do much damage, as would also be the case if the long fleet had several vessels astern of these. "it is because of the principle here illustrated that the constant effort of competent flag-officers is to reduce the distance between the units of their fleets to the minimum that can be maintained with safety under battle conditions--that is, while steaming at full speed, without the aid of stadimeters, sextants, and other appliances that should be used only for preliminary drills. "doubtless some flag-officers, by constant competitive exercises in manoeuvring, may succeed in attaining an interval between ships that is less by or per cent. than that attained by others; but manifestly there is hardly any possibility of much greater improvement in this respect, because the minimum practical interval between ships depends upon their lengths and manoeuvring qualities. for example, the german interval is metres from centre to centre, while larger ships, say feet long, require about yards, and those between and feet in length require about yards. "if we accept captain mahan's advice and build comparatively small, low-speed battleships, while our possible enemies build large, swift, all-big-gun ships, it seems clear that we will sacrifice the enormous advantages of fleet compactness and flexibility, the superior effect of heavy-gun fire and the ability to concentrate our fire--the loss of these advantages to be fully realised twenty-five years hence, when our enemies have fleets of big ships while we still have those of our present size." * * * * * finally, this officer added: "if it be claimed that it would be better to reduce the speed of the large vessel to sixteen knots and put the weight saved into guns, it may be replied that the heavy turret guns cannot be mounted to advantage (so as to increase the hitting capacity of the vessel) without very considerably increasing the size of the ship, because the number of heavy turrets that can be placed to advantage is governed largely by the length of the ship--which increases slowly with the displacement. this point is fully discussed in a recent article in a german publication. i do not remember the displacement used by the author to illustrate the principle, but, supposing the ones quoted below to be correct, he shows that if it requires a displacement of , tons to obtain a broadside fire of, say, eight -inch turret guns, you could not advantageously mount any additional turrets on , or , tons, but would have to go to , or , tons to obtain the necessary space. and, conversely, if you design a , -ton battleship for sixteen instead of twenty knots, you cannot utilise the weight saved to increase the gun-power by adding -inch turrets, as you could by adding a number of intermediate guns. "it is now hardly necessary to state that adding superimposed turrets (by which the number of guns could be doubled, if the weights permitted) does not materially increase the hitting capacity of the ship as a whole, because of the 'interference' caused by having four guns in one two-story turret, while it decreases her defensive power by adding to the vertical height of her vital targets. "captain mahan characterizes the sudden inclination in all navies to increase the size of the new battleships (from about , to about , tons) as a 'wilful premature antiquating of good vessels' ... 'a growing and wanton evil.' if these words are intended in their true meaning, the statement is to me incomprehensible. i can understand an individual being wilful and wanton, but i cannot believe that the naval officers of the world could, without good cause, be suddenly and uniformly inspired in this manner. on the contrary, it seems to me that the mere fact of there being a common demand for such large vessels is conclusive evidence that there must be a common cause that is believed to justify the demand. "this common cause is undoubtedly a common belief that the same amount of money expended for large war vessels will add more to a nation's naval power than the same amount expended for small vessels, for it cannot reasonably be assumed that the tax-ridden nations of europe expend their great naval budgets wilfully and wantonly. undoubtedly each nation earnestly strives to expend these sums as to derive the greatest increase of naval power. the same is true in reference to their armies. as the mechanical arts improve each nation endeavours to improve its war material. when a nation adopts new rifles, it is not a wilful premature antiquating of several million excellent ones, it is a case of _force majeure_--it must adopt them or suffer a relative loss of military efficiency, and it must make no mistake as to the relative efficiency of its weapons. in the french suffered a humiliating defeat as a direct result of the colossal conceit which rendered them incapable of accepting conclusive evidence that the german field artillery was greatly superior to theirs. "the same law--that of necessity--governs the evolution of battleships. as might have been expected, this evolution has, as a rule, been gradual as regards increased displacement. the exception is the sudden recent increase ( , to , tons) in displacement. this exception therefore needs explanation.... it was due to a complete change of opinion as to the _hitting capacity_ of guns of various calibres. this is now well understood by all officers who have recently been intimately associated with the new methods of gunnery training. these methods have demonstrated this point in such a manner as to leave no doubt in our minds as to the correctness of our conclusions. the rapidity of hitting of the heaviest guns has been increased several thousand per cent., and that of smaller guns about in proportion to their calibre. " ... the inception of the epoch-making principles of the new methods of training belongs exclusively to captain (now rear-admiral) percy scott, director of naval practice of the british navy, who has, i believe, done more in this respect to improve naval marksmanship than all of the naval officers who have given their attention to this matter since the first introduction of the rifled cannon on men-of-war; nor should we forget that this degree of improvement was rendered possible by the introduction of telescope sights, the successful application of which to naval guns was made by commander b.a. fiske, u.s. navy, as early as . as soon as the above facts gained general acceptance in great britain and the united states, the evolution of the all-big-gun one-calibre battleship became a foregone conclusion; and the reason for the great increase in displacement, as i understand it, is simply that you cannot build an efficient ship of this class on less than about , tons, because you cannot mount more than two -inch turrets to advantage upon a battleship of much less displacement, because the length and breadth are not sufficient." the dreadnought design and all that it meant threw the german admiralty into confusion. at the moment they were still engaged in the construction of the vessels of the deutschland class, of about , tons, in which primary importance was given to the secondary gun--fourteen · -inch weapons--to the sacrifice of the big gun--four -inch pieces--and speed; whereas the new british design ignored the secondary gun in order to mount no fewer than ten big guns, and develop the speed to the extent of three or four knots above battleships then building. before the _dreadnought_ of the british programme of had been laid down at portsmouth, two german battleships of the familiar design with mixed armament had been begun--the _schleswig holstein_ in the germania yard and the _schlesien_ at dantzic. so completely were the german authorities unprepared for the revolution initiated by the british admiralty, that from the summer of until july, , the keel of not a single further battleship was laid in germany. in the meantime, while british yards were busy with vessels of the new type, the design of the german ships was reconsidered. after an interval of two years the keels of two vessels of the _dreadnought_ type were laid down, and two more keels were placed in position a month later--that is, in august, . these four ships--the nassau class--inaugurated the dreadnought policy in germany. two were completed in may, , and two in september following. these ships embody the all-big-gun principle in association with a powerful secondary armament, consisting of a dozen · -inch guns and sixteen -pounders. moreover, whereas the british dreadnought had been provided with only ten big guns, which was held by the british gunnery experts to be the maximum number which could be carried with advantage on the displacement then considered advisable, the german vessels were given twelve guns, not of the -inch but of the -inch type. each of these ships displaces , tons, and has a nominal speed of twenty knots. their normal coal capacity is tons, with a maximum storage of , tons. on the other hand, the early british _dreadnought_, with about the same displacement and coal-carrying capacity, attained a speed of one or two knots more, owing to the use of turbines in place of reciprocating engines. the contrast between the armour and armament of the british and german ships, comparing the four nassaus of the german fleet[ ] with the superb class of the british navy, is given in the table on p. . by energetic action the british admiralty had obtained a lead in the new type of battleship.[ ] moreover, even after the character of the dreadnought became known, the german authorities remained ignorant of the fact that the "armoured cruisers" of the invincible class were really swift battleships carrying the same type of battle gun as the _dreadnought_, in association with a speed exceeding twenty-five knots, and an armour belt not inferior to that placed on the latest pre-dreadnought german battleships. by this decisive move, the british authorities had depressed the value of all mixed armament battleships, in which the british fleet was becoming weak in face of foreign--and particularly german--rivalry, and had started the competition of armaments on an entirely new basis upon terms of advantage. no sooner was the true inwardness of the dreadnought policy realized than the german authorities began the preparation of a new german navy act. it was eventually decided that the best +--------+---------------------------+---------------------------+ | | superb class. | nassau class. | +--------+---------------------------+---------------------------+ |armour |krupp: complete |krupp: complete | | | belt, about ft. | belt, in. amidships, | | | wide (narrower | tapering | | | aft), in. amidships, | to · in. forward, | | | tapering to | and · in. aft; | | | in. forward and | lower deck side, | | | in. aft; turrets, | · in. amidships, | | | in.; barbettes, | · in. narrow | | | in.; forward | belt at ends; turrets | | | conning-tower, | and barbettes, | | | in.; after conning-tower,| in.; battery, | | | in.; deck, | · in.; conning-tower, | | | sloping, · in. | · in.; | | | | deck, sloping, · in. | |armament| -in. ( calibres) | -in. ( calibres) | | | in pairs in turrets, | in pairs in turrets, | | | forward, on | forward, aft, | | | each beam, aft | and on each | | | on centre line; | beam; · in. | | | -in. ( calibres), | ( calibres) in battery;| | | on each | · in. | | | turret (except no. | ( -pounder); torpedo | | | ), in superstructure; | tubes, -in., | | | machine; | submerged, bow, | | | torpedo tubes, | stern, and broadside. | | | -in., submerged, | | | | broadside, and | | | | stern. | | +--------+---------------------------+---------------------------+ means of accomplishing the end in view--namely, the construction of a larger number of ships of the armoured classes in the next few years than was provided in the act of , was to reduce the nominal effective age, and legislate for the replacement of all battleships and large cruisers within twenty years. accordingly, attached to the new act passed early in , which was over two years after the laying down of the dreadnought, was a schedule setting forth that four large armoured ships should be laid down annually between and , both inclusive, and that in onwards to , two keels annually should be placed in position. by means of this single clause measure, which became law on april th, , the construction of ships of the dreadnought type was accelerated, and whereas the british admiralty had definitely abandoned the construction of large cruisers of the armoured class--as the german authorities knew by this time--the marine office decided that each of the "large cruisers" specified in the act of should be swift dreadnoughts. this point is an important one. between and , great britain laid down battleships and armoured cruisers--a total of armoured ships in eight years, or an average of · ships a year. in this period germany built battleships and armoured cruisers, or armoured ships--equal to an average of · ships a year. in the admiralty determined to cease building armoured cruisers. in that year they laid down "capital ships"--all of them dreadnoughts; in the next two years annually, and in , ships only. while the british authorities abandoned the building of armoured cruisers, germany decided to accelerate her battleship construction, and she also decided that all the "large cruisers" specified in her law should be swift dreadnoughts, and thus from battleships and armoured cruisers, she rose to an establishment of battleships. at the end of , when it was imagined that the german programme would fall from large ships annually to ships, a new navy bill was produced.[ ] incidentally this measure added to the establishment battleships and unarmoured cruisers, and made provision for the construction of a maximum of submarines. the significance of the successive changes in shipbuilding policy in germany, reflecting in an ascending scale the naval ambitions of the marineamt, may be realised from the following summary, showing the establishment of large armoured ships fixed under successive measures: +-----+----------------------------+ | act.