available by the making of america collection of the university of michigan library (http://www.hti.umich.edu/m/moagrp/) note: images of the original pages are available through the making of america collection of the university of michigan library. see http://www.hti.umich.edu/m/moagrp/ the monarchies of continental europe the empire of austria; its rise and present power by john s. c. abbott new york; published by mason brothers, cincinnati: rickey, mallory & co. stereotyped by thomas b. smith, & beekman st. printed by c. a. alvord. vandewater st. preface the studies of the author of this work, for the last ten years, in writing the "history of napoleon bonaparte," and "the french revolution of ," have necessarily made him quite familiar with the monarchies of europe. he has met with so much that was strange and romantic in their career, that he has been interested to undertake, as it were, a _biography_ of the monarchies of continental europe--their birth, education, exploits, progress and present condition. he has commenced with austria. there are abundant materials for this work. the life of austria embraces all that is wild and wonderful in history; her early struggles for aggrandizement--the fierce strife with the turks, as wave after wave of moslem invasion rolled up the danube--the long conflicts and bloody persecutions of the reformation--the thirty years' religious war--the meteoric career of gustavus adolphus and charles xii. shooting athwart the lurid storms of battle--the intrigues of popes--the enormous pride, power and encroachments of louis xiv.--the warfare of the spanish succession and the polish dismemberment--all these events combine in a sublime tragedy which fiction may in vain attempt to parallel. it is affecting to observe in the history of germany, through what woes humanity has passed in attaining even its present position of civilization. it is to be hoped that the human family may never again suffer what it has already endured. we shall be indeed insane if we do not gain some wisdom from the struggles and the calamities of those who have gone before us. the narrative of the career of the austrian empire, must, by contrast, excite emotions of gratitude in every american bosom. our lines have fallen to us in pleasant places; we have a goodly heritage. it is the author's intention soon to issue, as the second of this series, the history of the empire of russia. john s. c. abbott. brunswick, maine, . contents. chapter i. rhodolph of hapsburg. from to . hawk's castle.--albert, count of hapsburg.--rhodolph of hapsburg.--his marriage and estates.--excommunication and its results.--his principles of honor.--a confederacy of barons.--their route.--rhodolph's election as emperor of germany.--the bishop's warning.--dissatisfaction at the result of the election.--advantages accruing from the possession of an interesting family.--conquest.--ottocar acknowledges the emperor; yet breaks his oath of allegiance.--gathering clouds.--wonderful escape.--victory of rhodolph.--his reforms. page chapter ii. reigns of albert i., frederic, albert and otho. from to . anecdotes of rhodolph.--his desire for the election of his son.--his death.--albert.--his unpopularity.--conspiracy of the nobles.--their defeat.--adolphus of nassau chosen emperor.--albert's conspiracy.-- deposition of adolphus and election of albert.--death of adolphus.--the pope defied.--annexation of bohemia.--assassination of albert.--avenging fury.--the hermit's direction.--frederic the handsome.--election of henry, count of luxemburg.--his death.--election of louis of bavaria.--capture of frederic.--remarkable confidence toward a prisoner.--death of frederic.--an early engagement.--death of louis.--accession of albert. page chapter iii. rhodolph ii., albert iv. and albert v. from to . rhodolph ii.--marriage of john to margaret.--intriguing for the tyrol.--death of rhodolph.--accession of power to austria.--dividing the empire.--delight of the emperor charles.--leopold.--his ambition and successes.--hedwige, queen of poland.--"the course of true love never did run smooth."--unhappy marriage of hedwige.--heroism of arnold of winkelreid.--death of leopold.--death of albert iv.--accession of albert v.--attempts of sigismond to bequeath to albert v. hungary and bohemia. page chapter iv. albert, ladislaus and frederic. from to . increasing honors of albert v.--encroachments of the turks.--the christians routed.--terror of the hungarians.--death of albert.-- magnanimous conduct of albert of bavaria.--internal troubles.--precocity of ladislaus.--fortifications raised by the turks.--john capistrun.-- rescue of belgrade.--the turks dispersed.--exultation over the victory.--death of hunniades.--jealousy of ladislaus.--his death.--brotherly quarrels.--devastations by the turks.--invasion of austria.--repeal of the compromise.--the emperor a fugitive. page chapter v. the emperors frederic ii. and maximilian i. from to . wanderings of the emperor frederic.--proposed alliance with the duke of burgundy.--mutual distrust.--marriage of mary.--the age of chivalry.--the motive inducing the lord of praunstein to declare war.--death of frederic ii.--the emperor's secret.--designs of the turks.--death of mahomet ii.--first establishment of standing armies.--use of gunpowder.--energy of maximilian.--french aggressions.--the league to expel the french.--disappointments of maximilian.--bribing the pope.--invasion of italy.--capture and recapture.--the chevalier de bayard. page chapter vi. maximilian i. from to . base treachery of the swiss soldiers.--perfidy of ferdinand of arragon.--appeals by superstition.--coalition with spain.--the league of cambray.--infamy of the pope.--the king's apology.--failure of the plot.--germany aroused.--confidence of maximilian.--longings for the pontifical chair.--maximilian bribed.--leo x.--dawning prosperity.-- matrimonial projects.--commencement of the war of reformation.--sickness of maximilian.--his last directions.--his death.--the standard by which his character is to be judged. page chapter vii. charles v. and the reformation. from to . charles v. of spain.--his election as emperor of germany.--his coronation.--the first constitution.--progress of the reformation.--the pope's bull against luther.--his contempt for his holiness.--the diet at worms.--frederic's objection to the condemnation of luther by the diet.--he obtains for luther the right of defense.--luther's triumphal march to the tribunal.--charles urged to violate his safe conduct.-- luther's patmos.--marriage of sister catharine bora to luther.--terrible insurrection.--the holy league.--the protest of spires.--confession of augsburg.--the two confessions.--compulsory measures. page chapter viii. charles v. and the reformation. from to . determination to crush protestantism.--incursion of the turks.--valor of the protestants.--preparations for renewed hostilities.--augmentation of the protestant forces.--the council of trent.--mutual consternation.-- defeat of the protestant army.--unlooked-for succor.--revolt in the emperor's army.--the fluctuations of fortune.--ignoble revenge.--capture of wittemberg.--protestantism apparently crushed.--plot against charles.--maurice of saxony.--a change of scene.--the biter bit--the emperor humbled.--his flight.--his determined will. page chapter ix. charles v. and the turkish wars. from to . the treaty of passau.--the emperor yields.--his continued reverses.--the toleration compromise.--mutual dissatisfaction.--remarkable despondency of the emperor charles.--his address to the convention at brussels.-- the convent of st. justus.--charles returns to spain.--his convent life.--the mock burial.--his death.--his traits of character.--the king's compliment to titian.--the condition of austria.--rapid advance of the turks.--reasons for the inaction of the christians.--the sultan's method of overcoming difficulties.--the little fortress of guntz.--what it accomplished. page chapter x. ferdinand i.--his wars and intrigues. from to . john of tapoli.--the instability of compacts.--the sultan's demands.--a reign of war.--powers and duties of the monarchs of bohemia.--the diet.--the king's desire to crush protestantism.--the entrance to prague.--terror of the inhabitants.--the king's conditions.--the bloody diet.--disciplinary measures.--the establishment of the order of jesuits.--abdication of charles v. in favor of ferdinand.--power of the pope.--paul iv.--a quiet but powerful blow.--the progress of the reformers.--attempts to reconcile the protestants.--the unsuccessful assembly. page chapter xi. death of ferdinand i.--accession of maximilian ii. from to . the council of trent.--spread of the reformation.--ferdinand's attempt to influence the pope.--his arguments against celibacy.--stubbornness of the pope.--maximilian ii.--displeasure of ferdinand.--motives for not abjuring the catholic faith.--religious strife in europe.--maximilian's address to charles ix.--mutual toleration.--romantic pastime of war.--heroism of nicholas, count of zeini.--accession of power to austria.--accession of rhodolph iii.--death of maximilian. page chapter xii. character of maximilian.--succession of rhodolph iii. from to . character of maximilian.--his accomplishments.--his wife.--fate of his children.--rhodolph iii.--the liberty of worship.--means of emancipation.--rhodolph's attempts against protestantism.--declaration of a higher law.--theological differences.--the confederacy at heilbrun.--the gregorian calendar.--intolerance in bohemia.--the trap of the monks.--invasion of the turks.--their defeat.--coalition with sigismond.--sale of transylvania.--rule of basta.--the empire captured and recaptured.--devastation of the country.--treatment of stephen botskoi. page chapter xiii. rhodolph iii. and matthias. from to . botskoi's manifesto.--horrible suffering in transylvania.--character of botskoi.--confidence of the protestants.--superstition of rholdoph.--his mystic studies.--acquirements of matthias.--schemes of matthias.--his increasing power.--treaty with the turks.--demands on rhodolph.--the compromise.--perfidy of matthias.--the margravite.--fillisbustering.-- the people's diet.--a hint to royalty.--the bloodless triumph.--demands of the germans.--address of the prince of anhalt to the king. page chapter xiv. rhodolph iii. and matthias. from to . difficulties as to the succession.--hostility of henry iv. to the house of austria.--assassination of henry iv.--similarity in sully's and napoleon's plans.--exultation of the catholics.--the brother's compact.--how rhodolph kept it.--seizure of prague.--rhodolph a prisoner.--the king's abdication.--conditions attached to the crown.--rage of rhodolph.--matthias elected king.--the emperor's residence.--rejoicings of the protestants.--reply of the ambassadors.-- the nuremberg diet.--the unkindest cut of all.--rhodolph's humiliation and death. page chapter xv. matthias. from to . matthias elected emperor of germany.--his despotic character.--his plans thwarted.--mulheim.--gathering clouds.--family intrigue.--coronation of ferdinand.--his bigotry.--henry, count of thurn.--convention at prague.--the king's reply.--the die cast.--amusing defense of an outrage.--ferdinand's manifesto.--seizure of cardinal klesis.--the king's rage.--retreat of the king's troops.--humiliation of ferdinand.--the difficulties deferred.--death of matthias. page chapter xvi. ferdinand ii. from to . possessions of the emperor.--power of the protestants of bohemia.-- general spirit of insurrection.--anxiety of ferdinand.--insurrection led by count thurn.--unpopularity of the emperor.--affecting declaration of the emperor.--insurrection in vienna.--the arrival of succor.--ferdinand seeks the imperial throne.--repudiated by bohemia.--the palatinate.-- frederic offered the crown of bohemia.--frederic crowned.--revolt in hungary.--desperate condition of the emperor.--catholic league.--the calvinists and the puritans.--duplicity of the emperor.--foreign combinations.--truce between the catholics and the protestants.--the attack upon bohemia.--battle of the white mountain. page chapter xvii. ferdinand ii. from to . pusillanimity of frederic.--intreaties of the citizens of prague.--shameful flight of frederic.--vengeance inflicted upon bohemia.--protestantism and civil freedom.--vast power of the emperor.--alarm of europe.--james i.--treaty of marriage for the prince of wales.--cardinal richelieu.--new league of the protestants.-- desolating war.--defeat of the king of denmark.--energy of wallenstein.--triumph of ferdinand.--new acts of intolerance.-- severities in bohemia.--desolation of the kingdom.--dissatisfaction of the duke of bavaria.--meeting of the catholic princes.--the emperor humbled. page chapter xviii. ferdinand ii. and gustavus adolphus. from to . vexation of ferdinand.--gustavus adolphus.--address to the nobles of sweden.--march of gustavus.--appeal to the protestants.--magdeburg joins gustavus.--destruction of the city.--consternation of the protestants.--exultation of the catholics.--the elector of saxony driven from his domains.--battle of leipsic.--the swedes penetrate bohemia.--freedom of conscience established.--death of tilly.--the retirement of wallenstein.--the command resumed by wallenstein.--capture of prague.--encounter between wallenstein and gustavus.--battle of lutzen.--death of gustavus. page chapter xix. ferdinand ii., ferdinand iii. and leopold i. from to . character of gustavus adolphus.--exultation of the imperialists.--disgrace of wallenstein.--he offers to surrender to the swedish general.--his assassination.--ferdinand's son elected as his successor.--death of ferdinand.--close of the war.--abdication of christina.--charles gustavus.--preparations for war.--death of ferdinand iii.--leopold elected emperor.--hostilities renewed.--death of charles gustavus.--diet convened.--invasion of the turks. page chapter xx. leopold i. from to . invasion of the turks.--a treaty concluded.--possessions of leopold.--invasion of the french.--league of augsburg.--devastation of the palatinate.--invasion of hungary.--emerio tekeli.--union of emerio tekeli with the turks.--leopold applies to sobieski.--he immediately marches to his aid.--the turks conquered.--sobieski's triumphal receptions.--meanness of leopold.--revenge upon hungary.--peace concluded.--contest for spain. page chapter xxi. leopold i. and the spanish succession from to . the spanish succession.--the impotence of charles ii.--appeal to the pope.--his decision.--death of charles ii.--accession of philip v.--indignation of austria.--the outbreak of war.--charles iii. crowned.--insurrection in hungary.--defection of bavaria.--the battle of blenheim.--death of leopold i.--eleonora.--accession of joseph i.--charles xii. of sweden.--charles iii. of spain.--battle of malplaquet.--charles at barcelona.--charles at madrid. chapter xxii. joseph i. and charles vi. from to . perplexities in madrid.--flight of charles.--retreat of the austrian army.--stanhope's division cut off.--capture of stanhope.--staremberg assailed.--retreat to barcelona.--attempt to pacify hungary.--the hungarian diet.--baronial crowning of ragotsky.--renewal of the hungarian war.--enterprise of herbeville.--the hungarians crushed.--lenity of joseph.--death of joseph.--accession of charles vi.--his career in spain.--capture of barcelona.--the siege.--the rescue.--character of charles.--cloisters of montserrat.--increased efforts for the spanish crown.--charles crowned emperor of austria and hungary.--bohemia.--deplorable condition of louis xiv. page chapter xxiii. charles vi. from to . heroic decision of eugene.--battle of belgrade.--utter rout of the turks.--possessions of charles vi.--the elector of hanover succeeds to the english throne.--preparations for war.--state of italy.--philip v. of spain.--diplomatic agitations.--palace of st. ildefonso.--order of the golden fleece.--rejection of maria anne.--contest for the rock of gibraltar.--dismissal of rippeeda.--treaty of vienna.--peace concluded. page chapter xxiv. charles vi. and the polish war. from to . cardinal fleury.--the emperor of austria urges the pragmatic sanction.--he promises his two daughters to the two sons of the queen of spain.--france, england and spain unite against austria.--charles vi. issues orders to prepare for war.--his perplexities.--secret overtures to england.--the crown of poland.--meeting of the polish congress.-- stanislaus goes to poland.--augustus iii. crowned.--war.--charles sends an army to lombardy.--difficulties of prince eugene.--charles's displeasure with england.--letter to count kinsky.--hostilities renewed. page chapter xxv. charles vi. and the turkish war renewed. from to . anxiety of austrian office-holders.--maria theresa.--the duke of lorraine.--distraction of the emperor.--tuscany assigned to the duke of lorraine.--death of eugene.--rising greatness of russia.--new war with the turks.--condition of the army.--commencement of hostilities--capture of nissa.--inefficient campaign.--disgrace of seckendorf.--the duke of lorraine placed in command.--siege of orsova.--belgrade besieged by the turks.--the third campaign.--battle of crotzka.--defeat of the austrians.--consternation in vienna.--barbarism of the turks.--the surrender of belgrade. chapter xxvi. maria theresa. from to . anguish of the king.--letter to the queen of russia.--the imperial circular.--deplorable condition of austria.--death of charles vi.--accession of maria theresa.--vigorous measures of the queen.--claim of the duke of bavaria.--responses from the courts.--coldness of the french court.--frederic of prussia.--his invasion of silesia.--march of the austrians.--battle of molnitz.--firmness of maria theresa.--proposed division of plunder.--villainy of frederic.--interview with the king.--character of frederic.--commencement of the general invasion. page chapter xxvii. maria theresa. from to . character of francis, duke of lorraine.--policy of european courts.--plan of the allies.--siege of prague.--desperate condition of the queen--her coronation in hungary.--enthusiasm of the barons.--speech of maria theresa.--peace with frederic of prussia.--his duplicity.--military movement of the duke of lorraine.--battle of chazleau.--second treaty with frederic.--despondency of the duke of bavaria.--march of mallebois.--extraordinary retreat of belleisle.--recovery of prague by the queen. page chapter xxviii. maria theresa. from to . prosperous aspect of austrian affairs.--capture of egea.--vast extent of austria.--dispute with sardinia.--marriage of charles of lorraine with the queen's sister.--invasion of alsace.--frederic overruns bohemia.--bohemia recovered by prince charles.--death of the emperor charles vii.--venality of the old monarchies.--battle of hohenfriedberg.--sir thomas robinson's interview with maria theresa.--hungarian enthusiasm.--the duke of lorraine elected emperor.--continuation of the war.--treaty of peace.--indignation of maria theresa. page chapter xxix. maria theresa. from to . treaty of peace.--dissatisfaction of maria theresa.--preparation for war.--rupture between england and austria.--maria theresa.--alliance with france.--influence of marchioness of pompadour.--bitter reproaches between austria and england.--commencement of the seven years' war.-- energy of frederic of prussia.--sanguinary battles.--vicissitudes of war.--desperate situation of frederic.--elation of maria theresa.--her ambitious plans.--awful defeat of the prussians at berlin. page chapter xxx. maria theresa. from to . desolations of war.--disasters of prussia.--despondency of frederic.-- death of the empress elizabeth.--accession of paul iii.--assassination of paul iii.--accession of catharine.--discomfiture of the austrians.-- treaty of peace.--election of joseph to the throne of the empire.--death of francis.--character of francis.--anecdotes.--energy of maria theresa.--poniatowski.--partition of poland.--maria theresa as a mother.--war with bavaria.--peace.--death of maria theresa.--family of the empress.--accession of joseph ii.--his character. page chapter xxxi. joseph ii. and leopold ii. from to . accession of joseph ii.--his plans of reform.--pius vi.--emancipation of the serfs.--joseph's visit to his sister, maria antoinette.--ambitious designs.--the imperial sleigh ride.--barges on the dneister.--excursion to the crimea.--war with turkey.--defeat of the austrians.--great successes.--death of joseph.--his character.--accession of leopold ii.--his efforts to confirm despotism.--the french revolution.--european coalition.--death of leopold.--his profligacy.--accession of francis ii.--present extent and power of austria.--its army.--policy of the government. page chapter i. rhodolph of hapsburg. from to . hawk's castle.--albert, count of hapsburg.--rhodolph of hapsburg.--his marriage and estates.--excommunication and its results.--his principles of honor.--a confederacy of barons.--their route.--rhodolph's election as emperor of germany.--the bishop's warning.--dissatisfaction at the result of the election.--advantages accruing from the possession of an interesting family.--conquest.--ottocar acknowledges the emperor; yet breaks his oath of allegiance.--gathering clouds.--wonderful escape.--victory of rhodolph.--his reforms. in the small canton of aargau, in switzerland, on a rocky bluff of the wulpelsberg, there still remains an old baronial castle, called hapsburg, or hawk's castle. it was reared in the eleventh century, and was occupied by a succession of warlike barons, who have left nothing to distinguish themselves from the feudal lords whose castles, at that period, frowned upon almost every eminence of europe. in the year this castle was occupied by albert, fourth count of hapsburg. he had acquired some little reputation for military prowess, the only reputation any one could acquire in that dark age, and became ambitious of winning new laurels in the war with the infidels in the holy land. religious fanaticism and military ambition were then the two great powers which ruled the human soul. with the usual display of semi-barbaric pomp, albert made arrangements to leave his castle to engage in the perilous holy war against the saracens, from which few ever returned. a few years were employed in the necessary preparations. at the sound of the bugle the portcullis was raised, the drawbridge spanned the moat, and albert, at the head of thirty steel-clad warriors, with nodding plumes, and banners unfurled, emerged from the castle, and proceeded to the neighboring convent of mari. his wife, hedwige, and their three sons, rhodolph, albert and hartman, accompanied him to the chapel where the ecclesiastics awaited his arrival. a multitude of vassals crowded around to witness the imposing ceremonies of the church, as the banners were blessed, and the knights, after having received the sacrament of the lord's supper, were commended to the protection of god. albert felt the solemnity of the hour, and in solemn tones gave his farewell address to his children. "my sons," said the steel-clad warrior, "cultivate truth and piety; give no ear to evil counselors, never engage in unnecessary war, but when you are involved in war be strong and brave. love peace even better than your own personal interests. remember that the counts of hapsburg did not attain their heights of reputation and glory by fraud, insolence or selfishness, but by courage and devotion to the public weal. as long as you follow their footsteps, you will not only retain, but augment, the possessions and dignities of your illustrious ancestors." the tears and sobs of his wife and family interrupted him while he uttered these parting words. the bugles then sounded. the knights mounted their horses; the clatter of hoofs was heard, and the glittering cavalcade soon disappeared in the forest. albert had left his ancestral castle, never to return. he had but just arrived in palestine, when he was taken sick at askalon, and died in the year . rhodolph, his eldest son, was twenty-two years of age at the time of his father's death. frederic ii., one of the most renowned monarchs of the middle ages, was then emperor of that conglomeration of heterogeneous states called germany. each of these states had its own independent ruler and laws, but they were all held together by a common bond for mutual protection, and some one illustrious sovereign was chosen as emperor of germany, to preside over their common affairs. the emperor of germany, having influence over all these states, was consequently, in position, the great man of the age. albert, count of hapsburg, had been one of the favorite captains of frederic ii. in the numerous wars which desolated europe in that dark age. he was often at court, and the emperor even condescended to present his son rhodolph at the font for baptism. as the child grew, he was trained to all athletic feats, riding ungovernable horses, throwing the javelin, wrestling, running, and fencing. he early gave indications of surprising mental and bodily vigor, and, at an age when most lads are considered merely children, he accompanied his father to the camp and to the court. upon the death of his father, rhodolph inherited the ancestral castle, and the moderate possessions of a swiss baron. he was surrounded by barons of far greater wealth and power than himself, and his proud spirit was roused, in disregard of his father's counsels, to aggrandize his fortunes by force of arms, the only way then by which wealth and power could be attained. he exhausted his revenues by maintaining a princely establishment, organized a well-selected band of his vassals into a military corps, which he drilled to a state of perfect discipline, and then commenced a series of incursions upon his neighbors. from some feeble barons he won territory, thus extending his domains; from others he extorted money, thus enabling him to reward his troops, and to add to their number by engaging fearless spirits in his service wherever he could find them. in the year , rhodolph strengthened himself still more by an advantageous marriage with gertrude, the beautiful daughter of the count of hohenberg. with his bride he received as her dowry the castle of oeltingen, and very considerable territorial possessions. thus in five years rhodolph, by that species of robbery which was then called heroic adventure, and by a fortunate marriage, had more than doubled his hereditary inheritance. the charms of his bride, and the care of his estates seem for a few years to have arrested the progress of his ambition; for we can find no further notice of him among the ancient chronicles for eight years. but, with almost all men, love is an ephemeral passion, which is eventually vanquished by other powers of the soul. ambition slumbered for a little time, but was soon roused anew, invigorated by repose. in we find rhodolph heading a foray of steel-clad knights, with their banded followers, in a midnight attack upon the city of basle. they break over all the defenses, sweep all opposition before them, and in the fury of the fight, either by accident or as a necessity of war, sacrilegiously set fire to a nunnery. for this crime rhodolph was excommunicated by the pope. excommunication was then no farce. there were few who dared to serve a prince upon whom the denunciations of the church had fallen. it was a stunning blow, from which few men could recover. rhodolph, instead of sinking in despair, endeavored, by new acts of obedience and devotion to the church, to obtain the revocation of the sentence. in the region now called prussia, there was then a barbaric pagan race, against whom the pope had published a crusade. into this war the excommunicated rhodolph plunged with all the impetuosity of his nature; he resolved to work out absolution, by converting, with all the potency of fire and sword, the barbarians to the church. his penitence and zeal seem to have been accepted, for we soon find him on good terms again with the pope. he now sought to have a hand in every quarrel, far and near. wherever the sounds of war are raised, the shout of rhodolph is heard urging to the strife. in every hot and fiery foray, the steed of rhodolph is rearing and plunging, and his saber strokes fall in ringing blows upon cuirass and helmet. he efficiently aided the city of strasbourg in their war against their bishop, and received from them in gratitude extensive territories, while at the same time they reared a monument to his name, portions of which still exist. his younger brother died, leaving an only daughter, anne, with a large inheritance. rhodolph, as her guardian, came into possession of the counties of kyburg, lentzburg and baden, and other scattered domains. this rapidly-increasing wealth and power, did but increase his energy and his spirit of encroachment. and yet he adopted principles of honor which were far from common in that age of barbaric violence. he would never stoop to ordinary robbery, or harass peasants and helpless travelers, as was constantly done by the turbulent barons around him. his warfare was against the castle, never against the cottage. he met in arms the panoplied knight, never the timid and crouching peasant. he swept the roads of the banditti by which they were infested, and often espoused the cause of citizens and freemen against the turbulent barons and haughty prelates. he thus gained a wide-spread reputation for justice, as well as for prowess, and the name of rhodolph of hapsburg was ascending fast into renown. every post of authority then required the agency of a military arm. the feeble cantons would seek the protection of a powerful chief; the citizens of a wealthy town, ever liable to be robbed by bishop or baron, looked around for some warrior who had invincible troops at his command for their protection. thus rhodolph of hapsburg was chosen chief of the mountaineers of uri, schweitz and underwalden; and all their trained bands were ready, when his bugle note echoed through their defiles, to follow him unquestioning, and to do his bidding. the citizens of zurich chose rhodolph of hapsburg as their prefect or mayor; and whenever his banner was unfurled in their streets, all the troops of the city were at his command. the neighboring barons, alarmed at this rapid aggrandizement of rhodolph, formed an alliance to crush him. the mountaineers heard his bugle call, and rushed to his aid. zurich opened her gates, and her marshaled troops hastened to his banner. from hapsburg, and rheinfelden, and suabia, and brisgau, and we know not how many other of the territorial possessions of the count, the vassals rushed to the aid of their lord. they met in one of the valleys of zurich. the battle was short, and the confederated barons were put to utter flight. some took refuge in the strong castle of balder, upon a rocky cliff washed by the albis. rhodolph selected thirty horsemen and thirty footmen. "will you follow me," said he, "in an enterprise where the honor will be equal to the peril?" a universal shout of assent was the response. concealing the footmen in a thicket, he, at the head of thirty horsemen, rode boldly to the gates of the castle, bidding defiance, with all the utterances and gesticulations of contempt, to the whole garrison. those on the ramparts, stung by the insult, rushed out to chastise so impudent a challenge. the footmen rose from their ambush, and assailants and assailed rushed pell mell in at the open gates of the castle. the garrison were cut down or taken captive, and the fortress demolished. another party had fled to the castle of uttleberg. by an ingenious stratagem, this castle was also taken. success succeeded success with such rapidity, that the confederate barons, struck with consternation, exclaimed, "all opposition is fruitless. rhodolph of hapsburg is invincible." they consequently dissolved the alliance, and sought peace on terms which vastly augmented the power of the conqueror. basle now incurred the displeasure of rhodolph. he led his armies to the gates of the city, and extorted satisfaction. the bishop of basle, a haughty prelate of great military power, and who could summon many barons to his aid, ventured to make arrogant demands of this warrior flushed with victory. the palace and vast possessions of the bishop were upon the other side of the unbridged rhine, and the bishop imagined that he could easily prevent the passage of the river. but rhodolph speedily constructed a bridge of boats, put to flight the troops which opposed his passage, drove the peasants of the bishop everywhere before him, and burned their cottages and their fields of grain. the bishop, appalled, sued for a truce, that they might negotiate terms of peace. rhodolph consented, and encamped his followers. he was asleep in his tent, when a messenger entered at midnight, awoke him, and informed him that he was elected emperor of germany. the previous emperor, richard, had died two years before, and after an interregnum of two years of almost unparalleled anarchy, the electors had just met, and, almost to their own surprise, through the fluctuations and combinations of political intrigue, had chosen rhodolph of hapsburg as his successor. rhodolph himself was so much astonished at the announcement, that for some time he could not be persuaded that the intelligence was correct. to wage war against the emperor of germany, who could lead almost countless thousands into the field, was a very different affair from measuring strength with the comparatively feeble count of hapsburg. the news of his election flew rapidly. basle threw open her gates, and the citizens, with illuminations, shouts, and the ringing of bells, greeted the new emperor. the bishop was so chagrined at the elevation of his foe, that he smote his forehead, and, looking to heaven, profanely said, "great god, take care of your throne, or rhodolph of hapsburg will take it from you!" rhodolph was now fifty-five years of age. alphonso, king of castile, and ottocar, king of bohemia, had both been candidates for the imperial crown. exasperated by the unexpected election of rhodolph, they both refused to acknowledge his election, and sent ambassadors with rich presents to the pope to win him also to their side. rhodolph, justly appreciating the power of the pope, sent him a letter couched in those terms which would be most palatable to the pontiff. "turning all my thoughts to him," he wrote, "under whose authority we live, and placing all my expectations on you alone, i fall down before the feet of your holiness, beseeching you, with the most earnest supplication, to favor me with your accustomed kindness in my present undertaking; and that you will deign, by your mediation with the most high, to support my cause. that i may be enabled to perform what is most acceptable to god and to his holy church, may it graciously please your holiness to crown me with the imperial diadem; for i trust i am both able and willing to undertake and accomplish whatever you and the holy church shall think proper to impose upon me." gregory x. was a humane and sagacious man, influenced by a profound zeal for the peace of europe and the propagation of the christian faith. gregory received the ambassadors of rhodolph graciously, extorted from them whatever concessions he desired on the part of the emperor, and pledged his support. ottocar, king of bohemia, still remained firm, and even malignant, in his hostility, utterly refusing to recognize the emperor, or to perform any of those acts of fealty which were his due. he declared the electoral diet to have been illegally convened, and the election to have been the result of fraud, and that a man who had been excommunicated for burning a convent, was totally unfit to wear the imperial crown. the diet met at augsburg, and irritated by the contumacy of ottocar, sent a command to him to recognize the authority of the emperor, pronouncing upon him the ban of the empire should he refuse. ottocar dismissed the ambassadors with defiance and contempt from his palace at prague, saying, "tell rhodolph that he may rule over the territories of the empire, but he shall have no dominion over mine. it is a disgrace to germany, that a petty count of hapsburg should have been preferred to so many powerful sovereigns." war, and a fearful one, was now inevitable. ottocar was a veteran soldier, a man of great intrepidity and energy, and his pride was thoroughly roused. by a long series of aggressions he had become the most powerful prince in europe, and he could lead the most powerful armies into the field. his dominions extended from the confines of bavaria to raab in hungary, and from the adriatic to the shores of the baltic. the hereditary domains of the count of hapsburg were comparatively insignificant, and were remotely situated at the foot of the alps, spreading through the defiles of alsace and suabia. as emperor, rhodolph could call the armies of the germanic princes into the field; but these princes moved reluctantly, unless roused by some question of great moment to them all. and when these heterogeneous troops of the empire were assembled, there was but a slender bond of union between them. but rhodolph possessed mental resources equal to the emergence. as cautious as he was bold, as sagacious in council as he was impetuous in action, he calmly, and with great foresight and deliberation, prepared for the strife. to a monarch in such a time of need, a family of brave sons and beautiful daughters, is an inestimable blessing. rhodolph secured the duke of sclavonia by making him the happy husband of one of his daughters. his son albert married elizabeth, daughter of the count of tyrol, and thus that powerful and noble family was secured. henry of bavaria he intimidated, and by force of arms compelled him to lead his troops to the standard of the emperor; and then, to secure his fidelity, gave his daughter hedwige to henry's son otho, in marriage, promising to his daughter as a dowry a portion of austria, which was then a feeble duchy upon the danube, but little larger than the state of massachusetts. ottocar was but little aware of the tremendous energies of the foe he had aroused. regarding rhodolph almost with contempt, he had by no means made the arrangements which his peril demanded, and was in consternation when he heard that rhodolph, in alliance with henry of bavaria, had already entered austria, taken possession of several fortresses, and, at the head of a force of a thousand horsemen, was carrying all before him, and was triumphantly marching upon vienna. rhodolph had so admirably matured his plans, that his advance seemed rather a festive journey than a contested conquest. with the utmost haste ottocar urged his troops down through the defiles of the bohemian mountains, hoping to save the capital. but rhodolph was at vienna before him, where he was joined by others of his allies, who were to meet him at that rendezvous. vienna, the capital, was a fortress of great strength. upon this frontier post charlemagne had established a strong body of troops under a commander who was called a margrave; and for some centuries this city, commanding the danube, had been deemed one of the strongest defenses of the empire against mohammedan invasion. vienna, unable to resist, capitulated. the army of ottocar had been so driven in their long and difficult march, that, exhausted and perishing for want of provisions, they began to mutiny. the pope had excommunicated ottocar, and the terrors of the curse of the pope, were driving captains and nobles from his service. the proud spirit of ottocar, after a terrible struggle, was utterly crushed, and he humbly sued for peace. the terms were hard for a haughty spirit to bear. the conquered king was compelled to renounce all claim to austria and several other adjoining provinces, styria, carinthia, carniola and windischmark; to take the oath of allegiance to the emperor, and publicly to do him homage as his vassal lord. to cement this compulsory friendship, rhodolph, who was rich in daughters, having six to proffer as bribes, gave one, with an abundant dowry in silver, to a son of ottocar. the day was appointed for the king, in the presence of the whole army, to do homage to the emperor as his liege lord. it was the th of november, . with a large escort of bohemian nobles, ottocar crossed the danube, and was received by the emperor in the presence of many of the leading princes of the empire. the whole army was drawn up to witness the spectacle. with a dejected countenance, and with indications, which he could not conceal, of a crushed and broken spirit, ottocar renounced these valuable provinces, and kneeling before the emperor, performed the humiliating ceremony of feudal homage. the pope in consequence withdrew his sentence of excommunication, and ottocar returned to his mutilated kingdom, a humbler and a wiser man. rhodolph now took possession of the adjacent provinces which had been ceded to him, and, uniting them, placed them under the government of louis of bavaria, son of his firm ally henry, the king of bavaria. bavaria bounded austria on the west, and thus the father and the son would be in easy coöperation. he then established his three sons, albert, hartmann, and rhodolph, in different parts of these provinces, and, with his queen, fixed his residence at vienna. such was the nucleus of the austrian empire, and such the commencement of the powerful monarchy which for so many generations has exerted so important a control over the affairs of europe. ottocar, however, though he left rhodolph with the strongest protestations of friendship, returned to prague consumed by the most torturing fires of humiliation and chagrin. his wife, a haughty woman, who was incapable of listening to the voice of judgment when her passions were inflamed, could not conceive it possible that a petty count of hapsburg could vanquish her renowned husband in the field. and when she heard that ottocar had actually done fealty to rhodolph, and had surrendered to him valuable provinces of the kingdom, no bridle could be put upon her woman's tongue. she almost stung her husband to madness with taunts and reproaches. thus influenced by the pride of his queen, cunegunda, ottocar violated his oath, refused to execute the treaty, imprisoned in a convent the daughter whom rhodolph had given to his son, and sent a defiant and insulting letter to the emperor. rhodolph returned a dignified answer and prepared for war. ottocar, now better understanding the power of his foe, made the most formidable preparations for the strife, and soon took the field with an army which he supposed would certainly triumph over any force which rhodolph could raise. he even succeeded in drawing henry of bavaria into an alliance; and many of the german princes, whom he could not win to his standard, he bribed to neutrality. numerous chieftains, lured to his camp by confidence of victory, crowded around him with their followers, from poland, bulgaria, pomerania, magdeburg, and from the barbaric shores of the baltic. many of the fierce nobles of hungary had also joined the standard of ottocar. thus suddenly clouds gathered around rhodolph, and many of his friends despaired of his cause. he appealed to the princes of the german empire, and but few responded to his call. his sons-in-law, the electors of palatine and of saxony, ventured not to aid him in an emergence when defeat seemed almost certain, and where all who shared in the defeat would be utterly ruined. in june, , ottocar marched from prague, met his allies at the appointed rendezvous, and threading the defiles of the bohemian mountains, approached the frontiers of austria. rhodolph was seriously alarmed, for it was evident that the chances of war were against him. he could not conceal the restlessness and agitation of his spirit as he impatiently awaited the arrival of troops whom he summoned, but who disappointed his hopes. "i have not one," he sadly exclaimed, "in whom i can confide, or on whose advice i can depend." the citizens of vienna perceiving that rhodolph was abandoned by his german allies, and that they could present no effectual resistance to so powerful an army as was approaching, and terrified in view of a siege, and the capture of the city by storm, urged a capitulation, and even begged permission to choose a new sovereign, that they might not be involved in the ruin impending over rhodolph. this address roused rhodolph from his despondency, and inspired him with the energies of despair. he had succeeded in obtaining a few troops from his provinces in switzerland. the bishop of basle, who had now become his confessor, came to his aid, at the head of a hundred horsemen, and a body of expert slingers. rhodolph, though earnestly advised not to undertake a battle with such desperate odds, marched from vienna to meet the foe. rapidly traversing the southern banks of the danube to hamburg, he crossed the river and advanced to marcheck, on the banks of the morava. he was joined by some troops from styria and carinthia, and by a strong force led by the king of hungary. emboldened by these accessions, though still far inferior in strength to ottocar, he pressed on till the two armies faced each other on the plains of murchfield. it was the th of august, . at this moment some traitors deserting the camp of ottocar, repaired to the camp of rhodolph and proposed to assassinate the bohemian king. rhodolph spurned the infamous offer, and embraced the opportunity of seeking terms of reconciliation by apprising ottocar of his danger. but the king, confident in his own strength, and despising the weakness of rhodolph, deemed the story a fabrication and refused to listen to any overtures. without delay he drew up his army in the form of a crescent, so as almost to envelop the feeble band before him, and made a simultaneous attack upon the center and upon both flanks. a terrific battle ensued, in which one party fought, animated by undoubting confidence, and the other impelled by despair. the strife was long and bloody. the tide of victory repeatedly ebbed and flowed. ottocar had offered a large reward to any of his followers who would bring to him rhodolph, dead or alive. a number of knights of great strength and bravery, confederated to achieve this feat. it was a point of honor to be effected at every hazard. disregarding all the other perils of the battle, they watched their opportunity, and then in a united swoop, on their steel-clad chargers, fell upon the emperor. his feeble guard was instantly cut down. rhodolph was a man of herculean power, and he fought like a lion at bay. one after another of his assailants he struck from his horse, when a thuringian knight, of almost fabulous stature and strength, thrust his spear through the horse of the emperor, and both steed and rider fell to the ground. rhodolph, encumbered by his heavy coat of mail, and entangled in the housings of his saddle, was unable to rise. he crouched upon the ground, holding his helmet over him, while saber strokes and pike thrusts rang upon cuirass and buckler like blows upon an anvil. a corps of reserve spurred to his aid, and the emperor was rescued, and the bold assailants who had penetrated the very center of his army were slain. the tide of victory now set strongly in favor of rhodolph, for "the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong." the troops of bohemia were soon everywhere put to rout. the ground was covered with the dead. ottocar, astounded at his discomfiture, and perhaps fearing the tongue of his wife more than the sabers of his foes, turned his back upon his flying army, and spurred his horse into the thickest of his pursuers. he was soon dismounted and slain. fourteen thousand of his troops perished on that disastrous day. the body of ottocar, mutilated with seventeen wounds, was carried to vienna, and, after being exposed to the people, was buried with regal honors. rhodolph, vastly enriched by the plunder of the camp, and having no enemy to encounter, took possession of moravia, and triumphantly marched into bohemia. all was consternation there. the queen cunegunda, who had brought these disasters upon the kingdom, had no influence. her only son was but eight years of age. the turbulent nobles, jealous of each other, had no recognized leader. the queen, humiliated and despairing, implored the clemency of the conqueror, and offered to place her infant son and the kingdom of bohemia under his protection. rhodolph was generous in this hour of victory. as the result of arbitration, it was agreed that he should hold moravia for five years, that its revenues might indemnify him for the expenses of the war. the young prince, wenceslaus, was acknowledged king, and during his minority the regency was assigned to otho, margrave or military commander of brundenburg. then ensued some politic matrimonial alliances. wenceslaus, the boy king, was affianced to judith, one of the daughters of rhodolph. the princess agnes, daughter of cunegunda, was to become the bride of rhodolph's second son. these matters being all satisfactorily settled, rhodolph returned in triumph to vienna. the emperor now devoted his energies to the consolidation of these austrian provinces. they were four in number, austria, styria, carinthia and carniola. all united, they made but a feeble kingdom, for they did not equal, in extent of territory, several of the states of the american union. each of these provinces had its independent government, and its local laws and customs. they were held together by the simple bond of an arbitrary monarch, who claimed, and exercised as he could, supreme control over them all. under his wise and energetic administration, the affairs of the wide-spread empire were prosperous, and his own austria advanced rapidly in order, civilization and power. the numerous nobles, turbulent, unprincipled and essentially robbers, had been in the habit of issuing from their castles at the head of banditti bands, and ravaging the country with incessant incursions. it required great boldness in rhodolph to brave the wrath of these united nobles. he did it fearlessly, issuing the decree that there should be no fortresses in his states which were not necessary for the public defense. the whole country was spotted with castles, apparently impregnable in all the strength of stone and iron, the secure refuge of high-born nobles. in one year seventy of these turreted bulwarks of oppression were torn down; and twenty-nine of the highest nobles, who had ventured upon insurrection, were put to death. an earnest petition was presented to him in behalf of the condemned insurgents. "do not," said the king, "interfere in favor of robbers; they are not nobles, but accursed robbers, who oppress the poor, and break the public peace. true nobility is faithful and just, offends no one, and commits no injury." chapter ii. reigns of albert i, frederic, albert and otho. from to . anecdotes of rhodolph.--his desire for the election of his son.--his death.--albert.--his unpopularity.--conspiracy of the nobles.--their defeat.--adolphus of nassau chosen emperor.--albert's conspiracy.-- deposition of adolphus and election of albert.--death of adolphus.--the pope defied.--annexation of bohemia.--assassination of albert.--avenging fury.--the hermit's direction.--frederic the handsome.--election of henry, count of luxemburg.--his death.--election of louis of bavaria.--capture of frederic.--remarkable confidence toward a prisoner.--death of frederic.--an early engagement.--death of louis.--accession of albert. rhodolph of hapsburg was one of the most remarkable men of his own or of any age, and many anecdotes illustrative of his character, and of the rude times in which he lived, have been transmitted to us. the thuringian knight who speared the emperor's horse in the bloody fight of murchfield, was rescued by rhodolph from those who would cut him down. "i have witnessed," said the emperor, "his intrepidity, and never could forgive myself if so courageous a knight should be put to death." during the war with ottocar, on one occasion the army were nearly perishing of thirst. a flagon of water was brought to him. he declined it, saying, "i can not drink alone, nor can i divide so small a quantity among all. i do not thirst for myself, but for the whole army." by earnest endeavor he obtained the perfect control of his passions, naturally very violent. "i have often," said he, "repented of being passionate, but never of being mild and humane." one of his captains expressed dissatisfaction at a rich gift the emperor made to a literary man who presented him a manuscript describing the wars of the romans. "my good friend," rhodolph replied, "be contented that men of learning praise our actions, and thereby inspire us with additional courage in war. i wish i could employ more time in reading, and could expend some of that money on learned men which i must throw away on so many illiterate knights." one cold morning at metz, in the year , he walked out dressed as usual in the plainest garb. he strolled into a baker's shop, as if to warm himself. the baker's termagant wife said to him, all unconscious who he was, "soldiers have no business to come into poor women's houses." "true," the emperor replied, "but do not be angry, my good woman; i am an old soldier who have spent all my fortune in the service of that rascal rhodolph, and he suffers me to want, notwithstanding all his fine promises." "good enough for you," said the woman; "a man who will serve such a fellow, who is laying waste the whole earth, deserves nothing better." she then, in her spite, threw a pail of water on the fire, which, filling the room with smoke and ashes, drove the emperor into the street. rhodolph, having returned to his lodgings, sent a rich present to the old woman, from the emperor who had warmed himself at her fire that morning, and at the dinner-table told the story with great glee to his companions. the woman, terrified, hastened to the emperor to implore mercy. he ordered her to be admitted to the dining-room, and promised to forgive her if she would repeat to the company all her abusive epithets, not omitting one. she did it faithfully, to the infinite merriment of the festive group. so far as we can now judge, and making due allowance for the darkness of the age in which he lived, rhodolph appears to have been, in the latter part of his life, a sincere, if not an enlightened christian. he was devout in prayer, and punctual in attending the services of the church. the humble and faithful ministers of religion he esteemed and protected, while he was ever ready to chastise the insolence of those haughty prelates who disgraced their religious professions by arrogance and splendor. at last the infirmities of age pressed heavily upon him. when seventy-three years old, knowing that he could not have much longer to live, he assembled the congress of electors at frankfort, and urged them to choose his then only surviving son albert as his successor on the imperial throne. the diet, however, refused to choose a successor until after the death of the emperor. rhodolph was bitterly disappointed, for he understood this postponement as a positive refusal to gratify him in this respect. saddened in spirit, and feeble in body, he undertook a journey, by slow stages, to his hereditary dominions in switzerland. he then returned to austria, where he died on the th of july, , in the seventy-third year of his age. albert, who resided at vienna, succeeded his father in authority over the austrian and swiss provinces. but he was a man stern, unconciliating and domineering. the nobles hated him, and hoped to drive him back to the swiss cantons from which his father had come. one great occasion of discontent was, that he employed about his person, and in important posts, swiss instead of austrian nobles. they demanded the dismission of these foreign favorites, which so exasperated albert that he clung to them still more tenaciously and exclusively. the nobles now organized a very formidable conspiracy, and offered to neighboring powers, as bribes for their aid, portions of austria. austria proper was divided by the river ens into two parts called upper and lower austria. lower austria was offered to bohemia; styria to the duke of bavaria; upper austria to the archbishop of saltzburg; carniola to the counts of guntz; and thus all the provinces were portioned out to the conquerors. at the same time the citizens of vienna, provoked by the haughtiness of albert, rose in insurrection. with the energy which characterized his father, albert met these emergencies. summoning immediately an army from switzerland, he shut up all the avenues to the city, which was not in the slightest degree prepared for a siege, and speedily starved the inhabitants into submission. punishing severely the insurgents, he strengthened his post at vienna, and confirmed his power. then, marching rapidly upon the nobles, before they had time to receive that foreign aid which had been secretly promised them, and securing all the important fortresses, which were now not many in number, he so overawed them, and so vigilantly watched every movement, that there was no opportunity to rise and combine. the styrian nobles, being remote, made an effort at insurrection. albert, though it was in the depth of winter, plowed through the snows of the mountains, and plunging unexpectedly among them, routed them with great slaughter. while he was thus conquering discontent by the sword, and silencing murmurs beneath the tramp of iron hoofs, the diet was assembling at frankfort to choose a new chief for the germanic empire. albert was confident of being raised to the vacant dignity. the splendor of his talents all admitted. four of the electors were closely allied to him by marriage, and he arrogantly felt that he was almost entitled to the office as the son of his renowned father. but the electors feared his ambitious and despotic disposition, and chose adolphus of nassau to succeed to the imperial throne. albert was mortified and enraged by this disappointment, and expressed his determination to oppose the election; but the troubles in his own domains prevented him from putting this threat into immediate execution. his better judgment soon taught him the policy of acquiescing in the election, and he sullenly received the investiture of his fiefs from the hands of the emperor adolphus. still albert, struggling against unpopularity and continued insurrection, kept his eye fixed eagerly upon the imperial crown. with great tact he conspired to form a confederacy for the deposition of adolphus. wenceslaus, the young king of bohemia, was now of age, and preparations were made for his coronation with great splendor at prague. four of the electors were present on this occasion, which was in june, . albert conferred with them respecting his plans, and secured their coöperation. the electors more willingly lent their aid since they were exceedingly displeased with some of the measures of adolphus for the aggrandizement of his own family. albert with secrecy and vigor pushed his plans, and when the diet met the same year at metz, a long list of grievances was drawn up against adolphus. he was summoned to answer to these charges. the proud emperor refused to appear before the bar of the diet as a culprit. the diet then deposed adolphus and elected albert ii. to the imperial throne, on the d of june, . the two rival emperors made vigorous preparations to settle the dispute with the sword, and the german states arrayed themselves, some on one side and some on the other. the two armies met at gelheim on the d of july, led by the rival sovereigns. in the thickest of the fight adolphus spurred his horse through the opposing ranks, bearing down all opposition, till he faced albert, who was issuing orders and animating his troops by voice and gesture. "yield," shouted adolphus, aiming a saber stroke at the head of his foe, "your life and your crown." "let god decide," albert replied, as he parried the blow, and thrust his lance into the unprotected face of adolphus. at that moment the horse of adolphus fell, and he himself was instantly slain. albert remained the decisive victor on this bloody field. the diet of electors was again summoned, and he was now chosen unanimously emperor. he was soon crowned with great splendor at aix-la-chapelle. still albert sat on an uneasy throne. the pope, indignant that the electors should presume to depose one emperor and choose another without his consent, refused to confirm the election of albert, and loudly inveighed him as the murderer of adolphus. albert, with characteristic impulsiveness, declared that he was emperor by choice of the electors and not by ratification of the pope, and defiantly spurned the opposition of the pontiff. considering himself firmly seated on the throne, he refused to pay the bribes of tolls, privileges, territories, etc., which he had so freely offered to the electors. thus exasperated, the electors, the pope, and the king of bohemia, conspired to drive albert from the throne. their secret plans were so well laid, and they were so secure of success, that the elector of mentz tauntingly and boastingly said to albert, "i need only sound my hunting-horn and a new emperor will appear." albert, however, succeeded by sagacity and energy, in dispelling this storm which for a time threatened his entire destruction. by making concessions to the pope, he finally won him to cordial friendship, and by the sword vanquishing some and intimidating others, he broke up the league. his most formidable foe was his brother-in-law, wenceslaus, king of bohemia. albert's sister, judith, the wife of wenceslaus, had for some years prevented a rupture between them, but she now being dead, both monarchs decided to refer their difficulties to the arbitration of the sword. while their armies were marching, wenceslaus was suddenly taken sick and died, in june, . his son, but seventeen years of age, weak in body and in mind, at once yielded to all the demands of his imperial uncle. hardly a year, however, had elapsed ere this young prince, wenceslaus iii., was assassinated, leaving no issue. albert immediately resolved to transfer the crown of bohemia to his own family, and thus to annex the powerful kingdom of bohemia to his own limited austrian territories. bohemia added to the austrian provinces, would constitute quite a noble kingdom. the crown was considered elective, though in fact the eldest son was almost always chosen during the lifetime of his father. the death of wenceslaus, childless, opened the throne to other claimants. no one could more imperiously demand the scepter than albert. he did demand it for his son rhodolph in tones which were heard and obeyed. the states assembled at prague on the st of april, . albert, surrounded by a magnificent retinue, conducted his son to prague, and to confirm his authority married him to the widow of wenceslaus, a second wife. rhodolph also, about a year before, had buried blanche, his first wife. albert was exceedingly elated, for the acquisition of bohemia was an accession to the power of his family which doubled their territory, and more than doubled their wealth and resources. a mild government would have conciliated the bohemians, but such a course was not consonant with the character of the imperious and despotic albert. he urged his son to measures of arbitrary power which exasperated the nobles, and led to a speedy revolt against his authority. rhodolph and the nobles were soon in the field with their contending armies, when rhodolph suddenly died from the fatigues of the camp, aged but twenty-two years, having held the throne of bohemia less than a year. albert, grievously disappointed, now demanded that his second son, frederic, should receive the crown. as soon as his name was mentioned to the states, the assembly with great unanimity exclaimed, "we will not again have an austrian king." this led to a tumult. swords were drawn, and two of the partisans of albert were slain. henry, duke of carinthia, was then almost unanimously chosen king. but the haughty albert was not to be thus easily thwarted in his plans. he declared that his son frederic was king of bohemia, and raising an army, he exerted all the influence and military power which his position as emperor gave him, to enforce his claim. but affairs in switzerland for a season arrested the attention of albert, and diverted his armies from the invasion of bohemia. switzerland was then divided into small sovereignties, of various names, there being no less than fifty counts, one hundred and fifty barons, and one thousand noble families. both rhodolph and albert had greatly increased, by annexation, the territory and the power of the house of hapsburg. by purchase, intimidation, war, and diplomacy, albert had for some time been making such rapid encroachments, that a general insurrection was secretly planned to resist his power. all switzerland seemed to unite as with one accord. albert was rejoiced at this insurrection, for, confident of superior power, he doubted not his ability speedily to quell it, and it would afford him the most favorable pretext for still greater aggrandizement. albert hastened to his domain at hapsburg, where he was assassinated by conspirators led by his own nephew, whom he was defrauding of his estates. frederic and leopold, the two oldest surviving sons of albert, avenged their father's death by pursuing the conspirators until they all suffered the penalty of their crimes. with ferocity characteristic of the age, they punished mercilessly the families and adherents of the assassins. their castles were demolished, their estates confiscated, their domestics and men at arms massacred, and their wives and children driven out into the world to beg or to starve. sixty-three of the retainers of lord balne, one of the conspirators, though entirely innocent of the crime, and solemnly protesting their unconsciousness of any plot, were beheaded in one day. though but four persons took part in the assassination, and it was not known that any others were implicated in the deed, it is estimated that more than a thousand persons suffered death through the fury of the avengers. agnes, one of the daughters of albert, endeavored with her own hands to strangle the infant child of the lord of eschenback, when the soldiers, moved by its piteous cries, with difficulty rescued it from her hands. elizabeth, the widow of albert, with her implacable fanatic daughter agnes, erected a magnificent convent on the spot at königsburg, where the emperor was assassinated, and there in cloistered gloom they passed the remainder of their lives. it was an age of superstition, and yet there were some who comprehended and appreciated the pure morality of the gospel of christ. "woman," said an aged hermit to agnes, "god is not served by shedding innocent blood, and by rearing convents from the plunder of families. he is served by compassion only, and by the forgiveness of injuries." frederic, albert's oldest son, now assumed the government of the austrian provinces. from his uncommon personal attractions he was called frederic the handsome. his character was in conformity with his person, for to the most chivalrous bravery he added the most feminine amiability and mildness. he was a candidate for the imperial throne, and would probably have been elected but for the unpopularity of his despotic father. the diet met, and on the th of november, , the choice fell unanimously upon henry, count of luxemburg. this election deprived frederic of his hopes of uniting bohemia to austria, for the new emperor placed his son john upon the bohemian throne, and was prepared to maintain him there by all the power of the empire. in accomplishing this, there was a short conflict with henry of carinthia, but he was speedily driven out of the kingdom. frederic, however, found a little solace in his disappointment, by attaching to austria the dominions he had wrested from the lords he had beheaded as assassins of his father. in the midst of these scenes of ambition, intrigue and violence, the emperor henry fell sick and died, in the fifty-second year of his age. this unexpected event opened again to frederic the prospect of the imperial crown, and all his friends, in the now very numerous branches of the family, spared neither money nor the arts of diplomacy in the endeavor to secure the coveted dignity for him. a year elapsed after the death of henry before the diet was assembled. during that time all the german states were in intense agitation canvassing the claims of the several candidates. the prize of an imperial crown was one which many grasped at, and every little court was agitated by the question. the day of election, october th, , arrived. there were two hostile parties in the field, one in favor of frederic of austria, the other in favor of louis of bavaria. the two parties met in different cities, the austrians at saxenhausen, and the bavarians at frankfort. there were, however, but four electors at saxenhausen, while there were five at frankfort, the ancient place of election. each party unanimously chose its candidate. louis, of bavaria, receiving five votes, while frederic received but four, was unquestionably the legitimate emperor. most of the imperial cities acknowledged him. frankfort sung his triumph, and he was crowned with all the ancient ceremonials of pomp at aix-la-chapelle. but frederic and his party were not ready to yield, and all over germany there was the mustering of armies. for two years the hostile forces were marching and countermarching with the usual vicissitudes of war. the tide of devastation and blood swept now over one state, and now over another, until at length the two armies met, in all their concentrated strength, at muhldorf, near munich, for a decisive battle. louis of bavaria rode proudly at the head of thirty thousand foot, and fifteen hundred steel-clad horsemen. frederic of austria, the handsomest man of his age, towering above all his retinue, was ostentatiously arrayed in the most splendid armor art could furnish, emblazoned with the austrian eagle, and his helmet was surmounted by a crown of gold. as he thus led the ranks of twenty-two thousand footmen, and seven thousand horse, all eyes followed him, and all hearts throbbed with confidence of victory. from early dawn, till night darkened the field, the horrid strife raged. in those days gunpowder was unknown, and the ringing of battle-axes on helmet and cuirass, the strokes of sabers and the clash of spears, shouts of onset, and the shrieks of the wounded, as sixty thousand men fought hand to hand on one small field, rose like the clamor from battling demons in the infernal world. hour after hour of carnage passed, and still no one could tell on whose banners victory would alight. the gloom of night was darkening over the exhausted combatants, when the winding of the bugle was heard in the rear of the austrians, and a band of four hundred bavarian horsemen came plunging down an eminence into the disordered ranks of frederic. the hour of dismay, which decides a battle, had come. a scene of awful carnage ensued as the routed austrians, fleeing in every direction, were pursued and massacred. frederic himself was struck from his horse, and as he fell, stunned by the blow, he was captured, disarmed and carried to the presence of his rival louis. the spirit of frederic was crushed by the awful, the irretrievable defeat, and he appeared before his conqueror speechless in the extremity of his woe. louis had the pride of magnanimity and endeavored to console his captive. "the battle is not lost by your fault," said he. "the bavarians have experienced to their cost that you are a valiant prince; but providence has decided the battle. though i am happy to see you as my guest, i sympathize with you in your sorrow, and will do what i can to alleviate it." for three years the unhappy frederic remained a prisoner of louis of bavaria, held in close confinement in the castle at trausnitz. at the end of that time the emperor, alarmed at the efforts which the friends of frederic were making to combine several powers to take up arms for his relief, visited his prisoner, and in a personal interview proposed terms of reconciliation. the terms, under the circumstances, were considered generous, but a proud spirit needed the discipline of three years' imprisonment before it could yield to such demands. it was the th of march, , when this singular interview between louis the emperor, and frederic his captive, took place at trausnitz. frederic promised upon oath that in exchange for his freedom he would renounce all claim to the imperial throne; restore all the districts and castles he had wrested from the empire; give up all the documents relative to his election as emperor; join with all his family influence to support louis against any and every adversary, and give his daughter in marriage to stephen the son of louis. he also promised that in case he should fail in the fulfillment of any one of these stipulations, he would return to his captivity. frederic fully intended a faithful compliance with these requisitions. but no sooner was he liberated than his fiery brother leopold, who presided over the swiss estates, and who was a man of great capacity and military energy, refused peremptorily to fulfill the articles which related to him, and made vigorous preparations to urge the war which he had already, with many allies, commenced against the emperor louis. the pope also, who had become inimical to louis, declared that frederic was absolved from the agreement at trausnitz, as it was extorted by force, and, with all the authority of the head of the church, exhorted frederic to reassert his claim to the imperial crown. amidst such scenes of fraud and violence, it is refreshing to record an act of real honor. frederic, notwithstanding the entreaties of the pope and the remonstrances of his friends, declared that, be the consequences what they might, he never would violate his pledge; and finding that he could not fulfill the articles of the agreement, he returned to bavaria and surrendered himself a prisoner to the emperor. it is seldom that history has the privilege of recording so noble an act. louis of bavaria fortunately had a soul capable of appreciating the magnanimity of his captive. he received him with courtesy and with almost fraternal kindness. in the words of a contemporary historian, "they ate at the same table and slept in the same bed;" and, most extraordinary of all, when louis was subsequently called to a distant part of his dominions to quell an insurrection, he intrusted the government of bavaria, during his absence, to frederic. frederic's impetuous and ungovernable brother leopold, was unwearied in his endeavors to combine armies against the emperor, and war raged without cessation. at length louis, harassed by these endless insurrections and coalitions against him, and admiring the magnanimity of frederic, entered into a new alliance, offering terms exceedingly honorable on his part. he agreed that he and frederic should rule conjointly as emperors of germany, in perfect equality of power and dignity, alternately taking the precedence. with this arrangement leopold was satisfied, but unfortunately, just at that time, his impetuous spirit, exhausted by disappointment and chagrin, yielded to death. he died at strasbourg on the th of february, . the pope and several of the electors refused to accede to this arrangement, and thus the hopes of the unhappy frederic were again blighted, for louis, who had consented to this accommodation for the sake of peace, was not willing to enforce it through the tumult of war. frederic was, however, liberated from captivity, and he returned to austria a dejected, broken-hearted man. he pined away for a few months in languor, being rarely known to smile, and died at the castle of gullenstein on the th of january, . his widow, isabella, the daughter of the king of arragon, became blind from excessive grief, and soon followed her husband to the tomb. as frederic left no son, the austrian dominions fell to his two brothers, albert iii. and otho. albert, by marriage, added the valuable county of ferret in alsace to the dominions of the house of austria. the two brothers reigned with such wonderful harmony, that no indications can be seen of separate administrations. they renounced all claim to the imperial throne, notwithstanding the efforts of the pope to the contrary, and thus secured friendship with the emperor louis. there were now three prominent families dominant in germany. around these great families, who had gradually, by marriage and military encroachments, attained their supremacy, the others of all degrees rallied as vassals, seeking protection and contributing strength. the house of bavaria, reigning over that powerful kingdom and in possession of the imperial throne, ranked first. then came the house of luxembourg, possessing the wide-spread and opulent realms of bohemia. the house of austria had now vast possessions, but these were widely scattered; some provinces on the banks of the danube and others in switzerland, spreading through the defiles of the alps. john of bohemia was an overbearing man, and feeling quite impregnable in his northern realms beyond the mountains, assumed such a dictatorial air as to rouse the ire of the princes of austria and bavaria. these two houses consequently entered into an intimate alliance for mutual security. the duke of carinthia, who was uncle to albert and otho, died, leaving only a daughter, margaret. this dukedom, about the size of the state of massachusetts, a wild and mountainous region, was deemed very important as the key to italy. john of bohemia, anxious to obtain it, had engaged the hand of margaret for his son, then but eight years of age. it was a question in dispute whether the dukedom could descend to a female, and albert and otho claimed it as the heirs of their uncle. louis, the emperor, supported the claims of austria, and thus carinthia became attached to this growing power. john, enraged, formed a confederacy with the kings of hungary and poland, and some minor princes, and invaded austria. for some time they swept all opposition before them. but the austrian troops and those of the empire checked them at landau. here they entered into an agreement without a battle, by which austria was permitted to retain carinthia, she making important concessions to bohemia. in february, , otho died, and albert was invested with the sole administration of affairs. the old king of bohemia possessed vehemence of character which neither age nor the total blindness with which he had become afflicted could repress. he traversed the empire, and even went to france, organizing a powerful confederacy against the emperor. the pope, clement vi., who had always been inimical to louis of bavaria, influenced by john of bohemia, deposed and excommunicated louis, and ordered a new meeting of the diet of electors, which chose charles, eldest son of the bohemian monarch, and heir to that crown, emperor. the deposed louis fought bravely for the crown thus torn from his brow. albert of austria aided him with all his energies. their united armies, threading the defiles of the bohemian mountains, penetrated the very heart of the kingdom, when, in the midst of success, the deposed emperor louis fell dead from a stroke of apoplexy, in the year . this event left charles of bohemia in undisputed possession of the imperial crown. albert immediately recognized his claim, effected reconciliation, and becoming the friend and the ally of the emperor, pressed on cautiously but securely, year after year, in his policy of annexation. but storms of war incessantly howled around his domains until he died, a crippled paralytic, on the th of august, . chapter iii. rhodolph ii., albert iv. and albert v. from to . rhodolph ii.