| establishment of ships | | | adopted. | | +------------+---------------+ | |battleships.|large cruisers.| +-----+------------+---------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | +----------------------------+ | | dreadnoughts. | | | | | | | +-----+----------------------------+ under the operation of german naval legislation, it was determined to provide sixty-one large armoured ships of maximum power, all of them less than twenty years old. the act did not specify the character of the vessels of the various classes to be laid down. it was elastic in this respect. it left to the marine office complete freedom in the matter of design; but, on the other hand, it tied effectually the hands of the reichstag, and it could not, except it repealed the navy law, reduce in any year the number of keels to be laid down. there could be no reduction in the output of naval material until a new navy law had been passed. this is a point which was frequently forgotten in england. but the notable feature of the navy act passed by the reichstag in was not the additions to the shipbuilding programme, though these were notable, but the steps taken to increase the instant readiness of the fleet for war. prior to the passage of this measure it had been the practice in the british navy to maintain only about half the men-of-war of various classes on a war footing, relegating the remainder to reserves representing various stages of preparedness for action. the german navy act of set up an entirely new standard with a view to obtaining the maximum advantage from a conscript service, where the pay is low, in competition with a voluntary service, such as obtains in the british fleet, with very much higher rates of pay. in the speech which he delivered in committee in the house of commons on july nd, , mr. winston churchill, the first lord of the admiralty, gave a lucid explanation of the essential features of this german navy act. he said: "the main feature of that law is not the increase in the new construction of capital ships, though that is an important feature. the main feature is the increase in the striking force of ships of all classes which will be available, immediately available, at all seasons of the year. a third squadron of battleships will be created and maintained in full commission as part of the active battle-fleet. whereas, according to the unamended law, the active battle-fleet consisted of battleships, battle or large armoured cruisers, and small cruisers; in the near future that active fleet will consist of battleships, battle or large armoured cruisers, and small cruisers; and, whereas at present owing to the system of recruitment which prevails in germany, the german fleet is less fully mobile during the winter than during the summer months, it will, through the operation of this law, not only be increased in strength, but rendered much more readily available. "ninety-nine torpedo-boat destroyers--or torpedo-boats, as they are called in germany--instead of , will be maintained in full commission out of a total of . three-quarters of a million pounds had already been taken in the general estimate for the year for the building of submarines. the new law adds a quarter of a million to this, and that is a provision which, so far as we can judge from a study of the finances, would appear to be repeated in subsequent years. seventy-two new submarines will be built within the currency of the law, and of those it is apparently proposed to maintain fifty-four with full permanent crews. "taking a general view, the effect of this law will be that nearly four-fifths of the entire german navy will be maintained in full permanent commission--that is to say, instantly and constantly ready for war. such a proportion is remarkable, and so far as i am aware, finds no example in the previous practice of modern naval powers. so great a change and development in the german fleet involves, of course, important additions to their personnel. in the officers and men of the german navy amounted to , . to-day that figure has reached , . "under the previous laws and various amendments which have preceded this one, the germans have been working up to a total in , according to our calculations, of , officers and men, and they have been approaching that total by increments of, approximately, an addition of , a year. the new law adds a total of , officers and men, and makes the total in of , .[ ] the new average annual addition is calculated to be , of all ranks, but for the next three years by special provision extra are to be added. from to are to be added, and in the last three years of the currency of the law less will be taken. this makes a total rate of increase of the german navy personnel of about , men a year. "the new construction under the law prescribes for the building of three additional battleships--one to be begun next year ( ), one in , and two small cruisers of which the date has not yet been fixed. the date of the third battleship has not been fixed. it has been presumed to be later than the six years which we have in view. "the cost of these increases in men and in material during the next six years is estimated as £ , , above the previous estimates spread over that period. i should like to point out to the committee that this is a cumulative increase which follows upon other increases of a very important character. the law of was practically doubled by the law of , and if the expenditure contemplated by the law of had been followed the german estimates of to-day would be about £ , , . but owing to the amendments of and , and now of , that expenditure is very nearly £ , , . but the fact that the personnel plays such a large part in this new amendment, and that personnel is more cheaply obtained in germany than in this country, makes the money go farther there than it would do over here. "the ultimate scale of the new german fleet, as contemplated by the latest navy law, will be battleships, battle or large armoured cruisers, and small cruisers, besides a proper proportion--an ample proportion--of flotillas of torpedo-boat destroyers and submarines, by . this is not on paper a great advance on the figures prescribed by the previous law, which gave battleships, battle or large armoured cruisers, and small cruisers. that is not a great advance on the total scale. in fact, however, there is a remarkable expansion of strength and efficiency, and particularly of strength and efficiency as they contribute to striking power. the number of battleships and large armoured cruisers alone which will be kept constantly ready and in full commission will be raised by the law from twenty-one, the present figure, to thirty-three--that is to say, an addition of twelve, or an increase of about per cent. the new fleet will in the beginning include about twenty battleships and large cruisers of the older types, but gradually, as new vessels are built, the fighting power of the fleet will rise until in the end it will consist completely of modern vessels. "this new scale of the german fleet--organized in five battle squadrons, each attended by a battle or armoured cruiser squadron, complete with small cruisers and auxiliaries of all kinds, and accompanied by numerous flotillas of destroyers and submarines, more than three-fourths--nearly four-fifths, maintained in full permanent commission--the aspect and scale of this fleet is, i say, extremely formidable. such a fleet will be about as numerous to look at as the fleet which was gathered at spithead for the recent parliamentary visit, but, of course, when completed it will be far superior in actual strength. this full development will only be realized step by step. but already in two squadrons will, so far as we can ascertain, be entirely composed of dreadnoughts, or what are called dreadnoughts, and the third will be made up of good ships like the deutschlands and the braunschweigs,[ ] together with five dreadnought battle-cruisers. it remains to be noted that this new law is the fifth in fourteen years of the large successive increases made in german naval strength, that it encountered no effective opposition in its passage through the reichstag, and that, though it has been severely criticized in germany since its passage, the criticisms have been directed towards its inadequacy." such is the evolution which german naval ambitions have undergone since the reichstag in the early years of the emperor's reign refused to believe that four relatively small battleships in full commission, with the same number of ineffective coast-defence ships of small size, did not represent the maximum naval power which germany need provide, and that an expenditure of two and three-quarter millions sterling was not sufficient burden to impose annually upon the teutonic peoples over and above the cost in money and service of the predominant army. nothing reveals the statesmanship of admiral von tirpitz so strikingly as the character of the naval legislation for which he has been responsible, and the manner in which he has bent every influence in germany and every occurrence abroad to promote his ends. prior to the introduction of the navy act of , the only example of a continuous naval policy was the naval defence act of , under which seventy ships of various types were added to the british navy during a period of four years. of these vessels only ten were of the armoured classes. this measure was confined to shipbuilding, and it made no provision for increasing the personnel or for setting up a fixed standard of commissioning. it merely provided a certain number of ships and left it to parliament to provide or not to provide crews with which to man them, and, as a matter of fact, parliament did not provide the necessary officers and men until long after the ships were at sea. admiral von tirpitz was not satisfied with so unmethodical and unstatesman-like a measure of procedure when he went to the marineamt in . he presented to the reichstag a complete scheme of naval expansion, making provision not only for the construction of ships in specified numbers over a period of six years, but providing also for the due expansion of the personnel and for the attainment of a fixed establishment of ships first in full commission, secondly with nucleus crews, and thirdly in reserve. in obtaining the assent of the reichstag to this measure, which to a great extent removed the naval expansion movement from the control which it had hitherto exercised annually on the presentation of the estimates, the minister of marine achieved his first great triumph. this act was to have remained in operation for a period of six years, and was represented as an embodiment of german needs, quite independent of the naval preparations then being made by other powers. during the next two years no development occurred in the naval programmes either of great britain or other foreign countries, but an anglophobe wave passed over the continent as a result of the south african war. german sympathies in particular were aroused, and admiral von tirpitz at once seized the opportunity to repeal the fixed and immutable fleet law of , and to replace it by a new enactment providing a battle fleet of roughly twice the strength of that legalized in the establishment of the former measure. this measure was to have remained in force until . six years later--a liberal government, intent on disarmament, having assumed office in the united kingdom--an amendment representing another expansion was passed; two years after that the fourth fleet law became operative, and in another measure was adopted by the reichstag under the influence of a renewed anglophobe movement in germany. experience has shown that german fleet laws are regarded as immutable and fixed when proposals in the direction of a limitation of armaments are made, but as flexible as though no fleet law existed when political circumstances are favourable for making a further effort towards a higher standard of naval power. nor does this study exhaust the remarkable features of this naval legislation. an ordinary statesman, ignorant of naval matters, might have so framed the successive naval laws as seriously to tie the hands of the naval authorities in the development of the fleet, whereas admiral von tirpitz, with great skill, restricted the powers of interference on the part of the reichstag, while leaving the marine office with almost complete freedom in shaping the naval machine in the process of expansion. this double end was achieved by the use of generic naval terms in the loose manner adopted by those unfamiliar with their significance. admiral von tirpitz made up his "paper" establishment in the fleet laws by styling every ship of slow speed but carrying an armoured belt "a battleship," and then, under the terms of the law, he made provision for these dummy vessels to be replaced by veritable battleships of maximum power. thus ships of , tons displacement have been replaced by dreadnoughts of , tons, carrying the heaviest guns, and protected by thick armour. the establishment fixed by the reichstag has not been exceeded, but by a simple process of conjuring, small coast-defence ships have been quietly converted into first class sea-going battleships, ranking in strategical and tactical qualities with the most formidable ships in the british fleet. the naval authorities have by this means been able to prove to the uninitiated when challenged that they have kept within the four corners of the law, that the number of battleships has remained fixed according to the establishment between the periods of each enactment, and at the same time they have been in a position to follow an active shipbuilding policy, while raising from year to year the necessary personnel for manning the new vessels. this in another notable feature of admiral von tirpitz's policy. the legislation has been so elastic as to enable him to raise the necessary number of officers and men to suit the requirements of the fleet. when a dreadnought, requiring , officers and men, has been completed for sea to take the place of a ship of the hagen class, with a crew of only , the additional personnel has been instantly ready. the same process has been adopted in increasing the cruiser squadrons of the german navy. the law has specified that a certain number of "large cruisers" shall be built, and it has been left to the discretion of the naval authorities to interpret this elastic term in tons, guns, armour, knots of speed, and personnel. in accordance with the law, admiral von tirpitz has thus been able to replace cruisers of negligible fighting value and of small size by dreadnought battle cruisers mounting guns of immense power and attaining speeds hitherto without precedent. similarly, small torpedo-boats have given way in the establishment of the navy to torpedo-boat destroyers of large size, and step by step the naval strength of germany has been increased by a process, the cleverness and ingenuity of which even the german people themselves have not realized. germany has immensely increased her resources of ships and men, but she has done more than that: she has forced other powers to organize and train their squadrons on a standard of efficiency never attempted in the past. she has increased the strain and stress of peace until it resembles closely the actual conditions of war, and having determined year in and year out to keep nearly four-fifths of her fleet always on a war footing, always instantly ready for action, she has compelled other countries, in accordance with the dictates of ordinary foresight, to take similar action, however onerous the financial burden. it is on great britain and the united states that the weight of this burden has borne most heavily, for in those states alone is reliance placed on a voluntary system of manning, which is necessarily very costly. footnotes: [footnote : it is interesting to note, however, that even at this early date the german admiralty made provision for the storage of oil in order to supplement the coal supply.] [footnote : _cf._ appendix i.] [footnote : the five later ships were given a belt with a thickness of · inches amidships, but otherwise their protection and armament closely resembled those laid down at an earlier date.] [footnote : see appendix ii.] [footnote : one of these "armoured cruisers" was not built.] [footnote : it has since become known that the americans had designed an all-big-gun ship before the british dreadnought was laid down.] [footnote : british naval opinion held from the first that these ships of the nassau type vitiated the dreadnought principle of simplicity of armament, and were so over-gunned as to be ineffective units. sea-service has tended to confirm this view.] [footnote : in the three succeeding years, in accordance with the british government's policy of a limitation of naval armaments, and as an example to other powers, this advantage was partially lost, and hence the large programme of - .] [footnote : _cf._ appendix ii.] [footnote : in his speech in the house of commons on march th, , the first lord corrected this figure. he stated that the maximum to be attained under the new fleet law in was , , apart from reserves.] [footnote : these two groups of ships are of practically the same design.] chapter vi german ships, officers, and men in material, in the art of constructing and equipping ships of war, germany at the beginning of the war ranked far above most of the great powers, and she was little, if anything, behind even great britain in workmanship, rapidity and cheapness. her personnel also stood high, for she had succeeded in translating into naval terms the professional and disciplinary codes which have raised the german army to a position of pre-eminence. above all she had succeeded, in a degree never before attempted by any country, in keeping ships and men in constant association. the german naval authorities recognized that, while a conscriptive system of manning a fleet brings into the organization certain grave and ineradicable disadvantages, it did at least enable large numbers of officers and men to be borne for service at a relatively small annual cost. realising this economic benefit of conscription, the marineamt had no hesitation in increasing its personnel rapidly from year to year. the expansion of this element of naval power kept pace with the activity of the shipyards. this policy of simultaneous increase of ships and of men, accompanied as it was by the expansion of her shipbuilding and allied industries and of her dockyards, has been the secret of the rapid rise of germany as a maritime power wielding world-wide influence. within the memory of the present generation german ships of war, if not built in england, were constructed in germany with materials obtained entirely or in part from england. her earliest armoured ships of any account--the _deutschland_, the _kaiser_ and the _konig wilhelm_--were all constructed on the banks of the thames at the old samuda yard. the great industry which germany and other foreign nations helped to support is now dead, and on the other side of the north sea is to be seen an activity more intense and on a far larger scale than the thames establishments could boast even in the day of their greatest prosperity. though there are many shipbuilding yards and engine-making establishments in germany, the naval authorities depend exclusively upon the vast establishment of krupp for armour and guns, and the repute of the firm in both respects stands high. the vast establishment which supplies the german and many other governments was founded in by friedrich krupp, who bought a small forge and devoted himself, with little commercial success, to the manufacture of cast steel. in this he was ahead of germany's requirements, but on the basis thus laid by the father, the son built; and in a solid steel ingot which he exhibited at the great exhibition in london completely took the metallurgic world by surprise, and his fortune was made. he turned his energy and knowledge to the making of guns, armour, weldless steel rails, and other manufactures; and the modest works at essen continued to expand until to-day they and the associated establishments give employment to about , men, not all of whom, of course, always are engaged on the manipulation of armaments. for many years the krupp process of armour manufacture was adopted in every country of the world, but later on the british admiralty, it is common knowledge, adopted a superior process which produces a plate of greater resisting power, and the german cemented type of armour no longer holds the premier position which it occupied when its advantages over the harvey plate were demonstrated. on the other hand, the krupp firm still claim that their ordnance is not equalled by any in the world, and on the strength of this claim they have obtained most valuable orders, extending over a long series of years, from foreign governments. british guns are made on the wire-wound system--that is, steel ribbon is wound under great pressure round the gun, and over this is placed an outer hoop; krupp's, on the other hand, still remain faithful to the solid steel tube to resist the gas pressures exerted, arguing that their method of steel manufacture enables them to submit it to strains which other steel might not stand. there has been endless controversy as to the merits of the two systems; and the subject was again discussed as recently as the end of , when the italian minister of marine laid a report before the italian parliament with reference to the armaments of the principal fleets. according to this statement the british, italian, and japanese are the only navies to mount wire-wound guns; the probable life of the italian and japanese -inch guns was given at rounds, whereas the english gun was good for only rounds. on the other hand, the austrian and german guns were given from to rounds, and the american -inch gun was estimated to have a probable life of rounds. particulars with reference to british and german guns were given as follows: +---------------------+-------------+--------------------+ | | british. | german. | +---------------------+------+------+------+------+------+ |calibre in inches | | . | | | | |length in calibres | | | | | | |weight in tons | | | | | | |weight of projectile | | | | | | | in pounds | | , | | , | , | |initial velocity | , | , | , | , | , | |energy at muzzle in | | | | | | | metric tons | , | , | , | , | , | |energy per kilogramme| | | | | | | in kilometres | | | | | | |probable life in | | | | | | | rounds | | | | | | +---------------------+------+------+------+------+------+ the attention of the first lord of the admiralty was directed to these statements in the house of commons, and he reiterated the assurance of former ministers that the expert advisers were satisfied as to the wisdom of retaining the wire-wound system. he gave no data as to the foundation of this confidence, and in the german technical press--no doubt with an eye to foreign orders--the superiority of the german gun over the british was repeated with at least equal assurance. the great advantage of the wire-wound system, it has always been claimed, is that after much use, when the rifling is worn, the gun can be given a new inner tube, a comparatively simple and cheap operation which results in practically a new gun being made available for sea service in a short time. all that can be said as to the two systems from practical experience is that the japanese found the british-made weapons give eminently satisfactory results during the war with russia, while the krupp artillery guns used by the turkish army in the balkan war of did not realize expectations. probably in naval material--in ships, their armour, armament, and engineering equipment--there is little difference as between the leading navies. one may be thought to have an advantage in some particular respect, but this may possibly be counterbalanced by the rival's superiority in another. generally, the british ships mount fewer guns but of larger calibre, and to the experienced eye they look very workman-like; while the german ships carry smaller guns in greater number and have a crowded appearance which does not appeal to british naval opinion in its desire for simplicity of design and plenty of working room. virtually, all the instruments for exerting naval power as they exist to-day are experimental, based upon the empirical knowledge. when the war between the united states and spain occurred, it was anticipated that it would throw light upon these problems, but these anticipations were not realized, and even the struggle between russia and japan failed to satisfy fully the natural curiosity of the naval constructor and the naval officer owing to the inefficiency with which the russian ships were handled, and the deplorable slackness of the administration. it is the fashion to calculate the relative strength of fleets in tons and guns, but the probability is that on the day of trial in a great battle at sea these nice paper computations will be entirely upset by the course of events. morale, as napoleon observed, dominates war. this dictum is no less true to-day than it was in the past. man is still greater than the instruments of his creation, and the experience of war on a grand scale will certainly confirm the teaching of history--that the important element in naval power is men rather than ships. on the eve of the battle of st. vincent, when jervis, in command of fifteen ships, was pacing the quarter-deck of his flag-ship and the spanish fleet was entering the field of vision, the numbers of the enemy were reported by the captain of the fleet to the commander-in-chief as they were counted. "there are eight sail of the line, sir john," "very well, sir," answered the admiral. "there are twenty sail of the line, sir john." "very well, sir," jervis responded. "there are twenty-five sail of the line, sir john." "very well, sir," the admiral again replied imperturbably. "there are twenty-seven sail of the line, sir john," the captain of the fleet at length reported, and when he had the temerity to remark on the great disparity between the british and spanish fleets, the admiral, confident in the efficiency of his small fleet, replied: "the die is cast, and if there be fifty sail, i will go through them." we may be sure that the victor of the battle of st. vincent, who by stern but wisely directed measures created the fleet which nelson used with such dramatic effect at trafalgar, would have scorned and ridiculed an entire reliance on mere paper calculations of guns and tons, realizing that victory or defeat depends mainly upon the personal element and morale. it is in respect of officers and men that there is the greatest contrast between the british fleet and the navies of the continent of europe. the british service is organized on a voluntary system, while the continental fleets are manned mainly by conscripts; the former serve for many years, while the latter for the most part submit to only the short period of duty required by law and then pass into the reserve. in the matter of officers, however, the german fleet is certainly not worse served than the british navy; though the cadets begin their training at a somewhat later age, a thoroughly good sea officer is produced. the marked distinction between the two services is that, whereas under the white ensign special duties are assigned to special classes of officers--gunnery, torpedo, navigation, signalling and physical training--in the german navy no hard-and-fast lines are drawn. it is held that the british system would entail a larger number of officers than are available on the other side of the north sea. however this may be, the german authorities can certainly pride themselves upon a corps of executive officers which in many respects is not excelled in any country. as in the british service, special lines of officers are trained for engineering, medical, and accountant duties and these have no executive standing. the method of training executive officers for the german fleet differs in some important respects from that which obtains in england. in the british service the cadets, who enter when they are, on the average, thirteen and a half years of age, have not completed their general