--marriage of john to margaret.--intriguing for the tyrol.--death of rhodolph.--accession of power to austria.--dividing the empire.--delight of the emperor charles.--leopold.--his ambition and successes.--hedwige, queen of poland.--"the course of true love never did run smooth."--unhappy marriage of hedwige.--heroism of arnold of winkelreid.--death of leopold.--death of albert iv.--accession of albert v.--attempts of sigismond to bequeath to albert v. hungary and bohemia. rhodolph ii., the eldest son of albert iii., when but nineteen years of age succeeded his father in the government of the austrian states. he had been very thoroughly educated in all the civil and military knowledge of the times. he was closely allied with the emperor charles iv. of bohemia, having married his daughter catherine. his character and manhood had been very early developed. when he was in his seventeenth year his father had found it necessary to visit his swiss estates, then embroiled in the fiercest war, and had left him in charge of the austrian provinces. he soon after was intrusted with the whole care of the hapsburg dominions in switzerland. in this responsible post he developed wonderful administrative skill, encouraging industry, repressing disorder, and by constructing roads and bridges, opening facilities for intercourse and trade. upon the death of his father, rhodolph removed to vienna, and being now the monarch of powerful realms on the danube and among the alps, he established a court rivaling the most magnificent establishments of the age. just west of austria and south of bavaria was the magnificent dukedom of tyrol, containing some sixteen thousand square miles, or about twice the size of the state of massachusetts. it was a country almost unrivaled in the grandeur of its scenery, and contained nearly a million of inhabitants. this state, lying equally convenient to both austria and bavaria, by both of these kingdoms had for many years been regarded with a wistful eye. the manner in which austria secured the prize is a story well worth telling, as illustrative of the intrigues of those times. it will be remembered that john, the arrogant king of bohemia, engaged for his son the hand of margaret, the only daughter of the duke of carinthia. tyrol also was one of the possessions of this powerful duke. henry, having no son, had obtained from the emperor a decree that these possessions should descend, in default of male issue, to his daughter. but for this decision the sovereignty of these states would descend to the male heirs, albert and otho of austria, nephews of henry. they of course disputed the legality of the decree, and, aided by the emperor louis of bavaria, obtained carinthia, relinquishing for a time their claim to tyrol. the emperor hoped to secure that golden prize for his hereditary estates of bavaria. when john, the son of the king of bohemia, was but seventeen years of age, and a puny, weakly child, he was hurriedly married to margaret, then twenty-two. margaret, a sanguine, energetic woman, despised her baby husband, and he, very naturally, impotently hated her. she at length fled from him, and escaping from bohemia, threw herself under the protection of louis. the emperor joyfully welcomed her to his court, and promised to grant her a divorce, by virtue of his imperial power, if she would marry his son louis. the compliant princess readily acceded to this plan, and the divorce was announced and the nuptials solemnized in february, . the king of bohemia was as much exasperated as the king of bavaria was elated by this event, for the one felt that he had lost the tyrol, and the other that he had gained it. it was this successful intrigue which cost louis of bavaria his imperial crown; for the blood of the king of bohemia was roused. burning with vengeance, he traversed europe almost with the zeal and eloquence of peter the hermit, to organize a coalition against the emperor, and succeeded in inducing the pope, always hostile to louis, to depose and excommunicate him. this marriage was also declared by the pope unlawful, and the son, meinhard, eventually born to them, was branded as illegitimate. while matters were in this state, as years glided on, rhodolph succeeded in winning the favor of the pontiff, and induced him to legitimate meinhard, that this young heir of tyrol might marry the austrian princess margaret, sister of rhodolph. meinhard and his wife margaret ere long died, leaving margaret of tyrol, a widow in advancing years, with no direct heirs. by the marriage contract of her son meinhard with margaret of austria, she promised that should there be failure of issue, tyrol should revert to austria. on the other hand, bavaria claimed the territory in virtue of the marriage of margaret with louis of bavaria. rhodolph was so apprehensive that bavaria might make an immediate move to obtain the coveted territory by force of arms, that he hastened across the mountains, though in the depth of winter, obtained from margaret an immediate possession of tyrol, and persuaded her to accompany him, an honored guest, to his capital, which he had embellished with unusual splendor for her entertainment. rhodolph had married the daughter of charles, king of bohemia, the emperor, but unfortunately at this juncture, rhodolph, united with the kings of hungary and poland, was at war with the bavarian king. catherine his wife, however, undertook to effect a reconciliation between her husband and her father. she secured an interview between them, and the emperor, the hereditary rival of his powerful neighbor the king of bavaria, confirmed margaret's gift, invested rhodolph with the tyrol, and pledged the arm of the empire to maintain this settlement. thus austria gained tyrol, the country of romance and of song, interesting, perhaps, above all other portions of europe in its natural scenery, and invaluable from its location as the gateway of italy. bavaria made a show of armed opposition to this magnificent accession to the power of austria, but soon found it in vain to assail rhodolph sustained by margaret of tyrol, and by the energies of the empire. rhodolph was an antiquarian of eccentric character, ever poring over musty records and hunting up decayed titles. he was fond of attaching to his signature the names of all the innumerable offices he held over the conglomerated states of his realm. he was rhodolph, margrave of baden, vicar of upper bavaria, lord of hapsburg, arch huntsman of the empire, archduke palatine, etc., etc. his ostentation provoked even the jealousy of his father, the emperor, and he was ordered to lay aside these numerous titles and the arrogant armorial bearings he was attaching to his seals. his desire to aggrandize his family burned with a quenchless flame. hoping to extend his influence in italy, he negotiated a matrimonial alliance for his brother with an italian princess. as he crossed the alps to attend the nuptials, he was seized with an inflammatory fever, and died the th of july, , but twenty-six years of age, and leaving no issue. his brother albert, a young man but seventeen years of age, succeeded rhodolph. just as he assumed the government, margaret of tyrol died, and the king of bavaria, thinking this a favorable moment to renew his claims for the tyrol, vigorously invaded the country with a strong army. albert immediately applied to the emperor for assistance. three years were employed in fightings and diplomacy, when bavaria, in consideration of a large sum of money and sundry other concessions, renounced all pretensions to tyrol, and left the rich prize henceforth undisputed in the hands of austria. thus the diminutive margrave of austria, which was at first but a mere military post on the danube, had grown by rapid accretions in one century to be almost equal in extent of territory to the kingdoms of bavaria and of bohemia. this grandeur, instead of satisfying the austrian princes, did but increase their ambition. the austrian territories, though widely scattered, were declared, both by family compact and by imperial decree, to be indivisible. albert had a brother, leopold, two years younger than himself, of exceedingly restless and ambitious spirit, while albert was inactive, and a lover of ease and repose. leopold was sent to switzerland, and intrusted with the administration of those provinces. but his imperious spirit so dominated over his elder but pliant brother, that he extorted from him a compact, by which the realm was divided, albert remaining in possession of the austrian provinces of the danube, and leopold having exclusive dominion over those in switzerland; while the magnificent new acquisition, the tyrol, lying between the two countries, bounding switzerland on the east, and austria on the west, was shared between them. nothing can more clearly show the moderate qualities of albert than that he should have assented to such a plan. he did, however, with easy good nature, assent to it, and the two brothers applied to the emperor charles to ratify the division by his imperial sanction. charles, who for some time had been very jealous of the rapid encroachments of austria, rubbed his hands with delight. "we have long," said he, "labored in vain to humble the house of austria, and now the dukes of austria have humbled themselves." leopold the first inherited all the ambition and energy of the house of hapsburg, and was ever watching with an eagle eye to extend his dominions, and to magnify his power. by money, war, and diplomacy, in a few years he obtained friburg and the little town of basle; attached to his dominions the counties of feldkirch, pludenz, surgans and the rienthal, which he wrested from the feeble counts who held them, and obtained the baillages of upper and lower suabia, and the towns of augsburg and gingen. but a bitter disappointment was now encountered by this ambitious prince. louis, the renowned king of hungary and poland, had two daughters, maria and hedwige, but no sons. to maria he promised the crown of hungary as her portion, and among the many claimants for her hand, and the glittering crown she held in it, sigismond, son of the emperor charles, king of bohemia, received the prize. leopold, whose heart throbbed in view of so splendid an alliance, was overjoyed when he secured the pledge of the hand of hedwige, with the crown of poland, for william, his eldest son. hedwige was one of the most beautiful and accomplished princesses of the age. william was also a young man of great elegance of person, and of such rare fascination of character, that he had acquired the epithet of william the delightful. his chivalrous bearing had been trained and polished amidst the splendors of his uncle's court of vienna. hedwige, as the affianced bride of william, was invited from the more barbaric pomp of the hungarian court, to improve her education by the aid of the refinements of vienna. william and hedwige no sooner met than they loved one another, as young hearts, even in the palace, will sometimes love, as well as in the cottage. in brilliant festivities and moonlight excursions the young lovers passed a few happy months, when hedwige was called home by the final sickness of her father. louis died, and hedwige was immediately crowned queen of poland, receiving the most enthusiastic greetings of her subjects. bordering on poland there was a grand duchy of immense extent, lithuania, embracing sixty thousand square miles. the grand duke jaghellon was a burly northman, not more than half civilized, whose character was as jagged as his name. this pagan proposed to the polish nobles that he should marry hedwige, and thus unite the grand duchy of lithuania with the kingdom of poland; promising in that event to renounce paganism, and embrace christianity. the beautiful and accomplished hedwige was horror-struck at the proposal, and declared that never would she marry any one but william. but the polish nobles, dazzled by the prospect of this magnificent accession to the kingdom of poland, and the bishops, even more powerful than the nobles, elated with the vision of such an acquisition for the church, resolved that the young and fatherless maiden, who had no one to defend her cause, should yield, and that she should become the bride of jaghellon. they declared that it was ridiculous to think that the interests of a mighty kingdom, and the enlargement of the church, were to yield to the caprices of a love-sick girl. in the meantime william, all unconscious of the disappointment which awaited him, was hastening to cracow, with a splendid retinue, and the richest presents austrian art could fabricate, to receive his bride. the nobles, however, a semi-barbaric set of men, surrounded him upon his arrival, refused to allow him any interview with hedwige, threatened him with personal violence, and drove him out of the kingdom. poor hedwige was in anguish. she wept, vowed deathless fidelity to william, and expressed utter detestation of the pagan duke, until, at last, worn out and broken-hearted, she, in despair, surrendered herself into the arms of jaghellon. jaghellon was baptized by the name of ladislaus, and lithuania was annexed to poland. the loss of the crown of poland was to leopold a grievous affliction; at the same time his armies, engaged in sundry measures of aggrandizement, encountered serious reverses. leopold, the father of william, by these events was plunged into the deepest dejection. no effort of his friends could lift the weight of his gloom. in a retired apartment of one of his castles he sat silent and woful, apparently incapacitated for any exertion whatever, either bodily or mental. the affairs of his realm were neglected, and his bailiffs and feudal chiefs, left with irresponsible power, were guilty of such acts of extortion and tyranny, that, in the province of suabia the barons combined, and a fierce insurrection broke out. forty important towns united in the confederacy, and secured the co-operation of strasburg, mentz and other large cities on the rhine. other of the swiss provinces were on the eve of joining this alarming confederacy against leopold, their austrian ruler. as vienna for some generations had been the seat of the hapsburg family, from whence governors were sent to these provinces of helvetia, as switzerland was then called, the swiss began to regard their rulers as foreigners, and even leopold found it necessary to strengthen himself with austrian troops. this formidable league roused leopold from his torpor, and he awoke like the waking of the lion. he was immediately on the march with four thousand horsemen, and fourteen hundred foot, while all through the defiles of the alps bugle blasts echoed, summoning detachments from various cantons under their bold barons, to hasten to the aid of the insurgents. on the evening of the th of july, , the glittering host of leopold appeared on an eminence overlooking the city of sempach and the beautiful lake on whose border it stands. the horses were fatigued by their long and hurried march, and the crags and ravines, covered with forest, were impracticable for the evolutions of cavalry. the impetuous leopold, impatient of delay, resolved upon an immediate attack, notwithstanding the exhaustion of his troops, and though a few hours of delay would bring strong reinforcements to his camp. he dismounted his horsemen, and formed his whole force in solid phalanx. it was an imposing spectacle, as six thousand men, covered from head to foot with blazing armor, presenting a front of shields like a wall of burnished steel, bristling with innumerable pikes and spears, moved with slow, majestic tread down upon the city. the confederate swiss, conscious that the hour of vengeance had come, in which they must conquer or be miserably slain, marched forth to meet the foe, emboldened only by despair. but few of the confederates were in armor. they were furnished with such weapons as men grasp when despotism rouses them to insurrection, rusty battle-axes, pikes and halberts, and two-handed swords, which their ancestors, in descending into the grave, had left behind them. they drew up in the form of a solid wedge, to pierce the thick concentric wall of steel, apparently as impenetrable as the cliffs of the mountains. thus the two bodies silently and sternly approached each other. it was a terrific hour; for every man knew that one or the other of those hosts must perish utterly. for some time the battle raged, while the confederates could make no impression whatever upon their steel-clad foes, and sixty of them fell pierced by spears before one of their assailants had been even wounded. despair was fast settling upon their hearts, when arnold of winkelreid, a knight of underwalden, rushed from the ranks of the confederates, exclaiming-- "i will open a passage into the line; protect, dear countrymen, my wife and children." he threw himself upon the bristling spears. a score pierced his body; grasping them with the tenacity of death, he bore them to the earth as he fell. his comrades, emulating his spirit of self-sacrifice, rushed over his bleeding body, and forced their way through the gate thus opened into the line. the whole unwieldy mass was thrown into confusion. the steel-clad warriors, exhausted before the battle commenced, and encumbered with their heavy armor, could but feebly resist their nimble assailants, who outnumbering them and over-powering them, cut them down in fearful havoc. it soon became a general slaughter, and not less than two thousand of the followers of leopold were stretched lifeless upon the ground. many were taken prisoners, and a few, mounting their horses, effected an escape among the wild glens of the alps. in this awful hour leopold developed magnanimity and heroism worthy of his name. before the battle commenced, his friends urged him to take care of his own person. "god forbid," said he, "that i should endeavor to save my own life and leave you to die! i will share your fate, and, with you, will either conquer or perish." when all was in confusion, and his followers were falling like autumn leaves around him, he was urged to put spurs to his horse, and, accompanied by his body-guard, to escape. "i would rather die honorably," said leopold, "than live with dishonor." just at this moment his standard-bearer was struck down by a rush of the confederates. as he fell he cried out, "help, austria, help!" leopold frantically sprang to his aid, grasped the banner from his dying hand, and waving it, plunged into the midst of the foe, with saber strokes hewing a path before him. he was soon lost in the tumult and the carnage of the battle. his body was afterward found, covered with wounds, in the midst of heaps of the dead. thus perished the ambitious and turbulent leopold the st, after a stormy and unhappy life of thirty-six years, and a reign of constant encroachment and war of twenty years. life to him was a dark and somber tempest. ever dissatisfied with what he had attained, and grasping at more, he could never enjoy the present, and he finally died that death of violence to which his ambition had consigned so many thousands. leopold, the second son of the duke, who was but fifteen years of age, succeeded his father, in the dominion of the swiss estates; and after a desultory warfare of a few months, was successful in negotiating a peace, or rather an armed truce, with the successful insurgents. in the meantime, albert, at vienna, apparently happy in being relieved of all care of the swiss provinces, was devoting himself to the arts of peace. he reared new buildings, encouraged learning, repressed all disorders, and cultivated friendly relations with the neighboring powers. his life was as a summer's day--serene and bright. he and his family were happy, and his realms in prosperity. he died at his rural residence at laxendorf, two miles out from vienna, on the th of august, . all austria mourned his death. thousands gathered at his burial, exclaiming, "we have lost our friend, our father!" he was a studious, peace-loving, warm-hearted man, devoted to his family and his friends, fond of books and the society of the learned, and enjoying the cultivation of his garden with his own hands. he left, at his death, an only son, albert, sixteen years of age. william, the eldest son of leopold, had been brought up in the court of vienna. he was a young man of fascinating character and easily won all hearts. after his bitter disappointment in poland he returned to vienna, and now, upon the death of his uncle albert, he claimed the reins of government as the oldest member of the family. his cousin albert, of course, resisted this claim, demanding that he himself should enter upon the post which his father had occupied. a violent dissension ensued which resulted in an agreement that they should administer the government of the austrian states, jointly, during their lives, and that then the government should be vested in the eldest surviving member of the family. having effected this arrangement, quite to the satisfaction of both parties, albert, who inherited much of the studious thoughtful turn of mind of his father, set out on a pilgrimage to the holy land, leaving the government during his absence in the hands of william. after wanderings and adventures so full of romance as to entitle him to the appellation of the "wonder of the world," he returned to vienna. he married a daughter of the duke of holland, and settled down to a monkish life. he entered a monastery of carthusian monks, and took an active part in all their discipline and devotions. no one was more punctual than he at matins and vespers, or more devout in confessions, prayers, genuflexions and the divine service in the choir. regarding himself as one of the fraternity, he called himself brother albert, and left william untrammeled in the cares of state. his life was short, for he died the th of september, , in the twenty-seventh year of his age, leaving a son albert, seven years old. william, who married a daughter of the king of naples, survived him but two years, when he died childless. a boy nine years old now claimed the inheritance of the austrian estates; but the haughty dukes of the swiss branch of the house were not disposed to yield to his claims. leopold ii., who after the battle of sempach succeeded his father in the swiss estates, assumed the guardianship of albert, and the administration of austria, till the young duke should be of age. but leopold had two brothers who also inherited their father's energy and ambition. ernest ruled over styria, carinthia and carniola. frederic governed the tyrol. leopold ii. repaired to vienna to assume the administration; his two brothers claimed the right of sharing it with him. confusion, strife and anarchy ensued. ernest, a very determined and violent man, succeeded in compelling his brother to give him a share of the government, and in the midst of incessant quarrels, which often led to bloody conflicts, each of the two brothers strove to wrest as much as possible from austria before young albert should be of age. the nobles availed themselves of this anarchy to renew their expeditions of plunder. unhappy austria for several years was a scene of devastation and misery. in the year , leopold ii. died without issue. the young albert had now attained is fifteenth year. the emperor declared albert of age, and he assumed the government as albert v. his subjects, weary of disorder and of the strife of the nobles, welcomed him with enthusiasm. with sagacity and self-denial above his years, the young prince devoted himself to business, relinquishing all pursuits of pleasure. fortunately, during his minority he had honorable and able teachers who stored his mind with useful knowledge, and fortified him with principles of integrity. the change from the most desolating anarchy to prosperity and peace was almost instantaneous. albert had the judgment to surround himself with able advisers. salutary laws were enacted; justice impartially administered; the country was swept of the banditti which infested it, and while all the states around were involved in the miseries of war, the song of the contented husbandman, and the music of the artisan's tools were heard through the fields and in the towns of happy austria. sigismond, second son of the emperor charles iv., king of bohemia, was now emperor. it will be remembered that by marrying mary, the eldest daughter of louis, king of hungary and poland, he received hungary as the dower of his bride. by intrigue he also succeeded in deposing his effeminate and dissolute brother, wenceslaus, from the throne of bohemia, and succeeded, by a new election, in placing the crown upon his own brow. thus sigismond wielded a three-fold scepter. he was emperor of germany, and king of hungary and of bohemia. albert married the only daughter of sigismond, and a very strong affection sprung up between the imperial father and his son-in-law. they often visited each other, and cooperated very cordially in measures of state. the wife of sigismond was a worthless woman, described by an austrian historian as "one who believed in neither god, angel nor devil; neither in heaven nor hell." sigismond had set his heart upon bequeathing to albert the crowns of both hungary and bohemia, which magnificent accessions to the austrian domains would elevate that power to be one of the first in europe. but barbara, his queen, wished to convey these crowns to the son of the pagan jaghellon, who had received the crown of poland as the dowry of his reluctant bride, hedwige. sigismond, provoked by her intrigues for the accomplishment of this object, and detesting her for her licentiousness, put her under arrest. sigismond was sixty-three years of age, in very feeble health, and daily expecting to die. he summoned a general convention of the nobles of hungary and bohemia to meet him at znaim in moravia, near the frontiers of austria, and sent for albert and his daughter to hasten to that place. the infirm emperor, traveling by slow stages, succeeded in reaching znaim. he immediately summoned the nobles to his presence, and introducing to them albert and elizabeth, thus affectingly addressed them: "loving friends, you know that since the commencement of my reign i have employed my utmost exertions to maintain public tranquillity. now, as i am about to die, my last act must be consistent with my former actions. at this moment my only anxiety arises from a desire to prevent dissension and bloodshed after my decease. it is praiseworthy in a prince to govern well; but it is not less praiseworthy to provide a successor who shall govern better than himself. this fame i now seek, not from ambition, but from love to my subjects. you all know albert, duke of austria, to whom in preference to all other princes i gave my daughter in marriage, and whom i adopted as my son. you know that he possesses experience and every virtue becoming a prince. he found austria in a state of disorder, and he has restored it to tranquillity. he is now of an age in which judgment and experience attain their perfection, and he is sovereign of austria, which, lying between hungary and bohemia, forms a connecting link between the two kingdoms. "i recommend him to you as my successor. i leave you a king, pious, honorable, wise and brave. i give him my kingdom, or rather i give him to my kingdoms, to whom i can give or wish nothing better. truly you belong to him in consideration of his wife, the hereditary princess of hungary and bohemia. again i repeat that i do not act thus solely from love to albert and my daughter, but from a desire in my last moments to promote the true welfare of my people. happy are those who are subject to albert. i am confident he is no less beloved by you than by me, and that even without my exhortations you would unanimously give him your votes. but i beseech you by these tears, comfort my soul, which is departing to god, by confirming my choice and fulfilling my will." the emperor was so overcome with emotion that he could with difficulty pronounce these last words. all were deeply moved; some wept aloud; others, seizing the hand of the emperor and bathing it in tears, vowed allegiance to albert, and declared that while he lived they would recognize no other sovereign. the very next day, november, , sigismond died. albert and elizabeth accompanied his remains to hungary. the hungarian diet of barons unanimously ratified the wishes of the late king in accepting albert as his successor. he then hastened to bohemia, and, notwithstanding a few outbursts of disaffection, was received with great demonstrations of joy by the citizens of prague, and was crowned in the cathedral. chapter iv. albert, ladislaus and frederic. from to . increasing honors of albert v.--encroachments of the turks.--the christians routed.--terror of the hungarians.--death of albert.--magnanimous conduct of albert of bavaria.--internal troubles.--precocity of ladislaus.--fortifications raised by the turks.--john capistrun.--rescue of belgrade.--the turks dispersed.--exultation over the victory.--death of hunniades.--jealousy of ladislaus.--his death.--brotherly quarrels.--devastations by the turks.--invasion of austria.--repeal of the compromise.--the emperor a fugitive. the kingdom of bohemia thus attached to the duchies of austria contained a population of some three millions, and embraced twenty thousand square miles of territory, being about three times as large as the state of massachusetts. hungary was a still more magnificent realm in extent of territory, being nearly five times as large as bohemia, but inhabited by about the same number of people, widely dispersed. in addition to this sudden and vast accession of power, albert was chosen emperor of germany. this distinguished sovereign displayed as much wisdom and address in administering the affairs of the empire, as in governing his own kingdoms. the turks were at this time becoming the terror of christendom. originating in a small tribe between the caspian sea and the euxine, they had with bloody cimeters overrun all asia minor, and, crossing the hellespont, had intrenched themselves firmly on the shores of europe. crowding on in victorious hosts, armed with the most terrible fanaticism, they had already obtained possession of bulgaria, servia, and bosnia, eastern dependencies of hungary, and all europe was trembling in view of their prowess, their ferocity and their apparently exhaustless legions. sigismond, beholding the crescent of the moslem floating over the castles of eastern hungary, became alarmed for the kingdom, and sent ambassadors from court to court to form a crusade against the invaders. he was eminently successful, and an army of one hundred thousand men was soon collected, composed of the flower of the european nobility. the republics of venice and genoa united to supply a fleet. with this powerful armament sigismond, in person, commenced his march to constantinople, which city the turks were besieging, to meet the fleet there. the turkish sultan himself gathered his troops and advanced to meet sigismond. the christian troops were utterly routed, and nearly all put to the sword. the emperor with difficulty escaped. in the confusion of the awful scene of carnage he threw himself unperceived into a small boat, and paddling down the danube, as its flood swept through an almost uninhabited wilderness, he reached the black sea, where he was so fortunate as to find a portion of the fleet, and thus, by a long circuit, he eventually reached his home. bajazet, the sultan, returned exultant from this great victory, and resumed the siege of constantinople, which ere long fell into the hands of the turks. amurath, who was sultan at the time of the death of sigismond, thought the moment propitious for extending his conquests. he immediately, with his legions, overran servia, a principality nearly the size of the state of virginia, and containing a million of inhabitants. george, prince of servia, retreating before the merciless followers of the false prophet, threw himself with a strong garrison into the fortress of semendria, and sent an imploring message to albert for assistance. servia was separated from hungary only by the danube, and it was a matter of infinite moment to albert that the turk should not get possession of that province, from which he could make constant forays into hungary. albert hastily collected an army and marched to the banks of the danube just in time to witness the capture of semendria and the massacre of its garrison. all hungary was now in terror. the turks in overwhelming numbers were firmly intrenched upon the banks of the danube, and were preparing to cross the river and to supplant the cross with the crescent on all the plains of hungary. the hungarian nobles, in crowds, flocked to the standard of albert, who made herculean exertions to meet and roll back the threatened tide of invasion. exhausted by unremitting toil, he was taken sick and suddenly died, on a small island of the danube, on the th of october, , in the forty-third year of his age. the death of such a prince, heroic and magnanimous, loving the arts of peace, and yet capable of wielding the energies of war, was an apparent calamity to europe. albert left two daughters, but his queen elizabeth was expecting, in a few months, to give birth to another child. every thing was thus involved in confusion, and for a time intrigue and violence ran riot. there were many diverse parties, the rush of armed bands, skirmishes and battles, and all the great matters of state were involved in an inextricable labyrinth of confusion. the queen gave birth to a son, who was baptized by the name of ladislaus. elizabeth, anxious to secure the crown of hungary for her infant, had him solemnly crowned at alba regia, by the archbishop of gran when the child was but four months old. but a powerful party arose, opposed to the claims of the infant, and strove by force of arms to place upon the throne uladislaus, king of poland and lithuania, and son of the pagan jaghellon and the unhappy hedwige. for two years war between the rival parties desolated the kingdom, when elizabeth died. uladislaus now redoubled his endeavors, and finally succeeded in driving the unconscious infant from his hereditary domain, and established himself firmly on the throne of hungary. the infant prince was taken to bohemia. there also he encountered violent opposition. "a child," said his opponents, "can not govern. it will be long before ladislaus will be capable of assuming the reins of government. let us choose another sovereign, and when ladislaus has attained the age of twenty-four we shall see whether he deserves the crown." this very sensible advice was adopted, and thirteen electors were appointed to choose a sovereign. their choice fell upon albert of bavaria. but he, with a spirit of magnanimity very rare in that age, declared that the crown, of right, belonged to ladislaus, and that he would not take it from him. they then chose frederic, duke of styria, who, upon the death of albert, had been chosen emperor. frederic, incited by the example of albert, also declined, saying, "i will not rob my relation of his right." but anxious for the peace of the empire, he recommended that they should choose some illustrious bohemian, to whom they should intrust the regency until ladislaus became of age, offering himself to assume the guardianship of the young prince. this judicious advice was accepted, and the bohemian nobles chose the infant ladislaus their king. they, however, appointed two regents instead of one. the regents quarreled and headed two hostile parties. anarchy and civil war desolated the kingdom, with fluctuations of success and discomfiture attending the movements of either party. thus several years of violence and blood passed on. one of the regents, george podiebrad, drove his opponent from the realm and assumed regal authority. to legitimate its usurped power he summoned a diet at pilgram, in , and submitted the following question: "is it advantageous to the kingdom that ladislaus should retain the crown, or would it not be more beneficial to choose a monarch acquainted with our language and customs, and inspired with love of our country?" warm opposition to this measure arose, and the nobles voted themselves loyal to ladislaus. while these events were passing in bohemia, scenes of similar violence were transpiring in hungary. after a long series of convulsions, and uladislaus, the polish king, who had attained the crown of hungary, having been slain in a battle with the turks, a diet of hungarian nobles was assembled and they also declared the young ladislaus to be their king. they consequently wrote to the emperor frederic, duke of styria, who had assumed the guardianship of the prince, requesting that he might be sent to hungary. ladislaus posthumous, so-called in consequence of his birth after the death of his father, was then but six years of age. the austrian states were also in a condition of similar confusion, rival aspirants grasping at power, feuds agitating every province, and all moderate men anxious for that repose which could only be found by uniting in the claims of ladislaus for the crown. thus austria, bohemia and hungary, so singularly and harmoniously united under albert v., so suddenly dissevered and scattered by the death of albert, were now, after years of turmoil, all reuniting under the child ladislaus. frederic, however, the faithful guardian of the young prince, was devoting the utmost care to his education, and refused to accede to the urgent and reiterated requests to send the young monarch to his realms. when ladislaus was about ten years of age the emperor frederic visited the pope at rome, and took ladislaus in his glittering suite. the precocious child here astonished the learned men of the court, by delivering an oration in latin before the consistory, and by giving many other indications of originality and vigor of mind far above his years. the pope became much attached to the youthful sovereign of three such important realms, and as frederic was about to visit naples, ladislaus remained a guest in the imperial palace. deputies from the three nations repaired to rome to urge the pope to restore to them their young sovereign. failing in this, they endeavored to induce ladislaus to escape with them. this plan also was discovered and foiled. the nobles were much irritated by these disappointments, and they resolved to rescue him by force of arms. all over hungary, bohemia and austria there was a general rising of the nobles, nationalities being merged in the common cause, and all hearts united and throbbing with a common desire. an army of sixteen thousand men was raised. frederic, alarmed by these formidable preparations for war, surrendered ladislaus and he was conveyed in triumph to vienna. a numerous assemblage of the nobles of the three nations was convened, and it was settled that the young king, during his minority, should remain at vienna, under the care of his maternal uncle, count cilli, who, in the meantime, was to administer the government of austria. george podiebrad was intrusted with the regency of bohemia; and john hunniades was appointed regent of hungary. ladislaus was now thirteen years of age. the most learned men of the age were appointed as his teachers, and he pursued his studies with great vigor. count cilli, however, an ambitious and able man, soon gained almost unlimited control over the mind of his young ward, and became so arrogant and dictatorial, filling every important office with his own especial friends, and removing those who displeased him, that general discontent was excited and conspiracy was formed against him. cilli was driven from vienna with insults and threats, and the conspirators placed the regency in the hands of a select number of their adherents. while affairs were in this condition, john hunniades, as regent, was administering the government of hungary with great vigor and sagacity. he was acquiring so much renown that count cilli regarded him with a very jealous eye, and excited the suspicions of the young king that hunniades was seeking for himself the sovereignty of hungary. cilli endeavored to lure hunniades to vienna, that he might seize his person, but the sagacious warrior was too wily to be thus entrapped. the turks were now in the full tide of victory. they had conquered constantinople, fortified both sides of the bosporus and the hellespont, overrun greece and planted themselves firmly and impregnably on the shores of europe. mahomet ii. was sultan, succeeding his father amurath. he raised an army of two hundred thousand men, who were all inspired with that intense fanatic ferocity with which the moslem then regarded the christian. marching resistlessly through bulgaria and servia, he contemplated the immediate conquest of hungary, the bulwark of europe. he advanced to the banks of the danube and laid siege to belgrade, a very important and strongly fortified town at the point where the save enters the great central river of eastern europe. such an army, flushed with victory and inspired with all the energies of fanaticism, appalled the european powers. ladislaus was but a boy, studious and scholarly in his tastes, having developed but little physical energy and no executive vigor. he was very handsome, very refined in his tastes and courteous in his address, and he cultivated with great care the golden ringlets which clustered around his shoulders. at the time of this fearful invasion ladislaus was on a visit to buda, one of the capitals of hungary, on the danube, but about three hundred miles above belgrade. the young monarch, with his favorite, cilli, fled ingloriously to vienna, leaving hunniades to breast as he could the turkish hosts. but hunniades was, fortunately, equal to the emergence. a franciscan monk, john capistrun, endowed with the eloquence of peter the hermit, traversed germany, displaying the cross and rousing christians to defend europe from the infidels. he soon collected a motley mass of forty thousand men, rustics, priests, students, soldiers, unarmed, undisciplined, a rabble rout, who followed him to the rendezvous where hunniades had succeeded in collecting a large force of the bold barons and steel-clad warriors of hungary. the experienced chief gladly received this heterogeneous mass, and soon armed them, brought them into the ranks and subjected them to the severe discipline of military drill. at the head of this band, which was inspired with zeal equal to that of the turk, the brave hunniades, in a fleet of boats, descended the danube. the river in front of belgrade was covered with the flotilla of the turks. the wall in many places was broken down, and at other points in the wall they had obtained a foothold, and the crescent was proudly unfurled to the breeze. the feeble garrison, worn out with toil and perishing with famine, were in the last stages of despair. hunniades came down upon the turkish flotilla like an inundation; both parties fought with almost unprecedented ferocity, but the christians drove every thing before them, sinking, dispersing, and capturing the boats, which were by no means prepared for so sudden and terrible an assault. the immense reinforcement, with arms and provisions, thus entered the city, and securing the navigation of the danube and the save, opened the way for continued supplies. the immense hosts of the mohammedans now girdled the city in a semicircle on the land side. their tents, gorgeously embellished and surmounted with the crescent, glittered in the rays of the sun as far as the eye could extend. squadrons of steel-clad horsemen swept the field, while bands of the besiegers pressed the city without intermission, night and day. mohammed, irritated by this unexpected accession of strength to the besieged, in his passion ordered an immediate and simultaneous attack upon the town by his whole force. the battle was long and bloody, both parties struggling with utter desperation. the turks were repulsed. after one of the longest continuous conflicts recorded in history, lasting all one night, and all the following day until the going down of the sun, the turks, leaving thirty thousand of their dead beneath the ramparts of the city, and taking with them the sultan desperately wounded, struck their tents in the darkness of the night and retreated. great was the exultation in hungary, in germany and all over europe. but this joy was speedily clouded by the intelligence that hunniades, the deliverer of europe from moslem invasion, exhausted with toil, had been seized by a fever and had died. it is said that the young king ladislaus rejoiced in his death, for he was greatly annoyed in having a subject attain such a degree of splendor as to cast his own name into insignificance. hunniades left two sons, ladislaus and matthias. the king and cilli manifested the meanest jealousy in reference to these young men, and fearful that the renown of their father, which had inspired pride and gratitude in every hungarian heart, might give them power, they did every thing they could to humiliate and depress them. the king lured them both to buda, where he perfidiously beheaded the eldest, ladislaus, for wounding cilli, in defending himself from an attack which the implacable count had made upon him, and he also threw the younger son, matthias, into a prison. the widow of hunniades, the heroic mother of these children, with a spirit worthy of the wife of her renowned husband, called the nobles to her aid. they rallied in great numbers, roused to indignation. the inglorious king, terrified by the storm he had raised, released matthias, and fled from buda to vienna, pursued by the execrations and menaces of the hungarians. he soon after repaired to prague, in bohemia, to solemnize his marriage with magdalen, daughter of charles vii., king of france. he had just reached the city, and was making preparations for his marriage in unusual splendor, when he was attacked by a malignant disease, supposed to be the plague, and died after a sickness of but thirty-six hours. the unhappy king, who, through the stormy scenes of his short life, had developed no grandeur of soul, was oppressed with the awfulness of passing to the final judgment. in the ordinances of the church he sought to find solace for a sinful and a troubled spirit. having received the sacrament of the lord's supper, with dying lips he commenced repeating the lord's prayer. he had just uttered the words "deliver us from evil," when his spirit took its flight to the judgment seat of christ. frederic, the emperor, duke of styria, was now the oldest lineal descendant of rhodolph of hapsburg, founder of the house of austria. the imperial dignity had now degenerated into almost an empty title. the germanic empire consisted of a few large sovereignties and a conglomeration of petty dukedoms, principalities, and states of various names, very loosely held together, in their heterogeneous and independent rulers and governments, by one nominal sovereign upon whom the jealous states were willing to confer but little real power. a writer at that time, �neas sylvius, addressing the germans, says: "although you acknowledge the emperor for your king and master, he possesses but a precarious sovereignty; he has no power; you only obey him when you choose; and you are seldom inclined to obey. you are all desirous to be free; neither the princes nor the states render to him what is due. he has no revenue, no treasure. hence you are involved in endless contests and daily wars. hence also rapine, murder, conflagrations, and a thousand evils which arise from divided authority." upon the death of ladislaus there was a great rush and grasping for the vacant thrones of bohemia and hungary, and for possession of the rich dukedoms of austria. after a long conflict the austrian estates were divided into three portions. frederic, the emperor, took upper austria; his brother albert, who had succeeded to the swiss estates, took lower austria; sigismond, albert's nephew, a man of great energy of character, took carinthia. the three occupied the palace in vienna in joint residence. the energetic regent, george podiebrad, by adroit diplomacy succeeded, after an arduous contest, in obtaining the election by the bohemian nobles to the throne of bohemia. the very day he was chosen he was inaugurated at prague, and though rival candidates united with the pope to depose him, he maintained his position against them all. frederic, the emperor, had been quite sanguine in the hopes of obtaining the crown of bohemia. bitterly disappointed there, he at first made a show of hostile resistance; but thinking better of the matter, he concluded to acquiesce in the elevation of podiebrad, to secure amicable relations with him, and to seek his aid in promotion of his efforts to obtain the crown of hungary. here again the emperor failed. the nobles assembled in great strength at buda, and elected unanimously matthias, the only surviving son of the heroic hunniades, whose memory was embalmed in the hearts of all the hungarians. the boy then, for he was but a boy, and was styled contemptuously by the disappointed frederic the boy king, entered into an alliance with podiebrad for mutual protection, and engaged the hand of his daughter in marriage. thus was the great kingdom of austria, but recently so powerful in the union of all the austrian states with bohemia and hungary, again divided and disintegrated. the emperor, in his vexation, foolishly sent an army of five thousand men into hungary, insanely hoping to take the crown by force of arms, but he was soon compelled to relinquish the hopeless enterprise. and now frederic and albert began to quarrel at vienna. the emperor was arrogant and domineering. albert was irritable and jealous. first came angry words; then the enlisting of partisans, and then all the miseries of fierce and determined civil war. the capital was divided into hostile factions, and the whole country was ravaged by the sweep of armies. the populace of vienna, espousing the cause of albert, rose in insurrection, pillaged the houses of the adherents of frederic, drove frederic, with his wife and infant child, into the citadel, and invested the fortress. albert placed himself at the head of the insurgents and conducted the siege. the emperor, though he had but two hundred men in the garrison, held out valiantly. but famine would soon have compelled him to capitulate, had not the king of bohemia, with a force of thirteen thousand men, marched to his aid. podiebrad relieved the emperor, and secured a verbal reconciliation between the two angry brothers, which lasted until the bohemian forces had returned to their country, when the feud burst out anew and with increased violence. the emperor procured the ban of the empire against his brother, and the pope excommunicated him. still albert fought fiercely, and the strife raged without intermission until albert suddenly died on the th of december, . the turks, who, during all these years, had been making predatory excursions along the frontiers of hungary, now, in three strong bands of ten thousand each, overran servia and bosnia, and spread their devastations even into the heart of illyria, as far as the metropolitan city of laybach. the ravages of fire and sword marked their progress. they burnt every village, every solitary cottage, and the inhabitants were indiscriminately slain. frederic, the emperor, a man of but little energy, was at his country residence at lintz, apparently more anxious, writes a contemporary, "to shield his plants from frost, than to defend his domains against these barbarians." the bold barons of carniola, however, rallied their vassals, raised an army of twenty thousand men, and drove the turks back to the bosphorus. but the invaders, during their unimpeded march, had slain six thousand christians, and they carried back with them eight thousand captives. again, a few years after, the turks, with a still larger army, rushed through the defiles of the illyrian mountains, upon the plains of carinthia. their march was like the flow of volcanic fire. they left behind them utter desolation, smouldering hearth-stones and fields crimsoned with blood. at length they retired of their own accord, dragging after them twenty thousand captives. during a period of twenty-seven years, under the imbecile reign of frederic, the very heart of europe was twelve times scourged by the inroads of these savages. no tongue can tell the woes which were inflicted upon humanity. existence, to the masses of the people, in that day, must indeed have been a curse. ground to the very lowest depths of poverty by the exactions of ecclesiastics and nobles, in rags, starving, with no social or intellectual joys, they might indeed have envied the beasts of the field. the conduct of frederic seems to be marked with increasing treachery and perfidy. jealous of the growing power of george podiebrad, he instigated matthias, king of hungary, to make war upon bohemia, promising matthias the bohemian crown. infamously the king of hungary accepted the bribe, and raising a powerful army, invaded bohemia, to wrest the crown from his father-in-law. his armies were pressing on so victoriously, in conjunction with those of frederic, that the emperor was now alarmed lest matthias, uniting the crowns of hungary and bohemia, should become too powerful. he therefore not only abandoned him, but stirred up an insurrection among the hungarian nobles, which compelled matthias to abandon bohemia and return home. matthias, having quelled the insurrection, was so enraged with the emperor, that he declared war against him, and immediately invaded austria. the emperor was now so distrusted that he could not find a single ally. austria alone, was no match for hungary. matthias overran all lower austria, took all the fortresses upon the danube, and invested vienna. the emperor fled in dismay to lintz, and was obliged to purchase an ignominious peace by an immense sum of money, all of which was of course to be extorted by taxes on the miserable and starving peasantry. poland, bohemia and the turks, now all pounced upon hungary, and frederic, deeming this a providential indication that hungary could not enforce the fulfillment of the treaty, refused to pay the money. matthias, greatly exasperated, made the best terms he could with poland, and again led his armies in austria. for four years the warfare raged fiercely, when all lower austria, including the capital, was in the hands of matthias, and the emperor was driven from his hereditary domains; and, accompanied by a few followers, he wandered a fugitive from city to city, from convent to convent, seeking aid from all, but finding none. chapter v. the emperors frederic ii. and maximilian i. from to . wanderings of the emperor frederic.--proposed alliance with the duke of burgundy.--mutual distrust.--marriage of mary.--the age of chivalry.--the motive inducing the lord of praunstein to declare war.--death of frederic ii.--the emperor's secret.--designs of the turks.--death of mahomet ii.--first establishment of standing armies.--use of gunpowder.--energy of maximilian.--french aggressions.--the league to expel the french.--disappointments of maximilian.--bribing the pope.--invasion of italy.--capture and recapture.--the chevalier de bayard. adversity only developed more fully the weak and ignoble character of frederic. he wandered about, recognized emperor of germany, but a fugitive from his own austrian estates, occasionally encountering pity, but never sympathy or respect. matthias professed his readiness to surrender austria back to frederic so soon as he would fulfill the treaty by paying the stipulated money. frederic was accompanied in his wanderings by his son maximilian, a remarkably elegant lad, fourteen years of age. they came to the court of the powerful duke of burgundy. the dukedom extended over wide realms, populous and opulent, and the duke had the power of a sovereign but not the regal title. he was ambitious of elevating his dukedom into a kingdom and of being crowned king; and he agreed to give his only daughter and heiress, mary, a beautiful and accomplished girl, to the emperor's son maximilian, if frederic would confer upon his estates the regal dignity and crown him king. the bargain was made, and maximilian and mary both were delighted, for they regarded each other with all the warmth of young lovers. mary, heiress to the dukedom of burgundy, was a prize which any monarch might covet; and half the princes of europe were striving for her hand. but now came a new difficulty. neither the emperor nor duke had the slightest confidence in each other. the king of france, who had hoped to obtain the hand of mary for his son the dauphin, caused the suspicion to be whispered into the ear of frederic that the duke of burgundy sought the kingly crown only as the first step to the imperial crown; and that so soon as the dukedom was elevated into a kingdom, charles, the duke of burgundy, would avail himself of his increased power, to dethrone frederic and grasp the crown of germany. this was probably all true. charles, fully understanding the perfidious nature of frederic, did not dare to solemnize the marriage until he first should be crowned. frederic, on the other hand, did not dare to crown the duke until the marriage was solemnized, for he had no confidence that the duke, after having attained the regal dignity, would fulfill his pledge. charles was for hurrying the coronation, frederic for pushing the marriage. a magnificent throne was erected in the cathedral at treves, and preparations were making on the grandest scale for the coronation solemnities, when frederic, who did not like to tell the duke plumply to his face that he was fearful of being cheated, extricated himself from his embarrassment by feigning important business which called him suddenly to cologne. a scene of petty and disgraceful intrigues ensued between the exasperated duke and emperor, and there were the marching and the countermarching of hostile bands and the usual miseries of war, until the death of duke charles at the battle of nancy on the th of january, . the king of france now made a desperate endeavor to obtain the hand of mary for his son. one of the novel acts of this imperial courtship, was to send an army into burgundy, which wrested a large portion of mary's dominions from her, which the king, louis xi., refused to surrender unless mary would marry his son. many of her nobles urged the claims of france. but love in the heart of mary was stronger than political expediency, and more persuasive than the entreaties of her nobles. to relieve herself from importunity, she was hurriedly married, three months after the death of her father, by proxy to maximilian. in august the young prince, but eighteen years of age, with a splendid retinue, made his public entry into ghent. his commanding person and the elegance of his manners, attracted universal admiration. his subjects rallied with enthusiasm around him, and, guided by his prowess, in a continued warfare of five years, drove the invading french from their territories. but death, the goal to which every one tends, was suddenly and unexpectedly reached by mary. she died the th of august, , leaving two infant children, philip and margaret. the emperor frederic also succeeded, by diplomatic cunning, in convening the diet of electors and choosing maximilian as his successor to the imperial throne. frederic and maximilian now united in the endeavor to recover austria from the king of hungary. the german princes, however, notwithstanding the summons of the emperor, refused to take any part in the private quarrels of austria, and thus the battle would have to be fought between the troops of maximilian and of matthias. maximilian prudently decided that it would be better to purchase the redemption of the territory with money than with blood. the affair was in negotiation when matthias was taken sick and died the th of july, . he left no heir, and the hungarian nobles chose ladislaus, king of bohemia, to succeed him. maximilian had been confident of obtaining the crown of hungary. exasperated by the disappointment, he relinquished all idea of purchasing his patrimonial estates, but making a sudden rush with his troops upon the hungarians, he drove them out of austria, and pursued them far over the frontiers of hungary. ladislaus, the new king of hungary, now listened to terms of peace. a singular treaty was made. the bohemian king was to retain the crown of hungary, officiating as reigning monarch, while maximilian was to have the _title_ of king of hungary. ladislaus relinquished all claim to the austrian territories, and paid a large sum of money as indemnity for the war. thus austria again comes into independent existence, to watch amidst the tumult and strife of europe for opportunities to enlarge her territories and increase her power. maximilian was a prince, energetic and brave, who would not allow any opportunity to escape him. in those dark days of violence and of blood, every petty quarrel was settled by the sword. all over germany the clash of steel against steel was ever resounding. not only kings and dukes engaged in wars, but the most insignificant baron would gather his few retainers around him and declare formal war against the occupant of the adjacent castle. the spirit of chivalry, so called, was so rampant that private individuals would send a challenge to the emperor. contemporary writers record many curious specimens of these declarations of war. the lord of praunstein declared war against the city of frankfort, because a young lady of that city refused to dance with his uncle at a ball. frederic was now suffering from the infirmities of age. surrendering the administration of affairs, both in austria and over the estates of the empire, to maximilian, he retired, with his wife and three young daughters, to lintz, where he devoted himself, at the close of his long and turbulent reign, to the peaceful pursuits of rural life. a cancerous affection of the leg rendered it necessary for him to submit to the amputation of the limb. he submitted to the painful operation with the greatest fortitude, and taking up his severed limb, with his accustomed phlegm remarked to those standing by, "what difference is there between an emperor and a peasant? or rather, is not a sound peasant better than a sick emperor? yet i hope to enjoy the greatest good which can happen to man--a happy exit from this transitory life." the shock of a second amputation, which from the vitiated state of his blood seemed necessary, was too great for his enfeebled frame to bear. he died august th, , seventy-eight years of age, and after a reign of fifty-three years. he was what would be called, in these days, an ultra temperance man, never drinking even wine, and expressing ever the strongest abhorrence of alcoholic drinks, calling them the parent of all vices. he seems to have anticipated the future greatness of austria; for he had imprinted upon all his books, engraved upon his plate and carved into the walls of his palace a mysterious species of anagram composed of the five vowels, a, e, i, o, u. the significance of this great secret no one could obtain from him. it of course excited great curiosity, as it everywhere met the eye of the public. after his death the riddle was solved by finding among his papers the following interpretation-- _austri est imperare orbi universo._ austria is to govern the world universal. maximilian, in the prime of manhood, energetic, ambitious, and invested with the imperial dignity, now assumed the government of the austrian states. the prospect of greatness was brilliant before maximilian. the crowns of bohemia and hungary were united in the person of ladislaus, who was without children. as maximilian already enjoyed the title of king of hungary, no one enjoyed so good a chance as he of securing both of those crowns so soon as they should fall from the brow of ladislaus. europe was still trembling before the threatening cimeter of the turk. mahomet ii., having annihilated the greek empire, and consolidated his vast power, and checked in his career by the warlike barons of hungary, now cast a lustful eye across the adriatic to the shores of italy. he crossed the sea, landed a powerful army and established twenty thousand men, strongly garrisoned, at otranto, and supplied with provisions for a year. all italy was in consternation, for a passage was now open directly from turkey to naples and rome. mahomet boasted that he would soon feed his horse on the altar of st. peter's. the pope, sextus iv., in dismay, was about abandoning rome, and as there was no hope of uniting the discordant states of italy in any effectual resistance, it seemed inevitable that italy, like greece, would soon become a turkish province. and where then could it be hoped that the ravages of the turks would be arrested? in this crisis, so alarming, providence interposed, and the sudden death of mahomet, in the vigor of his pride and ambition, averted the danger. bajazet ii. succeeded to the moslem throne, an indolent and imbecile sultan. insurrection in his own dominions exhausted all his feeble energies. the neapolitans, encouraged, raised an army, recovered otranto, and drove the turks out of italy. troubles in the turkish dominions now gave christendom a short respite, as all the strength of the sultan was required to subjugate insurgent circassia and egypt. though the emperor of germany was esteemed the first sovereign in europe, and, on state occasions, was served by kings and electors, he had in reality but little power. the kings who formed his retinue on occasions of ceremonial pomp, were often vastly his superiors in wealth and power. frequently he possessed no territory of his own, not even a castle, but depended upon the uncertain aids reluctantly granted by the diet. gunpowder was now coming into use as one of the most efficient engines of destruction, and was working great changes in the science of war. it became necessary to have troops drilled to the use of cannon and muskets. the baron could no longer summon his vassals, at the moment, to abandon the plow, and seize pike and saber for battle, where the strong arm only was needed. disciplined troops were needed, who could sweep the field with well-aimed bullets, and crumble walls with shot and shells. this led to the establishment of standing armies, and gave the great powers an immense advantage over their weaker neighbors. the invention of printing, also, which began to be operative about the middle of the fifteenth century, rapidly changed, by the diffusion of intelligence, the state of society, hitherto so barbarous. the learned men of greece, driven from their country by the turkish invasion, were scattered over europe, and contributed not a little to the extension of the love of letters. the discovery of the mariner's compass and improvements in nautical astronomy, also opened new sources of knowledge and of wealth, and the human mind all over europe commenced a new start in the career of civilization. men of letters began to share in those honors which heretofore had belonged exclusively to men of war; and the arts of peace began to claim consideration with those who had been accustomed to respect only the science of destruction. maximilian was at innspruck when he received intelligence of the death of his father. he commenced his reign with an act of rigor which was characteristic of his whole career. a horde of turks had penetrated styria and carniola, laying every thing waste before them as far as carniola. maximilian, sounding the alarm, inspired his countrymen with the same energy which animated his own breast. fifteen thousand men rallied at the blast of his bugles. instead of intrusting the command of them to his generals, he placed himself at their head, and made so fierce an onset upon the invaders, that they precipitately fled. maximilian returned at the head of his troops triumphant to vienna, where he was received with acclamations such as had seldom resounded in the metropolis. he was hailed as the deliverer of his country, and at once rose to the highest position in the esteem and affection of the austrians. maximilian had encountered innumerable difficulties in burgundy, and was not unwilling to escape from the vexations and cares of that distant dukedom, by surrendering its government to his son philip, who was now sixteen years of age, and whom the burgundians claimed to be their ruler as the heir of mary. the swiss estates were also sundered from austrian dominion, and, uniting with the swiss confederacy, were no longer subject to the house of hapsburg. thus maximilian had the austrian estates upon the danube only, as the nucleus of the empire he was ambitious of establishing. conscious of his power, and rejoicing in the imperial title, he had no idea of playing an obscure part on the conspicuous stage of european affairs. with an eagle eye he watched the condition of the empire, and no less eagerly did he fix his eye upon the movements of those great southern powers, now becoming consolidated into kingdoms and empires, and marshaling armies which threatened again to bring all europe under a dominion as wide and despotic as that of rome. charles viii., king of france, crossed the alps with an army of twenty-two thousand men, in the highest state of discipline, and armed with all the modern enginery of war. with ease he subjugated tuscany, and in a triumphant march through pisa and siena, entered rome as a conqueror. it was the st of december, , when charles, by torchlight, at the head of his exultant troops, entered the eternal city. the pope threw himself into the castle of st. angelo, but was soon compelled to capitulate and to resign all his fortresses to the conqueror. charles then continued his march to naples, which he reached on the d of february. he overran and subjugated the whole kingdom, and, having consolidated his conquest, entered naples on a white steed, beneath imperial banners, and arrogantly assumed the title of king of naples, sicily and jerusalem. alphonso, king of naples, in despair, abdicated in favor of his son, ferdinand; and ferdinand, unable to oppose any effectual resistance, abandoned his kingdom to the conqueror, and fled to the island of ischia. these alarming aggressions on the part of france, already very powerful, excited general consternation throughout europe. maximilian, as emperor, was highly incensed, and roused all his energies to check the progress of so dangerous a rival. the austrian states alone could by no means cope with the kingdom of france. maximilian sent agents to the pope, to the dukes of milan and florence, and to the king of arragon, and formed a secret league to expel the french from italy, and restore ferdinand to naples. it was understood that the strength of france was such, that this enterprise could only be achieved through a long war, and that the allies must continue united to prevent france, when once expelled from italy, from renewing her aggressions. the league was to continue twenty-two years. the pope was to furnish six thousand men, and the other italian states twelve thousand. maximilian promised to furnish nine thousand. venice granted the troops of the emperor a free passage through her dominions. these important first steps being thus taken secretly and securely, the emperor summoned a diet of germany to enlist the states of the empire in the enterprise. this was the most difficult task, and yet nothing could be accomplished without the coöperation of germany. but the germanic states, loosely held together, jealous of each other, each grasping solely at its own aggrandizement, reluctantly delegating any power to the emperor, were slow to promise coöperation in any general enterprise, and having promised, were still slower to perform. the emperor had no power to enforce the fulfillment of agreements, and could only supplicate. during the long reign of frederic the imperial dignity had lapsed more and more into an empty title; and maximilian had an arduous task before him in securing even respectful attention to his demands. he was fully aware of the difficulties, and made arrangements accordingly. the memorable diet was summoned at worms, on the th of may, . the emperor had succeeded, by great exertion, in assembling a more numerous concourse of the princes and nobles of the empire than had ever met on a similar occasion. he presided in person, and in a long and earnest address endeavored to rouse the empire to a sense of its own dignity and its own high mission as the regulator of the affairs of europe. he spoke earnestly of their duty to combine and chastise the insolence of the turks; but waiving that for the present moment, he unfolded to them the danger to which europe was immediately and imminently exposed by the encroachments of france. to add to the force of his words, he introduced ambassadors from the king of naples, who informed the assembly of the conquests of the french, of their haughty bearing, and implored the aid of the diet to repel the invaders. the duke of milan was then presented, and, as a member of the empire, he implored as a favor and claimed as a right, the armies of the empire for the salvation of his duchy. and then the legate of the pope, in the robes of the church, and speaking in the name of the holy father to his children, pathetically described the indignities to which the pope had been exposed, driven from his palace, bombarded in the fortress to which he had retreated, compelled to capitulate and leave his kingdom in the hands of the enemy; he expatiated upon the impiety of the french troops, the sacrilegious horrors of which they had been guilty, and in tones of eloquence hardly surpassed by peter the hermit, strove to rouse them to a crusade for the rescue of the pope and his sacred possessions. maximilian had now exhausted all his powers of persuasion. he had done apparently enough to rouse every heart to intensest action. but the diet listened coldly to all these appeals, and then in substance replied, "we admit the necessity of checking the incursions of the turks; we admit that it is important to check the progress of the french. but our first duty is to secure peace in germany. the states of the empire are embroiled in incessant wars with each other. all attempts to prevent these private wars between the states of the empire have hitherto failed. before we can vote money and men for any foreign enterprise whatever, we must secure internal tranquillity. this can only be done by establishing a supreme tribunal, supported by a power which can enforce its decisions." these views were so manifestly judicious, that maximilian assented to them, and, anxious to lose no time in raising troops to expel the french from italy, he set immediately about the organization of an imperial tribunal to regulate the internal affairs of the empire. a court was created called the imperial chamber. it was composed of a president and sixteen judges, half of whom were taken from the army, and half from the class of scholars. to secure impartiality, the judges held their office for life. a majority of suffrages decided a question and in case of a tie, the president gave a casting vote. the emperor reserved the right of deciding certain questions himself. this court gradually became one of the most important and salutary institutions of the german empire. by the th of august these important measures were arranged. maximilian had made great concessions of his imperial dignity in transferring so much of his nominal power to the imperial chamber, and he was now sanguine that the states would vote him the supplies which were needed to expel the french from italy, or, in more honest words, to win for the empire in italy that ascendency which france had attained. but bitter indeed was his disappointment. after long deliberation and vexatious delays, the diet voted a ridiculous sum, less than one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, to raise an army "sufficient to check the progress of the french." one third of this sum maximilian was to raise from his austrian states; the remaining two thirds he was permitted to obtain by a loan. four years were to be allowed for raising the money, and the emperor, as a condition for the reception of even this miserable boon, was required to pledge his word of honor that at the expiration of the four years he would raise no more. and even these hundred and fifty thousand dollars were to be intrusted to seven treasurers, to be administered according to their discretion. one only of these treasurers was to be chosen by the emperor, and the other six by the diet. deeply chagrined by this result, maximilian was able to raise only three thousand men, instead of the nine thousand which he had promised the league. charles viii., informed of the formidable coalition combining against him, and not aware of the feeble resources of the emperor, apprehensive that the armies of germany, marching down and uniting with the roused states of italy, might cut off his retreat and overwhelm him, decided that the "better part of courage is discretion;" and he accordingly abandoned his conquests, recrossed the apennines, fought his backward path through italy, and returned to france. he, however, left behind him six thousand men strongly intrenched, to await his return with a new and more powerful armament. maximilian now resolved chivalrously to throw himself into italy, and endeavor to rouse the italians themselves to resist the threatened invasion, trusting that the diet of germany, when they should see him struggling against the hosts of france, would send troops to his aid. with five hundred horse, and about a thousand foot soldiers, he crossed the alps. here he learned that for some unknown reason charles had postponed his expedition. recoiling from the ridicule attending a quixotic and useless adventure, he hunted around for some time to find some heroic achievement which would redeem his name from reproach, when, thwarted in every thing, he returned to austria, chagrined and humiliated. thus frustrated in all his attempts to gain ascendency in italy, maximilian turned his eyes to the swiss estates of the house of hapsburg, now sundered from the austrian territories. he made a vigorous effort, first by diplomacy, then by force of arms, to regain them. here again he was frustrated, and was compelled to enter into a capitulation by which he acknowledged the independence of the helvetic states, and their permanent severance from austrian jurisdiction. in april, , charles viii. died, and louis xii. succeeded him on the throne of france. louis immediately made preparations for a new invasion of italy. in those miserable days of violence and blood, almost any prince was ready to embark in war under anybody's banner, where there was the least prospect of personal aggrandizement. the question of right or wrong, seemed seldom to enter any one's mind. louis fixed his eyes upon the duchy of milan as the richest and most available prize within his grasp. conscious that he would meet with much opposition, he looked around for allies. "if you will aid me," he said to pope alexander vi., "i will assist you in your war against the duke of romagna. i will give your son, caesar borgia,[ ] a pension of two thousand dollars a year, will confer upon him an important command in my army, and will procure for him a marriage with a princess of the royal house of navarre." [footnote : cæsar borgia, who has filled the world with the renown of his infamy, was the illegitimate son of alexander vi., and of a roman lady named yanozza.] the holy father could not resist this bribe, and eagerly joined the robber king in his foray. to venice louis said-- "if you will unite with me, i will assist you in annexing to your domains the city of cremona, and the ghiaradadda." lured by such hopes of plunder, venice was as eager as the pope to take a share in the piratic expedition. louis then sent to the court of turin, and offered them large sums of money and increased territory, if they would allow him a free passage across the alps. turin bowed obsequiously, and grasped at the easy bargain. to florence he said, "if you raise a hand to assist the duke of milan, i will crush you. if you remain quiet, i will leave you unharmed." florence, overawed, remained as meek as a lamb. the diplomacy being thus successfully closed, an army of twenty-two thousand men was put in vigorous motion in july, . they crossed the alps, fought a few battles, in which, with overpowering numbers, they easily conquered their opposers, and in twenty days were in possession of milan. the duke ludovico with difficulty escaped. with a few followers he threaded the defiles of the tyrolese mountains, and hastened to innspruck, the capital of tyrol, where maximilian then was, to whom he conveyed the first tidings of his disaster. louis xii. followed after his triumphant army, and on the th of october made a triumphal entry into the captured city, and was inaugurated duke of milan. maximilian promised assistance, but could raise neither money nor men. ludovico, however, succeeded in hiring fifteen hundred burgundian horsemen, and eight thousand swiss mercenaries--for in those ages of ignorance and crime all men were ready, for pay, to fight in any cause--and emerging from the mountains upon the plains of milan, found all his former subjects disgusted with the french, and eager to rally under his banners. his army increased at every step. he fell fiercely upon the invaders, routed them everywhere, drove them from the duchy, and recovered his country and his capital as rapidly as he had lost them. one fortress only the french maintained. the intrepid chevalier de bayard, _the knight without fear and without reproach_, threw himself into the citadel of novarra, and held out against all the efforts of ludovico, awaiting the succor which he was sure would come from his powerful sovereign the king of france. chapter vi. maximilian i. from to . base treachery of the swiss soldiers.