education, and consequently spend four years at the naval colleges at osborne and dartmouth respectively before they go afloat in a training ship. the german naval officer receives much the same general education as any other boy before he enters the navy, whereas the british cadet, after entering, is submitted to an educational course specially devised with a view to his future naval career; his studies embrace physical science and practical engineering, and emphasis is laid upon athletics and as much sea experience as can be obtained in small craft. when the four years ashore are completed he goes afloat at about the same age as the average german cadet and makes a six months' cruise. which is the better system? who shall say? this is certain, however, that british naval officers have always held that lads for the sea service cannot be caught, broken in, and inoculated, so to speak, too early. throughout the years of naval expansion the german authorities have been struggling to eliminate as far as possible the disadvantages of conscription in its application to naval conditions. the war department is responsible for putting in force the conscription law, and periodically the navy sends in its requisition, stating the number of recruits who will be needed, and where and when they are to join. the men selected are passed direct into the fleet without preliminary training each october. under the british system boys are entered at about sixteen years of age, and receive a short training first in one of the shore or stationary sea establishments, and are subsequently drafted into one of the ships of the training squadron, thence joining the sea-going fleet. a certain number of youths are also entered at an average age of about seventeen and a half years, and these recruits dispense with the preliminary course, but are also drafted to the training squadron before joining the fleet. nearly all the men of the fleet sign on for twelve years' active service, and the best of these are permitted to re-engage for another ten years in order to earn pensions. a relatively small number of men, not boys, join the british navy for a term of only five years, with the obligation to remain in the reserve for seven years. five years, consequently, is the minimum in the british navy, and applies to only a relatively small number of men; but three years is the maximum period of german conscripts, and during this time the officers and warrant officers have to do their best to transform the raw material provided by the state into skilled seamen. it is easy to imagine the difficulties which assail the administration in germany in these circumstances. every year one-third of the naval conscripts complete their period of active service and are passed into the reserve, and their places are taken by an equivalent batch of raw recruits. the result is that in the winter months the officers and petty officers of the fleet are occupied in licking into shape these embryo sailors, and from october until may the fighting ships of the empire become practically training vessels. if this were a complete representation of the conditions in the german fleet its efficiency would be of a low order. the navy is, however, stiffened by a proportion of conscripts who re-engage voluntarily, and by a certain number of volunteers who enter as boys. these lads engage at ages ranging from fifteen to eighteen years. they agree to undergo an apprenticeship of two years followed by seven years of active fleet service. volunteers are not trained ashore or in fixed naval establishments as in the united kingdom, but are drafted to sea-going training ships, which cruise in home waters during the summer months and pass into the mediterranean during the winter. by these two expedients the german naval authorities have been able to secure about per cent. of the german personnel on what passes in germany for a long-service system. the boy volunteers and the conscripts who re-engage constitute the class from which petty officers are drawn, and these men are the backbone of the naval organization ashore and afloat, and it is to their efforts that the high standard of efficiency which germany's navy has attained may in a large measure be traced. year by year, in order to provide crews for the larger number of ships passed into the fleet, the marine office has been compelled to increase the number of conscripts required for sea service, and thus the task of training the navy has been increased in advance of the expansion of the material, because men must begin training before their ships are ready for sea. the officers and petty officers have had not only to train raw recruits embarked to take the place of conscripts at the end of their three years' term, but to find means also of training additional recruits entered as net additions to the naval strength. when it is added that in the number of officers and men in the navy was less than , , whereas it is now nearly , , and under the navy act of is to be raised to , , some conception may be formed of the character of the problem which has presented itself, not only to the central administration ashore, but to the officers afloat, intent upon attaining the highest standard of efficiency at sea. admission of these difficulties was made by admiral von tirpitz in the explanatory memorandum which accompanied the last navy bill presented to the reichstag and which directed attention to "two serious defects" in the organization of the fleet: "the one defect consists in the fact that in the autumn of every year the time-expired men--_i.e._ almost one-third of the crew in all ships of the battle fleet, are discharged and replaced mainly by recruits from the _inland population_. owing to this, the readiness of the battle fleet for war is considerably impaired for a prolonged period." when it is recalled that the maritime population of germany amounts only to , , and that compulsory service in the active fleet lasts for only three years, it will be realized that most of the recruits taken for the german navy must necessarily be landsmen. the personnel in numbered roughly over , , after deducting from the total the executive officers, engineers, cadets, and accountants. if approximately , of these are regarded as long-service men there remain roughly , conscripts, one-third of whom pass annually into the reserve, and are replaced by raw hands. under the new navy law it was intended to strengthen the personnel in the next few years by , annually. while the average period of service in the british navy, including the relatively small number of five years' men entered for short service, is about ten years, the average in the german fleet does not amount to as much as half this period. it is possible to attach too much importance to the fact that the german navy is recruited "mainly by recruits from the inland population." the inherited sea habit counts for less to-day than at any time since men attempted to navigate the seas. ships of war have become vast complicated boxes of machinery, and naval life requires the exercise of qualities different from those it demanded in the sail era. then brute courage, endurance, and familiarity with the moods of the sea were the main attributes of sailors, but to-day a large proportion of the crews must be experts in the handling of complicated mechanical appliances. in these changed conditions the compulsory system of education in germany has proved of the greatest advantage in providing recruits of a high standard of intelligence, who probably acquire in six months as complete a familiarity with their work as it would have taken a seaman of the old school as many years to attain. at the same time, while resisting the temptation to place too great importance upon the inherited sea habit, it would be no less a mistake to ignore entirely its influence upon naval efficiency. familiarity breeds contempt for the terrors of the sea and for the horrors of a naval action, and it is reasonable to expect that in the hour of trial the long-service men of the british navy will exhibit a moral standard when projectiles are falling fast and thick far higher than that of the conscript. a modern dreadnought is intended to fire its guns in broadsides and not in succession, and when it is borne in mind that at one discharge these guns will deliver on an enemy's ship, if they are fired accurately, between five and six tons of metal, it will be realized that at such a moment the calibre of men will count more than the calibre of guns. when the act of was introduced the reichstag was informed by admiral von tirpitz in a memorandum that "as, even after the projected increase has been carried out, the number of vessels in the german navy will still be more or less inferior to that of other individual great powers, our endeavours must be directed towards compensating this superiority by the individual training of the crews and by tactical training by practice in larger bodies.... economy as regards commissioning of vessels in peace time means jeopardizing the efficiency of the fleet in case of war." never since navies existed have a body of officers and men been worked at higher pressure than those of germany; drill has never ceased; no effort has been spared to obtain the last ounce of value out of every one on board the ships. the promotion of officers rests with the emperor, and he is unsparing in his punishment of anything like slackness; an officer who is not enthusiastic, alert, and competent, stands no chance of rising in rank. the german navy has no use for anything but the best which the empire can provide, and in order that the highest expression of the _esprit de corps_ which has contributed to german influence on shore may be instilled into the navy, no officer, however influential or brilliant, can enter either the executive or engineering branch unless his claims are endorsed by all his contemporaries; one black ball--if the term may be used--is sufficient to disqualify an aspirant, though he may have passed all the prescribed examinations brilliantly. the german fleet has its limitations, but within those limitations it probably has no superior in the world: the ships are well built, the officers are capable sailors, and the men are raised to the highest pitch of efficiency possible under a short-service system. chapter vii william ii. and his naval minister the german fleet, as it is to-day, may be regarded as the work of two men--the emperor william ii. and admiral von tirpitz. even for those who have lived long in germany, it is difficult to form a judgment as to the aims and motives of the emperor william's naval policy, and of the part which he has played in its carrying out. with regard to their sovereign, germans are inclined to fly to one of two extremes; according to the class to which they belong, they represent him either as a heaven-born genius of universal gifts, or as a busybody whose meddlesomeness is rendered specially mischievous by mediæval delusions as to the functions of monarchs and their relations to the deity. everything that he does or says is set down as quite right by the one party and as quite wrong by the other. moreover, the opinions of those brought into closest contact with him are vitiated by the prevalence of a type of sycophancy which is fortunately becoming extinct in other countries. the patriotic german, who is familiar with his country's history, knows that, five or six hundred years ago, his forefathers monopolized the markets and policed the seas of northern and western europe. he realizes keenly that germany's maritime and industrial progress was first checked, and then retarded for centuries, by political division and internecine and foreign wars. possibly he still remembers that great crescendo of victory in which prussia smothered denmark, then overthrew austria in a single battle, and finally, at the head of the kindred teutonic states, humbled france in the dust, and welded germany together in one indivisible whole. even if he does not remember it as part of his own personal experience, all its vivid and stimulating episodes have been a thousand times impressed upon his mind by schoolmaster, politician, historian, and journalist. that after this tremendous martial achievement he should regard his country as the mistress of the continent of europe is no matter for surprise. but he sees, too, that the germany of luther and goethe, of ranke, liebig, helmholz, and mommsen, of bismarck and moltke, has become also the germany of krupp, siemens, rathenau, ballin, and gwinner; that the products of german industry, the fruits of an unexampled application of the discoveries of science to the processes of manufacture, have been carried by german ships to the remotest ends of the earth; that the material prosperity of his country has been advancing in every direction by leaps and bounds. and he thus believes germany to be strong, wise, and wealthy, and in every way fitted to stand at the head of mankind. but in one respect he has felt, to his bitter mortification, that she is powerless. wherever he goes on the world's oceans, he is confronted by those iron walls of great britain, which mean that he is there only by the sufferance of one who is immeasurably stronger than himself. the german patriot has never realized that no efforts on the part of germany could materially alter the balance of sea-power to her advantage as against great britain, and that she would be compelled to fight for her pretensions long before she was in a position to give battle on anything like equal terms. he has believed that the british nation is unnerved and effete, that it has lost both its martial and industrial vigour, that its energies have been sapped by too much wealth and prosperity, and that it is rapidly following the downward path. finally, he is convinced that the british parliament, under the influence of an aggressive democracy, exclusively concerned with its own immediate material needs, is losing the capacity to realize and grapple with the larger problems of international politics, and that the cabinets proceeding from it will, in timorous anxiety, procrastinate and vacillate till it is too late to strike. in this idea he has been only confirmed by the pacifist movement in great britain, by the british agitation for disarmament by international agreement, and by the well-meant but unfortunate attempt of sir henry campbell-bannerman to effect by example what much amiable precept had done nothing to accomplish. these phenomena he has looked upon not as evidence of good-will and peaceableness, but as symptoms of physical, moral, and financial exhaustion. such was the view of many in germany to whom we cannot fairly deny the name of "patriot" if we are to claim it for an analogous disposition among ourselves. it was the view almost universally held by the officers of the german army and navy, and, with certain qualifications and reservations, it may be said to have been the view of the emperor william. this will be evident if, with the help of his many spoken and written utterances, we attempt to follow the main lines which, with many sudden and violent deviations, his thought has taken on this subject. he has, for example, in his speeches repeatedly dwelt on the power and renown of the hanse league--"one of the mightiest undertakings that the world has ever seen," which "was able to raise fleets such as the broad back of the sea had probably never borne up to that time," which "won such high prestige for the german name abroad," which "created markets for the german industrial regions," and which "only failed because it lacked the support of a strong united empire obedient to a single will." at hamburg, in june, , he used these words: "i have only acted historically, for i said to myself on my accession, that the tasks which the hansa attempted to solve by itself, and which it could not solve because the strong empire was not at its back, and the defensive and executive power of the empire did not exist, must unquestionably at once fall on the shoulders of the newly-arisen german empire; and it was simply the obligations of old traditions that had to be resumed." it was in one former hanse town that the emperor spoke the familiar words, "our future lies on the water"; in another that he declared "the trident should be in our hand"; in a third that he uttered the appeal, "we have bitter need of a strong german fleet." again, he has repeatedly extolled the great elector--"the one among my ancestors for whom i have the most enthusiasm, who has from my earliest youth shone before me as a bright example," who, "looking far ahead, carried on politics on a large scale, as they are carried on to-day." in his great speech at bremen in , the emperor said: "when as a youth i stood before the model of brommy's ship, i felt with burning indignation the outrage that was then done to our fleet and our flag"; and these words undoubtedly referred to the injudiciously-phrased note in which palmerston threatened that vessels which undertook belligerent operations under the colours of that greater german empire, which then was not and was never to be, would render themselves liable to be treated as "pirates." the present realities of sea-power had been early revealed to him when, as he told the officers on board a british flag-ship in the mediterranean, he "was running about portsmouth dockyard as a boy"; and, as he said in a speech made during the visit of king edward to kiel in , "the stupendous activity on the sea at the headquarters of the greatest navy in the world impressed itself indelibly on his youthful mind," and made him, "as regent, endeavour to realize on a scale corresponding to the conditions of his country what he had seen as a young man in england." how far the emperor has helped to realize his own naval ambitions, and how far his efforts have actually told against them, it is very difficult to determine with anything like exactitude. his agitation for a bigger fleet has been open and unwearying, and outside germany the idea is very prevalent that he not only contrived the naval policy of the empire, but also, almost single-handed, generated the degree of popular support without which it could not have been carried out. this idea will be seen to be erroneous. the emperor's influence upon his own people is very greatly overrated in other countries, and even the crisis of , in which the storm of discontent which had long been gathering burst with full force upon his head, does not seem to have been properly understood outside germany. on that occasion, the imperial parliament listened without a protest, without a murmur, as a liberal deputy, slowly, deliberately, and with dramatic emphasis, spoke the following words: "in the german reichstag not a single member has come forward to defend the actions of the german emperor." the incident was without a parallel in the history of parliaments. even the conservative party, which has always gloried in being the chief prop of the throne, passed and published a resolution expressing the wish that the emperor should "in future exercise a greater reserve in his utterances," and declaring that "arrangements must be made to prevent with certainty a recurrence of such improper proceedings." it may be remarked, in passing, that this blow fell upon william ii. because he had confessed to having had anglophile sentiments, and to having performed friendly services to great britain, at a time when the general feeling of the german people was one of hostility to this country. nor was it without significance that when, after holding aloof from public affairs for several weeks, he at last emerged from the solitude of his palace at potsdam, it was in england that he sought the recuperation and rest of which he stood in need. the dismissal of bismarck and the subsequent attempts of the emperor to depreciate the life-work of the man to whom he owed the imperial crown, were, of course, the principal causes of the spirit of opposition which flared up with such startling suddenness in . the popularity of william i. was in no small measure due to his absolute trust and confidence in his chancellor, and the abrupt ejection of this incomparable statesman from his office will never be forgotten or forgiven till the generation of his contemporaries has passed away. these things go far to explain why it was that, in spite of the vigorous naval agitation of the emperor, the german fleet, as was pointed out in the memorandum attached to the bill of , became weaker instead of stronger during the first ten years of his reign. from the day of his accession he had lost no opportunity of manifesting his interest in the fleet and his desire that it should be largely increased. among his earliest acts as monarch was his unheralded appearance in admiral's uniform at a parliamentary luncheon given by bismarck, to decorate one of the guests who had displayed sympathies and wishes with regard to the navy similar to his own. year after year, tables of diagrams, showing the disparity between the fleet of germany and those of the leading naval powers, and prepared, it is said, by the emperor's own hand, were sent out over his signature to the reichstag, the government departments, and all public institutions where it was thought they might meet the gaze of appreciative eyes. at a soirée given at the new palace at potsdam in , he assembled round him a group of members of the majority parties of the reichstag, and lectured them for two-and-a-half hours on germany's need of sea-power. bismarck's eightieth birthday was then approaching, and the emperor concluded his remarks by urging upon his hearers that they should seize the opportunity of "doing the founder of our colonial policy the pleasure of passing the sum absolutely required for the navy." a couple of years later, he delivered a similar address after a dinner given to members of the reichstag by the finance minister, von miquel, illustrating his arguments with the diagrams of warships mentioned above. about the same time, an english illustrated paper published a picture of the foreign war vessels on the east asian station. among them, as the sole representative of germany, was a small gunboat, which, as was pointed out in the accompanying text, was "under sail only." against these words the emperor wrote, "what mockery lies therein," and the picture, with this comment, was laid before the budget commission of the reichstag, then engaged in the discussion of the naval estimates. moreover, the monarch had himself recourse to the paint-brush, and exhibited in the berlin academy of arts a picture of an attack by a flotilla of torpedo craft on a squadron of ironclads. no doubt he hoped in this way to arouse sympathy for his ideas in some who were not accessible to the ordinary methods of political persuasion. the "song to aegir," the scandinavian neptune, of which he composed the music, was probably also intended to have a similar operation. but all these pleas and cajoleries had little or no positive result. indeed, taken in conjunction with other phrases of the imperial activity, they seem rather to have excited opposition in the breasts of the members of the reichstag, who possibly considered themselves just as well qualified as the monarch to estimate the degree and appreciate the needs of germany's maritime interests, and at any rate half-suspected that his efforts directly to influence their deliberations involved an encroachment on their constitutional privileges. the first naval estimates submitted in the new reign, which provided for the laying down of the unusually large number of four battleships, were got through the reichstag without much difficulty, but when admiral von hollmann became minister of marine in the following year, he found that quite a different temper had taken possession of the parliament. it was not only that the emperor's general governmental acts had begun to stir up opposition; his oratorical flights in praise of sea-power and world-empire had also generated strong suspicions that he was urging germany along a path which would lead her to ruin at home and disaster abroad. hollmann's by no means exorbitant demands were branded both in the reichstag and the press as "unconscionable," his programme as "boundless," and on every side were heard contemptuous and impatient references to "the awful fleet." for a decade the naval estimates were ruthlessly and recklessly cut down to, on an average, not far short of half their original figure, and finally, in , the ministerial career of hollmann was terminated by the unceremonious rejection of three out of the four cruisers which, in a special memorandum, he had sought to prove were indispensable for the protection of the empire's stake on the seas. and all this time the emperor had never ceased to agitate, by word and deed, for the ideas which he had so much at heart and to which the reichstag nevertheless showed itself so completely indifferent, if not actually hostile. the change that came with the appointment of admiral von tirpitz to the ministry of marine was as complete as it was sudden, and it is to this very able man that we must look if we wish to find not only the intellectual author of german naval legislation, but the statesman who devised and directed the means by which it was popularized and passed through the reichstag. the transformation which he effected was one both of policy and of method. the three rejected vessels which brought about hollmann's fall represented a principle--that of "cruiser warfare." at that time the imperfectly-thought-out strategy of the german naval ministry was based on the two ideas of coastal defence and commerce destruction. pitched battles between ships of the line on the high seas played a very secondary part in its calculations. in the programme which he submitted to the reichstag, hollmann laid it down that fifteen battleships would be sufficient for germany's purposes, and those who are best qualified to form a judgment of the empire's naval policy at that epoch are of opinion that this number was intended to be not merely a provisional, but a final estimate of the country's requirements in this type of vessel. there are good reasons for supposing that in the hollmann era no clear idea existed as to the problems with which germany might be confronted in a naval war, and that his programmes were the product rather of vague general principles than of calculated odds and chances. in fact, one of his main difficulties with the reichstag was his inability to justify his estimates by numerical demonstrations. on the other hand, admiral von tirpitz's strength always lay chiefly in this, that he knew exactly what he wanted and why he wanted it. when he came into office, it was generally stated that he had years previously already laid before the emperor a memorandum embodying his conception of germany's maritime needs, and how they could be satisfied, and it is certain that the main outlines of his policy were at any rate clearly sketched out in his head long before he was given an opportunity of carrying it out. he was recalled from the command of the east asian squadron to take charge of the naval ministry, and he seems to have employed his leisure on the homeward voyage in drafting a programme, which he had worked out in all its details before he took over his portfolio. in its very fundamental principles it was a reversal of that of his predecessor, for it was based on the idea, probably adopted from mahan, that battleships alone are the decisive factors in naval warfare. as he himself put it in the reichstag: "if we have a strong battle fleet, the enemy will have to defeat it before he can blockade our coasts. but in such circumstances he will, before he declares war on germany, consider very carefully whether the business will cover its expenses and justify the risk." it was this principle of risk which he took as his standard of the empire's naval requirements. from the literature which he inspired it is evident that he was one of those who believe that germany was destined to occupy the position on the seas which now belongs to great britain. it was, however, impossible for a minister of state to argue this belief in public, for the open