--perfidy of ferdinand of arragon.--appeals by superstition.--coalition with spain.--the league of cambray.--infamy of the pope.--the kings's apology.--failure of the plot.--germany aroused.--confidence of maximilian.--longings for the pontifical chair.--maximilian bribed.--leo x.--dawning prosperity.-- matrimonial projects.--commencement of the war of reformation.--sickness of maximilian.--his last directions.--his death.--the standard by which his character is to be judged. louis xii., stung by the disgrace of his speedy expulsion from milan, immediately raised another army of five thousand horse and fifteen thousand foot to recover his lost plunder. he also sent to switzerland to hire troops, and without difficulty engaged ten thousand men to meet, on the plains of milan, the six thousand of their brethren whom ludovico had hired, to hew each other to pieces for the miserable pittance of a few pennies a day. but louis xii. was as great in diplomacy as in war. he sent secret emissaries to the swiss in the camp of ludovico, offering them larger wages if they would abandon the service of ludovico and return home. they promptly closed the bargain, unfurled the banner of mutiny, and informed the duke of milan that they could not, in conscience, fight against their own brethren. the duke was in despair. he plead even with tears that they would not abandon him. all was in vain. they not only commenced their march home, but basely betrayed the duke to the french. he was taken prisoner by louis, carried to france and for five years was kept in rigorous confinement in the strong fortresses of the kingdom. afterward, through the intercession of maximilian, he was allowed a little more freedom. he was, however, kept in captivity until he died in the year . ludovico merits no commiseration. he was as perfidious and unprincipled as any of his assailants could be. the reconquest of milan by louis, and the capture of ludovico, alarmed maximilian and roused him to new efforts. he again summoned the states of the empire and implored their coöperation to resist the aggressions of france. but he was as unsuccessful as in his previous endeavors. louis watched anxiously the movements of the german diet, and finding that he had nothing to fear from the troops of the empire, having secured the investiture of milan, prepared for the invasion of naples. the venal pope was easily bought over. even ferdinand, the king of arragon, was induced to loan his connivance to a plan for robbing a near relative of his crown, by the promise of sharing in the spoil. a treaty of partition was entered into by the two robber kings, by which ferdinand of arragon was to receive calabria and apulia, and the king of france the remaining states of the neapolitan kingdom. the pope was confidentially informed of this secret plot, which was arranged at grenada, and promised the plunderers his benediction, in consideration of the abundant reward promised to him. the doom of the king of naples was now sealed. all unconscious that his own relative, ferdinand of arragon, was conspiring against him, he appealed to ferdinand for aid against the king of france. the perfidious king considered this as quite a providential interposition in his favor. he affected great zeal for the king of naples, sent a powerful army into his kingdom, and stationed his troops in the important fortresses. the infamous fraud was now accomplished. frederic of naples, to his dismay, found that he had been placing his empire in the hands of his enemies instead of friends; at the same time the troops of louis arrived at rome, where they were cordially received; and the pope immediately, on the th of june, , issued a bull deposing frederic from his kingdom, and, by virtue of that spiritual authority which he derived from the apostle peter, invested louis and ferdinand with the dominions of frederic. few men are more to be commiserated than a crownless king. frederic, in his despair, threw himself upon the clemency of louis. he was taken to france and was there fed and clothed by the royal bounty. maximilian impatiently watched the events from his home in austria, and burned with the desire to take a more active part in these stirring scenes. despairing, however, to rouse the german states to any effectual intervention in the affairs of southern europe, he now endeavored to rouse the enthusiasm of the german nobles against the turks. in this, by appealing to superstition, he was somewhat successful. he addressed the following circular letter to the german states: "a stone, weighing two hundred pounds, recently fell from heaven, near the army under my command in upper alsace, and i caused it, as a fatal warning from god to men, to be hung up in the neighboring church of encisheim. in vain i myself explained to all christian kings the signification of this mysterious stone. the almighty punished the neglect of this warning with a dreadful scourge, from which thousands have suffered death, or pains worse than death. but since this punishment of the abominable sins of men has produced no effect, god has imprinted in a miraculous manner the sign of the cross, and the instruments of our lord's passion in dark and bloody colors, on the bodies and garments of thousands. the appearance of these signs in germany, in particular, does not indeed denote that the germans have been peculiarly distinguished in guilt, but rather that they should set the example to the rest of the world, by being the first to undertake a crusade against the infidels." for a time maximilian seemed quite encouraged, for quite a wave of religious enthusiasm seemed to roll over europe. all the energies of the pope were apparently enlisted, and he raised, through all the domains of the church, large sums of money for the holy enterprise of driving the invading infidels out of europe. england and france both proffered their co-operation, and england, opening her inexhaustible purse, presented a subsidy of ten thousand pounds. the german nobles rallied in large numbers under the banner of the cross. but disappointment seemed to be the doom of the emperor. the king of france sent no aid. the pope, iniquitously squandered all the money he had raised upon his infamous, dissolute son, cæsar borgia. and the emperor himself was drawn into a war with bavaria, to settle the right of succession between two rival claimants. the settlement of the question devolved upon maximilian as emperor, and his dignity was involved in securing respect for his decision. thus the whole gorgeous plan of a war against the turks, such as europe had never beheld, vanished into thin air, and maximilian was found at the head of fourteen thousand infantry, and twelve thousand horse, engaged in a quarrel in the heart of germany. in this war maximilian was successful, and he rewarded himself by annexing to austria several small provinces, the sum total of which quite enlarged his small domains. by this time the kings of france and spain were fiercely fighting over their conquest of naples and sicily, each striving to grasp the lion's share. maximilian thought his interests would be promoted by aiding the spaniards, and he accordingly sent three thousand men to trieste, where they embarked, and sailing down the adriatic, united with the spanish troops. the french were driven out of italy. there then ensued, for several years, wars and intrigues in which france, spain, italy and austria were involved; all alike selfish and grasping. armies were ever moving to and fro, and the people of europe, by the victories of kings and nobles, were kept in a condition of misery. no one seemed ever to think of their rights or their happiness. various circumstances had exasperated maximilian very much against the venetians. all the powers of europe were then ready to combine against any other power whatever, if there was a chance of obtaining any share in the division of the plunder. maximilian found no difficulty in secretly forming one of the most formidable leagues history had then recorded, the celebrated league of cambray. no sympathy need be wasted upon the venetians, the victims of this coalition, for they had rendered themselves universally detestable by their arrogance, rapacity, perfidy and pride. france joined the coalition, and, in view of her power, was to receive a lion's share of the prey--the provinces of brescia, bergamo, cremona, and the ghiradadda. the king of arragon was to send ships and troops, and receive his pay in the maritime towns on the shores of the adriatic. the pope, julius ii., the most grasping, perfidious and selfish of them all, demanded ravenna, cervia, faenza, rimini, immola and cesena. his exorbitant claims were assented to, as it was infinitely important that the piratic expedition should be sanctioned by the blessing of the church. maximilian was to receive, in addition to some territories which venice had wrested from him, roveredo, verona, padua, vicenza, trevigi, and the friuli. as maximilian was bound by a truce with venice, and as in those days of chivalry some little regard was to be paid to one's word of honor, maximilian was only to march at the summons of the pope, which no true son of the church, under any circumstances, was at liberty to disobey. sundry other minor dukes and princes were engaged in the plot, who were also to receive a proportionate share of the spoil. after these arrangements were all completed, the holy father, with characteristic infamy, made private overtures to the venetians, revealing to them the whole plot, and offering to withdraw from the confederacy and thwart all its plans, if venice would pay more as the reward of perfidy than rome could hope to acquire by force of arms. the haughty republic rejected the infamous proposal, and prepared for a desperate defense. all the powers of the confederacy were now collecting their troops. but maximilian was dependent upon the german diet for his ability to fulfill his part of the contract. he assembled the diet at worms on the st of april, , presented to them the plan of the league, and solicited their support. the diet refused to cooperate, and hardly affecting even the forms of respect, couched its refusal in terms of stinging rebuke. "we are tired," they said, "of these innumerable calls for troops and money. we can not support the burden of these frequent diets, involving the expense of long journeys, and we are weary of expeditions and wars. if the emperor enters into treaties with france and the pope without consulting us, it is his concern and not ours, and we are not bound to aid him to fulfill his agreement. and even if we were to vote the succors which are now asked of us, we should only be involved in embarrassment and disgrace, as we have been by the previous enterprises of the emperor." such, in brief, was the response of the diet. it drew from the emperor a long defense of his conduct, which he called an "apology," and which is considered one of the most curious and characteristic documents of those days. he made no attempt to conceal his vexation, but assailed them in strong language of reproach. "i have concluded a treaty with my allies," he wrote, "in conformity to the dictates of conscience and duty, and for the honor, glory and happiness of the empire and of christendom. the negotiation could not be postponed, and if i had convoked a diet to demand the advice of the states, the treaty would never have been concluded. i was under the necessity of concealing the project of the combined powers, that we might fall on the venetians at once and unexpectedly, which could not have been effected in the midst of public deliberations and endless discussions; and i have, i trust, clearly proved, both in my public and my private communications, the advantage which is likely to result from this union. if the aids hitherto granted by diets have produced nothing but disgrace and dishonor, i am not to blame, but the states who acted so scandalously in granting their succors with so much reluctance and delay. as for myself, i have, on the contrary, exposed my treasure, my countries, my subjects and my life, while the generality of the german states have remained in dishonorable tranquillity at home. i have more reason to complain of you than you of me; for you have constantly refused me your approbation and assistance; and even when you have granted succors, you have rendered them fruitless by the scantiness and tardiness of your supplies, and compelled me to dissipate my own revenues, and injure my own subjects." of course these bitter recriminations accomplished nothing in changing the action of the diet, and maximilian was thrown upon the austrian states alone for supplies. louis of france, at the head of seventeen thousand troops, crossed the alps. the pope fulminated a bull of excommunication against the venetians, and sent an army of ten thousand men. the duke of ferrara and the marquis of mantua sent their contingents. maximilian, by great exertions, sent a few battalions through the mountains of the tyrol, and was preparing to follow with stronger forces. province after province fell before the resistless invaders, and venice would have fallen irretrievably had not the conquerors began to quarrel among themselves. the pope, in secret treaty, was endeavoring to secure his private interests, regardless of the interests of the allies. louis, from some pique, withdrew his forces, and abandoned maximilian in the hour of peril, and the emperor, shackled by want of money, and having but a feeble force, was quite unable to make progress alone against the venetian troops. it does not seem to be the will of providence that the plots of unprincipled men, even against men as bad as themselves, should be more than transiently prosperous. maximilian, thus again utterly thwarted in one of his most magnificent plans, covered with disgrace, and irritated almost beyond endurance, after attempting in vain to negotiate a truce with the venetians, was compelled to retreat across the alps, inveighing bitterly against the perfidious refusal to fulfill a perfidious agreement. the holy father, julius ii., outwitted all his accomplices. he secured from venice very valuable accessions of territory, and then, recalling his ecclesiastical denunciations, united with venice to drive the _barbarians_, as he affectionately called his french and german allies, out of italy. maximilian returned to austria as in a funeral march, ventured to summon another diet, told them how shamefully he had been treated by france, venice and the pope, and again implored them to do something to help him. perseverance is surely the most efficient of virtues. incredible as it may seem, the emperor now obtained some little success. the diet, indignant at the conduct of the pope, and alarmed at so formidable a union as that between the papal states and venice, voted a succor of six thousand infantry and eighteen hundred horse. this encouraged the emperor, and forgetting his quarrel with louis xii. of france, in the stronger passion of personal aggrandizement which influenced him, he entered into another alliance with louis against the pope and venice, and then made a still stronger and a religious appeal to germany for aid. a certain class of politicians in all countries and in all ages, have occasionally expressed great solicitude for the reputation of religion. "the power and government of the pope," the emperor proclaimed, "which ought to be an example to the faithful, present, on the contrary, nothing but trouble and disorder. the enormous sums daily extorted from germany, are perverted to the purposes of luxury or worldly views, instead of being employed for the service of god, or against the infidels. as emperor of germany, as advocate and protector of the christian church, it is my duty to examine into such irregularities, and exert all my efforts for the glory of god and the advantage of the empire; and as there is an evident necessity to reëstablish due order and decency, both in the ecclesiastical and temporal state, i have resolved to call a general council, without which nothing permanent can be effected." it is said that maximilian was now so confident of success, that he had decided to divide italy between himself and france. he was to take venice and the states of the church, and france was to have the rest. pope julius was to be deposed, and to be succeeded by pope maximilian. the following letter from maximilian to his daughter, reveals his ambitious views at the time. it is dated the th of september, . "to-morrow i shall send the bishop of guzk to the pope at rome, to conclude an agreement with him that i may be appointed his coadjutor, and on his death succeed to the papacy, and become a priest, and afterwards a saint, that you may be bound to worship me, of which i shall be very proud. i have written on this subject to the king of arragon, intreating him to favor my undertaking, and he has promised me his assistance, provided i resign my imperial crown to my grandson charles, which i am very ready to do. the people and nobles of rome have offered to support me against the french and spanish party. they can muster twenty thousand combatants, and have sent me word that they are inclined to favor my scheme of being pope, and will not consent to have either a frenchman, a spaniard or a venetian. "i have already began to sound the cardinals, and, for that purpose, two or three hundred thousand ducats would be of great service to me, as their partiality to me is very great. the king of arragon has ordered his ambassadors to assure me that he will command the spanish cardinals to favor my pretensions to the papacy. i intreat you to keep this matter secret for the present, though i am afraid it will soon be known, for it is impossible to carry on a business secretly for which it is necessary to gain over so many persons, and to have so much money. adieu. written with the hand of your dear father maximilian, future pope. the pope's fever has increased, and he can not live long." it is painful to follow out the windings of intrigue and the labyrinths of guile, where selfishness seemed to actuate every heart, and where all alike seem destitute of any principle of christian integrity. bad as the world is now, and selfish as political aspirants are now, humanity has made immense progress since that dark age of superstition, fraud and violence. after many victories and many defeats, after innumerable fluctuations of guile, maximilian accepted a bribe, and withdrew his forces, and the king of france was summoned home by the invasion of his own territories by the king of arragon and henry viii. of england, who, for a suitable consideration, had been induced to join venice and the pope. at the end of this long campaign of diplomacy, perfidy and blood, in which misery had rioted through ten thousand cottages, whose inhabitants the warriors regarded no more than the occupants of the ant-hills they trampled beneath their feet, it was found that no one had gained any thing but toil and disappointment. on the st of february, , pope julius ii. died, and the cardinals, rejecting all the overtures of the emperor, elected john of medici pope, who assumed the name of leo x. the new pontiff was but thirty-six years of age, a man of brilliant talents, and devoted to the pursuit of letters. inspired by boundless ambition, he wished to signalize his reign by the magnificence of his court and the grandeur of his achievements. thus far nothing but disaster seemed to attend the enterprises of maximilian; but now the tide suddenly turned and rolled in upon him billows of prosperity. it will be remembered that maximilian married, for his first wife, mary, the daughter of the duke of burgundy. their son philip married joanna, daughter of ferdinand and isabella, whose marriage, uniting the kingdoms of castile and arragon, created the splendid kingdom of spain. philip died young, leaving a son, charles, and joanna, an insane wife, to watch his grave through weary years of woe. upon the death of ferdinand, in january, , charles, the grandson of maximilian, became undisputed heir to the whole monarchy of spain; then, perhaps, the grandest power in europe, including naples, sicily and navarre. this magnificent inheritance, coming so directly into the family, and into the line of succession, invested maximilian and the house of austria with new dignity. it was now an object of intense solicitude with maximilian, to secure the reversion of the crowns of hungary and bohemia, which were both upon the brow of ladislaus, to his own family. with this object in view, and to render assurance doubly sure, he succeeded in negotiating a marriage between two children of ladislaus, a son and a daughter, and two of his own grand-children. this was a far pleasanter mode of acquiring territory and family aggrandizement than by the sword. in celebration of the betrothals, ladislaus and his brother sigismond, king of poland, visited vienna, where ladislaus was so delighted with the magnificent hospitality of his reception, that he even urged upon the emperor, who was then a widower, fifty-eight years of age, that he should marry another of his daughters, though she had but attained her thirteenth year. the emperor declined the honor, jocularly remarking-- "there is no method more pleasant to kill an old man, than to marry him to a young bride." the german empire was then divided into ten districts, or circles, as they were then called, each of which was responsible for the maintenance of peace among its own members. these districts were, austria, burgundy, the upper rhine, the lower rhine, franconia, bavaria, suabia, westphalia, upper saxony and lower saxony. the affairs of each district were to be regulated by a court of a few nobles, called a diet. the emperor devoted especial attention to the improvement of his own estate of austria, which he subdivided into two districts, and these into still smaller districts. over all, for the settlement of all important points of dispute, he established a tribunal called the aulic council, which subsequently exerted a powerful influence over the affairs of austria. one more final effort maximilian made to rouse germany to combine to drive the turks out of europe. though the benighted masses looked up with much reverence to the pontiff, the princes and the nobles regarded him only as a _power_, wielding, in addition to the military arm, the potent energies of superstition. a diet was convened. the pope's legate appeared, and sustained the eloquent appeal of the emperor with the paternal commands of the holy father. but the press was now becoming a power in europe, diffusing intelligence and giving freedom to thought and expression. the diet, after listening patiently to the arguments of the emperor and the requests of the pontiff, dryly replied-- "we think that christianity has more to fear from the pope than from the turks. much as we may dread the ravages of the infidel, they can hardly drain christendom more effectually than it is now drained by the exactions of the church." it was at augsburg in july, , that the diet ventured thus boldly to speak. this was one year after luther had nailed upon the church door in wittemberg, his ninety-five propositions, which had roused all germany to scrutinize the abominable corruptions of the papal church. this bold language of the diet, influenced by the still bolder language of the intrepid monk, alarmed leo x., and on the th of august he issued his summons commanding luther to repair to rome to answer for heresy. maximilian, who had been foiled in his own attempt to attain the chair of st. peter, who had seen so much of the infamous career of julius and alexander, as to lose all his reverence for the sacred character of the popes, and who regarded leo x. merely as a successful rival who had thwarted his own plans, espoused, with cautious development, but with true interest, the cause of the reformer. and now came the great war of the reformation, agitating germany in every quarter, and rousing the lethargic intellect of the nations as nothing else could rouse it. maximilian, with characteristic fickleness, or rather, with characteristic pliancy before every breeze of self-interest, was now on the one side, now on the other, and now, nobody knew where, until his career was terminated by sudden and fatal sickness. the emperor was at innspruck, all overwhelmed with his cares and his plans of ambition, when he was seized with a slight fever. hoping to be benefited by a change of air, he set out to travel by slow stages to one of his castles among the mountains of upper austria. the disease, however, rapidly increased, and it was soon evident that death was approaching. the peculiarities of his character were never more strikingly developed than in these last solemn hours. being told by his physicians that he had not long to live and that he must now prepare for the final judgment, he calmly replied, "i have long ago made that preparation. had i not done so, it would be too late now." for four years he had been conscious of declining health, and had always carried with him, wherever he traveled, an oaken coffin, with his shroud and other requisites for his funeral. with very minute directions he settled all his worldly affairs, and gave the most particular instructions respecting his funeral. changing his linen, he strictly enjoined that his shirt should not be removed after his death, for his fastidious modesty was shocked by the idea of the exposure of his body, even after the soul had taken its flight. he ordered his hair, after his death, to be cut off, all his teeth to be extracted, pounded to powder and publicly burned in the chapel of his palace. for one day his remains were to be exposed to the public, as a lesson of mortality. they were then to be placed in a sack filled with quicklime. the sack was to be enveloped in folds of silk and satin, and then placed in the oaken coffin which had been so long awaiting his remains. the coffin was then to be deposited under the altar of the chapel of his palace at neustadt, in such a position that the officiating priest should ever trample over his head and heart. the king expressed the hope that this humiliation of his body would, in some degree, be accepted by the deity in atonement for the sins of his soul. how universal the instinct that sin needs an atonement! having finished these directions the emperor observed that some of his attendants were in tears. "do you weep," said he, "because you see a mortal die? such tears become women rather than men." the emperor was now dying. as the ecclesiastics repeated the prayers of the church, the emperor gave the responses until his voice failed, and then continued to give tokens of recognition and of faith, by making the sign of the cross. at three o'clock in the morning of the th of january, , the emperor maximilian breathed his last. he was then in the sixtieth year of his age. maximilian is justly considered one of the most renowned of the descendants of rhodolph of hapsburg. it is saying but little for his moral integrity, to affirm that he was one of the best of the rulers of his age. according to his ideas of religion, he was a religious man. according to his ideas of honesty and of honor, he was both an honest and an honorable man. according to his idea of what is called _moral conduct_, he was irreproachable, being addicted to no _ungenteel_ vices, or any sins which would be condemned by his associates. his ambition was not to secure for himself ease or luxury, but to extend his imperial power, and to aggrandize his family. for these objects he passed his life, ever tossed upon the billows of toil and trouble. in industry and perseverance, he has rarely been surpassed. notwithstanding the innumerable interruptions and cares attendant upon his station, he still found time, one can hardly imagine when, to become a proficient in all the learning of the day. he wrote and spoke four languages readily, latin, french, german and italian. few men have possessed more persuasive powers of eloquence. all the arts and sciences he warmly patronized, and men of letters of every class found in him a protector. but history must truthfully declare that there was no perfidy of which he would not be guilty, and no meanness to which he would not stoop, if he could only extend his hereditary domains and add to his family renown. chapter vii. charles v. and the reformation. from to . charles v. of spain.--his election as emperor of germany.--his coronation.--the first constitution.--progress of the reformation.--the pope's bull against luther.--his contempt for his holiness.--the diet at worms.--frederic's objection to the condemnation of luther by the diet.--he obtains for luther the right of defense.--luther's triumphal march to the tribunal.--charles urged to violate his safe conduct.-- luther's patmos.--marriage of sister catharine bora to luther.--terrible insurrection.--the holy league.--the protest of spires.--confession of augsburg.--the two confessions.--compulsory measures. charles v. of spain, as the nearest male heir, inherited from maximilian the austrian states. he was the grandson of the late emperor, son of philip and of joanna, daughter of ferdinand and isabella, and was born on the th of february, . he had been carefully educated in the learning and accomplishments of the age, and particularly in the arts of war. at the death of his grandfather, ferdinand, charles, though but sixteen years of age, assumed the title of king of spain, and though strongly opposed for a time, he grasped firmly and held securely the reins of government. joanna, his mother, was legally the sovereign, both by the laws of united castile and arragon, and by the testaments of isabella and ferdinand. but she was insane, and was sunk in such depths of melancholy as to be almost unconscious of the scenes which were transpiring around her. two years had elapsed between the accession of charles v. to the throne of spain and the death of his grandfather, maximilian. the young king, with wonderful energy of character, had, during that time, established himself very firmly on the throne. upon the death of maximilian many claimants rose for the imperial throne. henry viii. of england and francis of france, were prominent among the competitors. for six months all the arts of diplomacy were exhausted by the various candidates, and charles of spain won the prize. on the th of june, , he was unanimously elected emperor of germany. the youthful sovereign, who was but nineteen years of age, was at barcelona when he received the first intelligence of his election. he had sufficient strength of character to avoid the slightest appearance of exultation, but received the announcement with dignity and gravity far above his years. the spaniards were exceedingly excited and alarmed by the news. they feared that their young sovereign, of whom they had already begun to be proud, would leave spain to establish his court in the german empire, and they should thus be left, as a distant province, to the government of a viceroy. the king was consequently flooded with petitions, from all parts of his dominions, not to accept the imperial crown. but charles was as ambitious as his grandfather, maximilian, whose foresight and maneuvering had set in train those influences which had elevated him to the imperial dignity. soon a solemn embassy arrived, and, with the customary pomp, proffered to charles the crown which so many had coveted. charles accepted the office, and made immediate preparations, notwithstanding the increasing clamor of his subjects, to go to germany for his coronation. intrusting the government of spain during his absence to officers in whom he reposed confidence, he embarked on shipboard, and landing first at dover in england, made a visit of four days to henry viii. he then continued his voyage to the netherlands; proceeding thence to aix-la-chapelle, he was crowned on the th of october, , with magnificence far surpassing that of any of his predecessors. thus charles v., when but twenty years of age, was the king of spain and the crowned emperor of germany. it is a great mistake to suppose that youthful precocity is one of the innovations of modern times. in the changes of the political kaleidoscope, austria had now become a part of spain, or rather a prince of austrian descent, a lineal heir of the house of hapsburg, had inherited the dominion of spain, the most extensive monarchy, in its continental domains and its colonial possessions, then upon the globe. the germanic confederation at this time made a decided step in advance. hitherto the emperors, when crowned, had made a sort of verbal promise to administer the government in accordance with the laws and customs of the several states. they were, however, apprehensive that the new emperor, availing himself of the vast power which he possessed independently of the imperial crown, might, by gradual encroachments, defraud them of their rights. a sort of constitution was accordingly drawn up, consisting of thirty-six articles, defining quite minutely the laws, customs and privileges of the empire, which constitution charles was required to sign before his coronation. charles presided in person over his first diet which he had convened at worms on the th of january, . the theological and political war of the reformation was now agitating all germany, and raging with the utmost violence. luther had torn the vail from the corruptions of papacy, and was exhibiting to astonished europe the enormous aggression and the unbridled licentiousness of pontifical power. letter succeeded letter, and pamphlet pamphlet, and they fell upon the decaying hierarchy like shot and shell upon the walls of a fortress already crumbling and tottering through age. on the th of july, , three months before the coronation of charles v., the pope issued his world-renowned bull against the intrepid monk. he condemned luther as a heretic, forbade the reading of his writings, excommunicated him if he did not retract within sixty days, and all princes and states were commanded, under pain of incurring the same censure, to seize his person and punish him and his adherents. many were overawed by these menaces of the holy father, who held the keys of heaven and of hell. the fate of luther was considered sealed. his works were publicly burned in several cities. luther, undaunted, replied with blow for blow. he declared the pope to be antichrist, renounced all obedience to him, detailed with scathing severity the conduct of corrupt pontiffs, and called upon the whole nation to renounce all allegiance to the scandalous court of rome. to cap the climax of his contempt and defiance, he, on the th of december, , not two months after the crowning of charles v., led his admiring followers, the professors and students of the university of wittemberg, in procession to the eastern gate of the city, where, in the presence of a vast concourse, he committed the papal bull to the flames, exclaiming, in the words of ezekiel, "because thou hast troubled the holy one of god, let eternal fire consume thee." this dauntless spirit of the reformer inspired his disciples throughout germany with new courage, and in many other cities the pope's bull of excommunication was burned with expressions of indignation and contempt. such was the state of this great religious controversy when charles v. held his first diet at worms. the pope, wielding all the energies of religious fanaticism, and with immense temporal revenues at his disposal, with ecclesiastics, officers of his spiritual court, scattered all over europe, who exercised almost a supernatural power over the minds of the benighted masses, was still perhaps the most formidable power in europe. the new emperor, with immense schemes of ambition opening before his youthful and ardent mind, and with no principles of heartfelt piety to incline him to seek and love the truth, as a matter of course sought the favor of the imperial pontiff, and was not at all disposed to espouse the cause of the obscure monk. charles, therefore, received courteously the legates of the pontiff at the diet, gave them a friendly hearing as they inveighed against the heresy of luther, and proposed that the diet should also condemn the reformer. fortunately for luther he was a subject of the electorate of saxony, and neither pope nor emperor could touch him but through the elector. frederic, the duke of saxony, one of the electors of the empire, governed a territory of nearly fifteen thousand square miles, more than twice as large as the state of massachusetts, and containing nearly three millions of inhabitants. the duchy has since passed through many changes and dismemberments, but in the early part of the sixteenth century the elector of saxony was one of the most powerful princes of the german empire. frederic was not disposed to surrender his subject untried and uncondemned to the discipline of the roman pontiff. he accordingly objected to this summary condemnation of luther, and declared that before judgment was pronounced, the accused should be heard in his own defense. charles, who was by no means aware how extensively the opinions of luther had been circulated and received, was surprised to find many nobles, each emboldened by the rest, rise in the diet and denounce, in terms of ever-increasing severity, the exactions and the arrogance of the court of rome. notwithstanding the remonstrances of the pope's legates, the emperor found it necessary to yield to the demands of the diet, and to allow luther the privilege of being heard, though he avowed to the friends of the pope that luther should not be permitted to make any defense, but should only have an opportunity to confess his heresy and implore forgiveness. worms, where the diet was in session, on the west banks of the rhine, was not within the territories of the elector of saxony, and consequently the emperor, in sending a summons to luther to present himself before the diet, sent, also, a safe conduct. with alacrity the bold reformer obeyed the summons. from wittemberg, where luther was both professor in the university and also pastor of a church, to worms, was a distance of nearly three hundred miles. but the journey of the reformer, through all of this long road was almost like a triumphal procession. crowds gathered everywhere to behold the man who had dared to bid defiance to the terrors of that spiritual power before which the haughtiest monarchs had trembled. the people had read the writings of luther, and justly regarded him as the advocate of civil and religious liberty. the nobles, who had often been humiliated by the arrogance of the pontiff, admired a man who was bringing a new power into the field for their disenthrallment. when luther had arrived within three miles of worms, accompanied by a few friends and the imperial herald who had summoned him, he was met by a procession of two thousand persons, who had come from the city to form his escort. some friends in the city sent him a warning that he could not rely upon the protection of his _safe conduct_, that he would probably be perfidiously arrested, and they intreated him to retire immediately again to saxony. luther made the memorable reply, "i will go to worms, if as many devils meet me there as there are tiles upon the roofs of the houses." the emperor was astonished to find that greater crowds were assembled, and greater enthusiasm was displayed in witnessing the entrance of the monk of wittemberg, than had greeted the imperial entrance to the city. it was indeed an august assemblage before which luther was arrayed. the emperor himself presided, sustained by his brother, the archduke ferdinand. six electors, twenty-four dukes, seven margraves, thirty bishops and prelates, and an uncounted number of princes, counts, lords and ambassadors filled the spacious hall. it was the th of april, . his speech, fearless, dignified, eloquent, unanswerable, occupied two hours. he closed with the noble words, "let me be refuted and convinced by the testimony of the scriptures or by the clearest arguments; otherwise i can not and will not recant; for it is neither safe nor expedient to act against conscience. here i take my stand. i can do no otherwise, so help me god, amen." in this sublime moral conflict luther came off the undisputed conqueror. the legates of the pope, exasperated at his triumph, intreated the emperor to arrest him, in defiance of his word of honor pledged for his safety. charles rejected the infamous proposal with disdain. still he was greatly annoyed at so serious a schism in the church, which threatened to alienate from him the patronage of the pope. it was evident that luther was too strongly intrenched in the hearts of the germans, for the youthful emperor, whose crown was not yet warm upon his brow, and who was almost a stranger in germany, to undertake to crush him. to appease the pope he drew up an apologetic declaration, in which he said, in terms which do not honor his memory, "descended as i am from the christian emperors of germany, the catholic kings of spain, and from the archdukes of austria and the dukes of burgundy, all of whom have preserved, to the last moment of their lives, their fidelity to the church, and have always been the defenders and protectors of the catholic faith, its decrees, ceremonies and usages, i have been, am still, and will ever be devoted to those christian doctrines, and the constitution of the church which they have left to me as a sacred inheritance. and as it is evident that a simple monk has advanced opinions contrary to the sentiments of all christians, past and present, i am firmly determined to wipe away the reproach which a toleration of such errors would cast on germany, and to employ all my powers and resources, my body, my blood, my life, and even my soul, in checking the progress of this sacrilegious doctrine. i will not, therefore, permit luther to enter into any further explanation, and will instantly dismiss and afterward treat him as a heretic. but i can not violate my safe conduct, but will cause him to be conducted safely back to wittemberg." the emperor now attempted to accomplish by intrigue that which he could not attain by authority of force. he held a private interview with the reformer, and endeavored, by all those arts at the disposal of an emperor, to influence luther to a recantation. failing utterly in this, he delayed further operations for a month, until many of the diet, including the elector of saxony and other powerful friends of luther, had retired. he then, having carefully retained those who would be obsequious to his will, caused a decree to be enacted, as if it were the unanimous sentiment of the diet, that luther was a heretic; confirmed the sentence of the pope, and pronounced the ban of the empire against all who should countenance or protect him. but luther, on the th of may, had left worms on his return to wittemberg. when he had passed over about half the distance, his friend and admirer, frederic of saxony, conscious of the imminent peril which hung over the intrepid monk, sent a troop of masked horsemen who seized him and conveyed him to the castle of wartburg, where frederic kept him safely concealed for nine months, not allowing even his friends to know the place of his concealment. luther, acquiescing in the prudence of this measure, called this retreat his patmos, and devoted himself most assiduously to the study of the scriptures, and commenced his most admirable translation of the bible into the german language, a work which has contributed vastly more than all others to disseminate the principles of the reformation throughout germany. it will be remembered that maximilian's son ferdinand, who was brother to charles v., had married anne, daughter of ladislaus, king of hungary and bohemia. disturbances in spain rendered it necessary for the emperor to leave germany, and for eight years his attention was almost constantly occupied by wars and intrigues in southern europe. ferdinand was invested with the government of the austrian states. in the year , leo x. died, and adrian, who seems to have been truly a conscientious christian man, assumed the tiara. he saw the deep corruptions of the church, confessed them openly, mourned over them and declared that the church needed a thorough reformation. this admission, of course, wonderfully strengthened the lutheran party. the diet, meeting soon after, drew up a list of a hundred grievances, which they intreated the pope to reform, declaring that germany could no longer endure them. they declared that luther had opened the eyes of the people to these corruptions, and that they would not suffer the edicts of the diet of worms to be enforced. ferdinand of austria, entering into the views of his brother, was anxious to arrest the progress of the new ideas, now spreading with great rapidity, and he entered--instructed by a legate, campegio, from the pope--into an engagement with the duke of bavaria, and most of the german bishops, to carry the edict of worms into effect. frederic, the elector of saxony, died in , but he was succeeded by his brother john the constant, who cordially embraced and publicly avowed the doctrines of the reformation; and luther, in july of this year, gave the last signal proof of his entire emancipation from the superstitions of the papacy by marrying catharine bora, a noble lady who, having espoused his views, had left the nunnery where she had been an inmate. it is impossible for one now to conceive the impression which was produced in catholic europe by the marriage of a priest and a nun. many of the german princes now followed the example of john of saxony, and openly avowed their faith in the lutheran doctrines. in the austrian states, notwithstanding all ferdinand's efforts to the contrary, the new faith steadily spread, commanding the assent of the most virtuous and the most intelligent. many of the nobles avowed themselves lutherans, as did even some of the professors in the university at vienna. the vital questions at issue, taking hold, as they did, of the deepest emotions of the soul and the daily habits of life, roused the general mind to the most intense activity. the bitterest hostility sprung up between the two parties, and many persons, without piety and without judgment, threw off the superstitions of the papacy, only to adopt other superstitions equally revolting. the sect of anabaptists rose, abjuring all civil as well as all religious authority, claiming to be the elect of god, advocating a community of goods and of wives, and discarding all restraint. they roused the ignorant peasantry, and easily showed them that they were suffering as much injustice from feudal lords as from papal bishops. it was the breaking out of the french revolution on a small scale. germany was desolated by infuriate bands, demolishing alike the castles of the nobles and the palaces of the bishops, and sparing neither age nor sex in their indiscriminate slaughter. the insurrection was so terrible, that both lutherans and papists united to quell it; and so fierce were these fanatics, that a hundred thousand perished on fields of blood before the rebellion was quelled. these outrages were, of course, by the catholics regarded as the legitimate results of the new doctrines, and it surely can not be denied that they sprung from them. the fire which glows on the hearth may consume the dwelling. but luther and his friends assailed the anabaptists with every weapon they could wield. the catholics formed powerful combinations to arrest the spread of evangelical views. the reformers organized combinations equally powerful to diffuse those opinions, which they were sure involved the welfare of the world. charles v., having somewhat allayed the troubles which harassed him in southern europe, now turned his attention to germany, and resolved, with a strong hand, to suppress the religious agitation. in a letter to the german states he very peremptorily announced his determination, declaring that he would exterminate the errors of luther, exhorting them, to resist all attacks against the ancient usages of the church, and expressing to each of the catholic princes his earnest approval of their conduct. germany was now threatened with civil war. the catholics demanded the enforcement of the edict of worms. the reformers demanded perfect toleration--that every man should enjoy freedom of opinion and of worship. a new war in italy perhaps prevented this appeal to arms, as charles v. found himself involved in new difficulties which engrossed all his energies. ferdinand found the austrian states so divided by this controversy, that it became necessary for him to assume some degree of impartiality, and to submit to something like toleration. a new pope, clement vii., succeeded the short reign of adrian, and all the ambition, intrigue and corruption which had hitherto marked the course of the court of rome, resumed their sway. the pope formed the celebrated holy league to arrest the progress of the new opinions; and this led all the princes of the empire, who had espoused the lutheran doctrines, more openly and cordially to combine in self-defense. in every country in europe the doctrines of the reformer spread rapidly, and the papal throne was shaken to its base. charles v., whose arms were successful in southern europe, and whose power was daily increasing, was still very desirous of restoring quiet to europe by reëstablishing the supremacy of the papal church, and crushing out dissent. he accordingly convened another diet at spires, the capital of rhenish bavaria, on the th of march, . as the emperor was detained in italy, his brother ferdinand presided. the diet was of course divided, but the majority passed very stringent resolutions against the reformation. it was enacted that the edict of worms should be enforced; that the mass should be reëstablished wherever it had been abolished; and that preachers should promulgate no new doctrines. the minority entered their protest. they urged that the mass had been clearly proved to be contrary to the word of god; that the scriptures were the only certain rule of life; and declared their resolution to maintain the truths of the old and new testaments, regardless of traditions. this _protest_ was sustained by powerful names--john, elector of saxony; george, margrave of brandenburg; two dukes of brunswick; the landgrave of hesse cassel; the prince of anhalt, and fourteen imperial cities, to which were soon added ten more. nothing can more decisively show than this the wonderful progress which the reformation in so short a time had made. from this protest the reformers received the name of protestants, which they have since retained. the emperor, flushed with success, now resolved, with new energy, to assail the principles of the reformation. leaving spain he went to italy, and met the pope, clement vii., at bologna, in february, . the pope and the emperor held many long and private interviews. what they said no one knows. but charles v., who was eminently a sagacious man, became convinced that the difficulty had become far too serious to be easily healed, that men of such power had embraced the lutheran doctrines that it was expedient to change the tone of menace into one of respect and conciliation. he accordingly issued a call for another diet to meet in april, , at the city of augsburg in bavaria. "i have convened," he wrote, "this assembly to consider the difference of opinion on the subject of religion. it is my intention to hear both parties with candor and charity, to examine their respective arguments, to correct and reform what requires to be corrected and reformed, that the truth being known, and harmony established, there may, in future, be only one pure and simple faith, and, as all are disciples of the same jesus, all may form one and the same church." these fair words, however, only excited the suspicions of the protestants, which suspicions subsequent events proved to be well founded. the emperor entered augsburg in great state, and immediately assumed a dictatorial air, requiring the diet to attend high mass with him, and to take part in the procession of the host. "i will rather," said the marquis of brandenburg to the emperor, "instantly offer my head to the executioner, than renounce the gospel and approve idolatry. christ did not institute the sacrament of the lord's supper to be carried in pomp through the streets, nor to be adored by the people. he said, 'take, eat;' but never said, 'put this sacrament into a vase, carry it publicly in triumph, and let the people prostrate themselves before it.'" the protestants, availing themselves of the emperor's declaration that it was his intention to hear the sentiments of all, drew up a confession of their faith, which they presented to the emperor in german and in latin. this celebrated creed is known in history as the _confession of augsburg_. the emperor was quite embarrassed by this document, as he was well aware of the argumentative powers of the reformers, and feared that the document, attaining celebrity, and being read eagerly all over the empire, would only multiply converts to their views. at first he refused to allow it to be read. but finding that this only created commotion which would add celebrity to the confession, he adjourned the diet to a small chapel where but two hundred could be convened. when the chancellor of saxony rose to read the confession, the emperor commanded that he should read the latin copy, a language which but few of the germans understood. "sire," said the chancellor, "we are now on german ground. i trust that your majesty will not order the apology of our faith, which ought to be made as public as possible, to be read in a language not understood by the germans." the emperor was compelled to yield to so reasonable a request. the adjacent apartments, and the court-yard of the palace, were all filled with an eager crowd. the chancellor read the creed in a voice so clear and loud that the whole multitude could hear. the emperor was very uneasy, and at the close of the reading, which occupied two hours, took both the latin and the german copies, and requested that the confession should not be published without his consent. luther and melancthon drew up this celebrated document. melancthon was an exceedingly mild and amiable man, and such a lover of peace that he would perhaps do a little violence to his own conscience in the attempt to conciliate those from whom he was constrained to differ. luther, on the contrary, was a man of great force, decision and fearlessness, who would speak the truth in the plainest terms, without softening a phrase to conciliate either friend or foe. the confession of augsburg being the joint production of both melancthon and luther, did not _exactly_ suit either. it was a little too uncompromising for melancthon, a little too pliant and yielding for luther. melancthon soon after took the confession and changed it to bring it into more entire accordance with his spirit. hence a division which, in oblivion of its origin, has continued to the present day. those who adhered to the original document which was presented to the emperor, were called lutherans; those who adopted the confession as softened by melancthon, were called german reformed. the emperor now threw off the mask, and carrying with him the majority of the diet, issued a decree of intolerance and menace, in which he declared that all the ceremonies, doctrines and usages of the papal church, without exception, were to be reëstablished, married priests deposed, suppressed convents restored, and every innovation, of whatever kind, to be revoked. all who opposed this decree were to be exposed to the ban of the empire, with all its pains and penalties. this was indeed an appalling measure. recantation or war was the only alternative. charles, being still much occupied by the affairs of his vast kingdom of spain, with all its ambitions and wars, needed a coadjutor in the government of germany, as serious trouble was evidently near at hand. he therefore proposed the election of his brother ferdinand as coadjutor with him in administering the affairs of germany. ferdinand, who had recently united to the austrian territories the crowns of hungary and bohemia, was consequently chosen, on the th of january, , king of the romans. charles was determined to enforce his decrees, and both parties now prepared for war. chapter viii. charles v. and the reformation. from to . determination to crush protestantism.--incursion of the turks.--valor of the protestants.--preparations for renewed hostilities.--augmentation of the protestant forces.--the council of trent.--mutual consternation.-- defeat of the protestant army.--unlooked for succor.--revolt in the emperor's army.--the fluctuations of fortune.--ignoble revenge.--capture of wittemberg.--protestantism apparently crushed.--plot against charles.--maurice of saxony.--a change of scene.--the biter bit.--the emperor humbled.--his flight.--his determined will. the intolerant decrees of the diet of augsburg, and the evident determination of the emperor unrelentingly to enforce them, spread the greatest alarm among the protestants. they immediately assembled at smalkalde in december, , and entered into a league for mutual protection. the emperor was resolved to crush the protestants. the protestants were resolved not to be crushed. the sword of the catholics was drawn for the assault--the sword of the reformers for defense. civil war was just bursting forth in all its horrors, when the turks, with an army three hundred thousand strong, like ravening wolves rushed into hungary. this danger was appalling. the turks in their bloody march had, as yet, encountered no effectual resistance; though they had experienced temporary checks, their progress had been on the whole resistless, and wherever they had planted their feet they had established themselves firmly. originating as a small tribe on the shores of the caspian, they had spread over all asia minor, had crossed the bosphorus, captured constantinople, and had brought all greece under their sway. they were still pressing on, flushed with victory. christian europe was trembling before them. and now an army of three hundred thousand had crossed the danube, sweeping all opposition before them, and were spreading terror and destruction through hungary. the capture of that immense kingdom seemed to leave all europe defenseless. the emperor and his catholic friends were fearfully alarmed. here was a danger more to be dreaded than even the doctrines of luther. all the energies of christendom were requisite to repel this invasion. the emperor was compelled to appeal to the protestant princes to coöperate in this great emergence. but they had more to fear from the fiery persecution of the papal church than from the cimeter of the infidel, and they refused any coöperation with the emperor so long as the menaces of the augsburg decrees were suspended over them. the emperor wished the protestants to help him drive out the turks, that then, relieved from that danger, he might turn all his energies against the protestants. after various negotiations it was agreed, as a temporary arrangement, that there should be a truce of the catholic persecution until another general council should be called, and that until then the protestants should be allowed freedom of conscience and of worship. the german states now turned their whole force against the turks. the protestants contributed to the war with energy which amazed the catholics. they even trebled the contingents which they had agreed to furnish, and marched to the assault with the greatest intrepidity. the turks were driven from hungary, and then the emperor, in violation of his pledge, recommenced proceeding against the protestants. but it was the worst moment the infatuated emperor could have selected. the protestants, already armed and marshaled, were not at all disposed to lie down to be trodden upon by their foes. they renewed their confederacy, drove the emperor's austrian troops out of the territories of wirtemberg, which they had seized, and restored the duchy to the protestant duke, ulric. civil war had now commenced. but the protestants were strong, determined, and had proved their valor in the recent war with the turks. the more moderate of the papal party, foreseeing a strife which might be interminable, interposed, and succeeded in effecting a compromise which again secured transient peace. charles, however, had not yet abandoned his design to compel the protestants to return to the papal church. he was merely temporizing till he could bring such an array of the papal powers against the reformers that they could present no successful resistance. with this intention he entered into a secret treaty with the powerful king of france, in which francis agreed to concentrate all the forces of his kingdom to crush the lutheran doctrines. he then succeeded in concluding a truce with the turks for five years. he was now prepared to act with decision against the reformed religion. but while charles had been marshaling his party the protestants had been rapidly increasing. eloquent preachers, able writers, had everywhere proclaimed the corruptions of the papacy and urged a pure gospel. these corruptions were so palpable that they could not bear the light. the most intelligent and conscientious, all over europe, were rapidly embracing the new doctrines. these new doctrines embraced and involved principles of civil as well as religious liberty. the bible is the most formidable book which was ever penned against aristocratic usurpation. god is the universal father. all men are brothers. the despots of that day regarded the controversy as one which, in the end, involved the stability of their thrones. "give us light," the protestants said. "give us darkness," responded the papacy, "or the submissive masses will rise and overthrow despotic thrones as well as idolatrous altars." several of the ablest and most powerful of the bishops who, in that day of darkness, had been groping in the dark, now that light had come into the world, rejoiced in that light, and enthusiastically espoused the truth. the emperor was quite appalled when he learned that the archbishop of cologne, who was also one of the electors of the empire, had joined the reformers; for, in addition to the vast influence of his name, this conversion gave the protestants a majority in the electoral diet, so many of the german princes had already adopted the opinions of luther. the protestants, encouraged by the rapidity with which their doctrines were spreading, were not at all disposed to humble themselves before their opponents, but with their hands upon the hilts of their swords, declared that they would not bow their necks to intolerance. it was indeed a formidable power which the emperor was now about to marshal against the protestants. he had france, spain, all the roused energies of the pope and his extended dominions, and all the catholic states of the empire. but protestantism, which had overrun germany, had pervaded switzerland and france, and was daily on the increase. the pope and the more zealous papists were impatient and indignant that the emperor did not press his measures with more vigor. but the sagacious charles more clearly saw the difficulties to be surmounted than they did, and while no less determined in his resolves, was more prudent and wary in his measures. with the consent of the pope he summoned a general council to meet at trent on the confines of his own austrian territories, where he could easily have every thing under his own control. he did every thing in his power, in the meantime to promote division among the protestants, by trying to enter into private negotiations with the protestant princes. he had the effrontery to urge the protestants to send their divines to the council of trent, and agreed to abide by its decisions, even when that council was summoned by the pope, and was to be so organized as to secure an overwhelming majority to the papists. the protestants, of course, rejected so silly a proposition, and refused to recognize the decrees of such a council as of any binding authority. in preparation for enforcing the decrees which he intended to have enacted by the council of trent, charles obtained from the pope thirteen thousand troops, and five hundred thousand ducats (one million one hundred thousand dollars). he raised one army in the low countries to march upon germany. he gathered another army in his hereditary states of austria. his brother ferdinand, as king of hungary and bohemia, raised a large army in each of those dominions. the king of france mustered his legions, and boasted of the condign punishment to which he would consign the heretics. the pope issued a decree offering the entire pardon of all sins to those who should engage in this holy war for the extirpation of the doctrines of the reformers. the protestants were for a moment in consternation in view of the gatherings of so portentous a storm. the emperor, by false professions and affected clemency, had so deceived them that they were quite unprepared for so formidable an attack. they soon, however, saw that their only salvation depended upon a vigorous defense, and they marshaled their forces for war. with promptness and energy which even astonished themselves, they speedily raised an army which, on the junction of its several corps, amounted to eighty thousand men. in its intelligence, valor, discipline and equipments, it was probably the best army which had ever been assembled in the states of germany. resolutely they marched under schartlin, one of the most experienced generals of the age, toward ratisbon, where the emperor was holding a diet. charles v. was as much alarmed by this unexpected apparition, as the protestants had been alarmed by the preparations of the emperor. he had supposed that his force was so resistless that the protestants would see at once the hopelessness of resistance, and would yield without a struggle. the emperor had a guard of but eight thousand troops at ratisbon. the duke of bavaria, in whose dominions he was, was wavering, and the papal troops had not commenced their march. but there was not a moment to be lost. the emperor himself might be surrounded and taken captive. he retired precipitately about thirty miles south to the strong fortress of landshut, where he could hold out until he received succor from his austrian territories, which were very near, and also from the pope. charles soon received powerful reinforcements from austria, from the pope, and from his spanish kingdom. with these he marched some forty miles west to ingolstadt and intrenched himself beneath its massive walls. here he waited for further reinforcements, and then commencing the offensive, marched up the danube, taking possession of the cities on either bank. and now the marshaled forces of the emperor began to crowd the protestants on all sides. the army became bewildered, and instead of keeping together, separated to repel the attack at different points. this caused the ruin of the protestant army. the dissevered fragments were speedily dispersed. the emperor triumphantly entered the protestant cities of ulm and augsburg, strasbourg and frankfort, compelled them to accept humiliating conditions, to surrender their artillery and military stores, and to pay enormous fines. the archbishop of cologne was deposed from his dignities. the emperor had thrown his foes upon the ground and bound them. all the protestant princes but two were vanquished, the elector of saxony and the landgrave of hesse. it was evident that they must soon yield to the overwhelming force of the emperor. it was a day of disaster, in which no gleam of light seemed to dawn upon the protestant cause. but in that gloomy hour we see again the illustration of that sentiment, that "the race is not always to the swift nor the battle to the strong." unthinking infidelity says sarcastically, "providence always helps the heavy battalions." but providence often brings to the discomfited, in their despair, reinforcements all unlooked for. there were in the army of ferdinand, gathered from the austrian territories by the force of military conscription, many troops more or less influenced by the reformed religion. they were dissatisfied with this warfare against their brothers, and their dissatisfaction increased to murmurs and then to revolt. thus encouraged, the protestant nobles in bohemia rose against ferdinand their king, and the victorious ferdinand suddenly found his strong battalions melting away, and his banners on the retreat. the other powers of europe began to look with alarm upon the vast ascendency which charles v. was attaining over europe. his exacting and aggressive spirit assumed a more menacing aspect than the doctrines of luther. the king of france, francis i., with the characteristic perfidy of the times, meeting cunning with cunning, formed a secret league against his ally, combining, in that league, the english ministry who governed during the minority of edward vi., and also the coöperation of the illustrious gustavus vasa, the powerful king of sweden, who was then strongly inclined to that faith of the reformers which he afterwards openly avowed. even the pope, who had always felt a little jealous of the power of the emperor, thought that as the protestants were now put down it might be well to check the ambition of charles v. a little, and he accordingly ordered all his troops to return to italy. the holy father, paul iii., even sent money to the protestant elector of saxony, to enable him to resist the emperor, and sent ambassadors to the turks, to induce them to break the truce and make war upon christendom, that the emperor might be thus embarrassed. charles thus found himself, in the midst of his victories, suddenly at a stand. he could no longer carry on offensive operations, but was compelled to prepare for defense against the attacks with which he was threatened on every side. again, the kaleidoscope of political combination received a jar, and all was changed. the king of france died. this so embarrassed the affairs of the confederation which francis had organized with so much toil and care, that charles availed himself of it to make a sudden and vigorous march against the elector of saxony. he entered his territories with an army of thirty-three thousand men, and swept all opposition before him. in a final and desperate battle the troops of the elector were cut to pieces, and the elector himself, surrounded on all sides, sorely wounded in the face and covered with blood, was taken prisoner. charles disgraced his character by the exhibition of a very ignoble spirit of revenge. the captive elector, as he was led into the presence of his conqueror, said-- "most powerful and gracious emperor, the fortune of war has now rendered me your prisoner, and i hope to be treated--" here the emperor indignantly interrupted him, saying-- "i am _now_ your gracious emperor! lately you could only vouchsafe me the title of charles of ghent!" then turning abruptly upon his heel, he consigned his prisoner to the custody of one of the spanish generals. the emperor marched immediately to wittemberg, which was distant but a few miles. it was a well fortified town, and was resolutely defended by isabella, the wife of the elector. the emperor, maddened by the resistance, summoned a court martial, and sentenced the elector to instant death unless he ordered the surrender of the fortress. he at first refused, and prepared to die. but the tears of his wife and his family conquered his resolution, and the city was surrendered. the emperor took from his captive the electoral dignity, and extorted from him the most cruel concessions as the ransom for his life. without a murmur he surrendered wealth, power and rank, but neither entreaties nor menaces could induce him in a single point to abjure his christian faith. charles now entered wittemberg in triumph. the great reformer had just died. the emperor visited the grave of luther, and when urged to dishonor his remains, replied-- "i war not with the dead, but with the living. let him repose in peace; he is already before his judge." the landgrave of hesse cassel, now the only member of the protestant league remaining in arms, was in a condition utterly hopeless, and was compelled to make an unconditional submission. the landgrave, ruined in fortune, and crushed in spirit, was led a captive into the imperial camp at halle, in saxony, the th of june, . he knelt before the throne, and made an humble confession of his crime in resisting the emperor; he resigned himself and all his dominions to the clemency of his sovereign. as he rose to kiss the hand of the emperor, charles turned contemptuously from him and ordered him to be conveyed to one of the apartments of the palace as a prisoner. most ignobly the emperor led his two illustrious captives, the elector of saxony and the landgrave of hesse cassel, as captives from city to city, exhibiting them as proofs of his triumph, and as a warning to all others to avoid their fate. very strong jealousies had now sprung up between the emperor and the pope, and they could not cooperate. the emperor, consequently, undertook to settle the religious differences himself. he caused twenty-six articles to be drawn up as the basis of pacification, which he wished both the catholics and the protestants to sign. the pope was indignant, and the catholics were disgusted with this interference of the emperor in the faith of the church, a matter which in their view belonged exclusively to the pope and the councils which he might convene. the emperor, however, resolutely persevered in the endeavor to compel the protestants to subscribe to his articles, and punished severely those who refused to do so. in his burgundian provinces he endeavored to establish the inquisition, that all heresy might be nipped in the bud. in his zeal he quite outstripped the pope. as julius iii. had now ascended the pontifical throne, charles, fearful that he might be too liberal in his policy towards the reformers, and might make too many concessions, extorted from him the promise that he would not introduce any reformation in the church without consulting him and obtaining his consent. thus the pope himself became but one of the dependents of charles v., and all the corruptions of the church were sustained by the imperial arm. he then, through the submissive pope, summoned a council of catholic divines to meet at trent. he had arranged in his own mind the decrees which they were to issue, and had entered into a treaty with the new king of france, henry ii., by which the french monarch agreed, with all the military force of his kingdom, to maintain the decrees of the council of trent, whatever they might be. the emperor had now apparently attained all his ends. he had crushed the protestant league, vanquished the protestant princes, subjected the pope to his will, arranged religious matters according to his views, and had now assembled a subservient council to ratify and confirm all he had done. but with this success he had become arrogant, implacable and cruel. his friends had become alienated and his enemies exasperated. even the most rigorous catholics were alarmed at his assumptions, and the pope was humiliated by his haughty bearing. charles assembled a diet of the states of the empire at augsburg, the th of july, . he entered the city with the pomp and the pride of a conqueror, and with such an array of military force as to awe the states into compliance with his wishes. he then demanded of all the states of the empire an agreement that they would enforce, in all their dominions the decrees of the council of trent, which council was soon to be convened. there is sublimity in the energy with which this monarch moved, step by step, toward the accomplishment of his plans. he seemed to leave no chance for failure. the members of the diet were as obsequious as spaniels to their imperious master, and watched his countenance to learn when they were to say yes, and when no. in one thing only he failed. he wished to have his son philip elected as his successor on the imperial throne. his brother ferdinand opposed him in this ambitious plan, and thus emboldened the diet to declare that while the emperor was living it was illegal to choose his successor, as it tended to render the imperial crown hereditary. the emperor, sagacious as he was domineering, waived the prosecution of his plan for the present, preparing to resume it when he had punished and paralyzed those who opposed. the emperor had deposed frederic the elector of saxony, and placed over his dominions, maurice, a nephew of the deposed elector. maurice had married a daughter of the landgrave of hesse cassel. he was a man of commanding abilities, and as shrewd, sagacious and ambitious as the emperor himself. he had been strongly inclined to the lutheran doctrines, but had been bought over to espouse the cause of charles v. by the brilliant offer of the territories of saxony. maurice, as he saw blow after blow falling upon his former friends; one prince after another ejected from his estates, protestantism crushed, and finally his own uncle and his wife's father led about to grace the triumph of the conqueror; as he saw the vast power to which the emperor had attained, and that the liberties of the german empire were in entire subjection to his will, his pride was wounded, his patriotism aroused, and his protestant sympathies revived. maurice, meeting charles v. on the field of intrigue, was greek meeting greek. maurice now began with great guile and profound sagacity to plot against the despotic emperor. two circumstances essentially aided him. charles coveted the dukedoms of parma and placentia in italy, and the duke ottavia had been deposed. he rallied his subjects and succeeded in uniting france on his side, for henry ii. was alarmed at the encroachments the emperor was making in italy. a very fierce war instantly blazed forth, the duke of parma and henry ii. on one side, the pope and the emperor on the other. at the same time the turks, under the leadership of the sultan solyman himself, were organizing a formidable force for the invasion of hungary, which invasion would require all the energies of ferdinand, with all the forces he could raise in austria, hungary and bohemia to repel. next to hungary and bohemia, saxony was perhaps the most powerful state of the germanic confederacy. the emperor placed full reliance upon maurice, and the protestants in their despair would have thought of him as the very last to come to their aid; for he had marched vigorously in the armies of the emperor to crush the protestants, and was occupying the territories of their most able and steadfast friend. secretly, maurice made proposals to all the leading protestant princes of the empire, and having made every thing ready for an outbreak, he entered into a treaty with the king of france, who promised large subsidies and an efficient military force. maurice conducted these intrigues with such consummate skill that the emperor had not the slightest suspicion of the storm which was gathering. every thing being matured, early in april, , maurice suddenly appeared before the gates of augsburg with an army of twenty-five thousand men. at the same time he issued a declaration that he had taken up arms to prevent the destruction of the protestant religion, to defend the liberties of germany which the emperor had infringed, and to rescue his relatives from their long and unjust imprisonment. the king of france and other princes issued similar declarations. the smothered disaffection with the emperor instantly blazed forth all over the german empire. the cause of maurice was extremely popular. the protestants in a mass, and many others, flocked to his standard. as by magic and in a day, all was changed. the imperial towns augsburg, nuremberg and others, threw open their gates joyfully to maurice. whole provinces rushed to his standard. he was everywhere received as the guardian of civil and religious liberty. the ejected protestant rulers and magistrates were reinstated, the protestant churches opened, the protestant preachers restored. in one month the protestant party was predominant in the german empire, and the catholic party either neutral or secretly favoring one who was humbling that haughty emperor whom even the catholics had begun to fear. the prelates who were assembling at trent, alarmed by so sudden and astounding a revolution, dissolved the assembly and hastened to their homes. the emperor was at innspruck seated in his arm chair, with his limbs bandaged in flannel, enfeebled and suffering from a severe attack of the gout, when the intelligence of this sudden and overwhelming reverse reached him. he was astonished and utterly confounded. in weakness and pain, unable to leave his couch, with his treasury exhausted, his armies widely scattered, and so pressed by their foes that they could not be concentrated from their wide dispersion, there was nothing left for him but to endeavor to beguile maurice into a truce. but maurice was as much at home in all the arts of cunning as the emperor, and instead of being beguiled, contrived to entrap his antagonist. this was a new and a very salutary experience for charles. it is a very novel sensation for a successful rogue to be the dupe of roguery. maurice pressed on, his army gathering force at every step. he entered the tyrol, swept through all its valleys, took possession of all its castles and its sublime fastnesses, and the blasts of his bugles reverberated among the cliffs of the alps, ever sounding the charge and announcing victory, never signaling a defeat. the emperor was reduced to the terrible humiliation of saving himself from capture only by flight. the emperor could hardly credit his senses when told that his conquering foes were within two days' march of innspruck, and that a squadron of horse might at any hour appear and cut off his retreat. it was in the night when these appalling tidings were brought to him. the tortures of the gout would not allow him to mount on horseback, neither could he bear the jolting in a carriage over the rough roads. it was a dark and stormy night, the th of may, . the rain fell in torrents, and the wind howled through the fir-trees and around the crags of the alps. some attendants wrapped the monarch in blankets, took him out into the court-yard of the palace, and placed him in a litter. attendants led the way with lanterns, and thus, through the inundated and storm-swept defiles of the mountains, they fled with their helpless sovereign through the long hours of the tempestuous night, not daring to stop one moment lest they should hear behind them the clatter of the iron hoofs of their pursuers. what a change for one short month to produce! what a comment upon earthly grandeur! it is well for man in the hour of most exultant prosperity to be humble. he knows not how soon he may fall. instructive indeed is the apostrophe of cardinal wolsey, illustrated as the truth he utters is by almost every page of history: "this is the state of man; to-day he puts forth the tender leaves of hope, to-morrow blossoms, the third day comes a frost, a killing frost; and when he thinks, good easy man, full surely his greatness is a ripening--nips his root, and then he falls as i do." the fugitive emperor did not venture to stop for refreshment or repose until he had reached the strong town of villach in carinthia, nearly one hundred and fifty miles west of innspruck. the troops of maurice soon entered the city which the emperor had abandoned, and the imperial palace was surrendered to pillage. heroic courage, indomitable perseverance always commands respect. these are great and noble qualities, though they may be exerted in a bad cause. the will of charles was unconquerable. in these hours of disaster, tortured with pain, driven from his palace, deserted by his allies, impoverished, and borne upon his litter in humiliating flight before his foes, he was just as determined to enforce his plans as in the most brilliant hour of victory. he sent his brother ferdinand and other ambassadors to passau to meet maurice, and mediate for a settlement of the difficulties. maurice now had no need of diplomacy. his demands were simple and reasonable. they were, that the emperor should liberate his father-in-law from captivity, tolerate the protestant religion, and grant to the german states their accustomed liberty. but the emperor would not yield a single point. though his brother ferdinand urged him to yield, though his catholic ambassadors intreated him to yield, though they declared that if he did not they should be compelled to abandon his cause and make the best terms for themselves with the conqueror that they could, still nothing could bend his inflexible will, and the armies, after the lull of a few days, were again in motion. the despotism of the emperor we abhor; but his indomitable perseverance and unconquerable energy are worthy of all admiration and imitation. had they but been exerted in a good cause! chapter ix. charles v. and the turkish wars. from to . the treaty of passau.--the emperor yields.--his continued reverses.--the toleration compromise.--mutual dissatisfation.--remarkable despondency of the emperor charles.--his address to the convention at brussels.--the convent of st. justus.--charles returns to spain.--his convent life.--the mock burial.--his death.--his traits of character.--the king's compliment to titian.--the condition of austria.--rapid advance of the turks.--reasons for the inaction of the christians.--the sultan's method of overcoming difficulties.--the little fortress of guntz.--what it accomplished. the turks, animated by this civil war which was raging in germany, were pressing their march upon hungary with great vigor, and the troops of ferdinand were retiring discomfited before the invader. henry of france and the duke of parma were also achieving victories in italy endangering the whole power of the emperor over those states. ferdinand, appalled by the prospect of the loss of hungary, imploringly besought the emperor to listen to terms of reconciliation. the catholic princes, terrified in view of the progress of the infidel, foreseeing the entire subjection of europe to the arms of the moslem unless christendom could combine in self-defense, joined their voices with that of ferdinand so earnestly and in such impassioned tones, that the emperor finally, though very reluctantly, gave his assent to the celebrated treaty of passau, on the d of august, . by this pacification the captives were released, freedom of conscience and of worship was established, and the protestant troops, being disbanded, were at liberty to enter into the service of ferdinand to repel the turks. within six months a diet was to be assembled to attempt an amicable adjustment of all civil and religious difficulties. the intrepid maurice immediately marched, accompanied by many of the protestant princes, and at the head of a powerful army, to repel the mohammedan armies. charles, relieved from his german troubles, gathered his strength to wreak revenge upon the king of france. but fortune seemed to have deserted him. defeat and disgrace accompanied his march. having penetrated the french province of lorraine, he laid siege to metz. after losing thirty thousand men beneath its walls, he was compelled, in the depth of winter, to raise the siege and retreat. his armies were everywhere routed; the turks menaced the shores of italy; the pope became his inveterate enemy, and joined france against him. maurice was struck by a bullet, and fell on the field of battle. the electorate of saxony passed into the hands of augustus, a brother of maurice, while the former elector, ferdinand, who shortly after died, received some slight indemnification. such was the state of affairs when the promised diet was summoned at passau. it met on the th of february, . the emperor was confined with the gout at brussels, and his brother ferdinand presided. it was a propitious hour for the protestants. charles was sick, dejected and in adversity. the better portion of the catholics were disgusted with the intolerance of the emperor, intolerance which even the more conscientious popes could not countenance. ferdinand was fully aware that he could not defend his own kingdom of hungary from the turks without the intervention of protestant arms. he was, therefore, warmly in favor of conciliation. the world was not yet sufficiently enlightened to comprehend the beauty of a true toleration, entire freedom of conscience and of worship. after long and very exciting debates--after being again and again at the point of grasping their arms anew--they finally agreed that the protestants should enjoy the free exercise of their religion wherever protestantism had been established and recognized by the confession of augsburg. that in all other places protestant princes might prohibit the catholic religion in their states, and catholic princes prohibit the protestant religion. but in each case the ejected party was at liberty to sell their property and move without molestation to some state where their religion was dominant. in the free cities of the empire, where both religions were established, both were to be tolerated. thus far, and no further, had the spirit of toleration made progress in the middle of the sixteenth century. such was the basis of the pacification. neither party was satisfied. each felt that it had surrendered far too much to the other; and there was subsequently much disagreement respecting the interpretation of some of the most important articles. the pope, paul iv., was indignant that such toleration had been granted to the protestants, and threatened the emperor and his brother ferdinand of austria with excommunication if they did not declare these decrees null and void throughout their dominions. at the same time he entered into correspondence with henry ii. of france to form a new holy league for the defense of the papal church against the inroads of heresy. and now occurred one of the most extraordinary events which history has recorded. charles v., who had been the most enterprising and ambitious prince in europe, and the most insatiable in his thirst for power, became the victim of the most extreme despondency. harassed by the perplexities which pressed in upon him from his widely-extended realms, annoyed by the undutiful and haughty conduct of his son, who was endeavoring to wrest authority from his father by taking advantage of all his misfortunes, and perhaps inheriting a melancholy temperament from his mother, who died in the glooms of insanity, and, more than all, mortified and wounded by so sudden and so vast a reverse of fortune, in which all his plans seemed to have failed--thus oppressed, humbled, he retired in disgust to his room, indulged in the most fretful temper, admitted none but his sister and a few confidential servants to his presence, and so entirely neglected all business as to pass nine months without signing a single paper. while the emperor was in this melancholy state, his insane mother, who had lingered for years in delirious gloom, died on the th of april, . it will be remembered that charles had inherited valuable estates in the low countries from his marriage with the daughter of the duke of burgundy. having resolved to abdicate all his power and titles in favor of his son, he convened the states of the low countries at brussels on the th of october, . charles was then but fifty-five years of age, and should have been in the strength of vigorous manhood. but he was prematurely old, worn down with care, toil and disappointment. he attended the assembly accompanied by his son philip. tottering beneath infirmities, he leaned upon the shoulders of a friend for support, and addressed the assembly in a long and somewhat boastful speech, enumerating all the acts of his administration, his endeavors, his long and weary journeys, his sleepless care, his wars, and, above all, his victories. in conclusion he said: "while my health enabled me to perform my duty, i cheerfully bore the burden; but as my constitution is now broken by an incurable distemper, and my infirmities admonish me to retire, the happiness of my people affects me more than the ambition of reigning. instead of a decrepid old man, tottering on the brink of the grave, i transfer your allegiance to a sovereign in the prime of life, vigilant, sagacious, active and enterprising. with respect to myself, if i have committed any error in the course of a long administration, forgive and impute it to my weakness, not to my intention. i shall ever retain a grateful sense of your fidelity and attachment, and your welfare shall be the great object of my prayers to almighty god, to whom i now consecrate the remainder of my days." then turning to his son philip, he said: "and you, my son, let the grateful recollection of this day redouble your care and affection for your people. other sovereigns may rejoice in having given birth to their sons and in leaving their states to them after their death. but i am anxious to enjoy, during my life, the double satisfaction of feeling that you are indebted to me both for your birth and power. few monarchs will follow my example, and in the lapse of ages i have scarcely found one whom i myself would imitate. the resolution, therefore, which i have taken, and which i now carry into execution, will be justified only by your proving yourself worthy of it. and you will alone render yourself worthy of the extraordinary confidence which i now repose in you by a zealous protection of your religion, and by maintaining the purity of the catholic faith, and by governing with justice and moderation. and may you, if ever you are desirous of retiring like myself to the tranquillity of private life, enjoy the inexpressible happiness of having such a son, that you may resign your crown to him with the same satisfaction as i now deliver mine to you." the emperor was here entirely overcome by emotion, and embracing philip, sank exhausted into his chair. the affecting scene moved all the audience to tears. soon after this, with the same formalities the emperor resigned the crown of spain to his son, reserving to himself, of all his dignities and vast revenues, only a pension of about twenty thousand dollars a year. for some months he remained in the low countries, and then returned to spain to seek an asylum in a convent there. when in the pride of his power he once, while journeying in spain, came upon the convent of st. justus in estramadura, situated in a lovely vale, secluded from all the bustle of life. the massive pile was embosomed among the hills; forests spread widely around, and a beautiful rivulet murmured by its walls. as the emperor gazed upon the enchanting scene of solitude and silence he exclaimed, "behold a lovely retreat for another diocletian!" the picture of the convent of st. justus had ever remained in his mind, and perhaps had influenced him, when overwhelmed with care, to seek its peaceful retirement. embarking in a ship for spain, he landed at loredo on the th of september, . as soon as his feet touched the soil of his native land he prostrated himself to the earth, kissed the ground, and said, "naked came i into the world, and naked i return to thee, thou common mother of mankind. to thee i dedicate my body, as the only return i can make for all the benefits conferred on me." then kneeling, and holding the crucifix before him, with tears streaming from his eyes, and all unmindful of the attendants who were around, he breathed a fervent prayer of gratitude for the past, and commended himself to god for the future. by slow and easy stages, as he was very infirm, he journeyed to the vale of estramadura, near placentia, and entered upon his silent, monastic life. his apartments consisted of six small cells. the stone walls were whitewashed, and the rooms furnished with the utmost frugality. within the walls of the convent, and communicating with the chapel, there was a small garden, which the emperor had tastefully arranged with shrubbery and flowers. here charles passed the brief remainder of his days. he amused himself with laboring in the garden with his own hands. he regularly attended worship in the chapel twice every day, and took part in the service, manifestly with the greatest sincerity and devotion. the emperor had not a cultivated mind, and was not fond of either literary or scientific pursuits. to beguile the hours he amused himself with tools, carving toys for children, and ingenious puppets and automata to astonish the peasants. for a time he was very happy in his new employment. after so stormy a life, the perfect repose and freedom from care which he enjoyed in the convent, seemed to him the perfection of bliss. but soon the novelty wore away, and his constitutional despondency returned with accumulated power. his dejection now assumed the form of religious melancholy. he began to devote every moment of his time to devotional reading and prayer, esteeming all amusements and all employments sinful which interfered with his spiritual exercises. he expressed to the bishop of toledo his determination to devote, for the rest of his days, every moment to the service of god. with the utmost scrupulousness he carried out this plan. he practiced rigid fasts, and conformed to all the austerity of convent discipline. he renounced his pension, and sitting at the abstemious table with the monks, declined seeing any other company than that of the world-renouncing priests and friars around him. he scourged himself with the most cruel severity, till his back was lacerated with the whip. he whole soul seemed to crave suffering, in expiation for his sins. his ingenuity was tasked to devise new methods of mortification and humiliation. ambition had ever been the ruling passion of his soul, and now he was ambitious to suffer more, and to abuse himself more than any other mortal had ever done. goaded by this impulse, he at last devised the scheme of solemnising his own funeral. all the melancholy arrangements for his burial were made; the coffin provided; the emperor reclined upon his bed as dead; he was wrapped in his shroud, and placed in his coffin. the monks, and all the inmates of the convent attended in mourning; the bells tolled; requiems were chanted by the choir; the funeral service was read, and then the emperor, as if dead, was placed in the tomb of the chapel, and the congregation retired. the monarch, after remaining some time in his coffin to impress himself with the sense of what it is to die, and be buried, rose from his tomb, kneeled before the altar for some time in worship, and then returned to his cell to pass the night in deep meditation and prayer. the shock and the chill of this solemn scene were too much for the old monarch's feeble frame and weakened mind. he was seized with a fever, and in a few days breathed his last, in the th year of his age. he had spent a little over three years in the convent. the life of charles v. was a sad one. through all his days he was consumed by unsatisfied ambition, and he seldom enjoyed an hour of contentment. to his son he said-- "i leave you a heavy burden; for, since my shoulders have borne it, i have not passed one day exempt from disquietude." indeed it would seem that there could have been but little happiness for anybody in those dark days of feudal oppression and of incessant wars. ambition, intrigue, duplicity, reigned over the lives of princes and nobles, while the masses of the people were ever trampled down by oppressive lords and contending armies. europe was a field of fire and blood. the cimeter of the turk spared neither mother, maiden nor babe. cities and villages were mercilessly burned, cottages set in flames, fields of grain destroyed, and whole populations carried into slavery, where they miserably died. and the ravages of christian warfare, duke against duke, baron against baron, king against king, were hardly less cruel and desolating. balls from opposing batteries regard not the helpless ones in their range. charging squadrons must trample down with iron hoof all who are in their way. the wail of misery rose from every portion of europe. the world has surely made some progress since that day. there was but very little that was loveable in the character of charles, and he seems to have had but very few friends. so intense and earnest was he in the prosecution of the plans of grandeur which engrossed his soul, that he was seldom known to smile. he had many of the attributes of greatness, indomitable energy and perseverance, untiring industry, comprehensive grasp of thought and capability of superintending the minutest details. he had, also, a certain fanatic conscientiousness about him, like that which actuated saul of tarsus, when, holding the garments of those who stoned the martyr, he "verily thought that he was doing god service." many anecdotes are told illustrative of certain estimable traits in his character. when a boy, like other boys, he was not fond of study, and being very self-willed, he would not yield to the entreaties of his tutors. he consequently had but an imperfect education, which may in part account for his excessive illiberality, and for many of his stupendous follies. the mind, enlarged by liberal culture, is ever tolerant. he afterwards regretted exceedingly this neglect of his early studies. at genoa, on some public occasion, he was addressed in a latin oration, not one word of which he understood. "i now feel," he said, "the justice of my preceptor adrian's remonstrances, who frequently used to predict that i should be punished for the thoughtlessness of my youth." he was fond of the society of learned men, and treated them with great respect. some of the nobles complained that the emperor treated the celebrated historian, guicciardini, with much more respect than he did them. he replied-- "i can, by a word, create a hundred nobles; but god alone can create a guicciardini." he greatly admired the genius of titian, and considered him one of the most resplendent ornaments of his empire. he knew full well that titian would be remembered long after thousands of the proudest grandees of his empire had sunk into oblivion. he loved to go into the studio of the illustrious painter, and watch the creations of beauty as they rose beneath his pencil. one day titian accidentally dropped his brush. the emperor picked it up, and, presenting it to the artist, said gracefully-- "titian is worthy of being served by an emperor." charles v. never, apparently, inspired the glow of affection, or an emotion of enthusiasm in any bosom. he accomplished some reforms in the german empire, and the only interest his name now excites is the interest necessarily involved in the sublime drama of his long and eventful reign. it is now necessary to retrace our steps for a few years, that we may note the vicissitudes of austria, while the empire was passing through the scenes we have narrated. ferdinand i., the brother of charles v., who was left alone in the government of austria, was the second son of philip the handsome and joanna of spain. his birth was illustrious, the emperor maximilian being his paternal grandfather, and ferdinand and isabella being his grandparents on his mother's side. he was born in spain, march , , and received a respectable education. his manners were courteous and winning, and he was so much more popular than charles as quite to excite the jealousy of his imperious and imperial spirit. charles, upon attaining the throne, ceded to his brother the austrian territories, which then consisted of four small provinces, austria, styria, carinthia and carniola, with the tyrol. ferdinand married ann, princess of hungary and bohemia. the death of his wife's brother louis made her the heiress of those two crowns, and thus secured to ferdinand the magnificent dowry of the kingdoms of hungary and bohemia. but possession of the scepter of those realms was by no means a sinecure. the turkish power, which had been for many years increasing with the most alarming rapidity and had now acquired appalling strength, kept hungary, and even the austrian states, in constant and terrible alarm. the turks, sweeping over persia, arabia, egypt, syria, all asia minor, crossing the straits and inundating greece, fierce and semi-savage, with just civilization enough to organize and guide with skill their wolf-like ferocity, were now pressing europe in spain, in italy, and were crowding, in wave after wave of invasion, up the valley of the danube. they had created a navy which was able to cope with the most powerful fleets of europe, and island after island of the mediterranean was yielding to their sway. in , solyman, called the magnificent, overran bosnia, and advancing to the danube, besieged and captured belgrade, which strong fortress was considered the only reliable barrier against his encroachments. at the same time his fleet took possession of the island of rhodes. after some slight reverses, which the turks considered merely embarrassments, they resumed their aggressions, and solyman, in , again crossing the danube, entered hungary with an army of two hundred thousand men. louis, who was then king of hungary, brother of the wife of ferdinand, was able to raise an army of but thirty thousand to meet him. with more courage than discretion, leading this feeble band, he advanced to resist the foe. they met on the plains of mohatz. the turks made short work of it. in a few hours, with their cimeters they hewed down nearly the whole christian army. the remnant escaped as lambs from wolves. the king, in his heavy armor, spurred his horse into a stream to cross in his flight. in attempting to ascend the bank, the noble charger, who had borne his master bravely through the flood, fell back upon his rider, and the dead body of the king was afterward picked up by the turks, covered with the mud of the morass. all hungary would now have fallen into the hands of the turks had not solyman been recalled by a rebellion in one of his own provinces. it was this event which placed the crowns of bohemia and hungary on the brow of ferdinand, and by annexing those two kingdoms to the austrian states, elevated austria to be one of the first powers in europe. ferdinand, thus strengthened sent ambassadors to constantinople to demand the restitution of belgrade and other important towns which the turks still held in hungary. "belgrade!" exclaimed the haughty sultan, when he heard the demand. "go tell your master that i am collecting troops and preparing for my expedition. i will suspend at my neck the keys of my hungarian fortresses, and will bring them to that plain of mohatz where louis, by the aid of providence, found defeat and a grave. let ferdinand meet and conquer me, and take them, after severing my head from my body! but if i find him not there, i will seek him at buda or follow him to vienna." soon after this solyman crossed the danube with three hundred thousand men, and advancing to mohatz, encamped for several days upon the plain, with all possible display or oriental pomp and magnificence. thus proudly he threw down the gauntlet of defiance. but there was no champion there to take it up. striking his tents, and spreading his banners to the breeze, in unimpeded march he ascended the danube two hundred miles from belgrade to the city of pest. and here his martial bands made hill and vale reverberate the bugle blasts of victory. pest, the ancient capital of hungary, rich in all the wealth of those days, with a population of some sixty thousand, was situated on the left bank of the river. upon the opposite shore, connected by a fine bridge three quarters of a mile in width, was the beautiful and opulent city of buda. in possession of these two maritime towns, then perhaps the most important in hungary, the turks rioted for a few days in luxury and all abominable outrage and indulgence, and then, leaving a strong garrison to hold the fortresses, they continued their march. pressing resistlessly onward some hundred miles further, taking all the towns by the way, on both sides of the danube, they came to the city of raab. it seems incredible that there could have been such an unobstructed march of the turks, through the very heart of hungary. but the emperor charles v. was at that time in italy, all engrossed in the fiercest warfare there. throughout the german empire the catholics and the protestants were engaged in a conflict which absorbed all other thoughts. and the protestants resolutely refused to assist in repelling the turks while the sword of catholic vengeance was suspended over them. from raab the invading army advanced some hundred miles further to the very walls of vienna. ferdinand, conscious of his inability to meet the foe in the open field, was concentrating all his available strength to defend his capital. at cremnitz the turks met with the first serious show of resistance. the fortress was strong, and the garrison, inspired by the indomitable energy and courage of their commandant, nicholas, count of salm, for a month repelled every assault of the foe. day after day and night after night the incessant bombardment continued; the walls were crumbed by the storm of shot; column after column of the turks rushed to the assault, but all in vain. the sultan, disappointed and enraged, made one last desperate effort, but his strong columns, thined, mangled and bleeding, were compelled to retire in utter discomfiture. winter was now approaching. reinforcements were also hastening from vienna, from bohemia, and from other parts of the german empire. solyman, having devastated the country around him, and being all unprepared for the storms of winter, was compelled to retire. he struck his tents, and slowly and sullenly descended the danube, wreaking diabolical vengeance upon the helpless peasants, killing, burning and destroying. leaving a strong garrison to hold what remained of buda and pest, he carried thousands with him into captivity, where, after years of woe, they passed into the grave. "'tis terrible to rouse the lion, dreadful to cross the tiger's path; but the most terrible of terrors, is man himself in his wild wrath." solyman spent two years in making preparation for another march to vienna, resolved to wipe out the disgrace of his last defeat by capturing all the austrian states, and of then spreading the terror of his arms far and wide through the empire of germany. the energy with which he acted may be inferred from one well authenticated anecdote illustrative of his character. he had ordered a bridge to be constructed across the drave. the engineer who had been sent to accomplish the task, after a careful survey, reported that a bridge could not be constructed at that point. solyman sent him a linen cord with this message: "the sultan, thy master, commands thee, without consideration of the difficulties, to complete the bridge over the drave. if thou doest it not, on his arrival he will have thee strangled with this cord." with a large army, thoroughly drilled, and equipped with all the enginery of war, the sultan commenced his campaign. his force was so stupendous and so incumbered with the necessary baggage and heavy artillery, that it required a march of sixty days to pass from constantinople to belgrade. ferdinand, in inexpressible alarm, sent ambassadors to solyman, hoping to avert the storm by conciliation and concessions. this indication of weakness but increased the arrogance of the turk. he embarked his artillery on the danube in a flotilla of three thousand vessels. then crossing the save, which at belgrade flows into the danube, he left the great central river of europe on his right, and marching almost due west through sclavonia, approached the frontiers of styria, one of the most important provinces of the austrian kingdom, by the shortest route. still it was a long march of some two hundred miles. among the defiles of the illyrian mountains, through which he was compelled to pass in his advance to vienna, he came upon the little fortress of guntz, garrisoned only by eight hundred men. solyman expected to sweep this slight annoyance away as he would brush a fly from his face. he sent his advance guard to demolish the impudent obstacle; then, surprised by the resistance, he pushed forward a few more battalions; then, enraged at the unexpected strength developed, he ordered to the attack what he deemed an overwhelming force; and then, in astonishment and fury, impelled against the fortress the combined strength of his whole army. but the little crag stood, like a rock opposing the flooding tide. the waves of war rolled on and dashed against impenetrable and immovable granite, and were scattered back in bloody spray. the fortress commanded the pass, and swept it clean with an unintermitted storm of shot and balls. for twenty-eight days the fortress resisted the whole force of the turkish army, and prevented it from advancing a mile. this check gave the terrified inhabitants of vienna, and of the surrounding region, time to unite for the defense of the capital. the protestants and the catholics having settled their difficulties by the pacification of ratisbon, as we have before narrated, combined all their energies; the pope sent his choicest troops; all the ardent young men of the german empire, from the ocean to the alps, rushed to the banners of the cross, and one hundred and thirty thousand men, including thirty thousand mounted horsemen, were speedily gathered within and around the walls of vienna. thus thwarted in his plans, solyman found himself compelled to retreat ingloriously, by the same path through which he had advanced. thus christendom was relieved of this terrible menace. though the turks were still in possession of hungary, the allied troops of the empire strangely dispersed without attempting to regain the kingdom from their domination. chapter x. ferdinand i.--his wars and intrigues. from to . john of tapoli.--the instability of compacts.--the sultans's demands.--a reign of war.--powers and duties of the monarchs of bohemia.--the diet.--the king's desire to crush protestantism.--the entrance to prague.--terror of the inhabitants.--the king's conditions.--the bloody diet.--disciplinary measures.--the establishment of the order of jesuits.--abdication of charles v. in favor of ferdinand.--power of the pope.--paul iv.--a quiet but powerful blow.--the progress of the reformers.--attempts to reconcile the protestants--the unsuccessful assembly. during all the wars with the turks, a transylvanian count, john of tapoli, was disputing ferdinand's right to the throne of hungary and claiming it for himself. he even entered into negotiations with the turks, and coöperated with solyman in his invasion of hungary, having the promise of the sultan that he should be appointed king of the realm as soon as it was brought in subjection to turkey. the turks had now possession of hungary, and the sultan invested john of tapoli with the sovereignty of the kingdom, in the presence of a brilliant assemblage of the officers of his army and of the hungarian nobles. the last discomfiture and retreat of solyman encouraged ferdinand to redoubled exertions to reconquer hungary from the combined forces of the turks and his transylvanian rival. several years passed away in desultory, indecisive warfare, while john held his throne as tributary king to the sultan. at last ferdinand, finding that he could not resist their united strength, and john becoming annoyed by the exactions of his turkish master, they agreed to a compromise, by which john, who was aged, childless and infirm, was to remain king of all that part of hungary which he held until he died; and the whole kingdom was then to revert to ferdinand and his heirs--but it was agreed that should john marry and have a son, that son should be viceroy, or, as the title then was, _univode_, of his father's hereditary domain of _transylvania_, having no control over any portion of hungary proper. somewhat to the disappointment of ferdinand, the old monarch immediately married a young bride. a son was born to them, and in fourteen days after his birth the father died of a stroke of apoplexy. the child was entitled to the viceroyship of transylvania, while all the rest of hungary was to pass unincumbered to ferdinand. but isabella, the ambitious young mother, who had married the decrepit monarch that she might enjoy wealth and station, had no intention that her babe should be less of a king than his father was. she was the daughter of sigismond, king of poland, and relying upon the support of her regal father she claimed the crown of hungary for her boy, in defiance of the solemn compact. in that age of chivalry a young and beautiful woman could easily find defenders whatever might be her claims. isabella soon rallied around her banner many hungarian nobles, and a large number of adventurous knights from poland. under her influence a large party of nobles met, chose the babe their king, and crowned him, under the name of stephen, with a great display of military and religious pomp. they then conveyed him and his mother to the strong castle of buda and dispatched an embassy to the sultan at constantinople, avowing homage to him, as their feudal lord, and imploring his immediate and vigorous support. ferdinand, thus defrauded, and conscious of his inability to rescue the crown from the united forces of the hungarian partisans of stephen, and from the turks, condescended also to send a message to the sultan, offering to hold the crown as his fief and to pay to the porte the same tribute which john had paid, if the sultan would support his claim. the imperious turk, knowing that he could depose the baby king at his pleasure, insultingly rejected the proposals which ferdinand had humiliated himself in advancing. he returned in answer, that he demanded, as the price of peace, not only that ferdinand should renounce all claim whatever to the crown of hungary, but that he should also acknowledge the austrian territories as under vassalage to the turkish empire, and pay tribute accordingly. ferdinand, at the same time that he sent his embassy to constantinople, without waiting for a reply dispatched an army into hungary, which reached buda and besieged isabella and her son in the citadel. he pressed the siege with such vigor that isabella must have surrendered had not an army of turks come to her rescue. the austrian troops were defeated and dispersed. the sultan himself soon followed with a still larger army, took possession of the city, secured the person of the queen and the infant prince, and placed a garrison of ten thousand janissaries in the citadel. the turkish troops spread in all directions, establishing themselves in towns, castles, fortresses, and setting at defiance all ferdinand's efforts to dislodge them. these events occurred during the reign of the emperor charles v. the resources of ferdinand had become so exhausted that he was compelled, while affairs were in this state, in the year , ten years before the abdication of the emperor, to implore of solyman a suspension of arms. the haughty sultan reluctantly consented to a truce of five years upon condition that ferdinand would pay him an annual tribute of about sixty thousand dollars, and become feudatory of the porte. to these humiliating conditions ferdinand felt compelled to assent. solyman, thus relieved from any trouble on the part of ferdinand, compelled the queen to renounce to himself all right which either she or her son had to the throne. and now for many years we have nothing but a weary record of intrigues, assassinations, wars and woes. miserable hungary was but a field of blood. there were three parties, ferdinand, stephen and solyman, all alike ready to be guilty of any inhumanity or to perpetrate any perfidy in the accomplishment of their plans. ferdinand with his armies held one portion of hungary, solyman another, and stephen, with his strong partisans another. bombardment succeeded bombardment; cities and provinces were now overrun by one set of troops and now by another; the billows of war surged to and fro incessantly, and the wail of the widow and the cry of the orphan ascended by day and by night to the ear of god. in the turks again invested stephen with the government of that large portion of hungary which they held, including transylvania. ferdinand still was in possession of several important fortresses, and of several of the western districts of hungary bordering on the austrian states. isabella, annoyed by her subjection to the turks, made propositions to ferdinand for a reconciliation, and a truce was agreed upon which gave the land rest for a few years. while these storms were sweeping over hungary, events of scarcely less importance were transpiring in bohemia. this kingdom was an elective monarchy, and usually upon the death of a king the fiercest strife ensued as to who should be his successor. the elected monarch, on receiving the crown, was obliged to recognize the sovereignty of the people as having chosen him for their ruler, and he promised to govern according to the ancient constitution of the kingdom. the monarch, however, generally found no difficulty in surrounding himself with such strong supporters as to secure the election of his son or heir, and frequently he had his successor chosen before his death. thus the monarchy, though nominally elective, was in its practical operation essentially hereditary. the authority of the crown was quite limited. the monarch was only intrusted with so much power as the proud nobles were willing to surrender to one of their number whom they appointed chief, whose superiority they reluctantly acknowledged, and against whom they were very frequently involved in wars. in those days the _people_ had hardly a recognized existence. the nobles met in a congress called a diet, and authorized their elected chief, the king, to impose taxes, raise troops, declare war and institute laws according to their will. these diets were differently composed under different reigns, and privileged cities were sometimes authorized to send deputies whom they selected from the most illustrious of their citizens. the king usually convoked the diets; but in those stormy times of feuds, conspiracies and wars, there was hardly any general rule. the nobles, displeased at some act of the king, would themselves, through some one or more of their number, summon a diet and organize resistance. the numbers attending such an irregular body were of course very various. there appear to have been diets of the empire composed of not more than half a dozen individuals, and others where as many hundreds were assembled. sometimes the meetings were peaceful, and again tumultuous with the clashing of arms. in bohemia the conflict between the catholics and the reformers had raged with peculiar acrimony, and the reformers in that kingdom had become a very numerous and influential body. ferdinand was anxious to check the progress of the reformation, and he exerted all the power he could command to defend and maintain catholic supremacy. for ten years ferdinand was absent from bohemia, all his energies being absorbed by the hungarian war. he was anxious to weaken the power of the nobles in bohemia. there was ever, in those days, either an open or a smothered conflict between the king and the nobles, the monarch striving to grasp more power, the nobles striving to keep him in subjection to them. ferdinand attempted to disarm the nobles by sending for all the artillery of the kingdom, professing that he needed it to carry on his war with the turks. but the wary nobles held on to their artillery. he then was guilty of the folly of hunting up some old exploded compacts, in virtue of which he declared that bohemia was not an elective but a hereditary monarchy, and that he, as hereditary sovereign, held the throne for himself and his heirs. this announcement spread a flame of indignation through all the castles of bohemia. the nobles rallied, called a diet, passed strong resolutions, organized an army, and adopted measures for vigorous resistance. but ferdinand was prepared for all these demonstrations. his hungarian truce enabled him to march a strong army on bohemia. the party in power has always numerous supporters from those who, being in office, will lose their dignities by revolution. the king summoned all the well affected to repair to his standards, threatening condign punishment to all who did not give this proof of loyalty. nobles and knights in great numbers flocked to his encampment. with menacing steps his battalions strode on, and triumphantly entered prague, the capital city, situated in the very heart of the kingdom. the indignation in the city was great, but the king was too strong to be resisted, and he speedily quelled all movements of tumult. prague, situated upon the steep and craggy banks of the moldau, spanning the stream, and with its antique dwellings rising tier above tier upon the heights, is one of the most grand and imposing capitals of europe. about one hundred and twenty thousand inhabitants crowd its narrow streets and massive edifices. castles, fortresses, somber convents and the gothic palaces of the old bohemian monarchs, occupying every picturesque locality, as gray with age as the eternal crags upon which they stand, and exhibiting every fantastic variety of architecture, present an almost unrivaled aspect of beauty and of grandeur. the palace on the hill alone is larger than the imperial palace at vienna, containing over four hundred apartments, some of them being rooms of magnificent dimensions. the cathedral within the precincts of this palace occupied more than one hundred and fifty years in its erection. ferdinand, with the iron energy and determined will of an enraged, successful despot, stationed his troops at the gates, the bridges and at every commanding position, and thus took military possession of the city. the inhabitants, overawed and helpless, were in a state of terror. the emperor summoned six hundred of the most influential of the citizens to his palace, including all who possessed rank or office or wealth. tremblingly they came. as soon as they had entered, the gates were closed and guarded, and they were all made prisoners. the king then, seated upon his throne, in his royal robes, and with his armed officers around him, ordered the captives like culprits to be led before him. sternly he charged them with treason, and demanded what excuse they had to offer. they were powerless, and their only hope was in self-abasement. one, speaking in the name of the rest, said: "we will not presume to enter into any defense of our conduct with our king and master. we cast ourselves upon his royal mercy." they then all simultaneously threw themselves upon their knees, imploring his pardon. the king allowed them to remain for some time in that posture, that he might enjoy their humiliation. he then ordered his officers to conduct them into the hall of justice, and detain them there until he had decided respecting their punishment. for some hours they were kept in this state of suspense. he then informed them, that out of his great clemency he had decided to pardon them on the following conditions. they were to surrender all their constitutional privileges, whatever they were, into the hands of the king, and be satisfied with whatever privileges he might condescend to confer upon them. they were to bring all their artillery, muskets and ammunition to the palace, and surrender them to his officers; all the revenues of the city, together with a tax upon malt and beer, were to be paid into his hands for his disposal, and all their vassals, and their property of every kind, they were to resign to the king and to his heirs, whom they were to acknowledge as the _hereditary_ successors to the throne of bohemia. upon these conditions the king promised to spare the rebellious city, and to pardon all the offenders, excepting a few of the most prominent, whom he was determined to punish with such severity as to prove an effectual warning to all others. the prisoners were terrified into the immediate ratification of these hard terms. they were then all released, excepting forty, who were reserved for more rigorous punishment. in the same manner the king sent a summons to all the towns of the kingdom; and by the same terrors the same terms were extorted. all the rural nobles, who had manifested a spirit of resistance, were also summoned before a court of justice for trial. some fled the kingdom. their estates were confiscated to ferdinand, and they were sentenced to death should they ever return. many others were deprived of their possessions. twenty-six were thrown into prison, and two condemned to public execution. the king, having thus struck all the discontented with terror, summoned a diet to meet in his palace at prague. they met the d of august, . a vast assemblage was convened, as no one who was summoned dared to stay away. the king, wishing to give an intimation to the diet of what they were to expect should they oppose his wishes, commenced the session by publicly hanging four of the most illustrious of his captives. one of these, high judge of the kingdom, was in the seventieth year of his age. the bloody diet, as it has since been called, was opened, and ferdinand found all as pliant as he could wish. the royal discipline had effected wonders. the slightest intimation of ferdinand was accepted with eagerness. the execrable tyrant wished to impress the whole kingdom with a salutary dread of incurring his paternal displeasure. he brought out the forty prisoners who still remained in their dungeons. eight of the most distinguished men of the kingdom were led to three of the principal cities, in each of which, in the public square, they were ignominiously and cruelly whipped on the bare back. before each flagellation the executioner proclaimed-- "these men are punished because they are traitors, and because they excited the people against their _hereditary_ master." they then, with eight others, their property being confiscated, in utter beggary, were driven as vagabonds from the kingdom. the rest, after being impoverished by fines, were restored to liberty. ferdinand adopted vigorous measures to establish his despotic power. considering the protestant religion as peculiarly hostile to despotism, in the encouragement it afforded to education, to the elevation of the masses, and to the diffusion of those principles of fraternal equality which christ enjoined; and considering the catholic religion as the great bulwark of kingly power, by the intolerance of the church teaching the benighted multitudes subjection to civil intolerance, ferdinand, with unceasing vigilance, and with melancholy success, endeavored to eradicate the lutheran doctrines from the kingdom. he established the most rigorous censorship of the press, and would allow no foreign work, unexamined, to enter the realm. he established in bohemia the fanatic order of the jesuits, and intrusted to them the education of the young. it is often impossible to reconcile the inconsistencies of the human heart. ferdinand, while guilty of such atrocities, affected, on some points, the most scrupulous punctilios of honor. the clearly-defined privileges which had been promised the protestants, he would not infringe in the least. they were permitted to give their children protestant teachers, and to conduct worship in their own way. he effected his object of changing bohemia from an elective to a hereditary monarchy, and thus there was established in bohemia the renowned doctrine of regal legitimacy; of the _divine right_ of kings to govern. with such a bloody hand was the doctrine of the sovereignty, not of the _people_, but of the _nobles_, overthrown in bohemia. the nobles are not much to be commiserated, for they trampled upon the people as mercilessly as the king did upon them. it is merely another illustration of the old and melancholy story of the strong devouring the weak: the owl takes the wren; the eagle the owl. bohemia, thus brought in subjection to a single mind, and shackled in its spirit of free enterprise, began rapidly to exhibit symptoms of decline and decay. it was a great revolution, accomplished by cunning and energy, and maintained by the terrors of confiscation, exile and death. the emperor charles v., it will be remembered, had attempted in vain to obtain the reversion of the imperial crown for his son philip at his own death. the crown of spain was his hereditary possession, and that he could transmit to his son. but the crown of the empire was elective. charles v. was so anxious to secure the imperial dignity for his son, that he retained the crown of the empire for some months after abdicating that of spain, still hoping to influence the electors in their choice. but there were so many obstacles in the way of the recognition of the young philip as emperor, that charles, anxious to retain the dignity in the family, reluctantly yielded to the intrigues of his brother ferdinand, who had now become so powerful that he could perhaps triumph over any little irregularity in the succession and silence murmurs. consequently, charles, nine months after the abdication of the thrones of the low countries and of spain, tried the experiment of abdicating the _elective_ crown of the empire in favor of ferdinand. it was in many respects such an act as if the president of the united states should abdicate in favor of some one of his own choice. the emperor had, however, a semblance of right to place the scepter in the hands of whom he would during his lifetime. but, upon the death of the emperor, would his appointee still hold his power, or would the crown at that moment be considered as falling from his brow? it was the th of august, , when the emperor abdicated the throne of the empire in behalf of his brother ferdinand. it was a new event in history, without a precedent, and the matter was long and earnestly discussed throughout the german states. notwithstanding all ferdinand's energy, sagacity and despotic power, two years elapsed before he could secure the acknowledgment of his title, by the german states, and obtain a proclamation of his imperial state. the pope had thus far had such an amazing control over the conscience, or rather the superstition of europe, that the choice of the electors was ever subject to the ratification of the holy father. it was necessary for the emperor elect to journey to rome, and be personally crowned by the hands of the pope, before he could be considered in legal possession of the imperial title and of a right to the occupancy of the throne. julius ii., under peculiar circumstances, allowed maximilian to assume the title of _emperor elect_ while he postponed his visit to rome for coronation; but the want of the papal sanction, by the imposition of the crown upon his brow by those _sacred hands_, thwarted maximilian in some of his most fondly-cherished measures. paul iv. was now pontiff, an old man, jealous of his prerogatives, intolerant in the extreme, and cherishing the most exorbitant sense of his spiritual power. he execrated the protestants, and was indignant with ferdinand that he had shown them any mercy at all. but ferdinand, conscious of the importance of a papal coronation, sent a very obsequious embassy to rome, announcing his appointment as emperor, and imploring the benediction of the holy father and the reception of the crown from his hands. the haughty and disdainful reply of the pope was characteristic of the times and of the man. it was in brief, as follows: "the emperor charles has behaved like a madman; and his acts are no more to be respected than the ravings of insanity. charles v. received the imperial crown from the head of the church; in abdicating, that crown could only return to the sacred hands which conferred it. the nomination of ferdinand as his successor we pronounce to be null and void. the alleged ratification of the electors is a mockery, dishonored and vitiated as it is by the votes of electors polluted with heresy. we therefore command ferdinand to relinquish all claim to the imperial crown." the irascible old pontiff, buried beneath the senseless pomps of the vatican, was not at all aware of the change which protestant preaching and writing had effected in the public mind of germany. italy was still slumbering in the gloom of the dark ages; but light was beginning to dawn upon the hills of the empire. one half of the population of the german empire would rally only the more enthusiastically around ferdinand, if he would repel all papal assumptions with defiance and contempt. ferdinand was the wiser and the better informed man of the two. he conducted with dignity and firmness which make us almost forget his crimes. a diet was summoned, and it was quietly decreed that a _papal coronation was no longer necessary_. that one short line was the heaviest blow the papal throne had yet received. from it, it never recovered and never can recover. paul iv. was astounded at such effrontery, and as soon as he had recovered a little from his astonishment, alarmed in view of such a declaration of independence, he took counsel of discretion, and humiliating as it was, made advances for a reconciliation. ferdinand was also anxious to be on good terms with the pope. while negotiations were pending, paul died, his death being perhaps hastened by chagrin. pius iv. succeeded him, and pressed still more earnestly overtures for reconciliation ferdinand, through his ambassador, expressed his willingness to pledge the accustomed _devotion_ and _reverence_ to the head of the church, omitting the word _obedience_. but the pope was anxious, above all things, to have that emphatic word _obey_ introduced into the ritual of subjection, and after employing all the arts of diplomacy and cajolery, carried his point. ferdinand, with duplicity which was not honorable, let the word remain, saying that it was not his act, but that of his ambassador. the pope affected satisfaction with the formal acknowledgment of his power, while ferdinand ever after refused to recognize his authority. thus terminated the long dependence, running through ages of darkness and delusion, of the german emperors upon the roman see. ferdinand did not trouble himself to receive the crown from the pope, and since his day the emperors of germany have no longer been exposed to the expense and the trouble of a journey to rome for their coronation. though ferdinand was strongly attached to the tenets of the papal church, and would gladly have eradicated protestantism from his domains, he was compelled to treat the protestants with some degree of consideration, as he needed the aid of their arms in the wars in which he was incessantly involved with the turks. he even made great efforts to introduce some measure of conciliation which should reconcile the two parties, and thus reunite his realms under one system of doctrine and of worship. still protestantism was making rapid strides all over europe. it had become the dominant religion in denmark and sweden, and, by the accession of elizabeth to the throne of england, was firmly established in that important kingdom. in france also the reformed religion had made extensive inroads, gathering to its defense many of the noblest spirits, in rank and intellect, in the realm. the terrors of the inquisition had thus far prevented the truth from making much progress in spain and portugal. with the idea of promoting reconciliation, ferdinand adopted a measure which contributed greatly to his popularity with the protestants. he united with france and spain in urging pius iv., a mild and pliant pontiff, to convene a council in germany to heal the religious feud. he drew up a memorial, which was published and widely scattered, declaring that the protestants had become far too powerful to be treated with outrage or contempt; that there were undeniable wrongs in the church which needed to be reformed; and that no harm could accrue from permitting the clergy to marry, and to administer both bread and wine to the communicants in the lord's supper. it was a doctrine of the church of rome, that the laity could receive the bread only; the wine was reserved for the officiating priest. this memorial of ferdinand, drawn up with much distinctness and great force of argument, was very grateful to the protestants, but very displeasing to the court of rome. these conflicts raged for several years without any decisive results. the efforts of ferdinand to please both parties, as usual, pleased neither. by the protestants he was regarded as a persecutor and intolerant; while the catholics accused him of lukewarmness, of conniving at heresy and of dishonoring the church by demanding of her concessions derogatory to her authority and her dignity. ferdinand, finding that the church clung with deathly tenacity to its corruptions, assumed himself quite the attitude of a reformer. a memorable council had been assembled at trent on the th of january, . ferdinand urged the council to exhort the pope to examine if there was not room for some reform in his own person, state or court. "because," said he, "the only true method to obtain authority for the reformation of others, is to begin by amending oneself." he commented upon the manifest impropriety of scandalous indulgences: of selling the sacred offices of the church to the highest bidder, regardless of character; of extorting fees for the administration of the sacrament of the lord's supper; of offering prayers and performing the services of public devotion in a language which the people could not understand; and other similar and most palpable abuses. even the kings of france and spain united with the emperor in these remonstrances. it is difficult now to conceive of the astonishment and indignation with which the pope and his adherents received these very reasonable suggestions, coming not from the protestants but from the most staunch advocates of the papacy. the see of rome, corrupt to its very core, would yield nothing. the more senseless and abominable any of its corruptions were, the more tenaciously did pope and cardinals cling to them. at last the emperor, in despair of seeing any thing accomplished, requested that the assembly might be dissolved, saying, "nothing good can be expected, even if it continue its sittings for a hundred years." chapter xi. death of ferdinand i.--accession of maximilian ii. from to . the council of trent.--spread of the reformation.--ferdinand's attempt to influence the pope.--his arguments against celibacy.--stubbornness of the pope.--maximilian ii.--displeasure of ferdinand.--motives for not abjuring the catholic faith.--religious strife in europe.--maximilian's address to charles ix.--mutual toleration.--romantic pastime of war.--heroism of nicholas, count of zrini.--accession of power to austria.--accession of rhodolph iii.