confession of it would have at once produced incalculable complications in international affairs which would certainly not have contributed to its realization. besides, the consummation which he wished for could in any case only be reached by gradual stages over a long period of years. the defensive formula which he invented was quite as effective for his immediate domestic purposes, and, as the sequel showed, was not appreciated abroad in its true and full significance. it was that "the german fleet must be so strong that not even the greatest naval power will be able to enter upon a war with it without imperilling its position in the world." it was only after a good deal of hesitation, and some resistance, in high quarters that admiral von tirpitz was able to make his view prevail. even courtly panegyrists admit that at the commencement of his term of office deep-seated differences of opinion existed between him and the emperor on cardinal points of naval policy. the monarch was then a firm adherent of the cruiser-war theory, and no doubt had been responsible for its adoption by his ministry of marine. it may be regarded as his most substantial contribution to the present strength of the german fleet that he finally yielded to admiral von tirpitz's arguments. in one other very essential respect the new minister revolutionized the policy of his predecessor. in the memorandum already referred to, hollmann defined the needs of the navy only for the three succeeding years, and in the course of the debate on the estimates, he used these words: "neither the federated governments nor the reichstag will ever agree to be bound to a formal programme for years in advance. that is quite impossible, and even if both factors desired it, impossible, for the very simple reason that the art of war is changeable on sea just as it is on land, and that to-day no naval ministry can prophesy what we shall need ten years hence. it can only tell you what are our immediate requirements, and if the circumstances change, then our demands will change too. as to that there is no doubt whatever." here again, admiral von tirpitz not merely modified, but diametrically reversed the policy of his predecessor, and, it may be added, of the emperor. starting from the conclusion that the main types of war vessel and their respective functions remain unaltered in principle throughout the ages, he induced the reichstag to commit itself statutorily to a fixed warship establishment, a building programme of nearly twenty years' duration, and an automatic renewal of the units of the fleet when they had reached a prescribed age. this is the one absolutely new feature of german naval legislation, and it was undoubtedly the idea of the new minister. admiral von tirpitz has, in fact, been the bismarck of german naval policy, and just as the iron chancellor fulfilled the hopes of the men of the frankfort national assembly, so the smiling and urbane minister of marine has gone far towards realizing the dreams of friedrich list and prince adalbert of prussia. it may be questioned whether he would not have done this work quite as effectually without the emperor's loud and tempestuous advocacy of his schemes on the open stage of the world. the trumpet tones in which william ii. proclaimed his dreams of world-wide rule and maritime dictatorship, not only exercised a disquieting effect in foreign countries, but conjured up in the minds of many germans unpleasant visions of provocative and perilous adventure. other nations were anything but delighted at the prospects of being swallowed up in a universal teutonic empire, however peaceful its conquests and however beneficent its rule, and they took steps by which the successive moves of german naval policy were successively counteracted. if we may judge from the discretion which he has shown by keeping as far as possible in the background, admiral von tirpitz would, if left to himself, have built up the german fleet with the same silent and systematic persistency with which bismarck, roon, and moltke prepared to crush france, and to some extent he combines in his character the qualities of these three. he is at any rate the adroitest politician, the ablest organizer, and the most far-sighted strategist in the imperial service. long before he was thought of as naval minister, he had won for himself among his colleagues, by the skill and thoroughness with which he grappled with every problem allotted to him, the title of "the master." it was he who, against the ignorant protests of the older school of naval officers, chiefly concerned for the smartness of their paint, the cleanness of their decks, and the brightness of their brasswork, forced the torpedo upon them, and brought the service of this weapon up to the high pitch of efficiency which it has to-day attained in the german fleet. as chief of the staff to the general command of the navy, he evolved fresh rules of strategy and new tactical formations, and insisted upon manoeuvres being carried out in such a way as to test the value of both. he has been no less successful as statesman, politician, and diplomatist. here, too, he deserves the name of "master" among his contemporaries, for what he has done has been the greatest ministerial achievement of our day. it is true that he was favoured by an extraordinary run of luck that was vouchsafed to none of his forerunners, and that he would never have been able to drive his machine but for the energy generated by a series of international dissensions, but at the same time it must be conceded that he took advantage of his opportunities with rare promptitude and address. he at once took the measure of the reichstag, and saw how he could make it obedient to his will. it is traditional in the higher ranks of the german official hierarchy to despise popular assemblies, and to treat them with an air of pedagogic superciliousness. hollmann had become so impatient at the continual mutilation of his estimates that at last he thumped his fist menacingly on the table. that precipitate action sealed his fate. admiral von tirpitz recognized that it would be better for him if he disguised his contempt, and smothered his anger in his beard. in one of rostand's plays, a lady is asked how she passed the sentries who were posted round a jealously guarded camp, and she replies: "i smiled at them." if the naval minister were to be asked how he induced the parties who had been so obdurate to his predecessor's demands to pass his own so much more expensive projects, he, too, might have replied: "i smiled at them." completely breaking with the tradition of schoolmasterly superiority, he was all complacency and urbanity to the ignorant mediocrities who had it in their power to frustrate his designs. his beaming rubicund countenance was ever the brightest and most ingratiating feature in the debates on his bills and estimates. his good humour was inexhaustible, his courtesy unflagging, his patience undisconcertable. he knew exactly what he wanted, and thought only of that. his mind was not clouded, like those of so many of his ministerial colleagues, by religious or political prejudices. he was ready to accept ships from the hands of catholics or socialists. whether they ranked the pope above the emperor, or preferred a republic to a monarchy, was quite indifferent to him, if only they would grant him the ships and the men he asked for. in one of his many veiled conflicts with the foreign office, admiral von tirpitz is understood to have exclaimed: "politics are your affair--i build ships!" and it was precisely because he attended strictly and conscientiously to his own business that he was able to do it so well. it was incumbent upon him as administrator of the navy to make it as strong and efficient as possible, and it lay with the chancellors to decide whether the line he was following was consistent with the general policy of the empire. that, against their own convictions and what they conceived to be germany's foreign interests, they allowed him to have his own way, only proved their weakness and his strength. while he was amiable and polite to all parties and persons who could assist him in the carrying out of his ideas, flattered their vanity by pretended confidences from the region of high politics, took them for cruises in war vessels, and had them deferentially escorted round imperial shipyards, the admiral was quick to appreciate the importance of winning the good graces of the catholics, without whose favour, as party relationships stood and were likely to stand, he could hope to effect little. young and active members of the centre party, who showed a particular interest in the details of naval policy, were singled out for special attention, and soon were numbered among his most devoted champions. he likewise realized the value of popular support, and this was secured through the instrumentality of the press bureau of the ministry of marine. this institution was administered in the same spirit which gained the admiral his parliamentary triumphs. the naval officers by whom it is manned have always received all journalists, domestic and foreign, with open arms, and, according to the objects and nationality of their visitors, furnished them with ideas, information and directions. no german writer on naval affairs could afford to dispense with official assistance so profusely and willingly supplied. the press bureau placed at his disposal all the historical and statistical data which could be used to demonstrate germany's need of a big fleet, all the articles from the foreign press which were likely to have a stimulating effect upon his readers, all the details of ship and gun types which could safely be made public, all the rules of naval strategy and tactics which might be of service to him in the formulation of his themes. if diffidence or a spirit of independence prevented him from coming to the press bureau, the press bureau went to him, as will be seen from the following document which found its way into print: "imperial ministry of marine, "news office. "berlin, "----, . "it has become known here that, some time ago, you published in ---- articles of a maritime nature. for this reason the news office gladly takes the opportunity of enquiring whether you would care to receive occasional batches of service material and press comments for possible use in further articles. in view of the impending navy bill, your support in the press might be particularly valuable in the immediate future. "your most obedient servant, "boy-ed." by such means the admiral succeeded in obtaining a control, gentle, persuasive, and veiled, but none the less effective, over practically the entire body of writers on naval topics in the german press. the unanimity of view on naval subjects which the bureau imported into the german press was naturally most effective. when the simple citizen found that all the papers to which he had access spoke with one voice, simultaneously adopting an identical attitude to a fresh situation or propounding a novel theory, he could only assume that they must be in the right. the proposal that great britain should abandon her two-power standard and accept in its stead a ratio of three to two, which appeared almost at the same moment in a score of different papers while the navy bill was under process of dilution, is an instance in point. up till then all naval writers in germany had been unanimous in protesting that agreements to fix a naval ratio between two countries were in their very nature impossible, and the suddenness and simultaneity of their conversion must have been due to the intervention either of providence or the marine minister. indeed, the minister's statement a year later in the reichstag budget commission definitely set at rest any doubt that might have existed as to the original source of the proposal. since bismarck, no one has shown such adroitness as admiral von tirpitz in the management of the press. in addition to controlling the naval views of independent publications, the press bureau also makes important direct contributions of its own to periodical literature with the annual _nauticus_ and the monthly magazine _die marine rundschau_. both these publications are further testimonies to the energy with which the admiral performs the duties of his office. but with all his cleverness, perseverance, and patience, admiral tirpitz would never have reached his goal had not germany been swept by successive waves of anglophobia. both speeches in the reichstag and articles in the press make it quite evident that the motive uppermost in the minds of most deputies when they voted for the navy bills was the desire to impress, annoy, or terrify great britain. the truth is that, but for the boer war, the bill of could never have been so much as introduced; but for the perpetual international friction over morocco and the fantastic legend of king edward's designs against germany, the bills of and would have had but small chance of acceptance; and but for mr. lloyd george's speech and captain faber's indiscretions--and, it should be added, the misrepresentations of both of them by admiral von tirpitz's press--the ministry of marine would never have been able to win its last victory against the opposition of the treasury and the misgivings of the chancellor. the lesson of cannot be too thoroughly learnt. the naval movement of that year was almost entirely popular in its character. it arose out of a sense of wounded dignity, and fits of national temper, blind to all the prudential considerations of domestic and international politics, have given germany to-day the second largest fleet and the largest socialist party in the world. it may seem almost like a contradiction in terms to suggest that a national sentiment has contributed to swell german socialism to its present dimensions. but this is--for germany, at any rate--no paradox, for in no other country does so small a proportion of the population constitute what is in practice and in effect the "will of the people." it should have become clear that the part which the emperor william has played in the formulation and