--death of maximilian. this celebrated council of trent, which was called with the hope that by a spirit of concession and reform the religious dissensions which agitated europe might be adjusted, declared, in the very bravado of papal intolerance, the very worst abuses of the church to be essential articles of faith, which could only be renounced at the peril of eternal condemnation, and thus presented an insuperable barrier to any reconciliation between the catholics and the protestants. ferdinand was disappointed, and yet did not venture to break with the pope by withholding his assent from the decrees which were enacted. the lutheran doctrines had spread widely through ferdinand's hereditary states of austria. several of the professors in the university at vienna had embraced those views; and quite a number of the most powerful and opulent of the territorial lords even maintained protestant chaplains at their castles. the majority of the inhabitants of the austrian states had, in the course of a few years, become protestants. though ferdinand did every thing he dared to do to check their progress, forbidding the circulation of luther's translation of the bible, and throwing all the obstacles he could in the way of protestant worship, he was compelled to grant them very considerable toleration, and to overlook the infraction of his decrees, that he might secure their aid to repel the turks. providence seemed to overrule the moslem invasion for the protection of the protestant faith. notwithstanding all the efforts of ferdinand, the reformers gained ground in austria as in other parts of germany. the two articles upon which the protestants at this time placed most stress were the right of the clergy to marry and the administration of the communion under both kinds, as it was called; that is, that the communicants should partake of both the bread and the wine. ferdinand, having failed entirely in inducing the council to submit to any reform, opened direct communication with the pope to obtain for his subjects indulgence in respect to these two articles. in advocacy of this measure he wrote: "in bohemia no persuasion, no argument, no violence, not even arms and war, have succeeded in abolishing the use of the cup as well as the bread in the sacrament. in fact the church itself permitted it, although the popes revoked it by a breach of the conditions on which it was granted. in the other states, hungary, austria, silesia, styria, carinthia, carniola, bavaria and other parts of germany, many desire with ardor the same indulgence. if this concession is granted they may be reunited to the church, but if refused they will be driven into the party of the protestants. so many of the priests have been degraded by their diocesans for administering the sacrament in both kinds, that the country is almost deprived of priests. hence children die or grow up to maturity without baptism; and men and women, of all ages and of all ranks, live like the brutes, in the grossest ignorance of god and of religion." in reference to the marriage of the clergy he wrote: "if a permission to the clergy to marry can not be granted, may not married men of learning and probity be ordained, according to the custom of the eastern church; or married priests be tolerated for a time, provided they act according to the catholic and christian faith? and it may be justly asked whether such concessions would not be far preferable to tolerating, as has unfortunately been done, fornication and concubinage? i can not avoid adding, what is a common observation, that priests who live in concubinage are guilty of greater sin than those who are married; for the last only transgress a law which is capable of being changed, whereas the first sin against a divine law, which is capable of neither change nor dispensation." the pope, pressed with all the importunity which ferdinand could urge, reluctantly consented to the administration of the cup to the laity, but resolutely refused to tolerate the marriage of the clergy. ferdinand was excessively annoyed by the stubbornness of the court of rome in its refusal to submit to the most reasonable reform, thus rendering it impossible for him to allay the religious dissensions which were still spreading and increasing in acrimony. his disappointment was so great that it is said to have thrown him into the fever of which he died on the th of july, . for several ages the archdukes of austria had been endeavoring to unite the austrian states with hungary and bohemia under one monarchy. the union had been temporarily effected once or twice, but ferdinand accomplished the permanent union, and may thus be considered as the founder of the austrian monarchy essentially as it now exists. as archduke of austria, he inherited the austrian duchies. by his marriage with anne, daughter of ladislaus, king of hungary and bohemia, he secured those crowns, which he made hereditary in his family. he left three sons. the eldest, maximilian, inherited the archduchy of austria and the crowns of bohemia and hungary, of course inheriting, with hungary, prospective war with the turks. the second son, ferdinand, had, as his legacy, the government and the revenues of the tyrol. the third son, charles, received styria. there were nine daughters left, three of whom took the vail and the rest formed illustrious marriages. ferdinand appears to have been a sincere catholic, though he saw the great corruptions of the church and earnestly desired reform. as he advanced in years he became more tolerant and gentle, and had his wise counsels been pursued europe would have escaped inexpressible woes. still he clung to the church, unwisely seeking unity of faith and discipline, which can hardly be attained in this world, rather than toleration with allowed diversity. maximilian ii. was thirty-seven years of age on his accession to the throne. although he was educated in the court of spain, which was the most bigoted and intolerant in europe, yet he developed a character remarkable for mildness, affability and tolerance. he was indebted for these attractive traits to his tutor, a man of enlarged and cultivated mind, and who had, like most men of his character at that time, a strong leaning towards protestantism. these principles took so firm a hold of his youthful mind that they could never be eradicated. as he advanced in life he became more and more interested in the protestant faith. he received a clergyman of the reformed religion as his chaplain and private secretary, and partook of the sacrament of the lord's supper, from his hands, in both kinds. even while remaining in the spanish court he entered into a correspondence with several of the most influential advocates of the protestant faith. returning to austria from spain, he attended public worship in the chapels of the protestants, and communed with them in the sacrament of the lord's supper. when some of his friends warned him that by pursuing such a course he could never hope to obtain the imperial crown of germany, he replied: "i will sacrifice all worldly interests for the sake of my salvation." his father, the emperor ferdinand, was so much displeased with his son's advocacy of the protestant faith, that after many angry remonstrances he threatened to disinherit him if he did not renounce all connection with the reformers. but maximilian, true to his conscience, would not allow the apprehension of the loss of a crown to induce him to swerve from his faith. fully expecting to be thus cast off and banished from the kingdom, he wrote to the protestant elector palatine: "i have so deeply offended my father by maintaining a lutheran preacher in my service, that i am apprehensive of being expelled as a fugitive, and hope to find an asylum in your court." the catholics of course looked with apprehension to the accession of maximilian to the throne, while the protestants anticipated the event with great hope. there were, however, many considerations of vast moment influencing maximilian not to separate himself, in form, from the catholic church. philip, his cousin, king of spain, was childless, and should he die without issue, ferdinand would inherit that magnificent throne, which he could not hope to ascend, as an avowed protestant, without a long and bloody war. it had been the most earnest dying injunction of his father that he should not abjure the catholic faith. his wife was a very zealous catholic, as was also each one of his brothers. there were very many who remained in the catholic church whose sympathies were with the reformers--who hoped to promote reformation in the church without leaving it. influenced by such considerations, maximilian made a public confession of the catholic faith, received his father's confessor, and maintained, in his court, the usages of the papal church. he was, however, the kind friend of the protestants, ever seeking to shield them from persecution, claiming for them a liberal toleration, and seeking, in all ways, to promote fraternal religious feeling throughout his domains. the prudence of maximilian wonderfully allayed the bitterness of religious strife in germany, while other portions of europe were desolated with the fiercest warfare between the catholics and protestants. in france, in particular, the conflict raged with merciless fury. it was on august th, , but a few years after maximilian ascended the throne, when the catholics of france perpetrated the massacre of st. bartholomew, perhaps the most atrocious crime recorded in history. the catholics and protestants in france were nearly equally divided in numbers, wealth and rank. the papal party, finding it impossible to crush their foes by force of arms, resolved to exterminate them by a simultaneous massacre. they feigned toleration and reconciliation. the court of paris invited all the leading protestants of the kingdom to the metropolis to celebrate the nuptials of henry, the young king of navarre, with margaret, sister of charles ix., the reigning monarch. secret orders were dispatched all over the kingdom, for the conspirators, secretly armed, at a given signal, by midnight, to rise upon the protestants, men, women and children, and utterly exterminate them. "let not one remain alive," said the king of france, "to tell the story." the deed was nearly accomplished. the king himself, from a window of the louvre, fired upon his protestant subjects, as they fled in dismay through the streets. in a few hours eighty thousand of the protestants were mangled corpses. protestantism in france has never recovered from this blow. maximilian openly expressed his execration of this deed, though the pope ordered te deums to be chanted at rome in exultation over the crime. not long after this horrible slaughter, charles ix. died in mental torment. henry of valois, brother of the deceased king, succeeded to the throne. he was at that time king of poland. returning to france, through vienna, he had an interview with maximilian, who addressed him in those memorable words which have often been quoted to the honor of the austrian sovereign: "there is no crime greater in princes," said maximilian, "than to tyrannize over the consciences of their subjects. by shedding the blood of heretics, far from honoring the common father of all, they incur the divine vengeance; and while they aspire, by such means, to crowns in heaven, they justly expose themselves to the loss of their earthly kingdoms." under the peaceful and humane reign of ferdinand, germany was kept in a general state of tranquillity, while storms of war and woe were sweeping over almost all other parts of europe. during all his reign, maximilian ii. was unwearied in his endeavors to promote harmony between the two great religious parties, by trying, on the one hand, to induce the pope to make reasonable concessions, and, on the other hand, to induce the protestants to moderate their demands. his first great endeavor was to induce the pope to consent to the marriage of the clergy. in this he failed entirely. he then tried to form a basis of mutual agreement, upon which the two parties could unite. his father had attempted this plan, and found it utterly impracticable. maximilian attempted it, with just as little success. it has been attempted a thousand times since, and has always failed. good men are ever rising who mourn the divisions in the christian church, and strive to form some plan of union, where all true christians can meet and fraternize, and forget their minor differences. alas! for poor human nature, there is but little prospect that this plan can ever be accomplished. there will be always those who can not discriminate between essential and non-essential differences of opinion. maximilian at last fell back simply upon the doctrine of a liberal toleration, and in maintaining this he was eminently successful. at one time the turks were crowding him very hard in hungary. a special effort was requisite to raise troops to repel them. maximilian summoned a diet, and appealed to the assembled nobles for supplies of men and money. in austria proper, protestantism was now in the decided ascendency. the nobles took advantage of the emperor's wants to reply-- "we are ready to march to the assistance of our sovereign, to repel the turks from hungary, if the jesuits are first expelled from our territories." the answer of the king was characteristic of his policy and of his career. "i have convened you," he said, "to give me contributions, not remonstrances. i wish you to help me expel the turks, not the jesuits." from many a prince this reply would have excited exasperation. but maximilian had established such a character for impartiality and probity, that the rebuke was received with applause rather than with murmurs, and the protestants, with affectionate zeal, rallied around his standard. so great was the influence of the king, that toleration, as one of the virtues of the court, became the fashion, and the catholics and protestants vied with each other in the manifestation of mutual forbearance and good will. they met on equal terms in the palace of the monarch, shared alike in his confidence and his favors, and cooperated cordially in the festivities of the banqueting room, and in the toils of the camp. we love to dwell upon the first beautiful specimen of toleration which the world has seen in any court. it is the more beautiful, and the more wonderful, as having occurred in a dark age of bigotry, intolerance and persecution. and let us be sufficiently candid to confess, that it was professedly a roman catholic monarch, a member of the papal church, to whom the world is indebted for this first recognition of true mental freedom. it can not be denied that maximilian ii. was in advance of the avowed protestants of his day. pope pius v. was a bigot, inflexible, overbearing; and he determined, with a bloody hand, to crush all dissent. from his throne in the vatican he cast an eagle eye to germany, and was alarmed and indignant at the innovations which maximilian was permitting. in all haste he dispatched a legate to remonstrate strongly against such liberality. maximilian received the legate, cardinal commendon, with courtesy, but for a time firmly refused to change his policy in obedience to the exactions of the pope. the pope brought to bear upon him all the influence of the spanish court. he was threatened with war by all the papal forces, sustained by the then immense power of the spanish monarchy. for a time maximilian was in great perplexity, and finally yielded to the pope so far as to promise not to permit any further innovations than those which he had already allowed, and not to extend his principles of toleration into any of his states where they had not as yet been introduced. thus, while he did not retract any concessions he had made, he promised to stop where he was, and proceed no further. maximilian was so deeply impressed with the calamities of war, that he even sent an embassy to the turks, offering to continue to pay the tribute which they had exacted of his father, as the price of a continued armistice. but solyman, having made large preparations for the renewed invasion of hungary, and sanguine of success, haughtily rejected the offer, and renewed hostilities. nearly all of the eastern and southern portions of hungary were already in the hands of the turks. maximilian held a few important towns and strong fortresses on the western frontier. not feeling strong enough to attempt to repel the turks from the portion they already held, he strengthened his garrisons, and raising an army of eighty thousand men, of which he assumed the command, he entered hungary and marched down the danube about sixty miles to raab, to await the foe and act on the defensive. solyman rendezvoused an immense army at belgrade, and commenced his march up the danube. "old as i am," said he to his troops, "i am determined to chastise the house of austria, or to perish in the attempt beneath the walls of vienna." it was beautiful spring weather, and the swelling buds and hourly increasing verdure, decorated the fields with loveliness. for several days the turks marched along the right bank of the danube, through green fields, and beneath a sunny sky, encountering no foe. war seemed but as the pastime of a festive day, as gay banners floated in the breeze, groups of horsemen, gorgeously caparisoned, pranced along, and the turbaned multitude, in brilliant uniform, with jokes, and laughter and songs, leisurely ascended the majestic stream. a fleet of boats filled the whole body of the river, impelled by sails when the wind favored, or, when the winds were adverse, driven by the strong arms of the rowers against the gentle tide. each night the white tents were spread, and a city for a hundred thousand inhabitants rose as by magic, with its grassy streets, its squares, its busy population, its music, its splendor, blazing in all the regalia of war. as by magic the city rose in the rays of the declining sun. as by magic it disappeared in the early dawn of the morning, and the mighty hosts moved on. a few days thus passed, when solyman approached the fortified town of zigeth, near the confluence of the drave and the danube. nicholas, count of zrini, was intrusted with the defense of this place, and he fulfilled his trust with heroism and valor which has immortalized both his name and the fortress which he defended. zrini had a garrison of but three thousand men. an army of nearly a hundred thousand were marching upon him. zrini collected his troops, and took a solemn oath, in the presence of all, that, true to god, to his christian faith, and his country, he never would surrender the town to the turks, but with his life. he then required each soldier individually to take the same oath to his captain. all the captains then, in the presence of the assembled troops, took the same oath to him. the turks soon arrived and commenced an unceasing bombardment day and night. the little garrison vigorously responded. the besieged made frequent sallies, spiking the guns of the besiegers, and again retiring behind their works. but their overpowering foes advanced, inch by inch, till they got possession of what was called the "old city." the besieged retiring to the "new city," resumed the defense with unabated ardor. the storm of war raged incessantly for many days, and the new city was reduced to a smoldering heap of fire and ashes. the turks, with incredible labor, raised immense mounds of earth and stone, on the summits of which they planted their batteries, where they could throw their shot, with unobstructed aim, into every part of the city. roads were constructed across the marsh, and the swarming multitudes, in defiance of all the efforts of the heroic little garrison, filled up the ditch, and were just on the rush to take the place by a general assault, when zrini abandoned the new city to flames, and threw himself into the citadel. his force was now reduced to about a thousand men. day after day the storm of war blazed with demoniac fury around the citadel. mines were dug, and, as by volcanic explosions, bastions, with men and guns, were blown high into the air. the indomitable hungarians made many sallies, cutting down the gunners and spiking the guns, but they were always driven back with heavy loss. repeated demands for capitulation were sent in and as repeatedly rejected. for a week seven assaults were made daily upon the citadel by the turks, but they were always repulsed. at length the outer citadel was entirely demolished. then the heroic band retired to the inner works. they were now without ammunition or provisions, and the turks, exasperated by such a defense, were almost gnashing their teeth with rage. the old sultan, solyman, actually died from the intensity of his vexation and wrath. the death of the sultan was concealed from the turkish troops, and a general assault was arranged upon the inner works. the hour had now come when they must surrender or die, for the citadel was all battered into a pile of smoldering ruins, and there were no ramparts capable of checking the progress of the foe. zrini assembled his little band, now counting but six hundred, and said, "remember your oath. we must die in the flames, or perish with hunger, or go forth to meet the foe. let us die like men. follow me, and do as i do." they made a simultaneous rush from their defenses into the thickest of the enemy. for a few moments there was a scene of wildest uproar and confusion, and the brave defenders were all silent in death. the turks with shouts of triumph now rushed into the citadel. but zrini had fired trains leading to the subterranean vaults of powder, and when the ruins were covered with the conquerors, a sullen roar ran beneath the ground and the whole citadel, men, horses, rocks and artillery were thrown into the air, and fell a commingled mass of ruin, fire and blood. a more heroic defense history has not recorded. twenty thousand turks perished in this siege. the body of zrini was found in the midst of the mangled dead. his head was cut off and, affixed to a pole, was raised as a trophy before the tent of the deceased sultan. the death of solyman, and the delay which this desperate siege had caused, embarrassed all the plans of the invaders, and they resolved upon a retreat. the troops were consequently withdrawn from hungary, and returned to constantinople. maximilian, behind his intrenchments at raab, did not dare to march to the succor of the beleaguered garrison, for overpowering numbers would immediately have destroyed him had he appeared in the open field. but upon the withdrawal of the turks he disbanded his army, after having replenished his garrisons, and returned to vienna. selim succeeded solyman, and maximilian sent an embassy to constantinople to offer terms of peace. at the same time, to add weight to his negotiations, he collected a large army, and made the most vigorous preparations for the prosecution of the war. selim, just commencing his reign, anxious to consolidate his power, and embarrassed by insurrection in his own realms, was glad to conclude an armistice on terms highly favorable to maximilian. john sigismond, who had been crowned by the turks, as their tributary king of hungary, was to retain transylvania. the turks were to hold the country generally between transylvania and the river teiss, while ferdinand was to have the remainder, extending many hundred miles from the teiss to austria. the prince of transylvania was compelled, though very reluctantly, to assent to this treaty. he engaged not to assume the title of king of hungary, except in correspondence with the turks. the emperor promised him one of his nieces in marriage, and in return it was agreed that should john sigismond die without male issue, transylvania should revert to the crown of hungary. soon after this treaty, john sigismond died, before his marriage with the emperor's niece, and transylvania was again united to hungary and came under the sway of maximilian. this event formed quite an accession to the power of the austrian monarch, as he now held all of hungary save the southern and central portion where the turks had garrisoned the fortresses. the pope, the king of spain, and the venetians, now sent united ambassadors to the emperor urging him to summon the armies of the empire and drive the turks entirely out of hungary. cardinal commendon assured the emperor, in the name of the holy father of the church, that it was no sin to violate any compact with the infidel. maximilian nobly replied, "the faith of treaties ought to be considered as inviolable, and a christian can never be justified in breaking an oath." maximilian never enjoyed vigorous health, and being anxious to secure the tranquillity of his extended realms after his death, he had his eldest son, rhodolph, in a diet at presburg, crowned king of hungary. rhodolph at once entered upon the government of his realm as viceroy during the life of his father. thus he would have all the reins of government in his hands, and, at the death of the emperor, there would be no apparent change. it will be remembered that ferdinand had, by violence and treachery, wrested from the bohemians the privilege of electing their sovereign, and had thus converted bohemia into an hereditary monarchy. maximilian, with characteristic prudence, wished to maintain the hereditary right thus established, while at the same time he wished to avoid wounding the prejudices of those who had surrendered the right of suffrage only to fraud and the sword. he accordingly convoked a diet at prague. the nobles were assembled in large numbers, and the occasion was invested with unusual solemnity. the emperor himself introduced to them his son, and recommended him to them as their future sovereign. the nobles were much gratified by so unexpected a concession, and with enthusiasm accepted their new king. the emperor had thus wisely secured for his son the crowns of hungary and bohemia. having succeeded in these two important measures, maximilian set about the more difficult enterprise of securing for his son his succession upon the imperial throne. this was a difficult matter in the strong rivalry which then existed between the catholics and the protestants. with caution and conciliation, encountering and overturning innumerable obstacles, maximilian proceeded, until having, as he supposed, a fair chance of success, he summoned the diet of electors at ratisbon. but here new difficulties arose. the protestants were jealous of their constantly imperiled privileges, and wished to surround them with additional safeguards. the catholics, on the contrary, stimulated by the court of rome, wished to withdraw the toleration already granted, and to pursue the protestant faith with new rigor. the meeting of the diet was long and stormy, and again they were upon the point of a violent dissolution. but the wisdom, moderation and perseverance of maximilian finally prevailed, and his success was entire. rhodolph iii. was unanimously chosen to succeed him upon the imperial throne, and was crowned at ratisbon on the st of november, . poland was strictly an elective monarchy. the tumultuous nobles had established a law prohibiting the election of a successor during the lifetime of the monarch. their last king had been the reckless, chivalrous henry, duke of anjou, brother of charles ix. of france. charles ix. having died without issue, henry succeeded him upon the throne of france, and abdicated the crown of the semi-barbaric wilds of poland. the nobles were about to assemble for the election. there were many influential candidates. maximilian was anxious to obtain the crown for his son ernest. much to the surprise of maximilian, he himself was chosen king. protestantism had gained the ascendency in poland, and a large majority of the nobles united upon maximilian. the electors honored both themselves and the emperor in assigning, as the reason for their choice, that the emperor had conciliated the contending factions of the christian world, and had acquired more glory by his pacific policy than other princes had acquired in the exploits of war. there were curious conditions at that time assigned to the occupancy of the throne of poland. the elected monarch, before receiving the crown, was required to give his pledge that he would reside two years uninterruptedly in the kingdom, and that then he would not leave without the consent of the nobles. he was also required to construct four fortresses at his own expense, and to pay all the debts of the last monarch, however heavy they might be, including the arrears of the troops. he was also to maintain a sort of guard of honor, consisting of ten thousand polish horsemen. in addition to the embarrassment which these conditions presented, there were many indications of jealousy on the part of other powers, in view of the wonderful aggrandizement of austria. encouraged by the emperor's delay and by the hostility of other powers, a minority of the nobles chose stephen bathori, a transylvanian prince, king of poland; and to strengthen his title, married him to anne, sister to sigismond augustus, the king of poland who preceded the duke of anjou. maximilian thus aroused, signed the articles of agreement, and the two rival monarchs prepared for war. the kingdoms of europe were arraying themselves, some on the one side and some on the other, and there was the prospect of a long, desperate and bloody strife, when death stilled the tumult. maximilian had long been declining. on the th of october, , he breathed his last at ratisbon. he apparently died the death of the christian, tranquilly surrendering his spirit to his saviour. he died in the fiftieth year of his age and the twelfth of his reign. he had lived, for those dark days, eminently the life of the righteous, and his end was peace. "so fades the summer cloud away, so sinks the gale when storms are o'er so gently shuts the eye of day, so dies a wave along the shore." chapter xii. character of maximilian ii.--succession of rhodolph iii. from to . character of maximilian.--his accomplishments.--his wife.--fate of his children.--rhodolph iii.--the liberty of worship.--means of emancipation.--rhodolph's attempts against protestantism.--declaration of a higher law.--theological differences.--the confederacy at heilbrun.--the gregorian calendar.--intolerance in bohemia.--the trap of the monks.--invasion of the turks.--their defeat.--coalition with sigismond.--sale of transylvania.--rule of basta.--the empire captured and recaptured.--devastation of the country.--treatment of stephen botskoi. it is indeed refreshing, in the midst of the long list of selfish and ambitious sovereigns who have disgraced the thrones of europe, to meet with such a prince as maximilian, a gentleman, a philosopher, a philanthropist and a christian. henry of valois, on his return from poland to france, visited maximilian at vienna. henry was considered one of the most polished men of his age. he remarked in his palace at paris that in all his travels he had never met a more accomplished gentleman than the emperor maximilian. similar is the testimony of all his contemporaries. with all alike, at all times, and under all circumstances, he was courteous and affable. his amiability shone as conspicuously at home as abroad, and he was invariably the kind husband, the tender father, the indulgent master and the faithful friend. in early life he had vigorously prosecuted his studies, and thus possessed the invaluable blessing of a highly cultivated mind. fond of the languages, he not only wrote and conversed in the latin tongue with fluency and elegance, but was quite at home in all the languages of his extensive domains. notwithstanding the immense cares devolving upon the ruler of so extended an empire, he appropriated a portion of time every day to devotional reading and prayer; and his hours were methodically arranged for business, recreation and repose. the most humble subject found easy access to his person, and always obtained a patient hearing. when he was chosen king of poland, some ambassadors from bohemia voluntarily went to poland to testify to the virtues of their king. it was a heartfelt tribute, such as few sovereigns have ever received. "we bohemians," said they, "are as happy under his government as if he were our father. our privileges, laws, rights, liberties and usages are protected and defended. not less just than wise, he confers the offices and dignities of the kingdom only on natives of rank, and is not influenced by favor or artifice. he introduces no innovations contrary to our immunities; and when the great expenses which he incurs for the good of christendom render contributions necessary, he levies them without violence, and with the approbation of the states. but what may be almost considered a miracle is, the prudence and impartiality of his conduct toward persons of a different faith, always recommending union, concord, peace, toleration and mutual regard. he listens even to the meanest of his subjects, readily receives their petitions and renders impartial justice to all." not an act of injustice sullied his reign, and during his administration nearly all germany, with the exception of hungary, enjoyed almost uninterrupted tranquillity. catholics and protestants unite in his praises, and have conferred upon him the surname of the delight of mankind. his wife mary was the daughter of charles v. she was an accomplished, exemplary woman, entirely devoted to the catholic faith. for this devotion, notwithstanding the tolerant spirit of her husband, she was warmly extolled by the catholics. gregory xiii. called her the firm column of the catholic faith, and pius v. pronounced her worthy of being worshiped. after the death of her husband she returned to spain, to the bigoted court of her bigoted brother philip. upon reaching madrid she developed the spirit which dishonored her, in expressing great joy that she was once more in a country where no heretic was tolerated. soon after she entered a nunnery where she remained seven years until her death. it is interesting briefly to trace out the history of the children of this royal family. it certainly will not tend to make one any more discontented to move in a humbler sphere. maximilian left three daughters and five sons. anne, the eldest daughter, was engaged to her cousin, don carlos, only son of her uncle philip, king of spain. as he was consequently heir to the spanish throne, this was a brilliant match. history thus records the person and character of don carlos. he was sickly and one of his legs was shorter than the other. his temper was not only violent, but furious, breaking over all restraints, and the malignant passions were those alone which governed him. he always slept with two naked swords under his pillow, two loaded pistols, and several loaded guns, with a chest of fire-arms at the side of his bed. he formed a conspiracy to murder his father. he was arrested and imprisoned. choking with rage, he called for a fire, and threw himself into the flames, hoping to suffocate himself. being rescued, he attempted to starve himself. failing in this, he tried to choke himself by swallowing a diamond. he threw off his clothes, and went naked and barefoot on the stone floor, hoping to engender some fatal disease. for eleven days he took no food but ice. at length the wretched man died, and thus anne lost her lover. but philip, the father of don carlos, and own uncle of anne, concluded to take her for himself. she lived a few years as queen of spain, and died four years after the death of her father, maximilian. elizabeth, the second daughter, was beautiful. at sixteen years of age she married charles ix., king of france, who was then twenty years old. charles ix. ascended the throne when but ten years of age, under the regency of his infamous mother, catherine de medici, perhaps the most demoniac female earth has known. under her tutelage, her boy, equally impotent in body and in mind, became as pitiable a creature as ever disgraced a throne. the only energy he ever showed was in shooting the protestants from a window of the louvre in the horrible massacre of st. bartholomew, which he planned at the instigation of his fiend-like mother. a few wretched years the youthful queen lived with the monster, when his death released her from that bondage. she then returned to vienna, a young and childless widow, but twenty years of age. she built and endowed the splendid monastery of st. mary de angelis, and having seen enough of the pomp of the world, shut herself up from the world in the imprisonment of its cloisters, where she recounted her beads for nineteen years, until she died in . margaret, the youngest daughter, after her father's death, accompanied her mother to spain. her sister anne soon after died, and philip ii., her morose and debauched husband, having already buried four wives, and no one can tell how many guilty favorites, sought the hand of his young and fresh niece. but margaret wisely preferred the gloom of the cloister to the babylonish glare of the palace. she rejected the polluted and withered hand, and in solitude and silence, as a hooded nun, she remained immured in her cell for fifty-seven years. then her pure spirit passed from a joyless life on earth, we trust, to a happy home in heaven. rhodolph, the eldest son, succeeded his father, and in the subsequent pages we shall record his career. ernest, the second son, was a mild, bashful young man, of a temperament so singularly melancholy that he was rarely known to smile. his brother rhodolph gave him the appointment of governor of hungary. he passed quietly down the stream of time until he was forty-two years of age, when he died of the stone, a disease which had long tortured him with excruciating pangs. matthias, the third son, became a restless, turbulent man, whose deeds we shall have occasion to record in connection with his brother rhodolph, whom he sternly and successfully opposed. maximilian, the fourth son, when thirty years of age was elected king of poland. an opposition party chose john, son of the king of sweden. the rival candidates appealed to the cruel arbitration of the sword. in a decisive battle maximilian's troops were defeated, and he was taken prisoner. he was only released upon his giving the pledge that he renounced all his right to the throne. he rambled about, now governing a province, and now fighting the turks, until he died unmarried, sixty years of age. albert, the youngest son, was destined to the church. he was sent to spain, and under the patronage of his royal uncle he soon rose to exalted ecclesiastical dignities. he, however, eventually renounced these for more alluring temporal honors. surrendering his cardinal's hat, and archiepiscopal robes, he espoused isabella, daughter of philip, and from the governorship of portugal was promoted to the sovereignty of the netherlands. here he encountered only opposition and war. after a stormy and unsuccessful life, in which he was thwarted in all his plans, he died childless. from this digression let us return to rhodolph iii., the heir to the titles and the sovereignties of his father the emperor. it was indeed a splendid inheritance which fell to his lot. he was the sole possessor of the archduchy of austria, king of bohemia and of hungary, and emperor of germany. he was but twenty-five years of age when he entered upon the undisputed possession of all these dignities. his natural disposition was mild and amiable, his education had been carefully attended to, his moral character was good, a rare virtue in those days, and he had already evinced much industry, energy and talents for business. his father had left the finances and the internal administration of all his realms in good condition; his moderation had greatly mitigated the religious animosities which disturbed other portions of europe, and all obstacles to a peaceful and prosperous reign seemed to have been removed. but all these prospects were blighted by the religious bigotry which had gained a firm hold of the mind of the young emperor. when he was but twelve years of age he was sent to madrid to be educated. philip ii., of spain, rhodolph's uncle, had an only daughter, and no son, and there seemed to be no prospect that his queen would give birth to another child. philip consequently thought of adopting rhodolph as his successor to the spanish throne, and of marrying him to his daughter. in the court of spain where the jesuits held supreme sway, and where rhodolph was intrusted to their guidance, the superstitious sentiments which he had imbibed from his mother were still more deeply rooted. the jesuits found rhodolph a docile pupil; and never on earth have there been found a set of men who, more thoroughly than the jesuits, have understood the art of educating the mind to subjection. rhodolph was instructed in all the petty arts of intrigue and dissimulation, and was brought into entire subserviency to the spanish court. thus educated, rhodolph received the crown. he commenced his reign with the desperate resolve to crush out protestantism, either by force or guile, and to bring back his realms to the papal church. even the toleration of maximilian, in those dark days, did not allow freedom of worship to any but the nobles. the wealthy and emancipated citizens of vienna, and other royal cities, could not establish a church of their own; they could only, under protection of the nobles, attend the churches which the nobles sustained. in other words, the people were slaves, who were hardly thought of in any state arrangements. the nobles were merely the slaveholders. as there was not difference of color to mark the difference between the slaveholder and the slaves or vassals, many in the cities, who had in various ways achieved their emancipation, had become wealthy and instructed, and were slowly claiming some few rights. the country nobles could assemble their vassals in the churches where they had obtained toleration. in some few cases some of the citizens of the large towns, who had obtained emancipation from some feudal oppressions, had certain defined political privileges granted them. but, in general, the nobles or slaveholders, some having more, and some having less wealth and power, were all whom even maximilian thought of including in his acts of toleration. a learned man in the universities, or a wealthy man in the walks of commerce, was compelled to find shelter under the protection of some powerful noble. there were nobles of all ranks, from the dukes, who could bring twenty thousand armed men into the field, down to the most petty, impoverished baron, who had perhaps not half a dozen vassals. rhodolph's first measure was to prevent the _burghers_, as they were called, who were those who had in various ways obtained emancipation from vassal service, and in the large cities had acquired energy, wealth and an air of independence, from attending protestant worship. the nobles were very jealous of their privileges, and were prompt to combine whenever they thought them infringed. fearful of rousing the nobles, rhodolph issued a decree, confirming the toleration which his father had granted the nobles, but forbidding the burghers from attending protestant worship. this was very adroitly done, as it did not interfere with the vassals of the rural nobles on their estates; and these burghers were freed men, over whom the nobles could claim no authority. at the same time rhodolph silenced three of the most eloquent and influential of the protestant ministers, under the plea that they assailed the catholic church with too much virulence; and he also forbade any one thenceforward to officiate as a protestant clergyman without a license from him. these were very decisive acts, and yet very adroit ones, as they did not directly interfere with any of the immunities of the nobles. the protestants were, however, much alarmed by these measures, as indicative of the intolerant policy of the new king. the preachers met together to consult. they corresponded with foreign universities respecting the proper course to pursue; and the protestant nobles met to confer upon the posture of affairs. as the result of their conferences, they issued a remonstrance, declaring that they could not yield to such an infringement of the rights of conscience, and that "they were bound to obey god rather than man." rhodolph was pleased with this resistance, as it afforded him some excuse for striking a still heavier blow. he declared the remonstrants guilty of rebellion. as a punishment, he banished several protestant ministers, and utterly forbade the exercise of any protestant worship whatever, in any of the royal towns, including vienna itself. he communicated with the leading catholics in the church and in the state, urging them to act with energy, concert and unanimity. he removed the protestants from office, and supplied their places with catholics. he forbade any license to preach or academical degree, or professorship in the universities from being conferred upon any one who did not sign the formulary of the catholic faith. he ordered a new catechism to be drawn up for universal use in the schools, that there should be no more protestant education of children; he allowed no town to choose any officer without his approbation, and he refused to ratify any choice which did not fall upon a catholic. no person was to be admitted to the rights of burghership, until he had taken an oath of submission to the catholic priesthood. these high-handed measures led to the outbreak of a few insurrections, which the emperor crushed with iron rigor. in the course of a few years, by the vigorous and unrelenting prosecution of these measures, rhodolph gave the catholics the ascendency in all his realms. while the catholics were all united, the protestants were shamefully divided upon the most trivial points of discipline, or upon abstruse questions in philosophy above the reach of mortal minds. it was as true then, as in the days of our saviour, that "the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the children of light." henry iv., of france, who had not then embraced the catholic faith, was anxious to unite the two great parties of lutherans and calvinists, who were as hostile to each other as they were to the catholics. he sent an ambassador to germany to urge their union. he entreated them to call a general synod, suggesting, that as they differed only on the single point of the lord's supper, it would be easy for them to form some basis of fraternal and harmonious action. the catholic church received the doctrine, so called, of _transubstantiation_; that is, the bread and wine, used in the lord's supper, is converted into the actual body and blood of jesus christ, that it is no longer bread and wine, but real flesh and blood; and none the less so, because it does not appear such to our senses. luther renounced the doctrine of transubstantiation, and adopted, in its stead, what he called _consubstantiation_; that is, that after the consecration of the elements, the body and blood of christ are substantially _present with_ (cum et sub,) with and under, the substance of the bread and wine. calvin taught that the bread and wine represented the real body and blood of christ, and that the body and blood were _spiritually present_ in the sacrament. it is a deplorable exhibition of the weakness of good men, that the lutherans and the calvinists should have wasted their energies in contending together upon such a point. but we moderns have no right to boast. precisely the same spirit is manifested now, and denominations differ and strive together upon questions which the human mind can never settle. the spirit which then animated the two parties may be inferred from the reply of the lutherans. "the partisans of calvin," they wrote, "have accumulated such numberless errors in regard to the person of christ, the communication of his merits and the dignity of human nature; have given such forced explanations of the scriptures, and adopted so many blasphemies, that the question of the lord's supper, far from being the principal, has become the least point of difference. an outward union, merely for worldly purposes, in which each party is suffered to maintain its peculiar tenets, can neither be agreeable to god nor useful to the church. these considerations induced us to insert into the formulary of concord a condemnation of the calvinistical errors; and to declare our public decision that false principles should not be covered with the semblance of exterior union, and tolerated under pretense of the right of private judgment, but that all should submit to the word of god, as the only rule to which their faith and instructions should be conformable." they, in conclusion, very politely informed king henry iv. himself, that if he wished to unite with them, he must sign their creed. this was sincerity, honesty, but it was the sincerity and honesty of minds but partially disinthralled from the bigotry of the dark ages. while the protestants were thus unhappily disunited, the pope coöperated with the emperor, and wheeled all his mighty forces into the line to recover the ground which the papal church had lost. several of the more enlightened of the protestant princes, seeing all their efforts paralyzed by disunion, endeavored to heal the schism. but the lutheran leaders would not listen to the calvinists, nor the calvinists to the lutherans, and the masses, as usual, blindly followed their leaders. several of the calvinist princes and nobles, the lutherans refusing to meet with them, united in a confederacy at heilbrun, and drew up a long list of grievances, declaring that, until they were redressed, they should withhold the succors which the emperor had solicited to repel the turks. most of these grievances were very serious, sufficiently so to rouse men to almost any desperation of resistance. but it would be amusing, were it not humiliating, to find among them the complaint that the pope had changed the calendar from the julian to the gregorian. by the julian calendar, or old style as it was called, the solar year was estimated at three hundred and sixty-five days and six hours; but it exceeds this by about eleven minutes. as no allowance was made for these minutes, which amount to a day in about one hundred and thirty years, the current year had, in process of ages, advanced ten days beyond the real time. thus the vernal equinox, which really took place on the th of march, was assigned in the calendar to the st. to rectify this important error the new style, or gregorian calendar, was introduced, so called from pope gregory xii. ten days were dropped after the th of october, , and the th was called the th. this reform of the calendar, correct and necessary as it was, was for a long time adopted only by the catholic princes, so hostile were the protestants to any thing whatever which originated from the pope. in their list of grievances they mentioned this most salutary reform as one, stating that the pope and the jesuits presumed even to change the order of times and years. this confederacy of the calvinists, unaided by the lutherans, accomplished nothing; but still, as year after year the disaffection increased, their numbers gradually increased also, until, on the th of february, , at heidelberg they entered into quite a formidable alliance, offensive and defensive. rhodolph, encouraged by success, pressed his measure of intolerance with renovated vigor. having quite effectually abolished the protestant worship in the states of austria, he turned his attention to bohemia, where, under the mild government of his father, the protestants had enjoyed a degree of liberty of conscience hardly known in any other part of europe. the realm was startled by the promulgation of a decree forbidding both calvinists and lutherans from holding any meetings for divine worship, and declaring them incapacitated from holding any official employment whatever. at the same time he abolished all their schools, and either closed all their churches, or placed in them catholic preachers. these same decrees were also promulgated and these same measures adopted in hungary. and still the protestants, insanely quarreling among themselves upon the most abstruse points of theological philosophy, chose rather to be devoured piecemeal by their great enemy than to combine in self-defense. the emperor now turned from his own dominions of austria, hungary and bohemia, where he reigned in undisputed sway, to other states of the empire, which were governed by their own independent rulers and laws, and where the power of the emperor was shadowy and limited. he began with the city of aix-la-chapelle, in a prussian province on the lower rhine; sent an army there, took possession of the town, expelled the protestants from the magistracy, driving some of them into exile, inflicting heavy fines upon others, and abolishing entirely the exercise of the protestant religion. he then turned to donauworth, an important city of bavaria, upon the upper danube. this was a protestant city, having within its walls but few catholics. there was in the city one catholic religious establishment, a benedictine abbey. the friars enjoyed unlimited freedom of conscience and worship within their own walls, but were not permitted to occupy the streets with their processions, performing the forms and ceremonies of the catholic church. the catholics, encouraged by the emperor, sent out a procession from the walls of the abbey, with torches, banners, relics and all the pageants of catholic worship. the magistrates stopped the procession, took away their banners and sent them back to the abbey, and then suffered the procession to proceed. soon after the friars got up another procession on a funeral occasion. the magistrates, apprehensive that this was a trap to excite them to some opposition which would render it plausible for the emperor to interfere, suffered the procession to proceed unmolested. in a few days the monks repeated the experiment. the populace had now become excited, and there were threats of violence. the magistrates, fearful of the consequences, did every thing in their power to soothe the people, and urged them, by earnest proclamation, to abstain from all tumult. for some time the procession, displaying all the hated pomp of papal worship, paraded the streets undisturbed. but at length the populace became ungovernable, attacked the monks, demolished their pageants and pelted them with mire back into the convent. this was enough. the emperor published the ban of the empire, and sent the duke of bavaria with an army to execute the decree. resistance was hopeless. the troops took possession of the town, abolished the protestant religion, and delivered the churches to the catholics. the protestants now saw that there was no hope for them but in union. thus driven together by an outward pressure which was every day growing more menacing and severe, the chiefs of the protestant party met at aschhausen and established a confederacy to continue for ten years. thus united, they drew up a list of grievances, and sent an embassy to present their demands to the emperor. and now came a very serious turn in the fortunes of rhodolph. notwithstanding the armistice which had been concluded with the turks by rhodolph, a predatory warfare continued to rage along the borders. neither the emperor nor the sultan, had they wished it, could prevent fiery spirits, garrisoned in fortresses frowning at each other, from meeting occasionally in hostile encounter. and both parties were willing that their soldiers should have enough to do to keep up their courage and their warlike spirit. aggression succeeding aggression, sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other, the sultan at last, in a moment of exasperation, resolved to break the truce. a large army of turks invaded croatia, took several fortresses, and marching up the valley of the save, were opening before them a route into the heart of the austrian states. the emperor hastily gathered an army to oppose them. they met before siseck, at the confluence of the kulpa and the save. the turks were totally defeated, with the loss of twelve thousand men. exasperated by the defeat, the sultan roused his energies anew, and war again raged in all its horrors. the advantage was with the turks, and they gradually forced their way up the valley of the danube, taking fortress after fortress, till they were in possession of the important town of raab, within a hundred miles of vienna. sigismond, the waivode or governor of transylvania, an energetic, high-spirited man, had, by his arms, brought the provinces of wallachia and moldavia under subjection to him. having attained such power, he was galled at the idea of holding his government under the protection of the turks. he accordingly abandoned the sultan, and entered into a coalition with the emperor. the united armies fell furiously upon the turks, and drove them back to constantinople. the sultan, himself a man of exceedingly ferocious character, was thoroughly aroused by this disgrace. he raised an immense army, placed himself at its head, and in again invaded hungary. he drove the austrians everywhere before him, and but for the lateness of the season would have bombarded vienna. sigismond, in the hour of victory, sold transylvania to rhodolph for the governorship of some provinces in silesia, and a large annual pension. there was some fighting before the question was fully settled in favor of the emperor, and then he placed the purchased and the conquered province under the government of the imperial general basta. the rule of basta was so despotic that the transylvanians rose in revolt, and under an intrepid chief, moses tzekeli, appealed to the turks for aid. the turks were rejoiced again to find the christians divided, and hastened to avail themselves of the coöperation of the disaffected. the austrians were driven from transylvania, and the turks aided in crowning tzekeli prince of transylvania, under the protection of the porte. the austrians, however, soon returned in greater force, killed tzekeli in the confusion of battle, and reconquered the country. during all this time wretched hungary was ravaged with incessant wars between the turks and austrians. army after army swept to and fro over the smoldering cities and desolated plains. neither party gained any decisive advantage, while hungary was exposed to misery which no pen can describe. cities were bombarded, now by the austrians and now by the turks, villages were burned, harvests trodden down, every thing eatable was consumed. outrages were perpetrated upon the helpless population by the ferocious turks which can not be told. the hungarians lost all confidence in rhodolph. the bigoted emperor was so much engaged in the attempt to extirpate what he called heresy from his realms, that he neglected to send armies sufficiently strong to protect hungary from these ravages. he could have done this without much difficulty; but absorbed in his hostility to protestantism, he merely sent sufficient troops to hungary to keep the country in a constant state of warfare. he filled every important governmental post in hungary with catholics and foreigners. to all the complaints of the hungarians he turned a deaf ear; and his own austrian troops frequently rivaled the turks in devastation and pillage. at the same time he issued the most intolerant edicts, depriving the protestants of all their rights, and endeavoring to force the roman catholic religion upon the community. he allowed, and even encouraged, his rapacious generals to insult and defraud the protestant hungarian nobles, seizing their castles, confiscating their estates and driving them into exile. this oppression at last became unendurable. the people were driven to despair. one of the most illustrious nobles of hungary, a magnate of great wealth and distinction, stephen botskoi, repaired to prague to inform the emperor of the deplorable state of hungary and to seek redress. he was treated with the utmost indignity; was detained for hours in the ante-chamber of the emperor, where he encountered the most cutting insults from the minions of the court. the indignation of the high-spirited noble was roused to the highest pitch. and when, on his return to hungary, he found his estates plundered and devastated by order of the imperial governor, he was all ready to head an insurrection. chapter xiii. rhodolph iii. and matthias. from to . botskoi's manifesto.--horrible suffering in transylvania.--character of botskoi.--confidence of the protestants.--superstition of rhodolph.--his mystic studies.--acquirements of matthias.--schemes of matthias.--his increasing power.--treaty with the turks.--demands on rhodolph.--the compromise.--perfidy of matthias.--the margravite.--filibustering.--the people's diet.--a hint to royalty.--the bloodless triumph.--demands of the germans.--address of the prince of anhalt to the king. stephen botskoi issued a spirited manifesto to his countrymen, urging them to seek by force of arms that redress which they could obtain in no other way. the hungarians flocked in crowds to his standard. many soldiers deserted from the service of the emperor and joined the insurrection. botskoi soon found himself in possession of a force sufficiently powerful to meet the austrian troops in the field. the two hostile armies soon met in the vicinity of cassau. the imperial troops were defeated with great slaughter, and the city of cassau fell into the hands of botskoi; soon his victorious troops took several other important fortresses. the inhabitants of transylvania, encouraged by the success of botskoi, and detesting the imperial rule, also in great numbers crowded his ranks and intreated him to march into transylvania. he promptly obeyed their summons. the misery of the transylvanians was, if possible, still greater than that of the hungarians. their country presented but a wide expanse of ruin and starvation. every aspect of comfort and industry was obliterated. the famishing inhabitants were compelled to use the most disgusting animals for food; and when these were gone, in many cases they went to the grave-yard, in the frenzied torments of hunger, and devoured the decaying bodies of the dead. pestilence followed in the train of these woes, and the land was filled with the dying and the dead. the turks marched to the aid of botskoi to expel the austrians. even the sway of the mussulman was preferable to that of the bigoted rhodolph. hungary, transylvania and turkey united, and the detested austrians were driven out of transylvania, and botskoi, at the head of his victorious army, and hailed by thousands as the deliverer of transylvania, was inaugurated prince of the province. he then returned to hungary, where an immense turkish army received him, in the plains of rahoz, with regal honors. here a throne was erected. the banners of the majestic host fluttered in the breeze, and musical bands filled the air with their triumphal strains as the regal diadem was placed upon the brow of botskoi, and he was proclaimed king of hungary. the sultan achment sent, with his congratulations to the victorious noble, a saber of exquisite temper and finish, and a gorgeous standard. the grand vizier himself placed the royal diadem upon his brow. botskoi was a nobleman in every sense of the word. he thought it best publicly to accept these honors in gratitude to the sultan for his friendship and aid, and also to encourage and embolden the hungarians to retain what they had already acquired. he knew that there were bloody battles still before them, for the emperor would doubtless redouble his efforts to regain his hungarian possessions. at the same time botskoi, in the spirit of true patriotism, was not willing even to appear to have usurped the government through the energies of the sword. he therefore declared that he should not claim the crown unless he should be freely elected by the nobles; and that he accepted these honors simply as tokens of the confidence of the allied army, and as a means of strengthening their power to resist the emperor. the campaign was now urged with great vigor, and nearly all of hungary was conquered. such was the first great disaster which the intolerance and folly of rhodolph brought upon him. the turks and the hungarians were now good friends, cordially coöperating. a few more battles would place them in possession of the whole of hungary, and then, in their alliance they could defy all the power of the emperor, and penetrate even the very heart of his hereditary dominions of austria. rhodolph, in this sudden peril, knew not where to look for aid. the protestants, who constituted one half of the physical force, not only of bohemia and of the austrian states, but of all germany, had been insulted and oppressed beyond all hope of reconciliation. they dreaded the papal emperor more than the mohammedan sultan. they were ready to hail botskoi as their deliverer from intolerable despotism, and to swell the ranks of his army. botskoi was a protestant, and the sympathies of the protestants all over germany were with him. elated by his advance, the protestants withheld all contributions from the emperor, and began to form combinations in favor of the protestant chief. rhodolph was astonished at this sudden reverse, and quite in dismay. he had no resource but to implore the aid of the spanish court. rhodolph was as superstitious as he was bigoted and cruel. through the mysteries of alchymy he had been taught to believe that his life would be endangered by one of his own blood. the idea haunted him by night and by day; he was to be assassinated, and by a near relative. he was afraid to marry lest his own child might prove his destined murderer. he was afraid to have his brothers marry lest it might be a nephew who was to perpetrate the deed. he did not dare to attend church, or to appear any where in public without taking the greatest precautions against any possibility of attack. the galleries of his palace were so arranged with windows in the roof, that he could pass from one apartment to another sheltered by impenetrable walls. this terror, which pursued him every hour, palsied his energies; and while the turks were drawing nearer to his capital, and hungary had broken from his sway, and insurrection was breaking out in all parts of his dominions, he secluded himself in the most retired apartments of his palace at prague, haunted by visions of terror, as miserable himself as he had already made millions of his subjects. he devoted himself to the study of the mystic sciences of astrology and alchymy. he became irritable, morose, and melancholy even to madness. foreign ambassadors could not get admission to his presence. his religion, consisting entirely in ecclesiastical rituals and papal dogmas, not in christian morals, could not dissuade him from the most degrading sensual vice. low-born mistresses, whom he was continually changing, became his only companions, and thus sunk in sin, shame and misery, he virtually abandoned his ruined realms to their fate. rhodolph had received the empire from the hands of his noble father in a state of the very highest prosperity. in thirty years, by shameful misgovernment, he had carried it to the brink of ruin. rhodolph's third brother, matthias, was now forty-nine years of age. he had been educated by the illustrious busbequias, whose mind had been liberalized by study in the most celebrated universities of flanders, france and italy. his teacher had passed many years as an ambassador in the court of the sultan, and thus had been able to give his pupil a very intimate acquaintance with the resources, the military tactics, the manners and customs of the turks. he excelled in military exercises, and was passionately devoted to the art of war. in all respects he was the reverse of his brother--energetic, frank, impulsive. the two brothers, so dissimilar, had no ideas in common, and were always involved in bickerings. the netherlands had risen in revolt against the infamous philip ii. of spain. they chose the intrepid and warlike matthias as their leader. with alacrity he assumed the perilous post. the rivalry of the chiefs thwarted his plans, and he resigned his post and returned to austria, where his brother, the emperor, refused even to see him, probably fearing assassination. matthias took up his residence at lintz, where he lived for some time in obscurity and penury. his imperial brother would neither give him help nor employment. the restless prince fretted like a tiger in his cage. in rhodolph's second brother, ernest, died childless, and thus matthias became heir presumptive to the crown of austria. from that time rhodolph made a change, and intrusted him with high offices. still the brothers were no nearer to each other in affection. rhodolph dreaded the ambition and was jealous of the rising power of his brother. he no longer dared to treat him ignominiously, lest his brother should be provoked to some desperate act of retaliation. on the other hand, matthias despised the weakness and superstition of rhodolph. the increasing troubles in the realm and the utter inefficiency of rhodolph, convinced matthias that the day was near when he must thrust rhodolph from the throne he disgraced, and take his seat upon it, or the splendid hereditary domains which had descended to them from their ancestors would pass from their hands forever. with this object in view, he did all he could to conciliate the catholics, while he attempted to secure the protestants by promising to return to the principles of toleration established by his father, maximilian. matthias rapidly increased in popularity, and as rapidly rhodolph was sinking into disgrace. catholics and protestants saw alike that the ruin of austria was impending, and that apparently there was no hope but in the deposition of rhodolph and the enthronement of matthias. it was not difficult to accomplish this revolution, and yet it required energy, secrecy and an extended combination. even the weakest reigning monarch has power in his hands which can only be wrested from him by both strength and skill. matthias first gained over to his plan his younger brother, maximilian, and two of his cousins, princes of the styrian line. they entered into a secret agreement, by which they declared that in consequence of the incapacity of rhodolph, he was to be considered as deposed by the will of providence, and that matthias was entitled to the sovereignty as head of the house of austria. matthias then gained, by the varied arts of diplomatic bargaining, the promised support of several other princes. he purchased the coöperation of botskoi by surrendering to him the whole of transylvania, and all of hungary to the river theiss, which, including transylvania, constitutes one half of the majestic kingdom. matthias agreed to grant general toleration to all protestants, both lutherans and calvinists, and also to render them equally eligible with the catholics to all offices of emolument and honor. both parties then agreed to unite against the turks if they refused to accede to honorable terms of peace. the sultan, conscious that such a union would be more than he could successfully oppose, listened to the conditions of peace when they afterwards made them, as he had never condescended to listen before. it is indicative of the power which the turks had at that day attained, that a truce with the sultan for twenty years, allowing each party to retain possession of the territories which they then held, was purchased by paying a sum outright, amounting to two hundred thousand dollars. the annual tribute, however, was no longer to be paid, and thus christendom was released from the degradation of vassalage to the turk. rhodolph, who had long looked with a suspicious eye upon matthias, watching him very narrowly, began now to see indications of the plot. he therefore, aided by the counsel and the energy of the king of spain, who was implacable in his hostility to matthias, resolved to make his cousin ferdinand, a styrian prince, his heir to succeed him upon the throne. he conferred upon ferdinand exalted dignities; appointed him to preside in his stead at a diet at ratisbon, and issued a proclamation full of most bitter recriminations against matthias. matters had now come to such a pass that matthias was compelled either to bow in humble submission to his brother, or by force of arms to execute his purposes. with such an alternative he was not a man long to delay his decision. still he advanced in his plans, though firmly, with great circumspection. to gain the protestants was to gain one half of the physical power of united austria, and more than one half of its energy and intelligence. he appointed a rendezvous for his troops at znaim in moravia, and while rhodolph was timidly secluding himself in his palace at prague, matthias left vienna with ten thousand men, and marched to meet them. he was received by the troops assembled at znaim with enthusiasm. having thus collected an army of twenty-five thousand men, he entered bohemia. on the th of may, , he reached craslau, within sixty miles of prague. great multitudes now crowded around him and openly espoused his cause. he now declared openly and to all, that it was his intention to depose his brother and claim for himself the government of hungary, austria and bohemia. he then urged his battalions onward, and pressed with rapid march towards prague. rhodolph was now roused to some degree of energy. he summoned all his supporters to rally around him. it was a late hour for such a call, but the catholic nobles generally, all over the kingdom, were instantly in motion. many protestant nobles also attended the assembly, hoping to extort from the emperor some measures of toleration. the emperor was so frightened that he was ready to promise almost any thing. he even crept from his secluded apartments and presided over the meeting in person. the protestant nobles drew up a paper demanding the same toleration which maximilian had granted, with the additional permission to build churches and to have their own burying-grounds. with this paper, to which five or six hundred signatures were attached, they went to the palace, demanded admission to the emperor, and required him immediately to give his assent to them. it was not necessary for them to add any threat, for the emperor knew that there was an austrian and hungarian army within a few hours' march. while matters were in this state, commissioners from matthias arrived to inform the king that he must cede the crown to his brother and retire into the tyrol. the emperor, in terror, inquired, "what shall i do?" the protestants demanded an immediate declaration, either that he would or would not grant their request. his friends told him that resistance was unavailing, and that he must come to an accommodation. still the emperor had now thirty-six thousand troops in and around prague. they were, however, inspired with no enthusiasm for his person, and it was quite doubtful whether they would fight. a few skirmishes took place between the advance guards with such results as to increase rhodolph's alarm. he consequently sent envoys to his brother. they met at liebau, and after a negotiation of four days they made a partial compromise, by which rhodolph ceded to matthias, without reservation, hungary, austria and moravia. matthias was also declared to be the successor to the crown of bohemia should rhodolph die without issue male, and matthias was immediately to assume the title of "appointed king of bohemia." the crown and scepter of hungary were surrendered to matthias. he received them with great pomp at the head of his army, and then leading his triumphant battalions out of bohemia, he returned to vienna and entered the city with all the military parade of a returning conqueror. matthias had now gained his great object, but he was not at all inclined to fulfill his promises. he assembled the nobles of austria, to receive from them their oaths of allegiance. but the protestants, taught caution by long experience, wished first to see the decree of toleration which he had promised. many of the protestants, at a distance from the capital, not waiting for the issuing of the decree, but relying upon his promise, reëstablished their worship, and the lord of inzendorf threw open his chapel to the citizens of the town. but matthias was now disposed to play the despot. he arrested the lord of inzendorf, and closed his church. he demanded of all the lords, protestant as well as catholic, an unconditional oath of allegiance, giving vague promises, that perhaps at some future time he would promulgate a decree of toleration, but declaring that he was not bound to do so, on the miserable quibble that, as he had received from rhodolph a hereditary title, he was not bound to grant any thing but what he had received. the protestants were alarmed and exasperated. they grasped their arms; they retired in a body from vienna to hern; threw garrisons and provisions into several important fortresses; ordered a levy of every fifth man; sent to hungary and moravia to rally their friends there, and with amazing energy and celerity formed a league for the defense of their faith. matthias was now alarmed. he had not anticipated such energetic action, and he hastened to presburg, the capital of hungary, to secure, if possible, a firm seat upon the throne. a large force of richly caparisoned troops followed him, and he entered the capital with splendor, which he hoped would dazzle the hungarians. the regal crown and regalia, studded with priceless jewels, which belonged to hungary, he took with him, with great parade. hungary had been deprived of these treasures, which were the pride of the nation, for seventy years. but the protestant nobles were not to be cajoled with such tinsel. they remained firm in their demands, and refused to accept him as their sovereign until the promised toleration was granted. their claims were very distinct and intelligible, demanding full toleration for both calvinists and lutherans, and equal eligibility for protestants with catholics, to all governmental offices; none but native hungarians were to be placed in office; the king was to reside in hungary, and when necessarily absent, was to intrust the government to a regent, chosen jointly by the king and the nobles; jesuits were not to be admitted into the kingdom; no foreign troops were to be admitted, unless there was war with the turks, and the king was not to declare war without the consent of the nobles. matthias was very reluctant to sign such conditions, for he was very jealous of his newly-acquired power as a sovereign. but a refusal would have exposed him to a civil war, with such forces arrayed against him as to render the result at least doubtful. the austrian states were already in open insurrection. the emissaries of rhodolph were busy, fanning the flames of discontent, and making great promises to those who would restore rhodolph to the throne. intolerant and odious as rhodolph had been, his great reverses excited sympathy, and many were disposed to regard matthias but as a usurper. thus influenced, matthias not only signed all the conditions, but was also constrained to carry them, into immediate execution. these conditions being fulfilled, the nobles met on the th of november, , and elected matthias king, and inaugurated him with the customary forms. matthias now returned to vienna, to quell the insurrection in the austrian states. the two countries were so entirely independent of each other, though now under the same ruler, that he had no fear that his hungarian subjects would interfere at all in the internal administration of austria. matthias was resolved to make up for the concessions he had granted the hungarians, by ruling with more despotic sway in austria. the pope proffered him his aid. the powerful bishops of passau and vienna assured him of efficient support, and encouraged the adoption of energetic measures. thus strengthened matthias, who was so pliant and humble in hungary, assumed the most haughty airs of the sovereign in austria. he peremptorily ordered the protestants to be silent, and to cease their murmurings, or he would visit them with the most exemplary punishment. north-east of the duchy of austria, and lying between the kingdoms of hungary and bohemia, was the province of moravia. this territory was about the size of the state of massachusetts, and its chief noble, or governor, held the title of margrave, or marquis. hence the province, which belonged to the austrian empire, was called the margraviate of moravia. it contained a population of a little over a million. the nobles of moravia immediately made common cause with those of austria, for they knew that they must share the same fate. matthias was again alarmed, and brought to terms. on the th of march, , he signed a capitulation, which restored to all the austrian provinces all the toleration which they had enjoyed under maximilian ii. the nobles then, of all the states of austria, took the oath of allegiance to matthias. the ambitious monarch, having thus for succeeded, looked with a covetous eye towards transylvania. that majestic province, on the eastern borders of hungary, being three times the size of massachusetts, and containing a population of about two millions, would prove a splendid addition to the hungarian kingdom. while matthias was secretly encouraging what in modern times and republican parlance is called a filibustering expedition, for the sake of annexing transylvania to the area of hungary, a new object of ambition, and one still more alluring, opened before him. the protestants in bohemia were quite excited when they heard of the great privileges which their brethren in hungary, and in the austrian provinces had extorted from matthias. this rendered them more restless under the intolerable burdens imposed upon them. soon after the armies of matthias had withdrawn from bohemia, rhodolph, according to his promise, summoned a diet to deliberate upon the state of affairs. the protestants, who despised rhodolph, attended the diet, resolved to demand reform, and, if necessary, to seek it by force of arms. they at once assumed a bold front, and refused to discuss any civil affairs whatever, until the freedom of religious worship, which they had enjoyed under maximilian, was restored to them. but rhodolph, infatuated, and under the baleful influence of the jesuits, refused to listen to their appeal. matthias, informed of this state of affairs, saw that there was a fine opportunity for him to place himself at the head of the protestants, who constituted not only a majority in bohemia, but were also a majority in the diet. he therefore sent his emissaries among them to encourage them with assurances of his sympathy and aid. the diet which rhodolph had summoned, separated without coming to other result than rousing thoroughly the spirit of the protestants. they boldly called another diet to meet in may, in the city of prague itself, under the very shadow of the palace of rhodolph, and sent deputies to matthias, and to the protestant princes generally of the german empire, soliciting their support. rhodolph issued a proclamation forbidding them to meet. regardless of this injunction they met, at the appointed time and place, opened the meeting with imposing ceremonies, and made quiet preparation to repel force with force. these preparations were so effectually made that upon an alarm being given that the troops of rhodolph were approaching to disperse the assembly, in less than an hour twelve hundred mounted knights and more than ten thousand foot soldiers surrounded their hall as a guard. this was a very broad hint to the emperor, and it surprisingly enlightened him. he began to bow and to apologize, and to asserverate upon his word of honor that he meant to do what was right, and from denunciations, he passed by a single step to cajolery and fawning. it was, however, only his intention to gain time till he could secure the coöperation of the pope, and other catholic princes. the protestants, however, were not to be thus deluded. as unmindful of his protestations as they had been of his menaces, they proceeded resolutely in establishing an energetic organization for the defense of their civil and religious rights. they decreed the levying of an army, and appointed three of the most distinguished nobles as generals. the decree was hardly passed before it was carried into execution, and an army of three thousand foot soldiers, and two thousand horsemen was assembled as by magic, and their numbers were daily increasing. rhodolph, still cloistered in his palace, looked with amazement upon this rising storm. he had no longer energy for any decisive action. with mulish obstinacy he would concede nothing, neither had he force of character to marshal any decisive resistance. but at last he saw that the hand of matthias was also in the movement; that his ambitious, unrelenting brother was cooperating with his foes, and would inevitably hurl him from the throne of bohemia, as he had already done from the kingdom of hungary and from the dukedom of austria. he was panic-stricken by this sudden revelation, and in the utmost haste issued a decree, dated july th, , granting to the protestants full toleration of religious worship, and every other right they had demanded. the despotic old king became all of a sudden as docile and pliant as a child. he assured his faithful and well-beloved protestant subjects that they might worship god in their own chapels without any molestation; that they might build churches that they might establish schools for their children; that their clergy might meet in ecclesiastical councils; that they might choose chiefs, who should be confirmed by the sovereign, to watch over their religious privileges and to guard against any infringement of this edict; and finally, all ordinances contrary to this act of free and full toleration, which might hereafter be issued, either by the present sovereign or any of his successors, were declared null and void. the protestants behaved nobly in this hour of bloodless triumph. their demands were reasonable and honorable, and they sought no infringement whatever of the rights of others. their brethren of silesia had aided them in this great achievement. the duchy of silesia was then dependent upon bohemia, and was just north of moldavia. it contained a population of about a million and a half, scattered over a territory of about fifteen thousand square miles. the protestants demanded that the silesians should share in the decree. "most certainly," replied the amiable rhodolph. an act of general amnesty for all political offenses was then passed, and peace was restored to germany. never was more forcibly seen, than on this occasion, the power of the higher classes over the masses of the people. in fact, popular tumults, disgraceful mobs, are almost invariably excited by the higher classes, who push the mob on while they themselves keep in the background. it was now for the interest of the leaders, both catholic and protestant, that there should be peace, and the populace immediately imbibed that spirit. the protestant chapel stood by the side of the romish cathedral, and the congregations mingled freely in courtesy and kindness, as they passed to and from their places of worship. mutual forbearance and good will seemed at once to be restored. and now the several cities of the german empire, where religious freedom had been crushed by the emperor, began to throng his palace with remonstrants and demands. they, united, resolved at every hazard to attain the privileges which their brethren in bohemia and austria had secured. the prince of anhalt, an able and intrepid man, was dispatched to prague with a list of grievances. in very plain language he inveighed against the government of the emperor, and demanded for donauworth and other cities of the german empire, the civil and religious freedom of which rhodolph had deprived them; declaring, without any softening of expression, that if the emperor did not peacefully grant their requests, they would seek redress by force of arms. the humiliated and dishonored emperor tried to pacify the prince by vague promises and honeyed words, to which the prince replied in language which at once informed the emperor that the time for dalliance had passed. "i fear," said the prince of anhalt, in words which sovereigns are not accustomed to hear, "that this answer will rather tend to prolong the dispute than to tranquillize the united princes. i am bound in duty to represent to your imperial majesty the dangerous flame which i now see bursting forth in germany. your counselors are ill adapted to extinguish this rising flame--those counselors who have brought you into such imminent danger, and who have nearly destroyed public confidence, credit and prosperity throughout your dominions. i must likewise exhort your imperial majesty to take all important affairs into consideration yourself, intreating you to recollect the example of julius cæsar, who, had he not neglected to read the note presented to him as he was going to the capitol, would not have received the twenty wounds which caused his death." this last remark threw the emperor into a paroxysm of terror. he had long been trembling from the apprehension of assassination. this allusion to julius cæsar he considered an intimation that his hour was at hand. his terror was so great that prince anhalt had to assure him, again and again, that he intended no such menace, and that he was not aware that any conspiracy was thought of any where, for his death. the emperor was, however, so alarmed that he promised any thing and every thing. he doubtless intended to fulfill his promise, but subsequent troubles arose which absorbed all his remaining feeble energies, and obliterated past engagements from his mind. matthias was watching all the events with the intensest eagerness, as affording a brilliant prospect to him, to obtain the crown of bohemia, and the scepter of the empire. this ambition consumed his days and his nights, verifying the adage, "uneasy lies the head which wears a crown." chapter xiv. rhodolph iii. and matthias. from to . difficulties as to the succession.--hostility of henry iv. to the house of austria.--assassination of henry iv.--similarity in sully's and napoleon's plans.--exultation of the catholics.--the brothers' compact.--how rhodolph kept it.--seizure of prague.--rhodolph a prisoner.--the king's abdication.--conditions attached to the crown.--rage of rhodolph.--matthias elected king.--the emperor's residence.--rejoicings of the protestants.--reply of the ambassadors.--the nuremburg diet.--the unkindest cut of all.--rhodolph's humiliation and death. and now suddenly arose another question which threatened to involve all europe in war. the duke of cleves, juliers, and berg died without issue. this splendid duchy, or rather combination of duchies, spread over a territory of several thousand square miles, and was inhabited by over a million of inhabitants. there were many claimants to the succession, and the question was so singularly intricate and involved, that there were many who seemed to have an equal right to the possession. the emperor, by virtue of his imperial authority, issued an edict, putting the territory in sequestration, till the question should be decided by the proper tribunals, and, in the meantime, placing the territory in the hands of one of his own family as administrator. this act, together with the known wishes of spain to prevent so important a region, lying near the netherlands, from falling into the hands of the protestants, immediately changed the character of the dispute into a religious contest, and, as by magic, all europe wheeled into line on the one side or the other, every other question was lost sight of, in the all-absorbing one, shall the duchy fall into the hands of the protestants or the catholics? henry iv. of france zealously espoused the cause of the protestants. he was very hostile to the house of austria for the assistance it had lent to that celebrated league which for so many years had deluged france in blood, and kept henry iv. from the throne; and he was particularly anxious to humble that proud power. though henry iv., after fighting for many years the battles of protestantism, had, from motives of policy, avowed the romish faith, he could never forget his mother's instructions, his early predilections and his old friends and supporters, the protestants; and his sympathies were always with them. henry iv., as sagacious and energetic as he was ambitious, saw that he could never expect a more favorable moment to strike the house of austria than the one then presented. the emperor rhodolph was weak, and universally unpopular, not only with his own subjects, but throughout germany. the protestants were all inimical to him, and he was involved in desperate antagonism with his energetic brother matthias. still he was a formidable foe, as, in a war involving religious questions, he could rally around him all the catholic powers of europe. henry iv., preparatory to pouring his troops into the german empire, entered into secret negotiations with england, denmark, switzerland, venice, whom he easily purchased with offers of plunder, and with the protestant princes of minor power on the continent. there were not a few, indifferent upon religious matters, who were ready to engage in any enterprise which would humble spain and austria. henry collected a large force on the frontiers of germany, and, with ample materials of war, was prepared, at a given signal, to burst into the territory of the empire. the catholics watched these movements with alarm, and began also to organize. rhodolph, who, from his position as emperor, should have been their leader, was a wretched hypochondriac, trembling before imaginary terrors, a prey to the most gloomy superstitions, and still concealed in the secret chambers of his palace. he was a burden to his party, and was regarded by them with contempt. matthias was watching him, as the tiger watches its prey. to human eyes it would appear that the destiny of the house of austria was sealed. just at that critical point, one of those unexpected events occurred, which so often rise to thwart the deepest laid schemes of man. on the th of may, , henry iv. left the louvre in his carriage to visit his prime minister, the illustrious sully, who was sick. the city was thronged with the multitudes assembled to witness the triumphant entry of the queen, who had just been crowned. it was a beautiful spring morning, and the king sat in his carriage with several of his nobles, the windows of his carriage being drawn up. just as the carriage was turning up from the rue st. honore into the rue ferronnerie, the passage was found blocked up by two carts. the moment the carriage stopped, a man sprung from the crowd upon one of the spokes of the wheel, and grasping a part of the coach with his right hand, with his left plunged a dagger to the hilt into the heart of henry iv. instantly withdrawing it, he repeated the blow, and with nervous strength again penetrated the heart. the king dropped dead into the arms of his friends, the blood gushing from the wound and from his mouth. the wretched assassin, a fanatic monk, francis ravaillac, was immediately seized by the guard. with difficulty they protected him from being torn in pieces by the populace. he was reserved for a more terrible fate, and was subsequently put to death by the most frightful tortures human ingenuity could devise. the poniard of the assassin changed the fate of europe. henry iv. had formed one of the grandest plans which ever entered the human mind. though it is not at all probable that he could have executed it, the attempt, with the immense means he had at his disposal, and with his energy as a warrior and diplomatist, would doubtless have entirely altered the aspect of human affairs. there was very much in his plan to secure the approval of all those enlightened men who were mourning over the incessant and cruel wars with which europe was ever desolated. his intention was to reconstruct europe into fifteen states, as nearly uniform in size and power as possible. these states were, according to their own choice, to be monarchical or republican, and were to be associated on a plan somewhat resembling that of the united states of north america. in each state the majority were to decide which religion, whether protestant or catholic, should be established. the catholics were all to leave the protestant states, and assemble in their own. in like manner the protestants were to abandon the catholic kingdoms. this was the very highest point to which the spirit of toleration had then attained. all pagans and mohammedans were to be driven out of europe into asia. a civil tribunal was to be organized to settle all national difficulties, so that there should be no more war. there was to be a standing army belonging to the confederacy, to preserve the peace, and enforce its decrees, consisting of two hundred and seventy thousand infantry, fifty thousand cavalry, two hundred cannon, and one hundred and twenty ships of war. this plan was by no means so chimerical as at first glance it might seem to be. the sagacious sully examined it in all its details, and gave it his cordial support. the coöperation of two or three of the leading powers would have invested the plan with sufficient moral and physical support to render its success even probable. but the single poniard of the monk ravaillac arrested it all. the emperor napoleon i. had formed essentially the same plan, with the same humane desire to put an end to interminable wars; but he had adopted far nobler principles of toleration. "one of my great plans," said he at st. helena, "was the rejoining, the concentration of those same geographical nations which have been disunited and parcelled out by revolution and policy. there are dispersed in europe upwards of thirty millions of french, fifteen millions of spaniards, fifteen millions of italians, and thirty millions of germans. it was my intention to incorporate these several people each into one nation. it would have been a noble thing to have advanced into posterity with such a train, and attended by the blessings of future ages. i felt myself worthy of this glory. "after this summary simplification, it would have been possible to indulge the chimera of the _beau ideal_ of civilization. in this state of things there would have been some chance of establishing in every country a unity of codes, of principles, of opinions, of sentiments, views and interests. then perhaps, by the help of the universal diffusion of knowledge, one might have thought of attempting in the great human family the application of the american congress, or the amphictyons of greece. what a perspective of power, grandeur, happiness and prosperity would thus have appeared. "the concentration of thirty or forty millions of frenchmen was completed and perfected. that of fifteen millions of spaniards was nearly accomplished. because i did not subdue the spaniards, it will henceforth be argued that they were invincible, for nothing is more common than to convert accident into principle. but the fact is that they were actually conquered, and, at the very moment when they escaped me, the cortes of cadiz were secretly in treaty with me. they were not delivered either by their own resistance or by the efforts of the english, but by the reverses which i sustained at different points, and, above all, by the error i committed in transferring my whole forces to the distance of three thousand miles from them. had it not been for this, the spanish government would have been shortly consolidated, the public mind would have been tranquilized, and hostile parties would have been rallied together. three or four years would have restored the spaniards to profound peace and brilliant prosperity. they would have become a compact nation, and i should have well deserved their gratitude, for i should have saved them from the tyranny by which they are now oppressed, and the terrible agitations which await them. "with regard to the fifteen millions of italians, their concentration was already far advanced; it only wanted maturity. the people were daily becoming more firmly established in the unity of principles and legislation, and also in the unity of thought and feeling--that certain and infallible cement of human thought and concentration. the union of piedmont to france, and the junction of parma, tuscany and rome, were, in my mind, only temporary measures, intended merely to guarantee and promote the national education of the italians. the portions of italy that were united to france, though that union might have been regarded as the result of invasion on our part, were, in spite of their italian patriotism, the very places that continued most attached to us. "all the south of europe, therefore, would soon have been rendered compact in point of locality, views, opinions, sentiments and interests. in this state of things, what would have been the weight of all the nations of the north? what human efforts could have broken through so strong a barrier? the concentration of the germans must have been effected more gradually, and therefore i had done no more than simplify their monstrous complication. not that they were unprepared for concentralization; on the contrary, they were too well prepared for it, and they might have blindly risen in reaction against us before they had comprehended our designs. how happens it that no german prince has yet formed a just notion of the spirit of his nation, and turned it to good account? certainly if heaven had made me a prince of germany, amid the critical events of our times i should infallibly have governed the thirty millions of germans combined; and, from what i know of them, i think i may venture to affirm that if they had once elected and proclaimed me they would not have forsaken me, and i should never have been at st. helena. "at all events," the emperor continued, after a moment's pause, "this concentration will be brought about sooner or later by the very force of events. the impulse is given, and i think that since my fall and the destruction of my system, no grand equilibrium can possibly be established in europe except by the concentration and confederation of the principal nations. the sovereign who in the first great conflict shall sincerely embrace the cause of the people, will find himself at the head of europe, and may attempt whatever he pleases." thus similar were the plans of these two most illustrious men. but from this digression let us return to the affairs of austria. with the death of henry iv., fell the stupendous plan which his genius conceived, and which his genius alone could execute. the protestants, all over europe, regarded his death as a terrible blow. still they did not despair of securing the contested duchy for a protestant prince. the fall of henry iv. raised from the catholics a shout of exultation, and they redoubled their zeal. the various princes of the house of austria, brothers, uncles, cousins, holding important posts all over the empire, were much alarmed in view of the peril to which the family ascending was exposed by the feebleness of rhodolph. they held a private family conference, and decided that the interests of all required that there should be reconciliation between matthias and rhodolph; or that, in their divided state, they would fall victims to their numerous foes. the brothers agreed to an outward reconciliation; but there was not the slightest mitigation of the rancor which filled their hearts. matthias, however, consented to acknowledge the superiority of his brother, the emperor, to honor him as the head of the family, and to hold his possessions as fiefs of rhodolph intrusted to him by favor. rhodolph, while hating matthias, and watching for an opportunity to crush him, promised to regard him hereafter as a brother and a friend. and now rhodolph developed unexpected energy, mingled with treachery and disgraceful duplicity. he secretly and treacherously invited the archduke leopold, who was also bishop of passau and strasbourg, and one of the most bigoted of the warrior ecclesiastics of the papal church, to invade, with an army of sixteen thousand men, rhodolph's own kingdom of bohemia, under the plea that the wages of the soldiers had not been paid. it was his object, by thus introducing an army of roman catholics into his kingdom, and betraying into their hands several strong fortresses, then to place himself at their head, rally the catholics of bohemia around him, annul all the edicts of toleration, crush the protestants, and then to march to the punishment of matthias. the troops, in accordance with their treacherous plan, burst into upper austria, where the emperor had provided that there should be no force to oppose them. they spread themselves over the country, robbing the protestants and destroying their property with the most wanton cruelty. crossing the danube they continued their march and entered bohemia. still rhodolph kept quiet in his palace, sending no force to oppose, but on the contrary contriving that towns and fortresses, left defenseless, should fall easily into their hands. bohemia was in a terrible state of agitation. wherever the invading army appeared, it wreaked dire vengeance upon the protestants. the leaders of the protestants hurriedly ran together, and, suspicious of treachery, sent an earnest appeal to the king. the infamous emperor, not yet ready to lay aside the vail, called heaven to witness that the irruption was made without his knowledge, and advised vigorous measures to repel the foe, while he carefully thwarted the execution of any such measures. at the same time he issued a proclamation to leopold, commanding him to retire. leopold understood all this beforehand, and smiling, pressed on. aided by the treason of the king, they reached prague, seized one of the gates, massacred the guard, and took possession of the capital. the emperor now came forward and disclosed his plans. the foreign troops, holding prague and many other of the most important towns and fortresses in the kingdom, took the oath of allegiance to rhodolph as their sovereign, and he placed in their hands five pieces of heavy artillery, which were planted in battery on an eminence which commanded the town. a part of bohemia rallied around the king in support of these atrocious measures. but all the protestants, and all who had any sympathy with the protestants, were exasperated to the highest pitch. they immediately dispatched messengers to matthias and to their friends in moravia, imploring aid. matthias immediately started eight thousand hungarians on the march. as they entered bohemia with rapid steps and pushed their way toward prague they were joined every hour by protestant levies pouring in from all quarters. so rapidly did their ranks increase that leopold's troops, not daring to await their arrival, in a panic, fled by night. they were pursued on their retreat, attacked, and put to flight with the loss of two thousand men. the ecclesiastical duke, in shame and confusion, slunk away to his episcopal castle of passau. the contemptible rhodolph now first proposed terms of reconciliation, and then implored the clemency of his indignant conquerors. they turned from the overtures of the perjured monarch with disdain, burst into the city of prague, surrounded every avenue to the palace, and took rhodolph a prisoner. soon matthias arrived, mounted in regal splendor, at the head of a gorgeous retinue. the army received him with thunders of acclaim. rhodolph, a captive in his palace, heard the explosion of artillery, the ringing of bells and the shouts of the populace, welcoming his dreaded and detested rival to the capital. it was the th of march, . the nobles commanded rhodolph to summon a diet. the humiliated, degraded, helpless emperor knew full well what this signified, but dared not disobey. he summoned a diet. it was immediately convened. rhodolph sent in a message, saying, "since, on account of my advanced age, i am no longer capable of supporting the weight of government, i hereby abdicate the throne, and earnestly desire that my brother matthias may be crowned without delay." the diet were disposed very promptly to gratify the king in his expressed wishes. but there arose some very formidable difficulties. the german princes, who were attached to the cause which rhodolph had so cordially espoused, and who foresaw that his fall threatened the ascendency of protestantism throughout the empire, sent their ambassadors to the bohemian nobles with the menace of the vengeance of the empire, if they proceeded to the deposition of rhodolph and to the inauguration of matthias, whom they stigmatized as an usurper. this unexpected interposition reanimated the hopes of rhodolph, and he instantly found such renovation of youth and strength as to feel quite able to bear the burden of the crown a little longer; and consequently, notwithstanding his abdication, through his friends, all the most accomplished mechanism of diplomacy, with its menaces, its bribes, and its artifice were employed to thwart the movements of matthias and his friends. there was still another very great difficulty. matthias was very ambitious, and wished to be a sovereign, with sovereign power. he was very reluctant to surrender the least portion of those prerogatives which his regal ancestors had grasped. but the nobles deemed this a favorable opportunity to regain their lost power. they were disposed to make a hard bargain with matthias. they demanded-- st, that the throne should no longer be hereditary, but elective; d, that the nobles should be permitted to meet in a diet, or congress, to deliberate upon public affairs whenever and wherever they pleased; d, that all financial and military affairs should be left in their hands; th, that although the king might appoint all the great officers of state, they might remove any of them at pleasure; th, that it should be the privilege of the nobles to form all foreign alliances; th, that they were to be empowered to form an armed force by their own authority. matthias hesitated in giving his assent to such demands, which seemed to reduce him to a cipher, conferring upon him only the shadow of a crown. rhodolph, however, who was eager to make any concessions, had his agents busy through the diet, with assurances that the emperor would grant all these concessions. but rhodolph had fallen too low to rise again. the diet spurned all his offers, and chose matthias, though he postponed his decision upon these articles until he could convene a future and more general diet. rhodolph had eagerly caught at the hope of regaining his crown. as his messengers returned to him in the palace with the tidings of their defeat, he was overwhelmed with indignation, shame and despair. in a paroxysm of agony he threw up his window, and looking out upon the city, exclaimed, "o prague, unthankful prague, who hast been so highly elevated by me; now thou spurnest at thy benefactor. may the curse and vengeance of god fall upon thee and all bohemia." the d of may was appointed for the coronation. the nobles drew up a paper, which they required rhodolph to sign, absolving his subjects from their oath of allegiance to him. the degraded king writhed in helpless indignation, for he was a captive. with the foolish petulance of a spoiled child, as he affixed his signature in almost an illegible scrawl, he dashed blots of ink upon the paper, and then, tearing the pen to pieces, threw it upon the floor, and trampled it beneath his feet. it was still apprehended that the adherents of rhodolph might make some armed demonstration in his favor. as a precaution against this, the city was filled with troops, the gates closed, and carefully guarded. the nobles met in the great hall of the palace. it was called a meeting of the states, for it included the higher nobles, the higher clergy, and a few citizens, as representatives of certain privileged cities. the forced abdication of rhodolph was first read. it was as follows:-- "in conformity with the humble request of the states of our kingdom, we graciously declare the three estates, as well as all the inhabitants of all ranks and conditions, free from all subjection, duty and obligation; and we release them from their oath of allegiance, which they have taken to us as their king, with a view to prevent all future dissensions and confusion. we do this for the greater security and advantage of the whole kingdom of bohemia, over which we have ruled six-and-thirty years, where we have almost always resided, and which, during our administration, has been maintained in peace, and increased in riches and splendor. we accordingly, in virtue of this present voluntary resignation, and after due reflection, do, from this day, release our subjects from all duty and obligation." matthias was then chosen king, in accordance with all the ancient customs of the hereditary monarchy of bohemia. the states immediately proceeded to his coronation. every effort was made to dazzle the multitude with the splendors of the coronation, and to throw a halo of glory around the event, not merely as the accession of a new monarch to the throne, but as the introduction of a great reform in reinstating the nation in its pristine rights. while the capital was resounding with these rejoicings, rhodolph had retired to a villa at some distance from the city, in a secluded glen among the mountains, that he might close his ears against the hateful sounds. the next day matthias, fraternally or maliciously, for it is not easy to judge which motive actuated him, sent a stinging message of assumed gratitude to his brother, thanking him for relinquishing in his brother's favor his throne and his palaces, and expressing the hope that they might still live together in fraternal confidence and affection. matthias and the states consulted their own honor rather than rhodolph's merits, in treating him with great magnanimity. though rhodolph had lost, one by one, all his own hereditary or acquired territories, austria, hungary, bohemia, he still retained the imperial crown of germany. this gave him rank and certain official honors, with but little real power. the emperor, who was also a powerful sovereign in his own right, could marshal his own forces to establish his decrees. but the emperor, who had no treasury or army of his own, was powerless indeed. the emperor was permitted to occupy one of the palaces at prague. he received an annual pension of nearly a million of dollars; and the territories and revenues of four lordships were conferred upon him. matthias having consolidated his government, and appointed the great officers of his kingdom, left prague without having any interview with his brother, and returned to his central capital at vienna, where he married anne, daughter of his uncle ferdinand of tyrol. the protestants all over the german empire hailed these events with public rejoicing. rhodolph had been their implacable foe. he was now disarmed and incapable of doing them any serious injury. matthias was professedly their friend, had been placed in power mainly as their sovereign, and was now invested with such power, as sovereign of the collected realms of austria, that he could effectually protect them from persecution. this success emboldened them to unite in a strong, wide-spread confederacy for the protection of their rights. the protestant nobles and princes, with the most distinguished of their clergy from all parts of the german empire, held a congress at rothenburg. this great assembly, in the number, splendor and dignity of its attendants, vied with regal diets. many of the most illustrious princes of the empire were there in person, with imposing retinues. the emperor and matthias both deemed it expedient to send ambassadors to the meeting. the congress at rothenburg was one of the most memorable movements of the protestant party. they drew up minute regulations for the government of their confederacy, established a system of taxation among themselves, made efficient arrangements for the levying of troops, established arsenals and magazines, and strongly garrisoned a fortress, to be the nucleus of their gathering should they at any time be compelled to appeal to arms. rhodolph, through his ambassadors, appeared before this resplendent assembly the mean and miserable sycophant he ever was in days of disaster. he was so silly as to try to win them again to his cause. he coaxed and made the most liberal promises, but all in vain. their reply was indignant and decisive, yet dignified. "we have too long," they replied, "been duped by specious and deceitful promises. we now demand actions, not words. let the emperor show us by the acts of his administration that his spirit is changed, and then, and then only, can we confide in him." matthias was still apprehensive that the emperor might rally the catholic forces of germany, and in union with the pope and the formidable power of the spanish court, make an attempt to recover his bohemian throne. it was manifest that with any energy of character, rhodolph might combine catholic europe, and inundate the plains of germany with blood. while it was very important, therefore, that matthias should do every thing he could to avoid exasperating the catholics, it was essential to his cause that he should rally around him the sympathies of the protestants. the ambassadors of matthias respectfully announced to the congress the events which had transpired in bohemia in the transference of the crown, and solicited the support of the congress. the protestant princes received this communication with satisfaction, promised their support in case it should be needed, and, conscious of the danger of provoking rhodolph to any desperate efforts to rouse the catholics, recommended that he should be treated with brotherly kindness, and, at the same time, watched with a vigilant eye. rhodolph, disappointed here, summoned an electoral meeting of the empire, to be held at nuremburg on the th of december, . he hoped that a majority of the electors would be his friends. before this body he presented a very pathetic account of his grievances, delineating in most melancholy colors the sorrows which attend fallen grandeur. he detailed his privations and necessities, the straits to which he was reduced by poverty, his utter inability to maintain a state befitting the imperial dignity, and implored them, with the eloquence of a neapolitan mendicant, to grant him a suitable establishment, and not to abandon him, in his old age, to penury and dishonor. the reply of the electors to the dispirited, degraded, downtrodden old monarch was the unkindest cut of all. much as rhodolph is to be execrated and despised, one can hardly refrain from an emotion of sympathy in view of this new blow which fell upon him. a deputation sent from the electoral college met him in his palace at prague. mercilessly they recapitulated most of the complaints which the protestants had brought against him, declined rendering him any pecuniary relief, and requested him to nominate some one to be chosen as his successor on the imperial throne. "the emperor," said the delegation in conclusion, "is himself the principal author of his own distresses and misfortunes. the contempt into which he has fallen and the disgrace which, through him, is reflected upon the empire, is derived from his own indolence and his obstinacy in following perverse counsels. he might have escaped all these calamities if, instead of resigning himself to corrupt and interested ministers, he had followed the salutary counsels of the electors." they closed this overwhelming announcement by demanding the immediate assembling of a diet to elect an emperor to succeed him on the throne of germany. rhodolph, not yet quite sufficiently humiliated to officiate as his own executioner, though he promised to summon a diet, evaded the fulfillment of his promise. the electors, not disposed to dally with him at all, called the assembly by their own authority to meet on the st of may. this seemed to be the finishing blow. rhodolph, now sixty years of age, enfeebled and emaciated by disease and melancholy, threw himself upon his bed to die. death, so often invoked in vain by the miserable, came to his aid. he welcomed its approach. to those around his bed he remarked, "when a youth, i experienced the most exquisite pleasure in returning from spain to my native country. how much more joyful ought i to be when i am about to be delivered from the calamities of human nature, and transferred to a heavenly country where there is no change of time, and where no sorrow can enter!" in the tomb let him be forgotten. chapter xv. matthias. from to . matthias elected emperor of germany.--his despotic character.--his plans thwarted.--mulheim.--gathering clouds.--family intrigue.--coronation of ferdinand.--his bigotry.--henry, count of thurn.--convention at prague.--the king's reply.--the die cast.--amusing defense of an outrage.--ferdinand's manifesto.--seizure of cardinal kleses.--the king's rage.--retreat of the king's troops.--humiliation of ferdinand.--the difficulties referred.--death of matthias. upon the death of rhodolph, matthias promptly offered himself as a candidate for the imperial crown. but the catholics, suspicious of matthias, in consequence of his connection with the protestants, centered upon the archduke albert, sovereign of the netherlands, as their candidate. many of the protestants, also, jealous of the vast power matthias was attaining, and not having full confidence in his integrity, offered their suffrages to maximilian, the younger brother of matthias. but notwithstanding this want of unanimity, political intrigue removed all difficulties and matthias was unanimously elected emperor of germany. the new emperor was a man of renown. his wonderful achievements had arrested the attention of europe, and it was expected that in his hands the administration of the empire would be conducted with almost unprecedented skill and vigor. but clouds and storms immediately began to lower around the throne. matthias had no spirit of toleration in his heart, and every tolerant act he had assented to, had been extorted from him. he was, by nature, a despot, and most reluctantly, for the sake of grasping the reins of power, he had relinquished a few of the royal prerogatives. he had thus far evaded many of the claims which had been made upon him, and which he had partially promised to grant, and now, being both king and emperor, he was disposed to grasp all power, both secular and religious, which he could attain. matthias's first endeavor was to recover transylvania. this province had fallen into the hands of gabriel bethlehem, who was under the protection of the turks. matthias, thinking that a war with the infidel would be popular, summoned a diet and solicited succors to drive the turks from moldavia and wallachia, where they had recently established themselves. the protestants, however, presented a list of grievances which they wished to have redressed before they listened to his request. the catholics, on the other hand, presented a list of their grievances, which consisted, mainly, in privileges granted the protestants, which they also demanded to have redressed before they could vote any supplies to the emperor. these demands were so diametrically hostile to each other, that there could be no reconciliation. after an angry debate the diet broke up in confusion, having accomplished nothing. matthias, disappointed in this endeavor, now applied to the several states of his widely extended austrian domains--to his own subjects. a general assembly was convened at lintz. matthias proposed his plans, urging the impolicy of allowing the turks to retain the conquered provinces, and to remain in the ascendency in transylvania. but here again matthias was disappointed. the bohemian protestants were indignant in view of some restrictions upon their worship, imposed by the emperor to please the catholics. the hungarians, weary of the miseries of war, were disposed on any terms to seek peace with the turks. the austrians had already expended an immense amount of blood and money on the battle-fields of hungary, and urged the emperor to send an ambassador to treat for peace. matthias was excessively annoyed in being thus thwarted in all his plans. just at this time a turkish envoy arrived at vienna, proposing a truce for twenty years. the turks had never before condescended to send an embassage to a christian power. this afforded matthias an honorable pretext for abandoning his warlike plan, and the truce was agreed to. the incessant conflict between the catholics and protestants allowed germany no repose. a sincere toleration, such as existed during the reign of maximilian i., established fraternal feelings between the contending parties. but it required ages of suffering and peculiar combination of circumstances, to lead the king and the nobles to a cordial consent to that toleration. but the bigotry of rhodolph and the trickery of matthias, had so exasperated the parties, and rendered them so suspicious of each other, that the emperor, even had he been so disposed, could not, but by very slow and gradual steps, have secured reconciliation. rhodolph had put what was called the ban of the empire upon the protestant city of aix-la-chapelle, removing the protestants from the magistracy, and banishing their chiefs from the city. when rhodolph was sinking into disgrace and had lost his power, the protestants, being in the majority, took up arms, reflected their magistracy, and expelled the jesuits from the city. the catholics now appealed to matthias, and he insanely revived the ban against the protestants, and commissioned albert, archduke of cologne, a bigoted catholic, to march with an army to aix-la-chapelle and enforce its execution. opposite cologne, on the rhine, the protestants, in the days of bitter persecution, had established the town of mulheim. several of the neighboring protestant princes defended with their arms the refugees who settled there from all parts of germany. the town was strongly fortified, and here the protestants, with arms in their hands, maintained perfect freedom of religious worship. the city grew rapidly and became one of the most important fortresses upon the river. the catholics, jealous of its growing power, appealed to the emperor. he issued a decree ordering the protestants to demolish every fortification of the place within thirty days; and to put up no more buildings whatever. these decrees were both enforced by the aid of a spanish army of thirty thousand men, which, having executed the ban, descended the river and captured several others of the most important of the protestant towns. of course all germany was in a ferment. everywhere was heard the clashing of arms, and every thing indicated the immediate outburst of civil war. matthias was in great perplexity, and his health rapidly failed beneath the burden of care and sorrow. all the thoughts of matthias were now turned to the retaining of the triple crown of bohemia, hungary and the empire, in the family. matthias was old, sick and childless. maximilian, his next brother, was fifty-nine years of age and unmarried. the next brother, albert, was fifty-eight, and without children. neither of the brothers could consequently receive the crowns with any hope of retaining them in the family. matthias turned to his cousin ferdinand, head of the styrian branch of the family, as the nearest relative who was likely to continue the succession. in accordance with the custom which had grown up, matthias wished to nominate his successor, and have him recognized and crowned before his death, so that immediately upon his death the new sovereign, already crowned, could enter upon the government without any interregnum. the brothers, appreciating the importance of retaining the crown in the family, and conscious that all the united influence they then possessed was essential to securing that result, assented to the plan, and coöperated in the nomination of ferdinand. all the arts of diplomatic intrigue were called into requisition to attain these important ends. the bohemian crown was now electoral; and it was necessary to persuade the electors to choose ferdinand, one of the most intolerant catholics who ever swayed a scepter. the crown of hungary was nominally hereditary. but the turbulent nobles, ever armed, and strong in their fortresses, would accept no monarch whom they did not approve. to secure also the electoral vote for emperor of germany, while parties were so divided and so bitterly hostile to each other, required the most adroit application of bribes and menaces. matthias made his first movement in bohemia. having adopted previous measures to gain the support of the principal nobles, he summoned a diet at prague, which he attended in person, accompanied by ferdinand. in a brief speech he thus addressed them. "as i and my brothers," said the king, "are without children, i deem it necessary, for the advantage of bohemia, and to prevent future contests, that my cousin ferdinand should be proclaimed and crowned king. i therefore request you to fix a day for the confirmation of this appointment." some of the leading protestants opposed this, on the ground of the known intolerance of ferdinand. but the majority, either won over by the arts of matthias, or dreading civil war, accepted ferdinand. he was crowned on the th of june, , he promising not to interfere with the government during the lifetime of matthias. the emperor now turned to hungary, and, by the adoption of the same measures, secured the same results. the nobles accepted ferdinand, and he was solemnly crowned at presburg. ferdinand was archduke of styria, a province of austria embracing a little more than eight thousand square miles, being about the size of the state of massachusetts, and containing about a million of inhabitants. he was educated by the jesuits after the strictest manner of their religion. he became so thoroughly imbued with the spirit of his monastic education, that he was anxious to assume the cowl of the monk, and enter the order of the jesuits. his devotion to the papal church assumed the aspect of the most inflexible intolerance towards all dissent. in the administration of the government of his own duchy, he had given free swing to his bigotry. marshaling his troops, he had driven all the protestant preachers from his domains. he had made a pilgrimage to rome, to receive the benediction of the pope, and another to loretto, where, prostrating himself before the miraculous image, he vowed never to cease his exertions until he had extirpated all heresy from his territories. he often declared that he would beg his bread from door to door, submit to every insult, to every calamity, sacrifice even life itself, rather than suffer the true church to be injured. ferdinand was no time-server--no hypocrite. he was a genuine bigot, sincere and conscientious. animated by this spirit, although two thirds of the inhabitants of styria were protestants, he banished all their preachers, professors and schoolmasters; closed their churches, seminaries and schools; even tore down the churches and school-houses; multiplied papal institutions, and called in teachers and preachers from other states. matthias and ferdinand now seemed jointly to reign, and the protestants were soon alarmed by indications that a new spirit was animating the councils of the sovereign. the most inflexible catholics were received as the friends and advisers of the king. the jesuits loudly exulted, declaring that heresy was no longer to be tolerated. banishments and confiscations were talked of, and the alarm of the protestants became intense and universal: they looked forward to the commencement of the reign of ferdinand with terror. as was to be expected, such wrongs and perils called out an avenger. matthew henry, count of thurn, was one of the most illustrious and wealthy of the bohemian nobles. he had long been a warm advocate of the doctrines of the reformation; and having, in the wars with the turks, acquired a great reputation for military capacity and courage, and being also a man of great powers of eloquence, and of exceedingly popular manners, he had become quite the idol of the protestant party. he had zealously opposed the election of ferdinand to the throne of bohemia, and had thus increased that jealousy and dislike with which both matthias and ferdinand had previously regarded so formidable an opponent. he was, in consequence, very summarily deprived of some very important dignities. this roused his impetuous spirit, and caused the protestants more confidingly to rally around him as a martyr to their cause. the count of thurn, as prudent as he was bold, as deliberate as he was energetic, aware of the fearful hazard of entering into hostilities with the sovereign who was at the same time king of all the austrian realms, and emperor of germany, conferred with the leading protestant princes, and organized a confederacy so strong that all the energies of the empire could with difficulty crush it. they were not disposed to make any aggressive movements, but to defend their rights if assailed. the inhabitants of a town in the vicinity of prague began to erect a church for protestant worship. the roman catholic bishop, who presided over that diocese, forbade them to proceed. they plead a royal edict, which authorized them to erect the church, and continued their work, regardless of the prohibition. count thurn encouraged them to persevere, promising them ample support. the bishop appealed to the emperor matthias. he also issued his prohibition; but aware of the strength of the protestants, did not venture to attempt to enforce it by arms. ferdinand, however, was not disposed to yield to this spirit, and by his influence obtained an order, demanding the immediate surrender of the church to the catholics, or its entire demolition. the bishop attempted its destruction by an armed force, but the protestants defended their property, and sent a committee to matthias, petitioning for a revocation of the mandate. these deputies were seized and imprisoned by the king, and an imperial force was sent to the town, brunau, to take possession of the church. from so small a beginning rose the thirty years' war. count thurn immediately summoned a convention of six delegates from each of the districts, called circles in bohemia. the delegates met at prague on the th of march, . an immense concourse of protestants from all parts of the surrounding country accompanied the delegates to the capital. count thurn was a man of surpassing eloquence, and seemed to control at will all the passions of the human heart. in the boldest strains of eloquence he addressed the assembly, and roused them to the most enthusiastic resolve to defend at all hazards their civil and religious rights. they unanimously passed a resolve that the demolition of the church and the suspension of the protestant worship were violations of the royal edict, and they drew up a petition to the emperor demanding the redress of this grievance, and the liberation of the imprisoned deputies from brunau. the meeting then adjourned, to be reassembled soon to hear the reply of the emperor. as the delegates and the multitudes who accompanied them returned to their homes, they spread everywhere the impression produced upon their minds by the glowing eloquence of count thurn. the protestant mind was roused to the highest pitch by the truthful representation, that the court had adopted a deliberate plan for the utter extirpation of protestant worship throughout bohemia, and that foreign troops were to be brought in to execute this decree. these convictions were strengthened and the alarm increased by the defiant reply which matthias sent back from his palace in vienna to his bohemian subjects. he accused the delegates of treason and of circulating false and slanderous reports, and declared that they should be punished according to their deserts. he forbade them to meet again, or to interfere in any way with the affairs of brunau, stating that at his leisure he would repair to prague and attend to the business himself. the king could not have framed an answer better calculated to exasperate the people, and rouse them to the most determined resistance. count thurn, regardless of the prohibition, called the delegates together and read to them the answer, which the king had not addressed to them but to the council of regency. he then addressed them again in those impassioned strains which he had ever at command, and roused them almost to fury against those catholic lords who had dictated this answer to the king and obtained his signature. the next day the nobles met again. they came to the place of meeting thoroughly armed and surrounded by their retainers, prepared to repel force by force. count thurn now wished to lead them to some act of hostility so decisive that they would be irrecoverably committed. the king's council of regency was then assembled in the palace of prague. the regency consisted of seven catholics and three protestants. for some unknown reason the protestant lords were not present on this occasion. three of the members of the regency, slavata and martinetz and the burgrave of prague, were peculiarly obnoxious on account of the implacable spirit with which they had ever persecuted the reformers. these lords were the especial friends of ferdinand and had great influence with matthias, and it was not doubted that they had framed the answer which the emperor had returned. incited by count thurn, several of the most resolute of the delegates, led by the count, proceeded to the palace, and burst into the room where the regency was in session. their leader, addressing slavata, martinetz, and diepold, the burgrave, said, "our business is with you. we wish to know if you are responsible for the answer returned to us by the king." "that," one of them replied, "is a secret of state which we are not bound to reveal." "let us follow," exclaimed the protestant chief, "the ancient custom of bohemia, and hurl them from the window." they were in a room in the tower of the castle, and it was eighty feet to the water of the moat. the catholic lords were instantly seized, dragged to the window and thrust out. almost incredible as it may seem, the water and the mud of the moat so broke their fall, that neither of them was killed. they all recovered from the effects of their fall. having performed this deed, count thurn and his companions returned to the delegates, informed them of what they had done, and urged them that the only hope of safety now, for any protestant, was for all to unite in open and desperate resistance. then mounting his horse, and protected by a strong body-guard, he rode through the streets of prague, stopping at every corner to harangue the protestant populace. the city was thronged on the occasion by protestants from all parts of the kingdom. "i do not," he exclaimed, "propose myself as your chief, but as your companion, in that peril which will lead us to happy freedom or to glorious death. the die is thrown. it is too late to recall what is past. your safety depends alone on unanimity and courage, and if you hesitate to burst asunder your chains, you have no alternative but to perish by the hands of the executioner." he was everywhere greeted with shouts of enthusiasm, and the whole protestant population were united as one man in the cause. even many of the moderate catholics, disgusted with the despotism of the newly elected king, which embraced civil as well as religious affairs, joined the protestants, for they feared the loss of their civil rights more than they dreaded the inroads of heresy. with amazing celerity they now organized to repel the force which they knew that the emperor would immediately send to crush them. within three days their plans were all matured and an organization effected which made the king tremble in his palace. count thurn was appointed their commander, an executive committee of thirty very efficient men was chosen, which committee immediately issued orders for the levy of troops all over the kingdom. envoys were sent to moravia, silesia, lusatia, and hungary, and to the protestants all over the german empire. the archbishop of prague was expelled from the city, and the jesuits were also banished. they then issued a proclamation in defense of their conduct, which they sent to the king with a firm but respectful letter. one can not but be amused in reading their defense of the outrage against the council of regency. "we have thrown from the windows," they said, "the two ministers who have been the enemies of the state, together with their creature and flatterer, in conformity with an ancient custom prevalent throughout all bohemia, as well as in the capital. this custom is justified by the example of jezebel in holy writ, who was thrown from a window for persecuting the people of god; and it was common among the romans, and all other nations of antiquity, who hurled the disturbers of the public peace from rocks and precipices." matthias had very reluctantly sent his insulting and defiant answer to the reasonable complaints of the protestants, and he was thunderstruck in contemplating the storm which had thus been raised--a storm which apparently no human wisdom could now allay. there are no energies so potent as those which are aroused by religious convictions. matthias well knew the ascendency of the protestants all over bohemia, and that their spirit, once thoroughly aroused, could not be easily quelled by any opposing force he could array. he was also aware that ferdinand was thoroughly detested by the protestant leaders, and that it was by no means improbable that this revolt would thwart all his plans in securing his succession. as the protestants had not renounced their allegiance, matthias was strongly disposed to measures of conciliation, and several of the most influential, yet fair-minded catholics supported him in these views. the protestants were too numerous to be annihilated, and too strong in their desperation to be crushed. but ferdinand, guided by the jesuits, was implacable. he issued a manifesto, which was but a transcript of his own soul, and which is really sublime in the sincerity and fervor of its intolerance. "all attempts," said he, "to bring to reason a people whom god has struck with judicial blindness will be in vain. since the introduction of heresy into bohemia, we have seen nothing but tumults, disobedience and rebellion. while the catholics and the sovereign have displayed only lenity and moderation, these sects have become stronger, more violent and more insolent; having gained all their objects in religious affairs, they turn their arms against the civil government, and attack the supreme authority under the pretense of conscience; not content with confederating themselves against their sovereign, they have usurped the power of taxation, and have made alliances with foreign states, particularly with the protestant princes of germany, in order to deprive him of the very means of reducing them to obedience. they have left nothing to the sovereign but his palaces and the convents; and after their recent outrages against his ministers, and the usurpation of the regal revenues, no object remains for their vengeance and rapacity but the persons of the sovereign and his successor, and the whole house of austria. "if sovereign power emanates from god, these atrocious deeds must proceed from the devil, and therefore must draw down divine punishment. neither can god be pleased with the conduct of the sovereign, in conniving at or acquiescing in all the demands of the disobedient. nothing now remains for him, but to submit to be lorded by his subjects, or to free himself from this disgraceful slavery before his territories are formed into a republic. the rebels have at length deprived themselves of the only plausible argument which their preachers have incessantly thundered from the pulpit, that they were contending for religious freedom; and the emperor and the house of austria have now the fairest opportunity to convince the world that their sole object is only to deliver themselves from slavery and restore their legal authority. they are secure of divine support, and they have only the alternative of a war by which they may regain their power, or a peace which is far more dishonorable and dangerous than war. if successful, the forfeited property of the rebels will defray the expense of their armaments; if the event of hostilities be unfortunate, they can only lose, with honor, and with arms in their hands, the rights and prerogatives which are and will be wrested from them with shame and dishonor. it is better not to reign than to be the slave of subjects. it is far more desirable and glorious to shed our blood at the foot of the throne than to be driven from it like criminals and malefactors." matthias endeavored to unite his own peace policy with the energetic warlike measures urged by ferdinand. he attempted to overawe by a great demonstration of physical force, while at the same time he made very pacific proposals. applying to spain for aid, the spanish court sent him eight thousand troops from the netherlands; he also raised, in his own dominions, ten thousand men. having assembled this force he sent word to the protestants, that if they would disband their force he would do the same, and that he would confirm the royal edict and give full security for the maintenance of their civil and religious privileges. the protestants refused to disband, knowing that they could place no reliance upon the word of the unstable monarch who was crowded by the rising power of the energetic ferdinand. the ambitious naturally deserted the court of the sovereign whose days were declining, to enlist in the service of one who was just entering upon the kingly power. ferdinand was enraged at what he considered the pusillanimity of the king. maximilian, the younger brother of matthias, cordially espoused the cause of ferdinand. cardinal kleses, a catholic of commanding influence and of enlightened, liberal views, was the counselor of the king. ferdinand and maximilian resolved that he should no longer have access to the ear of the pliant monarch, but he could be removed from the court only by violence. with an armed band they entered the palace at vienna, seized the cardinal in the midst of the court, stripped him of his robes, hurried him into a carriage, and conveyed him to a strong castle in the midst of the mountains of the tyrol, where they held him a close prisoner. the emperor was at the time confined to his bed with the gout. as soon as they had sent off the cardinal, ferdinand and maximilian repaired to the royal chamber, informed the emperor of what they had done, and attempted to justify the deed on the plea that the cardinal was a weak and wicked minister whose policy would certainly divide and ruin the house of austria. the emperor was in his bed as he received this insulting announcement of a still more insulting outrage. for a moment he was speechless with rage. but he was old, sick and powerless. this act revealed to him that the scepter had fallen from his hands. in a paroxysm of excitement, to prevent himself from speaking he thrust the bed-clothes into his mouth, nearly suffocating himself. resistance was in vain. he feared that should he manifest any, he also might be torn from his palace, a captive, to share the prison of the cardinal. in sullen indignation he submitted to the outrage. ferdinand and maximilian now pursued their energetic measures of hostility unopposed. they immediately put the army in motion to invade bohemia, and boasted that the protestants should soon be punished with severity which would teach them a lesson they would never forget. but the protestants were on the alert. every town in the kingdom had joined in the confederacy, and in a few weeks count thurn found himself at the head of ten thousand men inspired with the most determined spirit. the silesians and lusatians marched to help them, and the protestant league of germany sent them timely supplies. the troops of ferdinand found opponents in every pass and in every defile, and in their endeavor to force their way through the fastnesses of the mountains, were frequently driven back with great loss. at length the troops of ferdinand, defeated at every point, were compelled to retreat in shame back to austria, leaving all bohemia in the hands of the protestants. ferdinand was now in trouble and disgrace. his plans had signally failed. the protestants all over germany were in arms, and their spirits roused to the highest pitch; many of the moderate catholics refused to march against them, declaring that the protestants were right in resisting such oppression. they feared ferdinand, and were apprehensive that his despotic temper, commencing with religious intolerance, would terminate in civil tyranny. it was evident to all that the protestants could not be put down by force of arms, and even ferdinand was so intensely humiliated that he was constrained to assent to the proposal which matthias made to refer their difficulty to arbitration. four princes were selected as the referees--the electors of mentz, bavaria, saxony and palatine. they were to meet at egra the th of april, . but matthias, the victim of disappointment and grief, was now rapidly approaching his end. the palace at vienna was shrouded in gloom, and no smiles were seen there, and no sounds of joy were heard in those regal saloons. the wife of matthias, whom he tenderly loved, oppressed by the humiliation and anguish which she saw her husband enduring, died of a broken heart. matthias was inconsolable under this irretrievable loss. lying upon his bed tortured with the pain of the gout, sinking under incurable disease, with no pleasant memories of the past to cheer him, with disgrace and disaster accumulating, and with no bright hopes beyond the grave, he loathed life and dreaded death. the emperor in his palace was perhaps the most pitiable object which could be found in all his realms. he tossed upon his pillow, the victim of remorse and despair, now condemning himself for his cruel treatment of his brother rhodolph, now inveighing bitterly against the inhumanity and arrogance of ferdinand and maximilian. on the th of march, , the despairing spirit of the emperor passed away to the tribunal of the "king of kings and the lord of lords." chapter xvi. ferdinand ii. from to . possessions of the emperor.--power of the protestants of bohemia.--general spirit of insurrection.--anxiety of ferdinand.-- insurrection led by count thurn.--unpopularity of the emperor.-- affecting declaration of the emperor.--insurrection in vienna.--the arrival of succor.--ferdinand seeks the imperial throne.--repudiated by bohemia.--the palatinate.--frederic offered the crown of bohemia.-- frederic crowned.--revolt in hungary.--desperate condition of the emperor.--catholic league.--the calvinists and the puritans.--duplicity of the emperor.--foreign combinations.--truce between the catholics and the protestants.--the attack upon bohemia.--battle of the white mountain. ferdinand, who now ascended the throne by right of the coronation he had already received, was in the prime of life, being but forty-one years of age, and was in possession of a rare accumulation of dignities. he was archduke of austria, king of hungary and of bohemia, duke of styria, carinthia and carniola, and held joint possession, with his two brothers, of the spacious territory of the tyrol. thus all these wide-spread and powerful territories, with different languages, different laws, and diverse manners and customs, were united under the austrian monarchy, which was now undeniably one of the leading powers of europe. in addition to all these titles and possessions, he was a prominent candidate for the imperial crown of germany. to secure this additional dignity he could rely upon his own family influence, which was very powerful, and also upon the aid of the spanish monarchy. when we contemplate his accession in this light, he appears as one of the most powerful monarchs who ever ascended a throne. but there is another side to the picture. the spirit of rebellion against his authority had spread through nearly all his territories, and he had neither state nor kingdom where his power seemed stable. in whatever direction he turned his eyes, he saw either the gleam of hostile arms or the people in a tumult just ready to combine against him. the protestants of bohemia had much to encourage them. all the kingdom, excepting one fortress, was in their possession. all the protestants of the german empire had espoused their cause. the silesians, lusatians and moravians were in open revolt. the hungarian protestants, animated by the success of the bohemians, were eager to follow their example and throw off the yoke of ferdinand. with iron tyranny he had silenced every protestant voice in the styrian provinces, and had crushed every semblance of religious liberty. but the successful example of the bohemians had roused the styrians, and they also were on the eve of making a bold move in defense of their rights. even in austria itself, and beneath the very shadow of the palaces of vienna, conspiracies were rife, and insurrection was only checked by the presence of the army which had been driven out of bohemia. even ferdinand could not be blind to the difficulties which were accumulating upon him, and to the precarious tenure of his power. he saw the necessity of persevering in the attempt at conciliation which he had so reluctantly commenced. and yet, with strange infatuation, he proposed an accommodation in a manner which was deemed insulting, and which tended only to exasperate. the very day of his accession to the throne, he sent a commission to prague, to propose a truce; but, instead of conferring with the protestant leaders, he seemed to treat them with intentional contempt, by addressing his proposal to that very council of regency which had become so obnoxious. the protestants, justly regarding this as an indication of the implacable state of his mind, and conscious that the proposed truce would only enable him more effectually to rally his forces, made no reply whatever to his proposals. ferdinand, perceiving that he had made a great mistake, and that he had not rightly appreciated the spirit of his foes, humbled himself a little more, and made still another attempt at conciliation. but the protestants had now resolved that ferdinand should never be king of bohemia. it had become an established tenet of the catholic church that it is not necessary to keep faith with heretics. whatever solemn promises ferdinand might make, the pope would absolve him from all sin in violating them. count thurn, with sixteen thousand men, marched into moravia. the people rose simultaneously to greet him. he entered brunn, the capital, in triumph. the revolution was immediate and entire. they abolished the austrian government, established the protestant worship, and organized a new government similar to that which they had instituted in bohemia. crossing the frontier, count thurn boldly entered austria and, meeting no foe capable of retarding his steps, he pushed vigorously on even to the very gates of vienna. as he had no heavy artillery capable of battering down the walls, and as he knew that he had many partisans within the walls of the city, he took possession of the suburbs, blockaded the town, and waited for the slow operation of a siege, hoping thus to be able to take the capital and the person of the sovereign without bloodshed. ferdinand had brought such trouble upon the country, that he was now almost as unpopular with the catholics as with the protestants, and all his appeals to them for aid were of but little avail. the sudden approach of count thurn had amazed and discomfited him, and he knew not in what direction to look for aid. cooped up in his capital, he could hold no communication with foreign powers, and his own subjects manifested no disposition to come to his rescue. the evidences of popular discontent, even in the city, were every hour becoming more manifest, and the unhappy sovereign was in hourly expectation of an insurrection in the streets. the surrender of vienna involved the loss of austria. with the loss of austria vanished all hopes of the imperial crown. bohemia, austria, and the german scepter gone, hungary would soon follow; and then, his own styrian territories, sustained and aided by their successful neighbors, would speedily discard his sway. ferdinand saw it all clearly, and was in an agony of despair. he has confided to his confessor the emotions which, in those terrible hours, agitated his soul. it is affecting to read the declaration, indicative as it is that the most cruel and perfidious man may be sincere and even conscientious in his cruelty and crime. to his jesuitical confessor, bartholomew valerius, he said, "i have reflected on the dangers which threaten me and my family, both at home and abroad. with an enemy in the suburbs, sensible that the protestants are plotting my ruin, i implore that help from god which i can not expect from man. i had recourse to my saviour, and said, 'lord jesus christ, thou redeemer of mankind, thou to whom all hearts are opened, thou knowest that i seek thy honor, not my own. if it be thy will, that, in this extremity, i should be overcome by thy enemies, and be made the sport and contempt of the world, i will drink of the bitter cup. thy will be done.' i had hardly spoken these words before i was inspired with new hope, and felt a full conviction that god would frustrate the designs of my enemies." nerved by such a spirit, ferdinand was prepared to endure all things rather than yield the slightest point. hour after hour his situation became more desperate, and still he remained inflexible. balls from the batteries of count thurn struck even the walls of his palace; murmurs filled the streets, and menaces rose to his ears from beneath his windows. "let us put his evil counselors to the sword," the disaffected exclaimed; "shut him up in a convent; and educate his children in the protestant religion." at length the crisis had apparently arrived. insurrection was organized. clamorous bands surged through the streets, and there was a state of tumult which no police force could quell. a band of armed men burst into the palace, forced their way into the presence of ferdinand, and demanded the surrender of the city. at that moment, when ferdinand might well have been in despair, the unexpected sound of trumpets was heard in the streets, and the tramp of a squadron of cavalry. the king was as much amazed as were the insurgents. the deputies, not knowing what it meant, in great alarm retreated from the palace. the squadron swept the streets, and surrounded the palace. they had been sent to the city by the general who had command of the austrian forces, and, arriving at full speed, had entered unexpectedly at the only gate which the besiegers had not guarded. their arrival, as if by heavenly commission, and the tidings they brought of other succor near at hand, reanimated the king and his partisans, and instantly the whole aspect of things within the city was changed. six hundred students in the roman catholic institutions of the city flew to arms, and organized themselves as a body-guard of the king. all the zealous catholics formed themselves into military bands, and this encouraged that numerous neutral party, always existing in such seasons of uncertainty, ready to join those who shall prove to be the strongest. the protestants fled from the city, and sought protection under the banners of count thurn. in the meantime the catholics in bohemia, taking advantage of the absence of count thurn with his troops, had surrounded prague, and were demanding its capitulation. this rendered it necessary for the bohemian army immediately to strike their tents and return to bohemia. never was there a more sudden and perfect deliverance. it was, however, deliverance only from the momentary peril. the great elements of discontent and conflict remained unchanged. it was very evident that the difficulties which ferdinand had to encounter in his austrian dominions, were so immense that he could not hope to surmount them without foreign aid. he consequently deemed it a matter important above all others to secure the imperial throne. without this strength the loss of all his austrian possessions was inevitable. with the influence and the power which the crown of germany would confer upon him he could hope to gain all. ferdinand immediately left vienna and visited the most influential of the german princes to secure their support for his election. the catholics all over germany, alarmed by the vigor and energy which had been displayed by the protestants, laid aside their several preferences, and gradually all united upon ferdinand. the protestants, foolishly allowing their lutheran and calvinistic differences to disunite them, could not agree in their candidate. consequently ferdinand was elected, and immediately crowned emperor, the th of september, . the bohemians, however, remained firm in their resolve to repudiate him utterly as their king. they summoned a diet of the states of bohemia, moravia, silesia and lusatia to meet at prague. delegates also attended the diet from upper and lower austria, as also many nobles from distant hungary. the diet drew up a very formidable list of grievances, and declared, in view of them, that ferdinand had forfeited all right to the crown of bohemia, and that consequently it was their duty, in accordance with the ancient usages, to proceed to the election of a sovereign. the catholics were now so entirely in the minority in bohemia that the protestants held the undisputed control. they first chose the elector of saxony. he, conscious that he could maintain his post only by a long and uncertain war, declined the perilous dignity. they then with great unanimity elected frederic, the elector of palatine. the palatinate was a territory bordering on bohemia, of over four thousand square miles, and contained nearly seven hundred thousand inhabitants. the elector, frederic v., was thus a prince of no small power in his own right. he had married a daughter of james i. of england, and had many powerful relatives. frederic was an affable, accomplished, kind-hearted man, quite ambitious, and with but little force of character. he was much pleased at the idea of being elevated to the dignity of a king, and was yet not a little appalled in contemplating the dangers which it was manifest he must encounter. his mother, with maternal solicitude, trembling for her son, intreated him not to accept the perilous crown. his father-in-law, james, remonstrated against it, sternly declaring that he would never patronize subjects in rebellion against their sovereign, that he would never acknowledge frederic's title as king, or render him, under any circumstances, either sympathy or support. on the other hand the members of the protestant league urged his acceptance; his uncles united strongly with them in recommending it, and above all, his fascinating wife, whom he dotingly loved, and who, delighted at the idea of being a queen, threw herself into his arms, and plead in those persuasive tones which the pliant heart of frederic could not resist. the protestant clergy, also, in a strong delegation waited upon him, and intreated him in the name of that providence which had apparently proffered to him the crown, to accept it in fidelity to himself, to his country and to the true religion. the trembling hand and the tearful eye with which frederic accepted the crown, proved his incapacity to bear the burden in those stormy days. placing the government of the palatinate in the hands of the duke of deux ponts, he repaired, with his family, to prague. a rejoicing multitude met him at several leagues from the capital, and escorted him to the city with an unwonted display of popular enthusiasm. he was crowned with splendor such as bohemia had never