carrying out of germany's naval policy has been quite insignificant in comparison with that played by his minister. the really effective work which the monarch has done for his fleet has been that of which the wider public has heard least. the emperor's brain is not an originating or creative one, but it is keenly apprehensive, appreciative, and assimilative, and its owner was quick to perceive the value of many of the forces and institutions which have made the british fleet supreme, not only in numerical strength but also in _esprit de corps_ and organization. from his visits to england he took back much useful information as to the construction and handling of ships, and in many other respects he found british models which he considered worthy of imitation in his own country. thus the institution of naval architects was provided with a german counterpart in the schiffbau-technische gesellschaft, the ideals of self-discipline of sport were fostered in the imperial navy, and when the temperance movement in the british fleet had developed sufficient strength to attract attention, the emperor inaugurated a similar propaganda among his crews. as has already been seen, william ii. has generously admitted the debt of the german fleet to its british sister, and beyond all doubt he has done more than anyone else to incur it. the emperor has also been able to do a good deal towards the propagation of his naval ideas through his autocratic control over the official machinery of prussia, which constitutes more than three-fifths of the area, and nearly that proportion of the population of germany. in a country where the tentacles of the central authority reach to the remotest village this control means a great deal. in particular, through the ministry of education, the rising generation has been initiated into the mysteries of "world-policy" and sea-power. the teaching of history and geography has been used to impress upon susceptible minds the importance of colonies and fleets, and to suggest with more or less precision and emphasis that great britain is the jealous rival who chiefly obstructs germany's path to that "place in the sun" which is her due. the process, commenced in the schools, has been continued at the universities. indeed, here as elsewhere, germany's professors have been the pioneers of her progress, and were putting forward her claim to sea-power long before the emperor was born. friedrich list, the father of german economics, urged, in , that denmark and holland should be taken into the germanic confederation, which "would then obtain what it at present lacks--namely, fisheries and sea-power, ocean-borne trade, and colonies." in another passage he said: "what intelligent citizens of those seaports (hamburg and bremen) can rejoice over the continual increase of their tonnage, when he reflects that a couple of frigates, putting out from heligoland, could destroy inside twenty-four hours the work of a quarter of a century." list also maintained that germany was "called by nature to place herself at the head of the colonizing and civilizing nations," and "that the time had come for the formation of a continental alliance against the naval supremacy of england." treitschke, writing of the european situation in the later thirties, said: "against so absolutely ruthless a commercial policy, inciting and making mischief all over the world, all other civilized nations seemed natural allies. england was the stronghold of barbarism in international law. to england alone was it due that, to the shame of humanity, naval warfare still remained organized piracy. it was the common duty of all nations to restore on the seas that balance of power, long existing on the continent, that healthy equipoise which permitted no state to do exactly as it liked, and consequently assured to all a humane international law. the civilization of the human race demanded that the manifold magnificence of the world's history, which had once commenced with the rule of monosyllabic chinese, should not end in a vicious circle with the empire of the monosyllabic britons. as soon as the eastern question was reopened a far-sighted statesmanship was bound to attempt at least to restrict the oppressive foreign rule which the english fleet maintained from gibraltar, malta, and corfu, and to restore the mediterranean to the mediterranean peoples." at the same time the professor was teaching his students at the berlin university that "the settlement with england will be the most difficult of all," and that "the result of our next war must be, if possible, the acquisition of some colony." the modern schoolmasters and professors of germany have worked to produce a race inspired with the ambitions of list and the rancours of treitschke, and imbued with the idea that an unexampled destiny awaits their nation. that the emperor william early recognized what schools and universities might be made to do in this direction is clear from the speech with which he opened the educational conference convened by him in , and in which he complained that the traditional curriculum "lacked a patriotic basis." "we should," he exclaimed, "rear patriotic germans and not young greeks and romans." it was also with a political purpose that he recommended a reversal of the usual order in which history was taught--that is to say, that the most recent periods should be taken first, and the student led back step by step to the events of antiquity. while the emperor is not omnipotent in legislation, he is, in prussia, at any rate, practically unfettered in administration--that more extensive and equally important branch of government--and so the impulsions of his will can be forced down through the reticulations of the bureaucratic system till they are felt by the humblest official. he thus has at his disposal a large body of zealous co-operators anxious to comply with his desires even if they should have no direct relation to their official duties. to appreciate the operation of this force, it is only necessary to turn over the pages of the german navy league handbook and notice how prominent a part the provincial agents of the central authority and subordinate members of the official body have played in the propaganda of that organization. it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that, wherever difficulty has been experienced in forming a local branch of the league, gentle pressure has been brought to bear on the stationmaster, postmaster, or gymnasium-director of the town, and has compelled him to take the initiative. in numerous cases such persons have, of course, come forward and founded branches of the league without any prompting, knowing well that their zeal would be in accordance with the "wishes of the emperor," and would be rewarded by preferment when a suitable opportunity arose. the navy league is the only instrument the emperor possesses for systematically and persistently propagating his ideas on world-policy and sea-power among the german people as a whole. it was founded in , at his personal instance, but in all probability at admiral von tirpitz's suggestion, with the assistance of funds principally furnished by the krupp family, which, as the chief material beneficiary from any increase in the german fleet, could well afford to invest a little money in this way. even in bismarck's time the head of the krupp firm had been induced to start a number of newspapers to advocate the augmentation of those armaments from which he had derived a considerable proportion of his vast wealth, and it is one of the least edifying features of modern germany that those of its citizens who show the most bellicose spirit have a direct personal interest in the waging of war. the financial founders of the navy league included other prosperous manufacturers who were anxious to deserve decorations or titles, and who, in some instances, went so far as to compel their employees to join the organization and so help to swell its membership. three weeks before the league was constituted, the first navy bill had already received the emperor's signature, and the order of these events is a plain demonstration that even then the measure was intended to be merely the thin end of the wedge. it is an interesting and significant fact that almost all the ruling houses of germany have been induced to identify themselves with the league, though it is nominally an absolutely independent and unofficial organization. the emperor's brother, prince henry of prussia, has assumed the general protectorate, and among the protectors of the affiliated state federations are prince george of bavaria, the kings of saxony and württemberg, the grand dukes of baden, hesse, the two mecklenburgs, oldenburg, and saxe-weimar, the dukes of anhalt, saxe-altenburg, and saxe-coburg-gotha, the princes of the two lippes, waldeck-pyrmont, and the two reusses, the statthalter of alsace-lorraine, the regent of brunswick, and the burgomasters of hamburg and bremen. thus the state governments have a direct interest in the league, are under a moral obligation to promote its work, and, it may be added, bear a certain amount of responsibility for the manner in which its agitation is carried on. the purposes of the organization are defined in the statutes as follows: "the german navy league regards a strong german fleet as necessary--principally in order to ensure the sea frontiers of germany against the danger of war, to maintain the position of germany among the great powers of the world, and to support the general interests and commercial communications of germany as well as the safety of her citizens at work in oversea countries. accordingly, it is the aim of the german navy league to awaken, cultivate, and strengthen the interest of the german people for the importance and functions of the fleet." the members of the league are divided into two classes--"individual" and "corporative." the latter are members of branches of other societies which enrol themselves in the league _en masse_. the most fruitful sources of support of this kind are those kindred bodies, the pangerman federation and the colonial association. on december st, , the corporative members numbered , , the individual members , . the qualifications for individual membership are the attainment of the sixteenth year and a money contribution, which, if not fixed by the branch, is left for the member to determine for him or herself. the pecuniary contribution of a corporation joining the league is fixed by special arrangement in each case. from the accounts published it would appear that the average annual member's subscription falls a good deal short of sixpence. a considerable number of the members are young persons of both sexes who send in their names because it is a cheap and easy method of gratifying the association instinct, so strong in germans, or for the sake of the dances and other purely social entertainments which are arranged by the branches. a monthly paper, _die flotte_, which is published in an edition of , copies, is the league's chief organ in the press, but the central office also issues immense quantities of pamphlets and leaflets. these are largely distributed with newspapers owned or controlled by the iron and steel and shipbuilding industries--what the socialists call the "armour-plate press"--but naturally find their way to all quarters to which government influence can give them access. under the name of "communications," items of naval news and controversial paragraphs are sent out about once a week to all the papers, and though little notice is taken of them in the metropolitan press, struggling provincial journals are very glad to have their columns filled up with topical matter by expert and authoritative pens. the league also publishes a profusely illustrated _naval album_, of which the emperor every year buys copies for distribution as prizes in the schools of prussia--a typical example of the inter-action of the wheels of the naval agitation and the government machine. lecturing, too, occupies a prominent place in the league's activity, and the central office keeps a stock of magic-lanterns and slides, which it lends out free of charge to the local branches. it also supplies uniforms, badges, and bunting for local festivities. by far the most effective department of the league's activity is, however, the excursions to the german naval ports, which it arranges for the benefit of schoolmasters and their classes. the participants in these outings are, as far as possible, selected from the inland states and districts, in which it is most difficult to arouse enthusiasm for the sea and the fleet. they are taken to kiel or wilhelmshaven, received with effusive courtesy by the naval officers delegated to look after them, and escorted through the streets by a ship's band to the dockyards of war vessels, over which they are conducted by amiable guides, who supply them with all the information likely to stimulate their interest in what they have seen. if the distance they have travelled makes it impossible for them to return home the same day, naval barracks or storehouses which happen for the moment to be vacant are placed at their disposal as night quarters. so much official complaisance and amenity, especially in a country where neither of these qualities is particularly common in the public services, arouses in those on whom it is expended a flattering sense of their own and their national importance, and schoolmasters thus captivated naturally, in due time, convey their impressions to their pupils. though the numbers of persons thus dealt with are inevitably somewhat limited, the league unquestionably gains more ground in this way than it can hope to win by pamphlets which are read and lectures which are listened to mainly by the already convinced. the emperor is the real director of the navy league, and it puts forward no demand that has not already received his approval, in principle if not in detail. the league is, in short, little more than a government department, the function of which is to carry on an agitation for more warships. it must, however, always be remembered that the