witnessed before. for a time the bohemians surrendered themselves to the most extravagant joy. frederic was exceedingly amiable, and just the prince to win, in calm and sunny days, the enthusiastic admiration of his subjects. they were highly gratified in having the king of bohemia dwell in his own capital at prague, a privilege and honor which they had seldom enjoyed. many of the german princes acknowledged frederic's title, as did also sweden, denmark, holland and vienna. the revolution in bohemia was apparently consummated, and to the ordinary observer no cloud could be seen darkening the horizon. the bohemians were strengthened in their sense of security by a similar revolution which was taking place in hungary. as soon as ferdinand left vienna, to seek the crown of germany, the protestants of hungary threw off their allegiance to austria, and rallied around the banners of their bold, indomitable leader, gabriel bethlehem. they fell upon the imperial forces with resistless fury and speedily dispersed them. having captured several of the most important fortresses, and having many troops to spare, gabriel bethlehem sent eighteen thousand men into moravia to aid count thurn to disperse the imperial forces there. he then marched triumphantly to presburg, the renowned capital of hungary, within thirty miles of vienna, where he was received by the majority of the inhabitants with open arms. he took possession of the sacred crown and of the crown jewels, called an assembly of the nobles from the various states of hungary and transylvania, and united them in a firm band against ferdinand. he now marched up the banks of the danube into austria. count thurn advanced from moravia to meet him. the junction of their forces placed the two leaders in command of sixty thousand men. they followed along the left bank of the majestic danube until they arrived opposite vienna. here they found eighteen thousand troops posted to oppose. after a short conflict, the imperial troops retreated from behind their intrenchments across the river, and blew up the bridge. in such a deplorable condition did the emperor ferdinand find his affairs, as he returned from germany to austria. he was apparently in a desperate position, and no human sagacity could foresee how he could retrieve his fallen fortunes. apparently, could his despotic arm then have been broken, europe might have been spared many years of war and woe. but the designs of providence are inscrutable. again there was apparently almost miraculous interposition. the imperial troops were rapidly concentrated in the vicinity of vienna, to prevent the passage of the broad, deep and rapid river by the allied army. a strong force was dispatched down the right bank of the danube, which attacked and dispersed a force left to protect the communication with hungary. the season was far advanced, and it was intensely cold in those northern latitudes. the allied army had been collected so suddenly, that no suitable provision had been made for feeding so vast a host. famine added its terrors to the cold blasts which menacingly swept the plains, and as there was imminent danger that the imperial army might cut off entirely the communication of the allies with hungary, gabriel bethlehem decided to relinquish the enterprise of taking vienna, and retired unimpeded to presburg. almost every fortress in hungary was now in the possession of the hungarians, and ferdinand, though his capital was released, saw that hungary as well as bohemia had escaped from his hands. at presburg gabriel was, with imposing ceremonies, proclaimed king of hungary, and a decree of proscription and banishment was issued against all the adherents of ferdinand. germany was now divided into two great leagues, the catholic and the protestant. though nominally religious parties, they were political as well as religious, and subject to all the fluctuations and corruptions attending such combinations. the protestant league, composed of princes of every degree of dignity, who came from all parts of germany, proudly mounted and armed, and attended by armed retainers, from a few score to many hundreds or even thousands, met at nuremburg. it was one of the most influential and imposing assemblages which had ever gathered in europe. the catholics, with no less display of pomp and power, for their league embraced many of the haughtiest sovereigns in europe, met at wurtzburg. there were, of course, not a few who were entirely indifferent as to the religious questions involved, and who were catholics or protestants, in subserviency to the dictates of interest or ambition. both parties contended with the arts of diplomacy as well as with those of war. the spanish court was preparing a powerful armament to send from the netherlands to the help of ferdinand. the protestants sent an army to ulm to watch their movements, and to cut them off. ferdinand was as energetic as he had previously proved himself inflexible and persevering. in person he visited munich, the capital of bavaria, that he might more warmly interest in his favor maximilian, the illustrious and warlike duke. the emperor made him brilliant promises, and secured his cordial coöperation. the duke of bavaria, and the elector of the palatinate, were neighbors and rivals; and the emperor offered maximilian the spoils of the palatinate, if they should be successful in their warfare against the newly elected bohemian king. maximilian, thus persuaded, placed all his force at the disposal of the emperor. the elector of saxony was a lutheran; the elector palatine a calvinist. the lutherans believed, that after the consecration of the bread and wine at the sacramental table, the body and blood of christ were spiritually present with that bread and wine. this doctrine, which they called _consubstantiation_, they adopted in antagonism to the papal doctrine of _transubstantiation_, which was that the bread and wine were actually transformed into, and became the real body and blood of christ. the difference between the calvinists and the lutherans, as we have before mentioned, was that, while the former considered the bread and wine in the sacraments as _representing_ the body and the blood of christ, the latter considered the body and the blood as spiritually present in the consecrated elements. this trivial difference divided brethren who were agreed upon all the great points of christian faith, duty and obligation. it is melancholy, and yet instructive to observe, through the course of history, how large a proportion of the energies of christians have been absorbed in contentions against each other upon shadowy points of doctrine, while a world has been perishing in wickedness. the most efficient men in the church on earth, have had about one half of their energies paralyzed by contentions with their own christian brethren. it is so now. the most energetic men, in pleading the cause of christ, are often assailed even more unrelentingly by brethren who differ with them upon some small point of doctrine, than by a hostile world. human nature, even when partially sanctified, is frail indeed. the elector of saxony was perhaps a good man, but he was a weak one. he was a zealous lutheran, and was shocked that a calvinist, a man who held the destructive error that the bread and wine only _represented_ the body and the blood of christ, should be raised to the throne of bohemia, and thus become the leader of the protestant party. the elector of saxony and the elector of the palatine had also been naturally rivals, as neighbors, and possessors of about equal rank and power. though the calvinists, to conciliate the lutherans, had offered the throne to the elector of saxony, and he had declined it, as too perilous a post for him to occupy, still he was weakly jealous of his rival who had assumed that post, and was thus elevated above him to the kingly dignity. ferdinand understood all this, and shrewdly availed himself of it. he plied the elector with arguments and promises, assuring him that the points in dispute were political merely and not religious; that he had no intention of opposing the protestant religion, and that if the elector would abandon the protestant league, he would reward him with a large accession of territory. it seems incredible that the elector of saxony could have been influenced by such representations. but so it was. averring that he could not in conscience uphold a man who did not embrace the vital doctrine of the spiritual presence, he abandoned his protestant brethren, and drew with him the landgrave of hesse, and several other lutheran princes. this was a very serious defection, which disheartened the protestants as much as it encouraged ferdinand. the wily emperor having succeeded so admirably with the protestant elector, now turned to the roman catholic court of france--that infamous court, still crimsoned with the blood of the st. bartholomew massacre. then, with diplomatic tergiversation, he represented that the conflict was not a political one, but purely religious, involving the interests of the church. he urged that the peace of france and of europe required that the protestant heresy should be utterly effaced; and he provoked the resentment of the court by showing how much aid the protestants in europe had ever received from the palatinate family. here again he was completely successful, and the young king, louis xiii., who was controlled by his bigoted yet powerful minister, the duke of luines, cordially espoused his cause. spain, intolerant, despotic, hating protestantism with perfect hatred, was eager with its aid. a well furnished army of twenty-four thousand men was sent from the netherlands, and also a large sum of money was placed in the treasury of ferdinand. even the british monarch, notwithstanding the clamors of the nation, was maneuvered into neutrality. and most surprising of all, ferdinand was successful in securing a truce with gabriel bethlehem, which, though it conferred peace upon hungary, deprived the bohemians of their powerful support. the protestants were strong in their combination; but still it was a power of fearful strength now arrayed against them. it was evident that europe was on the eve of a long and terrible struggle. the two forces began to assemble. the protestants rendezvoused at ulm, under the command of the margrave of anspach. the catholic troops, from their wide dispersion, were concentrating at guntzburg, to be led by the duke of bavaria. the attention of all europe was arrested by these immense gatherings. all hearts were oppressed with solicitude, for the parties were very equally matched, and results of most momentous importance were dependent upon the issue. in this state of affairs the protestant league, which extended through europe, entered into a truce with the catholic league, which also extended through europe, that they should both withdraw from the contest, leaving ferdinand and the bohemians to settle the dispute as they best could. this seemed very much to narrow the field of strife, but the measure, in its practical results, was far more favorable to ferdinand than to the bohemians. the emperor thus disembarrassed, by important concessions, and by menaces, brought the protestants of lower austria into submission. the masses, overawed by a show of power which they could not resist, yielded; the few who refused to bow in homage to the emperor were punished as guilty of treason. ferdinand, by these cautious steps, was now prepared to concentrate his energies upon bohemia. he first attacked the dependent provinces of bohemia, one by one, sending an army of twenty-five thousand men to take them unprepared. having subjected all of upper austria to his sway, with fifty thousand men he entered bohemia. their march was energetic and sanguinary. with such an overpowering force they took fortress after fortress, scaling ramparts, mercilessly cutting down garrisons, plundering and burning towns, and massacreing the inhabitants. neither sex nor age was spared, and a brutal soldiery gratified their passions in the perpetration of indescribable horrors. even the duke of bavaria was shocked at such barbarities, and entered his remonstrances against them. many large towns, terrified by the atrocities perpetrated upon those who resisted the imperial arms, threw open their gates, hoping thus, by submission, to appease the vengeance of the conqueror. frederic was a weak man, not at all capable of encountering such a storm, and the bohemians had consequently no one to rally and to guide them with efficiency. his situation was now alarming in the extreme. he was abandoned by the protestant league, hemmed in on every side by the imperial troops, and his hereditary domains of the palatinate were overrun by twenty thousand spaniards. his subjects, alarmed at his utter inefficiency, and terrified by the calamities which were falling, like avalanche after avalanche upon them, became dissatisfied with him, and despairing respecting their own fate. he was a calvinist, and the lutherans had never warmly received him. the impotent monarch, instead of establishing himself in the affections of his subjects, by vigorously driving the invaders from his realms, with almost inconceivable silliness endeavored to win their popularity by balls and smiles, pleasant words and masquerades. in fact, frederic, by his utter inefficiency, was a foe more to be dreaded by bohemia than ferdinand. the armies of the emperor pressed on, throwing the whole kingdom into a state of consternation and dismay. the army of frederic, which dared not emerge from its intrenchments at pritznitz, about fifty miles south of prague, consisted of but twenty-two thousand men, poorly armed, badly clothed, wretchedly supplied with military stores, and almost in a state of mutiny from arrears of pay. the generals were in perplexity and disagreement. some, in the recklessness of despair, were for marching to meet the foe and to risk a battle; others were for avoiding a conflict, and thus protracting the war till the severity of winter should drive their enemies from the field, when they would have some time to prepare for another year's campaign. these difficulties led frederic to apply for a truce. but ferdinand was too wise to lose by wasting time in negotiations, vantage ground he had already gained. he refused to listen to any word except the unequivocal declaration that frederic relinquished all right to the crown. pressing his forces onward, he drove the bohemians from behind their ramparts at pritznitz, and pursued them down the moldau even to the walls of prague. upon a magnificent eminence called the white mountain, which commanded the city and its most important approaches, the disheartened army of frederic stopped in its flight, and made its last stand. the enemy were in hot pursuit. the bohemians in breathless haste began to throw up intrenchments along the ravines, and to plant their batteries on the hills, when the banners of ferdinand were seen approaching. the emperor was too energetic a warrior to allow his panic-stricken foes time to regain their courage. without an hour's delay he urged his victorious columns to the charge. the bohemians fought desperately, with far more spirit than could have been expected. but they were overpowered by numbers, and in one short hour the army of frederic was annihilated. four thousand were left dead upon the field, one thousand were drowned in the frantic attempt to swim the moldau, and the rest were either dispersed as fugitives over hill and valley or taken captive. the victory of the emperor was complete, the hopes of frederic crushed, and the fate of bohemia sealed. the contemptible frederic, while this fierce battle was raging beneath the very walls of his capital, instead of placing himself at the head of his troops, was in the heart of the city, in the banqueting-hall of his palace, bowing and smiling and feasting his friends. the prince of anhalt, who was in command of the bohemian army, had sent a most urgent message to the king, intreating him to dispatch immediately to his aid all the troops in the city, and especially to repair himself to the camp to encourage the troops by his presence. frederic was at the table when he received this message, and sent word back that he could not come until after dinner. as soon as the combat commenced, another still more urgent message was sent, to which he returned the same reply. _after dinner_ he mounted his horse and rode to the gate which led to the white mountain. the thunders of the terrible battle filled the air; the whole city was in the wildest state of terror and confusion; the gates barred and barricaded. even the king could not get out. he climbed one of the towers of the wall and looked out upon the gory field, strewn with corpses, where his army _had been_, but was no more. he returned hastily to his palace, and met there the prince of anhalt, who, with a few fugitives, had succeeded in entering the city by one of the gates. the city now could not defend itself for an hour. the batteries of ferdinand were beginning to play upon the walls, when frederic sent out a flag of truce soliciting a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, that they might negotiate respecting peace. the peremptory reply returned was, that there should not be truce for a single moment, unless frederic would renounce all pretension to the crown of bohemia. with such a renunciation truce would be granted for eight hours. frederic acceded to the demand, and the noise of war was hushed. chapter xvii. ferdinand ii. from to . pusillanimity of frederic.--intreaties of the citizens of prague.--shameful flight of frederic.--vengeance inflicted upon bohemia.--protestantism and civil freedom.--vast power of the emperor.--alarm of europe.--james i.--treaty of marriage for the prince of wales.--cardinal richelieu.--new league of the protestants.-- desolating war.--defeat of the king of denmark.--energy of wallenstein.--triumph of ferdinand.--new acts of intolerance.-- severities in bohemia.--desolation of the kingdom.--dissatisfaction of the duke of bavaria.--meeting of the catholic princes.--the emperor humbled. the citizens of prague were indignant at the pusillanimity of frederic. in a body they repaired to the palace and tried to rouse his feeble spirits. they urged him to adopt a manly resistance, and offered to mount the ramparts and beat off the foe until succor could arrive. but frederic told them that he had resolved to leave prague, that he should escape during the darkness of the night, and advised them to capitulate on the most favorable terms they could obtain. the inhabitants of the city were in despair. they knew that they had nothing to hope from the clemency of the conqueror, and that there was no salvation for them from irretrievable ruin but in the most desperate warfare. even now, though the enemy was at their gates, their situation was by no means hopeless with a leader of any energy. "we have still," they urged, "sufficient strength to withstand a siege. the city is not invested on every side, and reinforcements can enter by some of the gates. we have ample means in the city to support all the troops which can be assembled within its walls. the soldiers who have escaped from the disastrous battle need but to see the bohemian banners again unfurled and to hear the blast of the bugle, to return to their ranks. eight thousand troops are within a few hours' march of us. there is another strong band in the rear of the enemy, prepared to cut off their communications. several strong fortresses, filled with arms and ammunition, are still in our possession, and the bohemians, animated by the remembrance of the heroic deeds of their ancestors, are eager to retrieve their fortunes." had frederic possessed a tithe of the perseverance and energy of ferdinand, with these resources he might soon have arrested the steps of the conqueror. never was the characteristic remark of napoleon to ney better verified, that "an army of deer led by a lion is better than an army of lions led by a deer." frederic was panic-stricken for fear he might fall into the hands of ferdinand, from whom he well knew that he was to expect no mercy. with ignominious haste, abandoning every thing, even the coronation regalia, at midnight, surrounded by a few friends, he stole out at one of the gates of the city, and putting spurs to his horse, allowed himself no rest until he was safe within the walls of berlin, two hundred miles from prague. the despairing citizens, thus deserted by their sovereign, and with a victorious foe at their very walls, had no alternative but to throw open their gates and submit to the mercy of the conqueror. the next day the whole imperial army, under the duke of bavaria, with floating banners and exultant music, entered the streets of the capital, and took possession of the palaces. the tyrant ferdinand was as vengeful and venomous as he was vigorous and unyielding. the city was immediately disarmed, and the government intrusted to a vigorous roman catholic prince, charles of lichtenstein. a strong garrison was left in the city to crush, with a bloody hand, any indications of insurrection, and then the duke of bavaria returned with most of his army to munich, his capital, tottering beneath the burden of plunder. there was a moment's lull before the tempest of imperial wrath burst upon doomed bohemia. ferdinand seemed to deliberate, and gather his strength, that he might strike a blow which would be felt forever. he did strike such a blow--one which has been remembered for two hundred years, and which will not be forgotten for ages to come--one which doomed parents and children to weary years of vagabondage, penury and woe which must have made life a burden. on the night of the st of january, three months after the capitulation, and when the inhabitants of prague had begun to hope that there might, after all, be some mercy in the bosom of ferdinand, forty of the leading citizens of the place were simultaneously arrested. they were torn from their families and thrown into dungeons where they were kept in terrific suspense for four months. they were then brought before an imperial commission and condemned as guilty of high treason. all their property was confiscated, nothing whatever being left for their helpless families. twenty-three were immediately executed upon the scaffold, and all the rest were either consigned to life-long imprisonment, or driven into banishment. twenty-seven other nobles, who had escaped from the kingdom, were declared traitors. their castles were seized, their property confiscated and presented as rewards to roman catholic nobles who were the friends of ferdinand. an order was then issued for all the nobles and landholders throughout the kingdom to send in a confession of whatever aid they had rendered, or encouragement they had given to the insurrection. and the most terrible vengeance was threatened against any one who should afterward be proved guilty of any act whatever of which he had not made confession. the consternation which this decree excited was so great, that not only was every one anxious to confess the slightest act which could be construed as unfriendly to the emperor, but many, in their terror, were driven to accuse themselves of guilt, who had taken no share in the movement. seven hundred nobles, and the whole body of protestant landholders, placed their names on the list of those who confessed guilt and implored pardon. the fiend-like emperor, then, in the mockery of mercy, declared that in view of his great clemency and their humble confession, he would spare their forfeited lives, and would only punish them by depriving them of their estates. he took their mansions, their estates, their property, and turned them adrift upon the world, with their wives and their children, fugitives and penniless. thus between one and two thousand of the most ancient and noble families of the kingdom were rendered houseless and utterly beggared. their friends, involved with them in the same woe, could render no assistance. they were denounced as traitors; no one dared befriend them, and their possessions were given to those who had rallied beneath the banners of the emperor. "to the victors belong the spoils." no pen can describe the ruin of these ancient families. no imagination can follow them in their steps of starvation and despair, until death came to their relief. ferdinand considered protestantism and rebellion as synonymous terms. and well he might, for protestantism has ever been arrayed as firmly against civil as against religious despotism. the doctrines of the reformers, from the days of luther and calvin, have always been associated with political liberty. ferdinand was determined to crush protestantism. the punishment of the elector palatine was to be a signal and an appalling warning to all who in future should think of disputing the imperial sway. the elector himself, having renounced the throne, had escaped beyond the emperor's reach. but ferdinand took possession of his ancestral territories and divided them among his roman catholic allies. the electoral vote which he held in the diet of the empire, ferdinand transferred to the duke of bavaria, thus reducing the protestant vote to two, and securing an additional catholic suffrage. the ban of the empire was also published against the prince of anhalt, the count of hohenloe, and the duke jaegendorf, who had been supporters of frederic. this ban of the empire deprived them of their territories, of their rank, and of their possessions. the protestants throughout the empire were terrified by these fierce acts of vengeance, and were fearful of sharing the same fate. they now regretted bitterly that they had disbanded their organization. they dared not make any move against the emperor, who was flushed with pride and power, lest he should pounce at once upon them. the emperor consequently marched unimpeded in his stern chastisements. frederic was thus deserted entirely by the protestant union; and his father-in-law, james of england, in accordance with his threat, refused to lend him any aid. various most heroic efforts were made by a few intrepid nobles but one after another they were crushed by the iron hand of the emperor. ferdinand, having thus triumphed over all his foes, and having divided their domains among his own followers, called a meeting of the electors who were devoted to his cause, at ratisbon, on the th of february, , to confirm what he had done. in every portion of the empire, where the arm of the emperor could reach them, the protestants were receiving heavy blows. they were now thoroughly alarmed and aroused. the catholics all over europe were renewing their league; all the catholic powers were banded together, and protestantism seemed on the eve of being destroyed by the sword of persecution. other parts of europe also began to look with alarm upon the vast power acquired by austria. there was but little of conciliation in the character of ferdinand, and his unbounded success, while it rendered him more haughty, excited also the jealousy of the neighboring powers. in lower saxony, nearly all the nobles and men of influence were protestants. the principal portion of the ecclesiastical property was in their hands. it was very evident that unless the despotism of ferdinand was checked, he would soon wrest from them their titles and possessions, and none the less readily because he had succeeded in bribing the elector of saxony to remain neutral while he tore the crown of bohemia from the elector of the palatine, and despoiled him of his wide-spread ancestral territories. james i. of england had been negotiating a marriage of his son, the prince of wales, subsequently charles i., with the daughter of the king of spain. this would have been, in that day, a brilliant match for his son; and as the spanish monarch was a member of the house of austria, and a coöperator with his cousin, the emperor ferdinand, in all his measures in germany, it was an additional reason why james should not interfere in defense of his son-in-law, frederic of the palatine. but now this match was broken off by the influence of the haughty english minister buckingham, who had the complete control of the feeble mind of the british monarch. a treaty of marriage was soon concluded between the prince of wales and henrietta, a princess of france. there was hereditary hostility between france and spain, and both england and france were now quite willing to humble the house of austria. the nobles of lower saxony availed themselves of this new turn in the posture of affairs, and obtained promises of aid from them both, and, through their intercession, aid also from denmark and sweden. richelieu, the imperious french minister, was embarrassed by two antagonistic passions. he was eager to humble the house of austria; and this he could only do by lending aid to the protestants. on the other hand, it was the great object of his ambition to restore the royal authority to unlimited power, and this he could only accomplish by aiding the house of austria to crush the protestants, whose love of freedom all despots have abhorred. impelled by these conflicting passions, he did all in his power to extirpate protestantism from france, while he omitted neither lures nor intrigues to urge the protestants in germany to rise against the despotism of austria. gustavus adolphus, of sweden, was personally inimical to ferdinand, in consequence of injuries he had received at his hands. christian iv. of denmark was cousin to elizabeth, the mother of frederic, and, in addition to this interest in the conflict which relationship gave him, he was also trembling lest some of his own possessions should soon be wrested from him by the all-grasping emperor. a year was employed, the year , in innumerable secret intrigues, and plans of combination, for a general rising of the protestant powers. it was necessary that the utmost secrecy should be observed in forming the coalition, and that all should be ready, at the same moment, to cooperate against a foe so able, so determined and so powerful. matters being thus essentially arranged, the states of lower saxony, who were to take the lead, held a meeting at segeberg on the th of march, . they formed a league for the preservation of their religion and liberties, settled the amount of money and men which each of the contracting parties was to furnish, and chose christian iv., king of denmark, their leader. the emperor had for some time suspected that a confederacy was in the process of formation, and had kept a watchful eye upon every movement. the vail was now laid aside, and christian iv. issued a proclamation, stating the reasons why they had taken up arms against the emperor. this was the signal for a blaze of war, which wrapped all northern europe in a wide conflagration. victory ebbed and flowed. bohemia, hungary, denmark, austria--all the states of the empire, were swept and devastated by pursuing and retreating armies. but gradually the emperor gained. first he overwhelmed all opposition in lower saxony, and riveting anew the shackles of despotism, rewarded his followers with the spoils of the vanquished. then he silenced every murmur in austria, so that no foe dared lift up the voice or peep. then he poured his legions into hungary, swept back the tide of victory which had been following the hungarian banners, and struck blow after blow, until gabriel bethlehem was compelled to cry for peace and mercy. bohemia, previously disarmed and impoverished, was speedily struck down. and now the emperor turned his energies against the panic-stricken king of denmark. he pursued him from fortress to fortress; attacked him in the open field, and beat him; attacked him behind his intrenchments, and drove him from them through the valleys, and over the hills, across rivers, and into forests; bombarded his cities, plundered his provinces, shot down his subjects, till the king, reduced almost to the last extremity, implored peace. the emperor repelled his advances with scorn, demanding conditions of debasement more to be dreaded than death. the king of denmark fled to the isles of the baltic. ferdinand took possession of the shores of this northern sea, and immediately commenced with vigor creating a fleet, that he might have sea as well as land forces, that he might pursue the danish monarch over the water, and that he might more effectually punish gustavus adolphus of sweden. he had determined to dethrone this monarch, and to transfer the crown of sweden to sigismond, his brother-in-law, king of poland, who was almost as zealous a roman catholic as was the emperor himself. he drove the two dukes of mecklenburg from their territory, and gave the rich and beautiful duchy, extending along the south-eastern shore of the baltic, to his renowned general, wallenstein. this fierce, ambitious warrior was made generalissimo of all the imperial troops by land, and admiral of the baltic sea. ferdinand took possession of all the ports, from the mouth of the keil, to kolberg, at the mouth of the persante. wismar, on the magnificent bay bearing the same name, was made the great naval depot; and, by building, buying, hiring and robbing, the emperor soon collected quite a formidable fleet. the immense duchy of pomerania was just north-east of mecklenburg, extending along the eastern shore of the baltic sea some hundred and eighty miles, and about sixty miles in breadth. though the duke had in no way displeased ferdinand, the emperor grasped the magnificent duchy, and held it by the power of his resistless armies. crossing a narrow arm of the sea, he took the rich and populous islands of rugen and usedom, and laid siege to the city of stralsund, which almost commanded the baltic sea. the kings of sweden and denmark, appalled by the rapid strides of the imperial general, united all their strength to resist him. they threw a strong garrison into stralsund, and sent the fleets of both kingdoms to aid in repelling the attack, and succeeded in baffling all the attempts of wallenstein, and finally in driving him off, though he had boasted that "he would reduce stralsund, even if it were bound to heaven with chains of adamant." though frustrated in this attempt, the armies of ferdinand had swept along so resistlessly, that the king of denmark was ready to make almost any sacrifice for peace. a congress was accordingly held at lubec in may, , when peace was made; ferdinand retaining a large portion of his conquests, and the king of denmark engaging no longer to interfere in the affairs of the empire. ferdinand was now triumphant over all his foes. the protestants throughout the empire were crushed, and all their allies vanquished. he now deemed himself omnipotent, and with wild ambition contemplated the utter extirpation of protestantism, and the subjugation of nearly all of europe to his sway. he formed the most intimate alliance with the branch of his house ruling over spain, hoping that thus the house of austria might be the arbiter of the fate of europe. the condition of europe at that time was peculiarly favorable for the designs of the emperor. charles i. of england was struggling against that parliament which soon deprived him both of his crown and his head. france was agitated, from the rhine to the pyrenees, by civil war, the catholics striving to exterminate the protestants. insurrections in turkey absorbed all the energies of the ottoman court, leaving them no time to think of interfering with the affairs of europe. the king of denmark was humiliated and prostrate. sweden was too far distant and too feeble to excite alarm. sigismond of poland was in intimate alliance with the emperor. gabriel bethlehem of hungary was languishing on a bed of disease and pain, and only asked permission to die in peace. the first step which the emperor now took was to revoke all the concessions which had been granted to the protestants. in upper austria, where he felt especially strong, he abolished the protestant worship utterly. in lower austria he was slightly embarrassed by engagements which he had so solemnly made, and dared not trample upon them without some little show of moderation. first he prohibited the circulation of all protestant books; he then annulled all baptisms and marriages performed by protestants; then all protestants were excluded from holding any civil or military office; then he issued a decree that all the children, without exception, should be educated by catholic priests, and that every individual should attend catholic worship. thus coil by coil he wound around his subjects the chain of unrelenting intolerance. in bohemia he was especially severe, apparently delighting to punish those who had made a struggle for civil and religious liberty. every school teacher, university professor and christian minister, was ejected from office, and their places in schools, universities and churches were supplied by catholic monks. no person was allowed to exercise any mechanical trade whatever, unless he professed the roman catholic faith. a very severe fine was inflicted upon any one who should be detected worshiping at any time, even in family prayer, according to the doctrines and customs of the protestant church. protestant marriages were pronounced illegal, their children illegitimate, their wills invalid. the protestant poor were driven from the hospitals and the alms-houses. no protestant was allowed to reside in the capital city of prague, but, whatever his wealth or rank, he was driven ignominiously from the metropolis. in the smaller towns and remote provinces of the kingdom, a military force, accompanied by jesuits and capuchin friars, sought out the protestants, and they were exposed to every conceivable insult and indignity. their houses were pillaged, their wives and children surrendered to all the outrages of a cruel soldiery; many were massacred; many, hunted like wild beasts, were driven into the forest; many were put to the torture, and as their bones were crushed and quivering nerves were torn, they were required to give in their adhesion to the catholic faith. the persecution to which the bohemians were subjected has perhaps never been exceeded in severity. while bohemia was writhing beneath these woes, the emperor, to secure the succession, repaired in regal pomp to prague, and crowned his son king of bohemia. he then issued a decree abolishing the right which the bohemians had claimed, to elect their king, forbade the use of the bohemian language in the court and in all public transactions, and annulled all past edicts of toleration. he proclaimed that no religion but the roman catholic should henceforth be tolerated in bohemia, and that all who did not immediately return to the bosom of the church should be banished from the kingdom. this cruel edict drove into banishment thirty thousand families. these protestant families composed the best portion of the community, including the most illustrious in rank, the most intelligent, the most industrious and the most virtuous, no state could meet with such a loss without feeling it deeply, and bohemia has never yet recovered from the blow. one of the bohemian historians, himself a roman catholic, thus describes the change which persecution wrought in bohemia: "the records of history scarcely furnish a similar example of such a change as bohemia underwent during the reign of ferdinand ii. in , the monks and a few of the nobility only excepted, the whole country was entirely protestant. at the death of ferdinand it was, in appearance at least, catholic. till the battle of the white mountain the states enjoyed more exclusive privileges than the parliament of england. they enacted laws, imposed taxes, contracted alliances, declared war and peace, and chose or confirmed their kings. but all these they now lost. "till this fatal period the bohemians were daring, undaunted, enterprising, emulous of fame; now they have lost all their courage, their national pride, their enterprising spirit. their courage lay buried in the white mountain. individuals still possessed personal valor, military ardor and a thirst of glory, but, blended with other nations, they resembled the waters of the moldau which join those of the elbe. these united streams bear ships, overflow lands and overturn rocks; yet the elbe is only mentioned, and the moldau forgotten. "the bohemian language, which had been used in all the courts of justice, and which was in high estimation among the nobles, fell into contempt. the german was introduced, became the general language among the nobles and citizens, and was used by the monks in their sermons. the inhabitants of the towns began to be ashamed of their native tongue, which was confined to the villages and called the language of peasants. the arts and sciences, so highly cultivated and esteemed under rhodolph, sunk beyond recovery. during the period which immediately followed the banishment of the protestants, bohemia scarcely produced one man who became eminent in any branch of learning. the greater part of the schools were conducted by jesuits and other monkish orders, and nothing taught therein but bad latin. "it can not be denied that several of the jesuits were men of great learning and science; but their system was to keep the people in ignorance. agreeably to this principle they gave their scholars only the rind, and kept to themselves the pulp of literature. with this view they traveled from town to town as missionaries, and went from house to house, examining all books, which the landlord was compelled under pain of eternal damnation to produce. the greater part they confiscated and burnt. they thus endeavored to extinguish the ancient literature of the country, labored to persuade the students that before the introduction of their order into bohemia nothing but ignorance prevailed, and carefully concealed the learned labors and even the names of our ancestors." ferdinand, having thus bound bohemia hand and foot, and having accomplished all his purpose in that kingdom, now endeavored, by cautious but very decisive steps, to expel protestant doctrines from all parts of the german empire. decree succeeded decree, depriving protestants of their rights and conferring upon the roman catholics wealth and station. he had a powerful and triumphant standing army at his control, under the energetic and bigoted wallenstein, ready and able to enforce his ordinances. no protestant prince dared to make any show of resistance. all the church property was torn from the protestants, and this vast sum, together with the confiscated territories of those protestant princes or nobles who had ventured to resist the emperor, placed at his disposal a large fund from which to reward his followers. the emperor kept, however, a large portion of the spoils in his own hands for the enriching of his own family. this state of things soon alarmed even the catholics. the emperor was growing too powerful, and his power was bearing profusely its natural fruit of pride and arrogance. the army was insolent, trampling alike upon friend and foe. as there was no longer any war, the army had become merely the sword of the emperor to maintain his despotism. wallenstein had become so essential to the emperor, and possessed such power at the head of the army, that he assumed all the air and state of a sovereign, and insulted the highest nobles and the most powerful bishops by his assumptions of superiority. the electors of the empire perceiving that the emperor was centralizing power in his own hands, and that they would soon become merely provincial governors, compelled to obey his laws and subject to his appointment and removal, began to whisper to each other their alarm. the duke of bavaria was one of the most powerful princes of the german empire. he had been the rival of count wallenstein, and was now exceedingly annoyed by the arrogance of this haughty military chief. wallenstein was the emperor's right arm of strength. inflamed by as intense an ambition as ever burned in a human bosom, every thought and energy was devoted to self-aggrandizement. he had been educated a protestant, but abandoned those views for the catholic faith which opened a more alluring field to ambition. sacrificing the passions of youth he married a widow, infirm and of advanced age, but of great wealth. the death of his wrinkled bride soon left him the vast property without incumbrance. he then entered into a matrimonial alliance which favored his political prospects, marrying isabella, the daughter of count harruch, who was one of the emperor's greatest favorites. when ferdinand's fortunes were at a low ebb, and he knew not in which way to find either money or an army, wallenstein offered to raise fifty thousand men at his own expense, to pay their wages, supply them with arms and all the munitions of war, and to call upon the emperor for no pecuniary assistance whatever, if the emperor would allow him to retain the plunder he could extort from the conquered. upon this majestic scale wallenstein planned to act the part of a highwayman. ferdinand's necessities were so great that he gladly availed himself of this infamous offer. wallenstein made money by the bargain. wherever he marched he compelled the people to support his army, and to support it luxuriously. the emperor had now constituted him admiral of the baltic fleet, and had conferred upon him the title of duke, with the splendid duchy of mecklenburg, and the principality of sagan in silesia. his overbearing conduct and his enormous extortions--he having, in seven years, wrested from the german princes more than four hundred million of dollars--excited a general feeling of discontent, in which the powerful duke of bavaria took the lead. envy is a stronger passion than political religion. zealous as the duke of bavaria had been in the cause of the papal church, he now forgot that church in his zeal to abase an arrogant and insulting rival. richelieu, the prime minister of france, was eagerly watching for opportunities to humiliate the house of austria, and he, with alacrity, met the advances of the duke of bavaria, and conspired with him to form a catholic league, to check the ambition of wallenstein, and to arrest the enormous strides of the emperor. with this object in view, a large number of the most powerful catholic princes met at heidelberg, in march, , and passed resolutions soliciting ferdinand to summon a diet of the german empire to take into consideration the evils occasioned by the army of wallenstein, and to propose a remedy. the emperor had, in his arrogance, commanded the princes of the various states in the departments of suabia and franconia, to disband their troops. to this demand they returned the bold and spirited reply, "till we have received an indemnification, or a pledge for the payment of our expenses, we will neither disband a single soldier, nor relinquish a foot of territory, ecclesiastical or secular, _demand it who will_." the emperor did not venture to disregard the request for him to summon a diet. indeed he was anxious, on his own account, to convene the electors, for he wished to secure the election of his son to the throne of the empire, and he needed succors to aid him in the ambitious wars which he was waging in various and distant parts of europe. the diet was assembled at ratisbon: the emperor presided in person. as he had important favors to solicit, he assumed a very conciliatory tone. he expressed his regret that the troops had been guilty of such disorders, and promised immediate redress. he then, supposing that his promise would be an ample satisfaction, very graciously solicited of them the succession of the imperial throne for his son, and supplies for his army. but the electors were not at all in a pliant mood. some were resolved that, at all hazards, the imperial army, which threatened germany, should be reduced, and that wallenstein should be dismissed from the command. others were equally determined that the crown of the empire should not descend to the son of ferdinand. the duke of bavaria headed the party who would debase wallenstein; and cardinal richelieu, with all the potent influences of intrigue and bribery at the command of the french court, was the soul of the party resolved to wrest the crown of the empire from the house of austria. richelieu sent two of the most accomplished diplomatists france could furnish, as ambassadors to the diet, who, while maintaining, as far as possible, the guise of friendship, were to do every thing in their power to thwart the election of ferdinand's son. these were supplied with inexhaustible means for the purchase of votes, and were authorized to make any promises, however extravagant, which should be deemed essential for the attainment of their object. ferdinand, long accustomed to have his own way, was not anticipating any serious resistance. he was therefore amazed and confounded, when the diet returned to him, instead of their humble submission and congratulations, a long, detailed, emphatic remonstrance against the enormities perpetrated by the imperial army, and demanding the immediate reduction of the army, now one hundred and fifty thousand strong, and the dismission of wallenstein, before they could proceed to any other business whatever. this bold stand animated the protestant princes of the empire, and they began to be clamorous for their rights. some of the catholics even espoused their cause, warning ferdinand that, unless he granted the protestants some degree of toleration, they would seek redress by joining the enemies of the empire. it would have been impossible to frame three demands more obnoxious to the emperor. to crush the protestants had absorbed the energies of his life; and now that they were utterly prostrate, to lift them up and place them on their feet again, was an idea he could not endure. the imperial army had been his supple tool. by its instrumentality he had gained all his power, and by its energies alone he retained that power. to disband the army was to leave himself defenseless. wallenstein had been every thing to the emperor, and ferdinand still needed the support of his inflexible and unscrupulous energies. wallenstein was in the cabinet of the emperor advising him in this hour of perplexity. his counsel was characteristic of his impetuous, headlong spirit. he advised the emperor to pour his army into the territory of the duke of bavaria; chastise him and all his associates for their insolence, and thus overawe the rest. but the duke of bavaria was in favor of electing the emperor's son as his successor on the throne of the empire; and ferdinand's heart was fixed upon this object. "dismiss wallenstein, and reduce the army," said the duke of bavaria, "and the catholic electors will vote for your son; grant the required toleration to the protestants, and they will vote for him likewise." the emperor yielded, deciding in his own mind, aided by the jesuitical suggestions of a monk, that he could afterwards recall wallenstein, and assemble anew his dispersed battalions. he dismissed sixteen thousand of his best cavalry; suspended some of the most obnoxious edicts against the protestants, and _implored_ wallenstein to resign his post. the emperor was terribly afraid that this proud general would refuse, and would lead the army to mutiny. the emperor accordingly accompanied his request with every expression of gratitude and regret, and assured the general of his continued favor. wallenstein, well aware that the disgrace would be but temporary, quietly yielded. he dismissed the envoys of the emperor with presents, wrote a very submissive letter, and, with much ostentation of obedience, retired to private life. chapter xviii. ferdinand ii. and gustavus adolphus. from to . vexation of ferdinand.--gustavus adolphus.--address to the nobles of sweden.--march of gustavus.--appeal to the protestants.--magdeburg joins gustavus.--destruction of the city.--consternation of the protestants.-- exultation of the catholics.--the elector of saxony driven from his domains.--battle of leipsig.--the swedes penetrate bohemia.--freedom of conscience established.--death of tilly.--the retirement of wallenstein.--the command resumed by wallenstein.--capture of prague.--encounter between wallenstein and gustavus.--battle of lutzen.--death of gustavus. the hand of france was conspicuous in wresting all these sacrifices from the emperor, and was then still more conspicuous in thwarting his plans for the election of his son. the ambassadors of richelieu, with diplomatic adroitness, urged upon the diet the duke of bavaria as candidate for the imperial crown. this tempting offer silenced the duke, and he could make no more efforts for the emperor. the protestants greatly preferred the duke to any one of the race of the bigoted ferdinand. the emperor was excessively chagrined by this aspect of affairs, and abruptly dissolved the diet. he felt that he had been duped by france; that a cunning monk, richelieu's ambassador, had outwitted him. in his vexation he exclaimed, "a capuchin friar has disarmed me with his rosary, and covered six electoral caps with his cowl." the emperor was meditating vengeance--the recall of wallenstein, the reconstruction of the army, the annulling of the edict of toleration, the march of an invading force into the territories of the duke of bavaria, and the chastisement of all, catholics as well as protestants, who had aided in thwarting his plans--when suddenly a new enemy appeared. gustavus adolphus, king of sweden, reigning over his remote realms on the western shores of the baltic, though a zealous protestant, was regarded by ferdinand as a foe too distant and too feeble to be either respected or feared. but gustavus, a man of exalted abilities, and of vast energy, was watching with intense interest the despotic strides of the emperor. in his endeavors to mediate in behalf of the protestants of germany, he had encountered repeated insults on the part of ferdinand. the imperial troops were now approaching his own kingdom. they had driven christian iv., king of denmark, from his continental territories on the eastern shore of the baltic, had already taken possession of several of the islands, and were constructing a fleet which threatened the command of that important sea. gustavus was alarmed, and roused himself to assume the championship of the civil and religious liberties of europe. he conferred with all the leading protestant princes, formed alliances, secured funds, stationed troops to protect his own frontiers, and then, assembling the states of his kingdom, entailed the succession of the crown on his only child christiana, explained to them his plans of war against the emperor, and concluded a dignified and truly pathetic harangue with the following words. "the enterprise in which i am about to engage is not one dictated by the love of conquest or by personal ambition. our honor, our religion and our independence are imperiled. i am to encounter great dangers, and may fall upon the field of battle. if it be god's will that i should die in the defense of liberty, of my country and of mankind, i cheerfully surrender myself to the sacrifice. it is my duty as a sovereign to obey the king of kings without murmuring, and to resign the power i have received from his hands whenever it shall suit his all-wise purposes. i shall yield up my last breath with the firm persuasion that providence will support my subjects because they are faithful and virtuous, and that my ministers, generals and senators will punctually discharge their duty to my child because they love justice, respect me, and feel for their country." the king himself was affected as he uttered these words, and tears moistened the eyes of many of the stern warriors who surrounded him. with general acclaim they approved of his plan, voted him all the succors he required, and enthusiastically offered their own fortunes and lives to his service. gustavus assembled a fleet at elfsnaben, crossed the baltic sea, and in june, , landed thirty thousand troops in pomerania, which wallenstein had overrun. the imperial army, unprepared for such an assault, fled before the swedish king. marching rapidly, gustavus took stettin, the capital of the duchy, situated at the mouth of the oder, and commanding that stream. driving the imperial troops everywhere before him from pomerania, and pursuing them into the adjoining mark of brandenburg, he took possession of a large part of that territory. he issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of germany, recapitulating the arbitrary and despotic acts of the emperor, and calling upon all protestants to aid in an enterprise, in the success of which the very existence of protestantism in germany seemed to be involved. but so utterly had the emperor crushed the spirits of the protestants by his fiend-like severity, that but few ventured to respond to his appeal. the rulers, however, of many of the protestant states met at leipsic, and without venturing to espouse the cause of gustavus, and without even alluding to his invasion, they addressed a letter to the emperor demanding a redress of grievances, and informing him that they had decided to establish a permanent council for the direction of their own affairs, and to raise an army of forty thousand men for their own protection. most of these events had occurred while the emperor, with wallenstein, was at ratisbon, intriguing to secure the succession of the imperial crown for his son. they both looked upon the march of the king of sweden into the heart of germany as the fool-hardy act of a mad adventurer. the courtiers ridiculed his transient conquests, saying, "gustavus adolphus is a king of snow. like a snowball he will melt in a southern clime." wallenstein was particularly contemptuous. "i will whip him back to his country," said he, "like a truant school-boy, with rods." ferdinand was for a time deceived by these representations, and was by no means aware of the real peril which threatened him. the diet which the emperor had assembled made a proclamation of war against gustavus, but adopted no measures of energy adequate to the occasion. the emperor sent a silly message to gustavus that if he did not retire immediately from germany he would attack him with his whole force. to this folly gustavus returned a contemptuous reply. a few of the minor protestant princes now ventured to take arms and join the standard of gustavus. the important city of magdeburg, in saxony, on the elbe, espoused his cause. this city, with its bastions and outworks completely commanding the elbe, formed one of the strongest fortresses of europe. it contained, exclusive of its strong garrison, thirty thousand inhabitants. it was now evident to ferdinand that vigorous action was called for. he could not, consistently with his dignity, recall wallenstein in the same breath with which he had dismissed him. he accordingly concentrated his troops and placed them under the command of count tilly. the imperial troops were dispatched to magdeburg. they surrounded the doomed city, assailed it furiously, and proclaimed their intention of making it a signal mark of imperial vengeance. notwithstanding the utmost efforts of gustavus to hasten to their relief, he was foiled in his endeavors, and the town was carried by assault on the th of may. never, perhaps, did earth witness a more cruel exhibition of the horrors of war. the soul sickens in the contemplation of outrages so fiend-like. we prefer to give the narrative of these deeds, which it is the duty of history to record, in the language of another. "all the horrors ever exercised against a captured place were repeated and almost surpassed, on this dreadful event, which, notwithstanding all the subsequent disorders and the lapse of time, is still fresh in the recollection of its inhabitants and of germany. neither age, beauty nor innocence, neither infancy nor decrepitude, found refuge or compassion from the fury of the licentious soldiery. no retreat was sufficiently secure to escape their rapacity and vengeance; no sanctuary sufficiently sacred to repress their lust and cruelty. infants were murdered before the eyes of their parents, daughters and wives violated in the arms of their fathers and husbands. some of the imperial officers, recoiling from this terrible scene, flew to count tilly and supplicated him to put a stop to the carnage. 'stay yet an hour,' was his barbarous reply; 'let the soldier have some compensation for his dangers and fatigues.' "the troops, left to themselves, after sating their passions, and almost exhausting their cruelty in three hours of pillage and massacre, set fire to the town, and the flames were in an instant spread by the wind to every quarter of the place. then opened a scene which surpassed all the former horrors. those who had hitherto escaped, or who were forced by the flames from their hiding-places, experienced a more dreadful fate. numbers were driven into the elbe, others massacred with every species of savage barbarity--the wombs of pregnant women ripped up, and infants thrown into the fire or impaled on pikes and suspended over the flames. history has no terms, poetry no language, painting no colors to depict all the horrors of the scene. in less than ten hours the most rich, the most flourishing and the most populous town in germany was reduced to ashes. the cathedral, a single convent and a few miserable huts, were all that were left of its numerous buildings, and scarcely more than a thousand souls all that remained of more than thirty thousand inhabitants. "after an interval of two days, when the soldiers were fatigued, if not sated, with devastation and slaughter, and when the flames had begun to subside, tilly entered the town in triumph. to make room for his passage the streets were cleared and six thousand carcasses thrown into the elbe. he ordered the pillage to cease, pardoned the scanty remnant of the inhabitants, who had taken refuge in the cathedral, and, surrounded by flames and carnage, had remained three days without food or refreshment, under all the terrors of impending fate. after hearing a _te deum_ in the midst of military pomp, he paraded the streets; and even though his unfeeling heart seemed touched with the horrors of the scene, he could not refrain from the savage exultation of boasting to the emperor, and comparing the assault of magdeburg to the sack of troy and of jerusalem." this terrible display of vengeance struck the protestants with consternation. the extreme catholic party were exultant, and their chiefs met in a general assembly and passed resolutions approving the course of the emperor and pledging him their support. ferdinand was much encouraged by this change in his favor, and declared his intention of silencing all protestant voices. he recalled an army of twenty-four thousand men from italy. they crossed the alps, and, as they marched through the frontier states of the empire, they spread devastation and ruin through all the protestant territories, exacting enormous contributions, compelling the protestant princes, on oath, to renounce the protestant league, and to unite with the catholic confederacy against the king of sweden. in the meantime, gustavus pressed forward into the duchy of mecklenburg, driving the imperial troops before him. tilly retired into the territory of the elector of saxony, robbing, burning and destroying everywhere. uniting his force with the army from italy he ravaged the country, resistlessly advancing even to leipsic, and capturing the city. the elector, quite unable to cope with so powerful a foe, retired with his troops to the swedish camp, where he entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with gustavus. the swedish army, thus reinforced, hastened to the relief of leipsic, and arrived before its walls the very day on which the city surrendered. tilly, with the pride of a conqueror, advanced to meet them. the two armies, about equal in numbers, and commanded by their renowned captains, met but a few miles from the city. neither of the commanders had ever before suffered a defeat. it was a duel, in which one or the other must fall. every soldier in the ranks felt the sublimity of the hour. for some time there was marching and countermarching--the planting of batteries, and the gathering of squadrons and solid columns, each one hesitating to strike the first blow. at last the signal was given by the discharge of three pieces of cannon from one of the batteries of tilly. instantly a thunder peal rolled along the extended lines from wing to wing. the awful work of death was begun. hour after hour the fierce and bloody fight continued, as the surges of victory and defeat swept to and fro upon the plain. but the ever uncertain fortune of battle decided in favor of the swedes. as the darkness of evening came prematurely on, deepened by the clouds of smoke which canopied the field, the imperialists were everywhere flying in dismay. tilly, having been struck by three balls, was conveyed from the field in excruciating pain to a retreat in halle. seven thousand of his troops lay dead upon the field. five thousand were taken prisoners. all the imperial artillery and baggage fell into the hands of the conqueror. the rest of the army was so dispersed that but two thousand could be rallied under the imperial banners. gustavus, thus triumphant, dispatched a portion of his army, under the elector of saxony, to rescue bohemia from the tyrant grasp of the emperor. gustavus himself, with another portion, marched in various directions to cut off the resources of the enemy and to combine the scattered parts of the protestant confederacy. his progress was like the tranquil march of a sovereign in his own dominions, greeted by the enthusiasm of his subjects. he descended the maine to the rhine, and then ascending the rhine, took every fortress from maine to strasbourg. while gustavus was thus extending his conquests through the very heart of germany, the elector of saxony reclaimed all of bohemia from the imperial arms. prague itself capitulated to the saxon troops. count thurn led the saxon troops in triumph over the same bridge which he, but a few months before, had traversed a fugitive. he found, impaled upon the bridge, the shriveled heads of twelve of his companions, which he enveloped in black satin and buried with funeral honors. the protestants of bohemia rose enthusiastically to greet their deliverers. their churches, schools and universities were reëstablished. their preachers resumed their functions. many returned from exile and rejoiced in the restoration of their confiscated property. the elector of saxony retaliated upon the catholics the cruel wrongs which they had inflicted upon the protestants. their castles were plundered, their nobles driven into exile, and the conquerors loaded themselves with the spoils of the vanquished. but ferdinand, as firm and inexorable in adversity as in prosperity, bowed not before disaster. he roused the catholics to a sense of their danger, organized new coalitions, raised new armies. tilly, with recruited forces, was urged on to arrest the march of the conqueror. burning under the sense of shame for his defeat at leipsic, he placed himself at the head of his veterans, fell, struck by a musket-ball, and died, after a few days of intense suffering, at the age of seventy-three. the vast austrian empire, composed of so many heterogeneous states, bound together only by the iron energy of ferdinand, seemed now upon the eve of its dissolution. the protestants, who composed in most of the states a majority, were cordially rallying beneath the banners of gustavus. they had been in a state of despair. they now rose in exalted hope. many of the minor princes who had been nominally catholics, but whose christian creeds were merely political dogmas, threw themselves into the arms of gustavus. even the elector of bavaria was so helpless in his isolation, that, champion as he had been of the catholic party, there seemed to be no salvation for him but in abandoning the cause of ferdinand. gustavus was now, with a victorious army, in the heart of germany. he was in possession of the whole western country from the baltic to the frontiers of france, and apparently a majority of the population were in sympathy with him. ferdinand at first resolved, in this dire extremity, to assume himself the command of his armies, and in person to enter the field. this was heroic madness, and his friends soon convinced him of the folly of one so inexperienced in the arts of war undertaking to cope with gustavus adolphus, now the most experienced and renowned captain in europe. he then thought of appointing his son, the archduke ferdinand, commander-in-chief. but ferdinand was but twenty-three years of age, and though a young man of decided abilities, was by no means able to encounter on the field the skill and heroism of the swedish warrior. in this extremity, ferdinand was compelled to turn his eyes to his discarded general wallenstein. this extraordinary man, in renouncing, at the command of his sovereign, his military supremacy, retired with boundless wealth, and assumed a style of living surpassing even regal splendor. his gorgeous palace at prague was patrolled by sentinels. a body-guard of fifty halberdiers, in sumptuous uniform, ever waited in his ante-chamber. twelve nobles attended his person, and four gentlemen ushers introduced to his presence those whom he condescended to favor with an audience. sixty pages, taken from the most illustrious families, embellished his courts. his steward was a baron of the highest rank; and even the chamberlain of the emperor had left ferdinand's court, that he might serve in the more princely palace of this haughty subject. a hundred guests dined daily at his table. his gardens and parks were embellished with more than oriental magnificence. even his stables were furnished with marble mangers, and supplied with water from an ever-living fountain. upon his journeys he was accompanied by a suite of twelve coaches of state and fifty carriages. a large retinue of wagons conveyed his plate and equipage. fifty mounted grooms followed with fifty led horses richly caparisoned. (coxe's "house of austria," ii., .) wallenstein watched the difficulties gathering around the emperor with satisfaction which he could not easily disguise. though intensely eager to be restored to the command of the armies, he affected an air of great indifference, and when the emperor suggested his restoration, he very adroitly played the coquette. the emperor at first proposed that his son, the archduke ferdinand, should nominally have the command, while wallenstein should be his executive and advisory general. "i would not serve," said the impious captain, "as second in command under god himself." after long negotiation, wallenstein, with well-feigned reluctance, consented to relinquish for a few weeks the sweets of private life, and to recruit an army, and bring it under suitable discipline. he, however, limited the time of his command to three months. with his boundless wealth and amazing energy, he immediately set all springs in motion. adventurers from all parts of europe, lured by the splendor of his past achievements, crowded his ranks. in addition to his own vast opulence, the pope and the court of spain opened freely to him their purses. as by magic he was in a few weeks at the head of forty thousand men. in companies, regiments and battalions they were incessantly drilled, and by the close of three months this splendid army, thoroughly furnished, and in the highest state of discipline, was presented to the emperor. every step he had taken had convinced, and was intended to convince ferdinand that his salvation depended upon the energies of wallenstein. gustavus was now, in the full tide of victory, marching from the rhine to the danube, threatening to press his conquests even to vienna. ferdinand was compelled to assume the attitude of a suppliant, and to implore his proud general to accept the command of which he had so recently been deprived. wallenstein exacted terms so humiliating as in reality to divest the emperor of his imperial power. he was to be declared generalissimo of all the forces of the empire, and to be invested with unlimited authority. the emperor pledged himself that neither he nor his son would ever enter the camp. wallenstein was to appoint all his officers, distribute all rewards, and the emperor was not allowed to grant either a pardon or a safe-conduct without the confirmation of wallenstein. the general was to levy what contribution he pleased upon the vanquished enemy, confiscate property, and no peace or truce was to be made with the enemy without his consent. finally, he was to receive, either from the spoils of the enemy, or from the hereditary states of the empire, princely remuneration for his services. armed with such enormous power, wallenstein consented to place himself at the head of the army. he marched to prague, and without difficulty took the city. gradually he drove the saxon troops from all their fortresses in bohemia. then advancing to bavaria, he effected a junction with bavarian troops, and found himself sufficiently strong to attempt to arrest the march of gustavus. the imperial force now amounted to sixty thousand men. wallenstein was so sanguine of success, that he boasted that in a few days he would decide the question, whether gustavus adolphus or wallenstein was to be master of the world. the swedish king was at nuremberg with but twenty thousand men, when he heard of the approach of the imperial army, three times outnumbering his own. disdaining to retreat, he threw up redoubts, and prepared for a desperate defense. as wallenstein brought up his heavy battalions, he was so much overawed by the military genius which gustavus had displayed in his strong intrenchments, and by the bold front which the swedes presented, that notwithstanding his boast, he did not dare to hazard an attack. he accordingly threw up intrenchments opposite the works of the swedes, and there the two armies remained, looking each other in the face for eight weeks, neither daring to withdraw from behind their intrenchments, and each hoping to starve the other party out. gustavus did every thing in his power to provoke wallenstein to the attack, but the wary general, notwithstanding the importunities of his officers, and the clamors of his soldiers, refused to risk an engagement. both parties were all the time strengthening their intrenchments and gathering reinforcements. at last gustavus resolved upon an attack. he led his troops against the intrenchments of wallenstein, which resembled a fortress rather than a camp. the swedes clambered over the intrenchments, and assailed the imperialists with as much valor and energy as mortals ever exhibited. they were, however, with equal fury repelled, and after a long conflict were compelled to retire again behind their fortifications with the loss of three thousand of their best troops. for another fortnight the two armies remained watching each other, and then gustavus, leaving a strong garrison in nuremberg, slowly and defiantly retired. wallenstein stood so much in fear of the tactics of gustavus that he did not even venture to molest his retreat. during this singular struggle of patient endurance, both armies suffered fearfully from sickness and famine. in the city of nuremberg ten thousand perished. gustavus buried twenty thousand of his men beneath his intrenchments. and in the imperial army, after the retreat of gustavus, but thirty thousand troops were left to answer the roll-call. wallenstein claimed, and with justice, the merit of having arrested the steps of gustavus, though he could not boast of any very chivalrous exploits. after various maneuvering, and desolating marches, the two armies, with large reinforcements, met at lutzen, about thirty miles from leipsic. it was in the edge of the evening when they arrived within sight of each other's banners. both parties passed an anxious night, preparing for the decisive battle which the dawn of the morning would usher in. wallenstein was fearfully alarmed. he had not willingly met his dreaded antagonist, and would now gladly escape the issues of battle. he called a council of war, and even suggested a retreat. but it was decided that such an attempt in the night, and while watched by so able and vigilant a foe, would probably involve the army in irretrievable ruin, besides exposing his own name to deep disgrace. the imperial troops, thirty thousand strong, quite outnumbered the army of gustavus, and the officers of wallenstein unanimously advised to give battle. wallenstein was a superstitious man and deeply devoted to astrological science. he consulted his astrologers, and they declared the stars to be unpropitious to gustavus. this at once decided him. he resolved, however, to act on the defensive, and through the night employed the energies of his army in throwing up intrenchments. in the earliest dawn of the morning mass was celebrated throughout the whole camp, and wallenstein on horseback rode along behind the redoubts, urging his troops, by every consideration, to fight valiantly for their emperor and their religion. the morning was dark and lowering, and such an impenetrable fog enveloped the armies that they were not visible to each other. it was near noon ere the fog arose, and the two armies, in the full blaze of an unclouded sun, gazed, awe-stricken, upon each other. the imperial troops and the swedish troops were alike renowned; and gustavus adolphus and wallenstein were, by universal admission, the two ablest captains in europe. neither force could even affect to despise the other. the scene unfolded, as the vapor swept away, was one which even war has seldom presented. the vast plain of lutzen extended many miles, almost as smooth, level and treeless as a western prairie. through the center of this plain ran a nearly straight and wide road. on one side of this road, in long line, extending one or two miles, was the army of wallenstein. his whole front was protected by a ditch and redoubts bristling with bayonets. behind these intrenchments his army was extended; the numerous and well-mounted cavalry at the wings, the artillery, in ponderous batteries, at the center, with here and there solid squares of infantry to meet the rush of the assailing columns. on the other side of the road, and within musket-shot, were drawn up in a parallel line the troops of gustavus. he had interspersed along his double line bands of cavalry, with artillery and platoons of musketeers, that he might be prepared from any point to make or repel assault. the whole host stood reverently, with uncovered heads, as a public prayer was offered. the psalm which watts has so majestically versified was read-- "god is the refuge of his saints, when storms of dark distress invade; ere we can offer our complaints, behold him present with his aid. "let mountains from their seats be hurled down to the deep, and buried there, convulsions shake the solid world; our faith shall never yield to fear." from twenty thousand voices the solemn hymn arose and floated over the field--celestial songs, to be succeeded by demoniac clangor. both parties appealed to the god of battle; both parties seemed to feel that their cause was just. alas for man! gustavus now ordered the attack. a solid column emerged from his ranks, crossed the road, in breathless silence approached the trenches, while both armies looked on. they were received with a volcanic sheet of flame which prostrated half of them bleeding upon the sod. gustavus ordered column after column to follow on to support the assailants, and to pierce the enemy's center. in his zeal he threw himself from his horse, seized a pike, and rushed to head the attack. wallenstein energetically ordered up cavalry and artillery to strengthen the point so fiercely assailed. and now the storm of war blazed along the whole lines. a sulphureous canopy settled down over the contending hosts, and thunderings, shrieks, clangor as of pandemonium, filled the air. the king, as reckless of life as if he had been the meanest soldier, rushed to every spot where the battle raged the fiercest. learning that his troops upon the left were yielding to the imperial fire, he mounted his horse and was galloping across the field swept by the storm of war, when a bullet struck his arm and shattered the bone. almost at the same moment another bullet struck his breast, and he fell mortally wounded from his horse, exclaiming, "my god! my god!" the command now devolved upon the duke of saxe weimar. the horse of gustavus, galloping along the lines, conveyed to the whole army the dispiriting intelligence that their beloved chieftain had fallen. the duke spread the report that he was not killed, but taken prisoner, and summoned all to the rescue. this roused the swedes to superhuman exertions. they rushed over the ramparts, driving the infantry back upon the cavalry, and the whole imperial line was thrown into confusion. just at that moment, when both parties were in the extreme of exhaustion, when the swedes were shouting victory and the imperialists were flying in dismay, general pappenheim, with eight fresh regiments of imperial cavalry, came galloping upon the field. this seemed at once to restore the battle to the imperialists, and the swedes were apparently undone. but just then a chance bullet struck pappenheim and he fell, mortally wounded, from his horse. the cry ran through the imperial ranks, "pappenheim is killed and the battle is lost." no further efforts of wallenstein were of any avail to arrest the confusion. his whole host turned and fled. fortunately for them, the darkness of the approaching night, and a dense fog settling upon the plain, concealed them from their pursuers. during the night the imperialists retired, and in the morning the swedes found themselves in possession of the field with no foe in sight. but the swedes had no heart to exult over their victory. the loss of their beloved king was a greater calamity than any defeat could have been. his mangled body was found, covered with blood, in the midst of heaps of the slain, and so much mutilated with the tramplings of cavalry as to be with difficulty recognized. chapter xix. ferdinand ii., ferdinand iii. and leopold i from to . character of gustavus adolphus.