league's demands represent not what the government desires or expects to get, but what it wants to be asked for. in order that it may keep up the pretence that it is an unofficial and independent organization, the league must naturally avoid too close a correspondence between its own programme and that of the ministry of marine, and it is also guided by the principle that it is necessary to ask much in order to get little. occasionally it makes a show of hurrying and worrying the naval minister, and of being positively objectionable to the government, but no one suffers less than admiral von tirpitz from these "attacks" upon him. appendix i germany's naval policy the key to the naval policy of germany is to be found in the memorandum which was appended to the navy act of . it is the most illuminating of state documents and is of peculiar interest in view of the war at sea which opened on august th, . only the more salient passages of this memorandum need be recalled to illustrate how far the performances of the german fleet have fallen short of the high hopes which were entertained for it. in the opening passages of the memorandum, it was explained why "the german empire needs peace at sea": for the german empire of to-day the security of its economic development, and especially of its world-trade, is a life question. for this purpose the german empire needs not only peace on land but also peace at sea--not, however, peace at any price, but peace with honour, which satisfies its just requirements. a naval war for economic interests, particularly for commercial interests, will probably be of long duration, for the aim of a superior opponent will be all the more completely reached the longer the war lasts. to this must be added that a naval war which, after the destruction or shutting-up of the german sea fighting force, was confined to the blockade of the coasts and the capture of merchant ships, would cost the opponent little; indeed he would, on the contrary, amply cover the expenses of the war by the simultaneous improvement of his own trade. an unsuccessful naval war of the duration of even only a year would destroy germany's sea trade, and would thereby bring about the most disastrous conditions, first in her economic, and then, as an immediate consequence of that, in her social life. quite apart from the consequences of the possible peace conditions, the destruction of our sea trade during the war could not, even at the close of it, be made good within measurable time, and would thus add to the sacrifices of the war a serious economic depression. the memorandum then proceeded to justify the abandonment of the navy law passed as recently as : the navy law (of ) does not make allowance for the possibility of a naval war with a great naval power, because, when it was drafted in the summer of , the first consideration was to secure the carrying out in modern ship material of the plan for the founding of the fleet, limiting the increase to the small number of battleships which was necessary to establish, at least for a double squadron, the organization demanded by tactical exigencies. the justificatory memorandum to the navy law (of ) left no doubt as to the military significance of the battle fleet. it is therein expressly stated: "against greater sea-powers the battle fleet would have importance merely as a sortie fleet." that is to say, the fleet would have to withdraw into the harbour and there wait for a favourable opportunity for making a sortie. even if it should obtain a success in such a sortie, it would nevertheless, like the enemy, suffer considerable loss of ships. the stronger enemy could make good his losses, we could not. in war with a substantially superior sea-power, the battle fleet provided for by the navy law would render a blockade more difficult, especially in the first phase of the war, but would never be able to prevent it. to subdue it, or, after it had been considerably weakened, to confine it in its own harbour would always be merely a question of time. so soon as this had happened, no great state could be more easily cut off than germany from all sea intercourse worthy of the name--of her own ships as also of the ships of neutral powers. to effect this it would not be necessary to control long stretches of coast, but merely to blockade the few big seaports. in the same way as the traffic to the home ports, the german mercantile ships on all the seas of the world would be left to the mercy of an enemy who was more powerful on the sea. hostile cruisers on the main trade-routes, in the skager-rack, in the english channel, off the north of scotland, in the straits of gibraltar, at the entrance to the suez canal, and at the cape of good hope, would render german shipping practically impossible. also with regard to this the justificatory memorandum to the naval law (of ) speaks unambiguously. in it is observed: "protection of sea trade on all the seas would occur principally in time of peace. in case of war it would be the task of the foreign service cruisers to afford their own mercantile ships the 'utmost possible protection.'" that is to say, the ships would do the "utmost possible." what would be possible in this respect is clear when it is realized that the navy law provides altogether for forty-two cruisers, whilst the greatest naval power, for example, to-day already possesses cruisers (finished or under construction), and, moreover, has at its disposal bases and coaling stations on all the chief trade-routes. to protect germany's sea trade and colonies in the existing circumstances there is only one means--germany must have a battle fleet so strong that even for the adversary with the greatest sea-power a war against it would involve such dangers as to imperil his position in the world. for this purpose it is not absolutely necessary that the german battle fleet should be as strong as that of the greatest naval power, for a great naval power will not, as a rule, be in a position to concentrate all its striking forces against us. but even if it should succeed in meeting us with considerable superiority of strength, the defeat of a strong german fleet would so substantially weaken the enemy that, in spite of the victory he might have obtained, his own position in the world would no longer be secured by an adequate fleet. in order to attain the goal which has been set, the protection of our sea trade and of our colonies by ensuring a peace with honour, germany requires, according to the standard of the strength-relationships of the great sea-powers, and having regard to our tactical formations, two double squadrons of efficient battleships, with the necessary cruisers, torpedo-boats, and so on, pertaining thereto. as the navy law (of ) provides for only two squadrons, the building of a third and fourth squadron is contemplated. of these four squadrons two will form a fleet. the second fleet is to be organized in its tactical composition in the same way as the first fleet provided for in the navy law. for the scope of the maintenance in commission in time of peace the following consideration has been decisive: as the ship-establishment of the german navy, even after the carrying out of the projected increase, will still be more or less inferior to the ship-establishments of some other great powers, compensation must be sought in the training of the personnel and in tactical training in the larger combinations. a trustworthy training of the separate ships' crews, as well as an adequate training in the larger tactical combinations, can be ensured only by permanent maintenance in commission in time of peace. to economize in commissioning in time of peace would mean to jeopardize the efficiency of the fleet for the event of war. the minimum of commissioning is the permanent formation of that fleet which comprises the newest and best ships as an active combination--that is to say, a combination in which all battleships and cruisers are in commission. this fleet would form the school for tactical training in double squadron, and in case of war would bear the first shock. for the second fleet, which will comprise the older battleships, it must suffice if only half of the ships are permanently in commission.[ ] for training in the larger combination some further ships must then, it is true, be placed temporarily in commission during the manoeuvres. in case of war this second fleet--the reserve battle fleet--will have to make up its arrears in the training of the separate ships' crews and the deficiency of training in the larger combination behind the protection afforded by the active battle fleet. if germany possesses four squadrons of efficient battleships, a coast squadron composed of small armoured ships is less important. besides the increase of the home battle fleet, an increase of the foreign service ships is also necessary. in consequence of the occupation of kiauchow and the great enhancement of our oversea interests in the last two years, it has already become necessary, at the cost of the scouting ships of the battle fleet, to send abroad two large ships more than were provided for by the plan of the navy law. indeed, for an effective representation of our interests it would have been necessary to send out even more ships, if such had only been available. in order to form a judgment of the importance of an increase of the foreign service ships, it must be realized that they are the representatives abroad of the german defence forces, and that the task often falls to them of gathering in the fruits which the maritime potency created for the empire by the home battle fleet has permitted to ripen. moreover, an adequate representation on the spot, supported on a strong home battle fleet, in many cases averts differences, and so contributes to maintain peace while fully upholding german honour and german interests. a numerical demonstration of the additional requirements cannot be given for a considerable time in advance in the same manner as for the battle fleet, which rests upon an organic foundation. if the demand is made that the foreign service fleet shall be in a position ( ) energetically to uphold german interests everywhere in time of peace, ( ) to be adequate for warlike conflicts with oversea states without navies deserving of the name, an increase of at least five large and five small cruisers, as well as of one large and two small cruisers as material reserve, seems called for. the navy law foresees as ready for use three large and ten small cruisers, and as material reserve three large and four small cruisers. a distribution of the foreign service fleet among the foreign stations cannot be given, as this distribution depends upon the political circumstances, and these can only be estimated from case to case. footnotes: [footnote : this principle was abandoned under the law of , and a standard of greater instant readiness for war was substituted, with three squadrons fully manned and two with nucleus crews.] appendix ii british and german shipbuilding programmes. the following table shows the british and german ships laid down between and and the programmes of subsequent years--the british figures for - being based on the admiralty forecast, and the german on the latest german fleet law: +-------------------+----------------------------------------------+--------------------------------------+ | | great britain. | germany. | | +------+---------+---------+-----------+-------+------+---------+---------+-----------+ | |battle|armoured |protected|destroyers.|torpedo|battle|armoured |protected|destroyers.| | |ships.|cruisers.|cruisers.| |boats. |ships.|cruisers.|cruisers.| | +-------------------+------+---------+---------+-----------+-------+------+---------+---------+-----------+ | { - | | | | | -- | | -- | -- | -- | | { - | | | | | -- | | | | | |mixed { - | | | | -- | | | -- | | | |armament { - | | | | | | | -- | | | |period { - | | | | | | | | | | | { - | | | [ ]| | | | | | | | { - | | | [ ]| | -- | | | | | | { - | | | -- | -- | -- | | | | | | { - | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | | | | | | +------+---------+---------+-----------+-------+------+---------+---------+-----------+ | totals | | | | | | | | | | | +------+---------+---------+-----------+-------+------+---------+---------+-----------+ | { - | | -- | -- | | [ ]| -- | -- | -- | -- | | { - | | -- | -- | | [ ]| | | | | |dread- { - | | -- | | | [ ]| | -- | | | |nought { - | | -- | | | -- | | -- | | | |period { - | | -- | | | -- | | -- | | | | { - | | -- | | | -- | | -- | | | | { - | | -- | | | -- | | -- | | | | { - | | -- | [ ]| | -- | | -- | | | | { - | | -- | | | -- | | -- | | | | { - | | -- | | | -- | | -- | | | | +------+---------+---------+-----------+-------+------+---------+---------+-----------+ | { - | | -- | --[ ]| --[ ]| --[ ]| | -- | | | | { - | | -- | --[ ]| --[ ]| --[ ]| | -- | | | | { - | | -- | --[ ]| --[ ]| --[ ]| | -- | | | | +------+---------+---------+-----------+-------+------+---------+---------+-----------+ |totals authorised | | | | | | | | | | | ( - ) | | | | | | | | | | | (dreadnought | | | | | | | | | | | period) | | -- | | | | | | | | +-------------------+------+---------+---------+-----------+-------+------+---------+---------+-----------+ as is explained elsewhere, germany has remained faithful to the policy outlined in the memorandum, but by successive navy acts she greatly increased the means for giving effect to it--one legislative measure succeeding another in quick succession, always making an increase in the naval establishment. footnotes: [footnote : included in these two figures are eight scouts--small cruisers--which were laid down in and .] [footnote : the cruisers of - were designated "light armoured cruisers."] [footnote : these thirty-six craft are small destroyers, and were built as such.] [footnote : no programme of british cruisers or torpedo craft announced. the forty-three british battleships exclude the two colonial vessels--_australia_ and _new zealand_--and the battleship given by the federated malay states, and ordered early in . with these the number of dreadnought vessels is increased to forty-six.] end.