--exultation of the imperialists.-- disgrace of wallenstein.--he offers to surrender to the swedish general.--his assassination.--ferdinand's son elected as his successor.--death of ferdinand.--close of the war.--abdication of christina.--charles gustavus.--preparations for war.--death of ferdinand iii.--leopold elected emperor.--hostilities renewed.--death of charles gustavus.--diet convened.--invasion of the turks. the battle of lutzen was fought on the th of november, . it is generally estimated that the imperial troops were forty thousand, while there were but twenty-seven thousand in the swedish army. gustavus was then thirty-eight years of age. a plain stone still marks the spot where he fell. a few poplars surround it, and it has become a shrine visited by strangers from all parts of the world. traces of his blood are still shown in the town-house of lutzen, where his body was transported from the fatal field. the buff waistcoat he wore in the engagement, pierced by the bullet which took his life, is preserved as a trophy in the arsenal at vienna. both as a monarch and a man, this illustrious sovereign stands in the highest ranks. he possessed the peculiar power of winning the ardent attachment of all who approached him. every soldier in the army was devoted to him, for he shared all their toils and perils. "cities," he said, "are not taken by keeping in tents; as scholars, in the absence of the master, shut their books, so my troops, without my presence, would slacken their blows." in very many traits of character he resembled napoleon, combining in his genius the highest attributes of the statesman and the soldier. like napoleon he was a predestinarian, believing himself the child of providence, raised for the accomplishment of great purposes, and that the decrees of his destiny no foresight could thwart. when urged to spare his person in the peril of battle, he replied, "my hour is written in heaven, and can not be reversed." frederic, the unhappy elector of the palatine, and king of bohemia, who had been driven from his realms by ferdinand, and who, for some years, had been wandering from court to court in europe, seeking an asylum, was waiting at mentz, trusting that the success of the armies of gustavus would soon restore him to his throne. the death of the king shattered all his hopes. disappointment and chagrin threw him into a fever of which he died, in the thirty-ninth year of his age. the death of gustavus was considered by the catholics such a singular interposition of providence in their behalf, that, regardless of the disaster of lutzen, they surrendered themselves to the most enthusiastic joy. even in spain bells were rung, and the streets of madrid blazed with bonfires and illuminations. at vienna it was regarded as a victory, and _te deums_ were chanted in the cathedral. ferdinand, however, conducted with a decorum which should be recorded to his honor. he expressed the fullest appreciation of the grand qualities of his opponent, and in graceful words regretted his untimely death. when the bloody waistcoat, perforated by the bullet, was shown him, he turned from it with utterances of sadness and regret. even if this were all feigned, it shows a sense of external propriety worthy of record. it was the genius of gustavus alone which had held together the protestant confederacy. no more aid of any efficiency could be anticipated from sweden. christina, the daughter and heiress of gustavus, was in her seventh year. the crown was claimed by her cousin ladislaus, the king of poland, and this disputed succession threatened the kingdom with the calamities of civil war. the senate of sweden in this emergence conducted with great prudence. that they might secure an honorable peace they presented a bold front of war. a council of regency was appointed, abundant succors in men and money voted, and the chancellor oxenstiern, a man of commanding civil and military talents, was intrusted with the sole conduct of the war. the senate declared the young queen the legitimate successor to the throne, and forbade all allusion to the claims of ladislaus, under the penalty of high treason. oxenstiern proved himself worthy to be the successor of gustavus. he vigorously renewed alliances with the german princes, and endeavored to follow out the able plans sketched by the departed monarch. wallenstein, humiliated by his defeat, had fallen back into bohemia, and now, with moderation strangely inconsistent with his previous career, urged the emperor to conciliate the protestants by publishing a decree of general amnesty, and by proposing peace on favorable terms. but the iron will of ferdinand was inflexible. in heart, exulting that his most formidable foe was removed, he resolved with unrelenting vigor to prosecute the war. the storm of battle raged anew; and to the surprise of ferdinand, oxenstiern moved forward with strides of victory as signal as those of his illustrious predecessor. wallenstein meanly attempted to throw the blame of the disaster at lutzen upon the alleged cowardice of his officers. seventeen of them he hanged, and consigned fifty others to infamy by inscribing their names upon the gallows. so haughty a man could not but have many enemies at court. they combined, and easily persuaded ferdinand, who had also been insulted by his arrogance, again to degrade him. wallenstein, informed of their machinations, endeavored to rally the army to a mutiny in his favor. ferdinand, alarmed by this intelligence, which even threatened his own dethronement, immediately dismissed wallenstein from the command, and dispatched officers from vienna to seize his person, dead or alive. this roused wallenstein to desperation. having secured the coöperation of his leading officers, he dispatched envoys to the swedish camp, offering to surrender important fortresses to oxenstiern, and to join him against the emperor. it was an atrocious act of treason, and so marvellous in its aspect, that oxenstiern regarded it as mere duplicity on the part of wallenstein, intended to lead him into a trap. he therefore dismissed the envoy, rejecting the offer. his officers now abandoned him, and gallas, who was appointed as his successor, took command of the army. with a few devoted adherents, and one regiment of troops, he took refuge in the strong fortress of egra, hoping to maintain himself there until he could enter into some arrangement with the swedes. the officers around him, whom he had elevated and enriched by his iniquitous bounty, entered into a conspiracy to purchase the favor of the emperor by the assassination of their doomed general. it was a very difficult enterprise, and one which exposed the conspirators to the most imminent peril. on the th of february, , the conspirators gave a magnificent entertainment in the castle. they sat long at the table, wine flowed freely, and as the darkness of night enveloped the castle, fourteen men, armed to the teeth, rushed into the banqueting hall from two opposite doors, and fell upon the friends of wallenstein. though thus taken by surprise, they fought fiercely, and killed several of their assailants before they were cut down. they all, however, were soon dispatched. the conspirators, fifty in number, then ascended the stairs of the castle to the chamber of wallenstein. they cut down the sentinel at his door, and broke into the room. wallenstein had retired to his bed, but alarmed by the clamor, he arose, and was standing at the window in his shirt, shouting from it to the soldiers for assistance. "are you," exclaimed one of the conspirators, "the traitor who is going to deliver the imperial troops to the enemy, and tear the crown from the head of the emperor?" wallenstein was perfectly helpless. he looked around, and deigned no reply. "you must die," continued the conspirator, advancing with his halberd. wallenstein, in silence, opened his arms to receive the blow. the sharp blade pierced his body, and he fell dead upon the floor. the alarm now spread through the town. the soldiers seized their arms, and flocked to avenge their general. but the leading friends of wallenstein were slain; and the other officers easily satisfied the fickle soldiery that their general was a traitor, and with rather a languid cry of "long live ferdinand," they returned to duty. two of the leading assassins hastened to vienna to inform the emperor of the deed they had perpetrated. it was welcome intelligence to ferdinand, and he finished the work they had thus commenced by hanging and beheading the adherents of wallenstein without mercy. the assassins were abundantly rewarded. the emperor still prosecuted the war with perseverance, which no disasters could check. gradually the imperial arms gained the ascendency. the protestant princes became divided and jealous of each other. the emperor succeeded in detaching from the alliance, and negotiating a separate peace with the powerful electors of saxony and brandenburg. he then assembled a diet at ratisbon on the th of september, , and without much difficulty secured the election of his son ferdinand to succeed him on the imperial throne. the emperor presided at this diet in person. he was overjoyed in the attainment of this great object of his ambition. he was now fifty-nine years of age, in very feeble health, and quite worn out by a life of incessant anxiety and toil. he returned to vienna, and in four months, on the th of february, , breathed his last. for eighteen years germany had now been distracted by war. the contending parties were so exasperated against each other, that no human wisdom could, at once, allay the strife. the new king and emperor, ferdinand iii., wished for peace, but he could not obtain it on terms which he thought honorable to the memory of his father. the swedish army was still in germany, aided by the protestant princes of the empire, and especially by the armies and the treasury of france. the thunders of battle were daily heard, and the paths of these hostile bands were ever marked by smoldering ruins and blood. vials of woe were emptied, unsurpassed in apocalyptic vision. in the siege of brisac, the wretched inhabitants were reduced to such a condition of starvation, that a guard was stationed at the burying ground to prevent them from devouring the putrid carcasses of the dead. for eleven years history gives us nothing but a dismal record of weary marches, sieges, battles, bombardments, conflagrations, and all the unimaginable brutalities and miseries of war. the war had now raged for thirty years. hundreds of thousands of lives had been lost. millions of property had been destroyed, and other millions squandered in the arts of destruction. nearly all europe had been drawn into this vortex of fury and misery. all parties were now weary. and yet seven years of negotiation had been employed before they could consent to meet to consult upon a general peace. at length congresses of the belligerent powers were assembled in two important towns of westphalia, osnabruck and munster. ridiculous disputes upon etiquette rendered this division of the congress necessary. the ministers of _electors_ enjoyed the title of _excellency_. the ministers of _princes_ claimed the same title. months were employed in settling that question. then a difficulty arose as to the seats at table, who were entitled to the positions of honor. after long debate, this point was settled by having a large round table made, to which there could be no head and no foot. for four years the great questions of european policy were discussed by this assembly. the all-important treaty, known in history as the peace of westphalia, and which established the general condition of europe for one hundred and fifty years, was signed on the th of october, . the contracting parties included all the great and nearly all the minor powers of europe. the articles of this renowned treaty are vastly too voluminous to be recorded here. the family of frederic received back the palatinate of which he had been deprived. the protestants were restored to nearly all the rights which they had enjoyed under the beneficent reign of maximilian ii. the princes of the german empire, kings, dukes, electors, marquises, princes, of whatever name, pledged themselves not to oppress those of their subjects who differed from them in religious faith. the pope protested against this toleration, but his protest was disregarded. the german empire lost its unity, and became a conglomeration of three hundred independent sovereignties. each petty prince or duke, though possessing but a few square miles of territory, was recognized as a sovereign power, entitled to its court, its army, and its foreign alliances. the emperor thus lost much of that power which he had inherited from his ancestors; as those princes, whom he had previously regarded as vassals, now shared with him sovereign dignity. ferdinand iii., however, weary of the war which for so many years had allowed him not an hour of repose, gladly acceded to these terms of peace, and in good faith employed himself in carrying out the terms of the treaty. after the exchange of ratifications another congress was assembled at nuremburg to settle some of the minute details, which continued in session two years, when at length, in , the armies were disbanded, and germany was released from the presence of a foreign foe. internal peace being thus secured, ferdinand was anxious, before his death, to secure the succession of the imperial crown to his son who bore his own name. he accordingly assembled a meeting of the electors at prague, and by the free use of bribes and diplomatic intrigue, obtained their engagement to support his son. he accomplished his purpose, and ferdinand, quite to the astonishment of germany, was chosen unanimously, king of the romans--the title assumed by the emperor elect. in june, , the young prince was crowned at ratisbon. the joy of his father, however, was of short duration. in one year from that time the small-pox, in its most loathsome form, seized the prince, and after a few days of anguish he died. his father was almost inconsolable with grief. as soon as he had partially recovered from the blow, he brought forward his second son, leopold, and with but little difficulty secured for him the crowns of hungary and bohemia, but was disappointed in his attempts to secure the suffrages of the german electors. with energy, moderation and sagacity, the peacefully disposed ferdinand so administered the government as to allay for seven years all the menaces of war which were continually arising. for so long a period had germany been devastated by this most direful of earthly calamities, which is indeed the accumulation of all conceivable woes, ever leading in its train pestilence and famine, that peace seemed to the people a heavenly boon. the fields were again cultivated, the cities and villages repaired, and comfort began again gradually to make its appearance in homes long desolate. it is one of the deepest mysteries of the divine government that the destinies of millions should be so entirely placed in the hands of a single man. had ferdinand ii. been an enlightened, good man, millions would have been saved from life-long ruin and misery. one pert young king, in the search of glory, kindled again the lurid flames of war. christina, queen of sweden, daughter of gustavus adolphus, influenced by romantic dreams, abdicated the throne and retired to the seclusion of the cloister. her cousin, charles gustavus, succeeded her. he thought it a fine thing to play the soldier, and to win renown by consigning the homes of thousands to blood and misery. he was a king, and the power was in his hands. merely to gratify this fiend-like ambition, he laid claim to the crown of poland, and raised an army for the invasion of that kingdom. a portion of poland was then in a state of insurrection, the ukraine cossacks having risen against john cassimar, the king. charles gustavus thought that this presented him an opportunity to obtain celebrity as a warrior, with but little danger of failure. he marched into the doomed country, leaving behind him a wake of fire and blood. cities and villages were burned; the soil was drenched with the blood of fathers and sons, his bugle blasts were echoed by the agonizing groans of widows and orphans, until at last, in an awful battle of three days, under the walls of warsaw, the polish army, struggling in self-defense, was cut to pieces, and charles gustavus was crowned a conqueror. elated by this infernal deed, the most infernal which mortal man can commit, he began to look around to decide in what direction to extend his conquests. ferdinand iii., anxious as he was to preserve peace, could not but look with alarm upon the movements which now threatened the states of the empire. it was necessary to present a barrier to the inroads of such a ruffian. he accordingly assembled a diet at frankfort and demanded succors to oppose the threatened invasion on the north. he raised an army, entered into an alliance with the defeated and prostrate, yet still struggling poles, and was just commencing his march, when he was seized with sudden illness and died, on the d of march, . ferdinand was a good man. he was not responsible for the wars which desolated the empire during the first years of his reign, for he was doing every thing in his power to bring those wars to a close. his administration was a blessing to millions. just before his death he said, and with truth which no one will controvert, "during my whole reign no one can reproach me with a single act which i knew to be unjust." happy is the monarch who can go into the presence of the king of kings with such a conscience. the death of the emperor was caused by a singular accident. he was not very well, and was lying upon a couch in one of the chambers of his palace. he had an infant son, but a few weeks old, lying in a cradle in the nursery. a fire broke out in the apartment of the young prince. the whole palace was instantly in clamor and confusion. some attendants seized the cradle of the young prince, and rushed with it to the chamber of the emperor. in their haste and terror they struck the cradle with such violence against the wall that it was broken to pieces and the child fell, screaming, upon the floor. the cry of fire, the tumult, the bursting into the room, the dashing of the cradle and the shrieks of the child, so shocked the debilitated king that he died within an hour. leopold was but eighteen years of age when he succeeded to the sovereignty of all the austrian dominions, including the crowns of hungary and bohemia. it was the first great object of his ambition to secure the imperial throne also, which his father had failed to obtain for him. louis xiv. was now the youthful sovereign of france. he, through his ambitious and able minister, mazarin, did every thing in his power to thwart the endeavors of ferdinand, and to obtain the brilliant prize for himself. the king of sweden united with the french court in the endeavor to abase the pride of the house of austria. but notwithstanding all their efforts, leopold carried his point, and was unanimously elected emperor, and crowned on the st of july, . the princes of the empire, however, greatly strengthened in their independence by the articles of the peace of westphalia, increasingly jealous of their rights, attached forty-five conditions to their acceptance of leopold as emperor. thus, notwithstanding the imperial title, leopold had as little power over the states of the empire as the president of the united states has over the internal concerns of maine or louisiana. in all such cases there is ever a conflict between two parties, the one seeking the centralization of power, and the other advocating its dispersion into various distant central points. the flames of war which charles gustavus had kindled were still blazing. leopold continued the alliance which his father had formed with the poles, and sent an army of sixteen thousand men into poland, hoping to cut off the retreat of charles gustavus, and take him and all his army prisoners. but the swedish monarch was as sagacious and energetic as he was unscrupulous and ambitious. both parties formed alliances. state after state was drawn into the conflict. the flame spread like a conflagration. fleets met in deadly conflict on the baltic, and crimsoned its waves with blood. the thunders of war were soon again echoing over all the plains of northern and western germany--and all this because a proud, unprincipled young man, who chanced to be a king, wished to be called a _hero_. he accomplished his object. through burning homes and bleeding hearts and crushed hopes he marched to his renown. the forces of the empire were allied with denmark and poland against him. with skill and energy which can hardly find a parallel in the tales of romance, he baffled all the combinations of his foes. energy is a noble quality, and we may admire its exhibition even though we detest the cause which has called it forth. the swedish fleet had been sunk by the danes, and charles gustavus was driven from the waters of the baltic. with a few transports he secretly conveyed an army across the cattegat to the northern coast of jutland, marched rapidly down those inhospitable shores until he came to the narrow strait, called the little belt, which separates jutland from the large island of fyen. he crossed this strait on the ice, dispersed a corps of danes posted to arrest him, traversed the island, exposed to all the storms of mid-winter, some sixty miles to its eastern shore. a series of islands, with intervening straits clogged with ice, bridged by a long and circuitous way his passage across the great belt. a march of ten miles across the hummocks, rising and falling with the tides, landed him upon the almost pathless snows of langeland. crossing that dreary waste diagonally some dozen miles to another arm of the sea ten miles wide, which the ices of a winter of almost unprecedented severity had also bridged, pushing boldly on, with a recklessness which nothing but success redeems from stupendous infatuation, he crossed this fragile surface, which any storm might crumble beneath his feet, and landed upon the western coast of laaland. a march of thirty-five miles over a treeless, shelterless and almost uninhabited expanse, brought him to the eastern shore. easily crossing a narrow strait about a mile in width, he plunged into the forests of the island of falster. a dreary march of twenty-seven miles conducted him to the last remaining arm of the sea which separated him from zealand. this strait, from twelve to fifteen miles in breadth, was also closed by ice. charles gustavus led his hardy soldiers across it, and then, with accelerated steps, pressed on some sixty miles to copenhagen, the capital of denmark. in sixteen days after landing in jutland, his troops were encamped in zealand before the gates of the capital. the king of denmark was appalled at such a sudden apparition. his allies were too remote to render him any assistance. never dreaming of such an attack, his capital was quite defenseless in that quarter. overwhelmed with terror and despondency, he was compelled to submit to such terms as the conqueror might dictate. the conqueror was inexorable in his demands. sweden was aggrandized, and denmark humiliated. leopold was greatly chagrined by this sudden prostration of his faithful ally. in the midst of these scenes of ambition and of conquest, the "king of terrors" came with his summons to charles gustavus. the passage of this blood-stained warrior to the world of spirits reminds us of the sublime vision of isaiah when the king of babylon sank into the grave: "hell from beneath is moved for thee, to meet thee at thy coming; it stirreth up the dead for thee, even all the chief ones of the earth; it hath raised up from their thrones all the kings of the nations. all they shall speak and say unto thee, "'art thou also become weak as we? art thou become like unto us? thy pomp is brought down to the grave, and the noise of thy viols; the worm is spread under thee, and the worms cover thee. how art thou fallen from heaven, o lucifer, son of the morning! how art thou cut down to the ground which didst weaken the nations!' "they that see thee shall narrowly look upon thee and consider thee, saying, 'is this the man that made the earth to tremble, and didst shake kingdoms; that made the world as a wilderness and destroyed the cities thereof, that opened not the house of his prisoners?'" the death of charles gustavus was the signal for the strife of war to cease, and the belligerent nations soon came to terms of accommodation. but scarcely was peace proclaimed ere new troubles arose in hungary. the barbarian turks, with their head-quarters at constantinople, lived in a state of continual anarchy. the cimeter was their only law. the palace of the sultan was the scene of incessant assassinations. nothing ever prevented them from assailing their neighbors but incessant quarrels among themselves. the life of the turkish empire was composed of bloody insurrections at home, and still more bloody wars abroad. mahomet iv. was now sultan. he was but twenty years of age. a quarrel for ascendency among the beauties of his harem had involved the empire in a civil war. the sultan, after a long conflict, crushed the insurrection with a blood-red hand. having restored internal tranquillity, he prepared as usual for foreign war. by intrigue and the force of arms they took possession of most of the fortresses of transylvania, and crossing the frontier, entered hungary, and laid siege to great wardein. leopold immediately dispatched ten thousand men to succor the besieged town and to garrison other important fortresses. his succors arrived too late. great wardein fell into the hands of the turks, and they commenced their merciless ravages. hungary was in a wretched condition. the king, residing in vienna, was merely a nominal sovereign. chosen by nobles proud of their independence, and jealous of each other and of their feudal rights, they were unwilling to delegate to the sovereign any efficient power. they would crown him with great splendor of gold and jewelry, and crowd his court in their magnificent display, but they would not grant him the prerogative to make war or peace, to levy taxes, or to exercise any other of the peculiar attributes of sovereignty. the king, with all his sounding titles and gorgeous parade, was in reality but the chairman of a committee of nobles. the real power was with the hungarian diet. this diet, or congress, was a peculiar body. originally it consisted of the whole body of nobles, who assembled annually on horseback on the vast plain of rakoz, near buda. eighty thousand nobles, many of them with powerful revenues, were frequently convened at these tumultuous gatherings. the people were thought to have no rights which a noble was bound to respect. they lived in hovels, hardly superior to those which a humane farmer now prepares for his swine. the only function they fulfilled was, by a life of exhausting toil and suffering, to raise the funds which the nobles expended in their wars and their pleasure; and to march to the field of blood when summoned by the bugle. in fact history has hardly condescended to allude to the people. we have minutely detailed the intrigues and the conflicts of kings and nobles, when generation after generation of the masses of the people have passed away, as little thought of as billows upon the beach. these immense gatherings of the nobles were found to be so unwieldy, and so inconvenient for the transaction of any efficient business, that sigismond, at the commencement of the fifteenth century, introduced a limited kind of representation. the bishops, who stood first in wealth, power and rank, and the highest dukes, attended in person. the nobles of less exalted rank sent their delegates, and the assembly, much diminished in number, was transferred from the open plain to the city of presburg. the diet, at the time of which we write, was assembled once in three years, and at such other times as the sovereign thought it necessary to convene it. the diet controlled the king, unless he chanced to be a man of such commanding character, that by moral power he could bring the diet to his feet. a clause had been inserted in the coronation oath, that the nobles, without guilt, could oppose the authority of the king, whenever he transgressed their privileges; it was also declared that no foreign troops could be introduced into the kingdom without the consent of the diet. under such a government, it was inevitable that the king should be involved in a continued conflict with the nobles. the nobles wished for aid to repel the turks; and yet they were unwilling that an austrian army should be introduced into hungary, lest it should enable the king to enlarge those prerogatives which he was ever seeking to extend, and which they were ever endeavoring to curtail. leopold convened the diet at presburg. they had a stormy session. leopold had commenced some persecution of the protestants in the states of austria. this excited the alarm of the protestant nobles of hungary; and they had reason to dread the intolerance of the roman catholics, more than the cimeter of the turk. they openly accused leopold of commencing persecution, and declared that it was his intention to reduce hungary to the state to which ferdinand ii. had reduced bohemia. they met all the suggestions of leopold, for decisive action, with so many provisos and precautions, that nothing could be done. it is dangerous to surrender one's arms to a highway robber, or one whom we fear may prove such, even if he does promise with them to aid in repelling a foe. the catholics and the protestants became involved in altercation, and the diet was abruptly dissolved. the turks eagerly watched their movements, and, encouraged by these dissensions, soon burst into hungary with an army of one hundred thousand men. they crossed the drave at esseg, and, ascending the valley of the danube, directly north one hundred and fifty miles, crossed that stream unopposed at buda. still ascending the stream, which here flows from the west, they spread devastation everywhere around them, until they arrived nearly within sight of the steeples of vienna. the capital was in consternation. to add to their terror and their peril, the emperor was dangerously sick of the small-pox, a disease which had so often proved fatal to members of the royal family. one of the imperial generals, near presburg, in a strong position, held the invading army in check a few days. the ministry, in their consternation, appealed to all the powers of christendom to hasten to the rescue of the cross, now so seriously imperiled by the crescent. forces flowed in, which for a time arrested the further advance of the moslem banners, and afforded time to prepare for more efficient action. chapter xx. leopold i. from to . invasion of the turks.--a treaty concluded.--possessions of leopold.-- invasion of the french.--league of augsburg.--devastation of the palatinate.--invasion of hungary.--emeric tekeli.--union of emeric tekeli with the turks.--leopold applies to sobieski.--he immediately marches to his aid.--the turks conquered.--sobieski's triumphal receptions.--meanness of leopold.--revenge upon hungary.--peace concluded.--contest for spain. while europe was rousing itself to repel this invasion of the turks, the grand vizier, leaving garrisons in the strong fortresses of the danube, withdrew the remainder of his army to prepare for a still more formidable invasion the ensuing year. most of the european powers seemed disposed to render the emperor some aid. the pope transmitted to him about two hundred thousand dollars. france sent a detachment of six thousand men. spain, venice, genoa, tuscany and mantua, forwarded important contributions of money and military stores. early in the summer the turks, in a powerful and well provided army, commenced their march anew. ascending the valley of the save, where they encountered no opposition, they traversed styria, that they might penetrate to the seat of war through a defenseless frontier. the troops assembled by leopold, sixty thousand in number, under the renowned prince montecuculi, stationed themselves in a very strong position at st. gothard, behind the river raab, which flows into the danube about one hundred miles below vienna. here they threw up their intrenchments and prepared to resist the progress of the invader. the turks soon arrived and spread themselves out in military array upon the opposite side of the narrow but rapid stream. as the hostile armies were preparing for an engagement, a young turk, magnificently mounted, and in gorgeous uniform, having crossed the stream with a party of cavalry, rode in advance of the troop, upon the plain, and in the spirit of ancient chivalry challenged any christian knight to meet him in single combat. the chevalier of lorraine accepted the challenge, and rode forth to the encounter. both armies looked silently on to witness the issue of the duel. it was of but a few moments' duration. lorraine, warding off every blow of his antagonist, soon passed his sword through the body of the turk, and he fell dead from his horse. the victor returned to the christian camp, leading in triumph the splendid steed of his antagonist. and now the signal was given for the general battle. the turks impetuously crossing the narrow stream, assailed the christian camp in all directions, with their characteristic physical bravery, the most common, cheap and vulgar of all earthly virtues. a few months of military discipline will make fearless soldiers of the most ignominious wretches who can be raked from the gutters of christian or heathen lands. the battle was waged with intense fierceness on both sides, and was long continued with varying success. at last the turks were routed on every portion of the field, and leaving nearly twenty thousand of their number either dead upon the plain or drowned in the raab, they commenced a precipitate flight. leopold was, for many reasons, very anxious for peace, and immediately proposed terms very favorable to the turks. the sultan was so disheartened by this signal reverse that he readily listened to the propositions of the emperor, and within nine days after the battle of st. gothard, to the astonishment of all europe, a truce was concluded for twenty years. the hungarians were much displeased with the terms of this treaty; for in the first place, it was contrary to the laws of the kingdom for the king to make peace without the consent of the diet, and in the second place, the conditions he offered the turks were humiliating to the hungarians. leopold confirmed to the turks their ascendency in transylvania, and allowed them to retain great wardein, and two other important fortresses in hungary. it was with no little difficulty that the emperor persuaded the diet to ratify these terms. leopold is to be considered under the twofold light of sovereign of austria and emperor of germany. we have seen that his power as emperor was quite limited. his power as sovereign of austria, also varied greatly in the different states of his widely extended realms. in the austrian duchies proper, upon the danube, of which he was, by long hereditary descent, archduke, his sway was almost omnipotent. in bohemia he was powerful, though much less so than in austria, and it was necessary for him to move with caution there, and not to disturb the ancient usages of the realm lest he should excite insurrection. in hungary, where the laws and customs were entirely different, leopold held merely a nominal, hardly a recognized sway. the bold hungarian barons, always steel-clad and mounted for war, in their tumultuous diets, governed the kingdom. there were other remote duchies and principalities, too feeble to stand by themselves, and ever changing masters, as they were conquered or sought the protection of other powers, which, under the reign of leopold, were portions of wide extended austria. another large and vastly important accession was now made to his realms. the tyrol, which, in its natural features, may be considered but an extension of switzerland, is a territory of about one hundred miles square, traversed through its whole extent by the alps. lying just south of austria it is the key to italy, opening through its defiles a passage to the sunny plains of the peninsula; and through those fastnesses, guarded by frowning castles, no foe could force his way, into the valleys of the tyrol. the most sublime road in europe is that over mount brenner, along the banks of the adige. this province had long been in the hands of members of the austrian family. on the th of june, , sigismond francis, duke of tyrol, and cousin of leopold, died, leaving no issue, and the province escheated with its million of inhabitants to leopold, as the next heir. this brought a large accession of revenue and of military force, to the kingdom. austria was now the leading power in europe, and leopold, in rank and position, the most illustrious sovereign. louis xiv. had recently married maria theresa, eldest daughter of philip iv., king of spain. philip, who was anxious to retain the crown of spain in his own family, extorted from maria theresa, and from her husband, louis xiv., the renunciation of all right of succession, in favor of his second daughter, margaret, whom he betrothed to leopold. philip died in september, , leaving these two daughters, one of whom was married to the king of france, and leaving also an infant son, who succeeded to the throne under the regency of his mother, ann, daughter of ferdinand iii., of austria. margaret was then too young to be married, but in a year from this time, in september, , her nuptials were celebrated with great splendor at madrid. the ambitious french monarch, taking advantage of the minority of the king of spain, and of the feeble regency, and in defiance of the solemn renunciation made at his marriage, resolved to annex the spanish provinces of the low countries to france, and invaded the kingdom, leading himself an army of thirty thousand men. the spanish court immediately appealed to leopold for assistance. but leopold was so embarrassed by troubles in hungary, and by discontents in the empire that he could render no efficient aid. england, however, and other powers of europe, jealous of the aggrandizement of louis xiv. combined, and compelled him to abandon a large portion of the netherlands, though he still retained several fortresses. the ambition of louis xiv. was inflamed, not checked by this reverse, and all europe was involved again in bloody wars. the aggressions of france, and the devastations of tarenne in the palatinate, roused germany to listen to the appeals of leopold, and the empire declared war against france. months of desolating war rolled on, decisive of no results, except universal misery. the fierce conflict continued with unintermitted fury until , when the haughty monarch of france, who was as sagacious in diplomacy as he was able in war, by bribes and threats succeeded in detaching one after another from the coalition against him, until leopold, deserted by nearly all his allies, was also compelled to accede to peace. france, under louis xiv., was now the dominant power in europe. every court seemed to be agitated by the intrigues of this haughty sovereign, and one becomes weary of describing the incessant fluctuations of the warfare. the arrogance of louis, his unblushing perfidy and his insulting assumptions of superiority over all other powers, exasperated the emperor to the highest pitch. but the french monarch, by secret missions and abounding bribes, kept hungary in continued commotion, and excited such jealousy in the different states of the empire, that leopold was compelled to submit in silent indignation to wrongs almost too grievous for human nature to bear. at length leopold succeeded in organizing another coalition to resist the aggressions of louis xiv. the prince of orange, the king of sweden and the elector of brandenburg were the principal parties united with the emperor in this confederacy, which was concluded, under the name of the "league of augsburg," on the st of june, . an army of sixty thousand men was immediately raised. from all parts of germany troops were now hurrying towards the rhine. louis, alarmed, retired from the palatinate, which he had overrun, and, to place a barrier between himself and his foes, ordered the utter devastation of the unhappy country. the diabolical order was executed by turenne. the whole of the palatinate was surrendered to pillage and conflagration. the elector, from the towers of his castle at mannheim, saw at one time two cities and twenty-five villages in flames. he had no force sufficient to warrant him to leave the walls of his fortress to oppose the foe. he was, however, so moved to despair by the sight, that he sent a challenge to turenne to meet him in single combat. turenne, by command of the king, declined accepting the challenge. more than forty large towns, besides innumerable villages, were given up to the flames. it was mid-winter. the fields were covered with snow, and swept by freezing blasts. the wretched inhabitants, parents and children, driven into the bleak plains without food or clothing or shelter, perished miserably by thousands. the devastation of the palatinate is one of the most cruel deeds which war has ever perpetrated. for these woes, which no imagination can gauge, louis xiv. is responsible. he has escaped any adequate earthly penalty for the crime, but the instinctive sense of justice implanted in every breast, demands that he should not escape the retributions of a righteous god. "after death cometh the judgment." this horrible deed roused germany. all europe now combined against france, except portugal, russia and a few of the italian states. the tide now turned in favor of the house of austria. germany was so alarmed by the arrogance of france, that, to strengthen the power of the emperor, the diet with almost perfect unanimity elected his son joseph, though a lad but eleven years of age, to succeed to the imperial throne. indeed, leopold presented his son in a manner which seemed to claim the crown for him as his hereditary right, and the diet did not resist that claim. france, rich and powerful, with marvelous energy breasted her host of foes. all europe was in a blaze. the war raged on the ocean, over the marshes of holland, along the banks of the rhine, upon the plains of italy, through the defiles of the alps and far away on the steppes of hungary and the shores of the euxine. to all these points the emperor was compelled to send his troops. year after year of carnage and woe rolled on, during which hardly a happy family could be found in all europe. "man's inhumanity to man made countless millions mourn." at last all parties became weary of the war, and none of the powers having gained any thing of any importance by these long years of crime and misery, for which louis xiv., as the aggressor, is mainly responsible, peace was signed on the th of october, . one important thing, indeed, had been accomplished. the rapacious louis xiv. had been checked in his career of spoliation. but his insatiate ambition was by no means subdued. he desired peace only that he might more successfully prosecute his plans of aggrandizement. he soon, by his system of robbery, involved europe again in war. perhaps no man has ever lived who has caused more bloody deaths and more wide-spread destruction of human happiness than louis xiv. we wonder not that in the french revolution an exasperated people should have rifled his sepulcher and spurned his skull over the pavements as a foot-ball. leopold, during the progress of these wars, by the aid of the armies which the empire furnished him, recovered all of hungary and transylvania, driving the turks beyond the danube. but the proud hungarian nobles were about as much opposed to the rule of the austrian king as to that of the turkish sultan. the protestants gained but little by the change, for the mohammedan was about as tolerant as the papist. they all suspected leopold of the design of establishing over them despotic power, and they formed a secret confederacy for their own protection. leopold, released from his warfare against france and the turks, was now anxious to consolidate his power in hungary, and justly regarding the roman catholic religion as the great bulwark against liberty, encouraged the catholics to persecute the protestants. leopold took advantage of this conspiracy to march an army into hungary, and attacking the discontented nobles, who had raised an army, he crushed them with terrible severity. no mercy was shown. he exhausted the energies of confiscation, exile and the scaffold upon his foes; and then, having intimidated all so that no one dared to murmur, declared the monarchy of hungary no longer elective but hereditary, like that of bohemia. he even had the assurance to summon a diet of the nobles to confirm this decree which defrauded them of their time-honored rights. the nobles who were summoned, terrified, instead of obeying, fled into transylvania. the despot then issued an insulting and menacing proclamation, declaring that the power he exercised he received from god, and calling upon all to manifest implicit submission under peril of his vengeance. he then extorted a large contribution of money from the kingdom, and quartered upon the inhabitants thirty thousand troops to awe them into subjection. this proclamation was immediately followed by another, changing the whole form of government of the kingdom, and establishing an unlimited despotism. he then moved vigorously for the extirpation of the protestant religion. the protestant pastors were silenced; courts were instituted for the suppression of heresy; two hundred and fifty protestant ministers were sentenced to be burned at the stake, and then, as an act of extraordinary clemency, on the part of the despot, their punishment was commuted to hard labor in the galleys for life. all the nameless horrors of inquisitorial cruelty desolated the land. catholics and protestants were alike driven to despair by these civil and religious outrages. they combined, and were aided both by france and turkey; not that france and turkey loved justice and humanity, but they hated the house of austria, and wished to weaken its power, that they might enrich themselves by the spoils. a noble chief, emeric tekeli, who had fled from hungary to poland, and who hated austria as hannibal hated rome, was invested with the command of the hungarian patriots. victory followed his standard, until the emperor, threatened with entire expulsion from the kingdom, offered to reëstablish the ancient laws which he had abrogated, and to restore to the hungarians all those civil and religious privileges of which he had so ruthlessly defrauded them. but the hungarians were no longer to be deceived by his perfidious promises. they continued the war; and the sultan sent an army of two hundred thousand men to cooperate with tekeli. the emperor, unable to meet so formidable an army, abandoned his garrisons, and, retiring from the distant parts of the kingdom, concentrated his troops at presburg. but with all his efforts, he was able to raise an army of only forty thousand men. the duke of lorraine, who was intrusted with the command of the imperial troops, was compelled to retreat precipitately before outnumbering foes, and he fled upon the danube, pursued by the combined hungarians and turks, until he found refuge within the walls of vienna. the city was quite unprepared for resistance, its fortifications being dilapidated, and its garrison feeble. universal consternation seized the inhabitants. all along the valley of the danube the population fled in terror before the advance of the turks. leopold, with his family, at midnight, departed ingloriously from the city, to seek a distant refuge. the citizens followed the example of their sovereign, and all the roads leading westward and northward from the city were crowded with fugitives, in carriages, on horseback and on foot, and with all kinds of vehicles laden with the treasures of the metropolis. the churches were filled with the sick and the aged, pathetically imploring the protection of heaven. the duke of lorraine conducted with great energy, repairing the dilapidated fortifications, stationing in posts of peril the veteran troops, and marshaling the citizens and the students to coöperate with the garrison. on the th of july, , the banners of the advance guard of the turkish army were seen from the walls of vienna. soon the whole mighty host, like an inundation, came surging on, and, surrounding the city, invested it on all sides. the terrific assault from innumerable batteries immediately commenced. the besieged were soon reduced to the last extremity for want of provisions, and famine and pestilence rioting within the walls, destroyed more than the shot of the enemy. the suburbs were destroyed, the principal outworks taken, several breaches were battered in the walls, and the terrified inhabitants were hourly in expectation that the city would be taken by storm. there can not be, this side of the world of woe, any thing more terrible than such an event. the emperor, in his terror, had dispatched envoys all over germany to rally troops for the defense of vienna and the empire. he himself had hastened to poland, where, with frantic intreaties, he pressed the king, the renowned john sobieski, whose very name was a terror, to rush to his relief. sobieski left orders for a powerful army immediately to commence their march. but, without waiting for their comparatively slow movements, he placed himself at the head of three thousand polish horsemen, and, without incumbering himself with luggage, like the sweep of the whirlwind traversed silesia and moravia, and reached tulen, on the banks of the danube, about twenty miles above vienna. he had been told by the emperor that here he would find an army awaiting him, and a bridge constructed, by which he could cross the stream. but, to his bitter disappointment, he found no army, and the bridge unfinished. indignantly he exclaimed, "what does the emperor mean? does he think me a mere adventurer? i left my own army that i might take command of his. it is not for myself that i fight, but for him." notwithstanding this disappointment, he called into requisition all his energies to meet the crisis. the bridge was pushed forward to its completion. the loitering german troops were hurried on to the rendezvous. after a few days the polish troops, by forced marches, arrived, and sobieski found himself at the head of sixty thousand men, experienced soldiers, and well supplied with all the munitions of war. on the th of september the inhabitants of the city were overjoyed, in descrying from the towers of the city, in the distance, the approaching banners of the polish and german army. sobieski ascended an elevation, and long and carefully scrutinized the position of the besieging host. he then calmly remarked, "the grand vizier has selected a bad position. i understand him. he is ignorant of the arts of war, and yet thinks that he has military genius. it will be so easy to conquer him, that we shall obtain no honor from the victory." early the next morning, the th of september, the polish and german troops rushed to the assault, with such amazing impetuosity, and guided by such military skill, that the turks were swept before them as by a torrent. the army of the grand vizier, seized by a panic, fled so precipitately, that they left baggage, tents, ammunition and provisions behind. the garrison emerged from the city, and coöperated with the victors, and booty of indescribable value fell into their hands. as sobieski took possession of the abandoned camp, stored with all the wealth and luxuries of the east, he wrote, in a tone of pleasantry to his wife, "the grand vizier has left me his heir, and i inherit millions of ducats. when i return home i shall not be met with the reproach of the tartar wives, 'you are not a man, because you have come back without booty.'" the inhabitants of vienna flocked out from the city to greet the king as an angel deliverer sent from heaven. the next morning the gates of the city were thrown open, the streets were garlanded with flowers, and the king of poland had a triumphal reception in the streets of the metropolis. the enthusiasm and gratitude of the people passed all ordinary bounds. the bells rang their merriest peals; files of maidens lined his path, and acclamations, bursting from the heart, greeted him every step of his way. they called him their father and deliverer. they struggled to kiss his feet and even to touch his garments. with difficulty he pressed through the grateful crowd to the cathedral, where he prostrated himself before the altar, and returned thanks to god for the signal victory. as he returned, after a public dinner, to his camp, he said, "this is the happiest day of my life." two days after this, leopold returned, trembling and humiliated to his capital. he was received in silence, and with undisguised contempt. his mortification was intense, and he could not endure to hear the praises which were everywhere lavished upon sobieski. jealousy rankled in his heart, and he vented his spite upon all around him. it was necessary that he should have an interview with the heroic king who had so nobly come to his rescue. but instead of meeting him with a warm and grateful heart, he began to study the punctilios of etiquette, that the dreaded interview might be rendered as cold and formal as possible. sobieski was merely an elective monarch. leopold was a hereditary king and an emperor. leopold even expressed some doubt whether it were consistent with his exalted dignity to grant the polish king the honor of an audience. he inquired whether an _elected monarch_ had ever been admitted to the presence of an _emperor_; and if so, with what forms, in the present case, the king should be received. the duke of lorraine, of whom he made the inquiry, disgusted with the mean spirit of the emperor, nobly replied, "with open arms." but the soulless leopold had every movement punctiliously arranged according to the dictates of his ignoble spirit. the polish and austrian armies were drawn up in opposite lines upon the plain before the city. at a concerted signal the emperor and the king emerged from their respective ranks, and rode out upon the open plain to meet each other. sobieski, a man of splendid bearing, magnificently mounted, and dressed in the brilliant uniform of a polish warrior, attracted all eyes and the admiration of all hearts. his war steed pranced proudly as if conscious of the royal burden he bore, and of the victories he had achieved. leopold was an ungainly man at the best. conscious of his inability to vie with the hero, in his personal presence, he affected the utmost simplicity of dress and equipage. humiliated also by the cold reception he had met and by the consciousness of extreme unpopularity in both armies, he was embarrassed and deject. the contrast was very striking, adding to the renown of sobieski, and sinking leopold still deeper in contempt. the two sovereigns advanced, formally saluted each other with bows, dismounted and embraced. a few cold words were exchanged, when they again embraced and remounted to review the troops. but sobieski, frank, cordial, impulsive, was so disgusted with this reception, so different from what he had a right to expect, that he excused himself, and rode to his tent, leaving his chancellor zaluski to accompany the emperor on the review. as leopold rode along the lines he was received in contemptuous silence, and he returned to his palace in vienna, tortured by wounded pride and chagrin. the treasure abandoned by the turks was so abundant that five days were spent in gathering it up. the victorious army then commenced the pursuit of the retreating foe. about one hundred and fifty miles below vienna, where the majestic danube turns suddenly from its eastern course and flows toward the south, is situated the imperial city of gran. upon a high precipitous rock, overlooking both the town and the river, there had stood for centuries one of the most imposing fortresses which mortal hands have ever reared. for seventy years this post had been in the hands of the turks, and strongly garrisoned by four thousand troops, had bid defiance to every assault. here the thinned and bleeding battalions of the grand vizier sought refuge. sobieski and the duke of lorraine, flushed with victory, hurled their masses upon the disheartened foe, and the turks were routed with enormous slaughter. seven thousand gory corpses of the dead strewed the plain. many thousands were driven into the river and drowned. the fortress was taken, sword in hand; and the remnant of the moslem army, in utter discomfiture, fled down the danube, hardly resting, by night or by day, till they were safe behind the ramparts of belgrade. both the german and the polish troops were disgusted with leopold. having reconquered hungary for the emperor, they were not disposed to remain longer in his service. most of the german auxiliaries, disbanding, returned to their own countries. sobieski, declaring that he was willing to fight against the turks, but not against tekeli and his christian confederates, led back his troops to poland. the duke of lorraine was now left with the austrian troops to struggle against tekeli with the hungarian patriots. the turks, exasperated by the defeat, accused tekeli of being the cause. by stratagem he was seized and sent in chains to constantinople. the chief who succeeded him turned traitor and joined the imperialists. the cause of the patriots was ruined. victory now kept pace with the march of the duke of lorraine. the turks were driven from all their fortresses, and leopold again had hungary at his feet. his vengeance was such as might have been expected from such a man. far away, in the wilds of northern hungary, at the base of the carpathian, mountains, on the river tarcza, one of the tributaries of the theiss, is the strongly fortified town of eperies. at this remote spot the diabolical emperor established his revolutionary tribunal, as if he thought that the shrieks of his victims, there echoing through the savage defiles of the mountains, could not awaken the horror of civilized europe. his armed bands scoured the country and transported to eperies every individual, man, woman and child, who was even suspected of sympathizing with the insurgents. there was hardly a man of wealth or influence in the kingdom who was not dragged before this horrible tribunal, composed of ignorant, brutal, sanguinary officers of the king. their summary trial, without any forms of justice, was an awful tragedy. they were thrown into dungeons; their property confiscated; they were exposed to the most direful tortures which human ingenuity could devise, to extort confession and to compel them to criminate friends. by scores they were daily consigned to the scaffold. thirty executioners, with their assistants, found constant employment in beheading the condemned. in the middle of the town, the scaffold was raised for this butchery. the spot is still called "the bloody theater of eperies." leopold, having thus glutted his vengeance, defiantly convoked a diet and crowned his son joseph, a boy twelve years of age, as king of hungary, practically saying to the nobles, "dispute his hereditary right now, if you dare." the emperor had been too often instructed in the vicissitudes of war to feel that even in this hour of triumph he was perfectly safe. he knew that other days might come; that other foes might rise; and that hungary could never forget the rights of which she had been defrauded. he therefore exhausted all the arts of threats and bribes to induce the diet to pass a decree that the crown was no longer elective but hereditary. it is marvelous that in such an hour there could have been any energy left to resist his will. but with all his terrors he could only extort from the diet their consent that the succession to the crown should be confirmed in the males, but that upon the extinction of the _male_ line the crown, instead of being hereditary in the female line, should revert to the nation, who should again confer it by the right of election. leopold reluctantly yielded to this, as the most he could then hope to accomplish. the emperor, elated by success, assumed such imperious airs as to repel from him all his former allies. for several years hungary was but a battle field where austrians and turks met in incessant and bloody conflicts. but leopold, in possession of all the fortresses, succeeded in repelling each successive invasion. both parties became weary of war. in november, , negotiations were opened at carlovitz, and a truce was concluded for twenty-five years. the turks abandoned both hungary and transylvania, and these two important provinces became more firmly than ever before, integral portions of the austrian empire. by the peace of carlovitz the sultan lost one half of his possessions in europe. austria, in the grandeur of her territory, was never more powerful than at this hour: extending across the whole breadth of europe, from the valley of the rhine to the euxine sea, and from the carpathian mountains to the plains of italy. a more heterogeneous conglomeration of states never existed, consisting of kingdoms, archduchies, duchies, principalities, counties, margraves, landgraves and imperial cities, nearly all with their hereditary rulers subordinate to the emperor, and with their local customs and laws. leopold, though a weak and bad man, in addition to all this power, swayed also the imperial scepter over all the states of germany. though his empire over all was frail, and his vast dominions were liable at any moment to crumble to pieces, he still was not content with consolidating the realms he held, but was anxiously grasping for more. spain was the prize now to be won. louis xiv., with the concentrated energies of the french kingdom, was claiming it by virtue of his marriage with the eldest daughter of the deceased monarch, notwithstanding his solemn renunciation of all right at his marriage in favor of the second daughter. leopold, as the husband of the second daughter, claimed the crown, in the event, then impending, of the death of the imbecile and childless king. this quarrel agitated europe to its center, and deluged her fields with blood. if the _elective_ franchise is at times the source of agitation, the law of _hereditary_ succession most certainly does not always confer tranquillity and peace. chapter xxi. leopold i. and the spanish succession. from to . the spanish succession.--the impotence of charles ii.--appeal to the pope.--his decision.--death of charles ii.--accession of philip v.--indignation of austria.--the outbreak of war.--charles iii. crowned.--insurrection in hungary.--defection of bavaria.--the battle of blenheim.--death of leopold i.--eleonora.--accession of joseph i.--charles xii. of sweden.--charles iii. in spain.--battle of malplaquet.--charles at barcelona.--charles at madrid. charles ii., king of spain, was one of the most impotent of men, in both body and mind. the law of hereditary descent had placed this semi-idiot upon the throne of spain to control the destinies of twenty millions of people. the same law, in the event of his death without heirs, would carry the crown across the pyrenees to a little boy in the palace of versailles, or two thousand miles, to the banks of the danube, to another little boy in the gardens of vienna. louis xiv. claimed the spanish scepter in behalf of his wife, the spanish princess maria theresa, and her son. leopold claimed it in behalf of his deceased wife, margaret, and her child. for many years before the death of philip ii. the envoys of france and austria crowded the court of spain, employing all the arts of intrigue and bribery to forward the interests of their several sovereigns. the different courts of europe espoused the claims of the one party or the other, accordingly as their interests would be promoted by the aggrandizement of the house of bourbon or the house of hapsburg. louis xiv. prepared to strike a sudden blow by gathering an army of one hundred thousand men in his fortresses near the spanish frontier, in establishing immense magazines of military stores, and in filling the adjacent harbors with ships of war. the sagacious french monarch had secured the coöperation of the pope, and of some of the most influential jesuits who surrounded the sick and dying monarch. charles ii. had long been harassed by the importunities of both parties that he should give the influence of his voice in the decision. tortured by the incessant vacillations of his own mind, he was at last influenced, by the suggestions of his spiritual advisers, to refer the question to the pope. he accordingly sent an embassage to the pontiff with a letter soliciting counsel. "having no children," he observed, "and being obliged to appoint an heir to the spanish crown from a foreign family, we find such great obscurity in the law of succession, that we are unable to form a settled determination. strict justice is our aim; and, to be able to decide with that justice, we have offered up constant prayers to god. we are anxious to act rightly, and we have recourse to your holiness, as to an infallible guide, intreating you to consult with the cardinals and divines, and, after having attentively examined the testaments of our ancestors, to decide according to the rules of right and equity." pope innocent xii. was already prepared for this appeal, and was engaged to act as the agent of the french court. the hoary-headed pontiff, with one foot in the grave, affected the character of great honesty and impartiality. he required forty days to examine the important case, and to seek divine assistance. he then returned the following answer, admirably adapted to influence a weak and superstitious prince: "being myself," he wrote, "in a situation similar to that of his catholic majesty, the king of spain, on the point of appearing at the judgment-seat of christ, and rendering an account to the sovereign pastor of the flock which has been intrusted to my care, i am bound to give such advice as will not reproach my conscience on the day of judgment. your majesty ought not to put the interests of the house of austria in competition with those of eternity. neither should you be ignorant that the french claimants are the rightful heirs of the crown, and no member of the austrian family has the smallest legitimate pretension. it is therefore your duty to omit no precaution, which your wisdom can suggest, to render justice where justice is due, and to secure, by every means in your power, the undivided succession of the spanish monarchy to the french claimants." charles, as fickle as the wind, still remained undecided, and his anxieties preying upon his feeble frame, already exhausted by disease, caused him rapidly to decline. he was now confined to his chamber and his bed, and his death was hourly expected. he hated the french, and all his sympathies were with austria. some priests entered his chamber, professedly to perform the pompous and sepulchral service of the church of rome for the dying. in this hour of languor, and in the prospect of immediate death, they assailed the imbecile monarch with all the terrors of superstition. they depicted the responsibility which he would incur should he entail on the kingdom the woes of a disputed succession; they assured him that he could not, without unpardonable guilt, reject the decision of the holy father of the church; and growing more eager and excited, they denounced upon him the vengeance of almighty god, if he did not bequeath the crown, now falling from his brow, to the bourbons of france. the dying, half-delirious king, appalled by the terrors of eternal damnation, yielded helplessly to their demands. a will was already prepared awaiting his signature. with a hand trembling in death, the king attached to it his name; but as he did so, he burst into tears, exclaiming, "i am already nothing." it was supposed that he could then survive but a few hours. contrary to all expectation he revived, and expressed the keenest indignation and anguish that he had been thus beguiled to decide against austria, and in favor of france. he even sent a courier to the emperor, announcing his determination to decide in favor of the austrian claimant. the flickering flame of life, thus revived for a moment, glimmered again in the socket and expired. the wretched king died the st of november, , in the fortieth year of his age, and the thirty-sixth of his reign. on the day of his death a council of state was convened, and the will, the very existence of which was generally unknown, was read. it declared the dauphin of france, son of the spanish princess maria theresa, to be the successor to all the spanish dominions; and required all subjects and vassals of spain to acknowledge him. the austrian party were astounded at this revelation. the french party were prepared to receive it without any surprise. the son of maria theresa was dead, and the crown consequently passed to her grandson philip. louis xiv. immediately acknowledged his title, when he was proclaimed king, and took quiet possession of the throne of spain on the th of november, , as philip v. it was by such fraud that the bourbons of france attained the succession to the spanish crown; a fraud as palpable as was ever committed; for maria theresa had renounced all her rights to the throne; this renunciation had been confirmed by the will of her father philip iv., sanctioned by the cortes of spain, and solemnly ratified by her husband, louis xiv. such is "legitimacy--the divine right of kings." all the great powers of europe, excepting the emperor, promptly acknowledged the title of philip v. leopold, enraged beyond measure, dispatched envoys to rouse the empire, and made the most formidable preparations for war. a force of eighty thousand men was soon assembled. the war commenced in italy. leopold sent down his german troops through the defiles of the tyrol, and, in the valley of the adige, they encountered the combined armies of france, spain and italy. prince eugene, who had already acquired great renown in the wars against the turks, though by birth a french noble, had long been in the austrian service, and led the austrian troops. william, of england, jealous of the encroachments of louis xiv., and leading with him the states of holland, formed an alliance with austria. this was pretty equally dividing the military power of europe, and a war of course ensued, almost unparalleled in its sanguinary ferocity. the english nation supported the monarch; the house of lords, in an address to the king, declared that "his majesty, his subjects and his allies, could never be secure till the house of austria should be restored to its rights, and the invader of the spanish monarchy brought to reason." forty thousand sailors and forty thousand land troops were promptly voted for the war. william died on the th of march, in consequence of a fall from his horse, and was succeeded by anne, daughter of james ii. she was, however, but nominally the sovereign. the infamously renowned duke of marlborough became the real monarch, and with great skill and energy prosecuted the eleven years' war which ensued, which is known in history as the war of the spanish succession. for many months the conflict raged with the usual fluctuations, the austrian forces being commanded on the rhine by the duke of marlborough, and in italy by prince eugene. portugal soon joined the austrian alliance, and philip v. and the french becoming unpopular in spain, a small party rose there, advocating the claims of the house of austria. thus supported, leopold, at vienna, declared his son charles king of spain, and crowned him as such in vienna. by the aid of the english fleet he passed from holland to england, and thence to lisbon, where a powerful army was assembled to invade spain, wrest the crown from philip, and place it upon the brow of charles iii. and now leopold began to reap the bitter consequences of his atrocious conduct in hungary. the hungarian nobles embraced this opportunity, when the imperial armies were fully engaged, to rise in a new and formidable invasion. francis ragotsky, a transylvanian prince, led in the heroic enterprise. he was of one of the noblest and wealthiest families of the realm, and was goaded to action by the bitterest wrongs. his grandfather and uncle had been beheaded; his father robbed of his property and his rank; his cousin doomed to perpetual imprisonment; his father-in-law proscribed, and his mother driven into exile. the french court immediately opened a secret correspondence with ragotsky, promising him large supplies of men and money, and encouraging him with hopes of the coöperation of the turks. ragotsky secretly assembled a band of determined followers, in the savage solitudes of the carpathian mountains, and suddenly descended into the plains of hungary, at the head of his wild followers, calling upon his countrymen to rise and shake off the yoke of the detested austrian. adherents rapidly gathered around his standard; several fortresses fell into his hands, and he soon found himself at the head of twenty thousand well armed troops. the flame of insurrection spread, with electric rapidity, through all hungary and transylvania. the tyrant leopold, as he heard these unexpected tidings, was struck with consternation. he sent all the troops he could collect to oppose the patriots, but they could make no impression upon an indignant nation in arms. he then, in his panic, attempted negotiation. but the hungarians demanded terms both reasonable and honorable, and to neither of these could the emperor possibly submit. they required that the monarchy should no longer be hereditary, but elective, according to immemorial usage; that the hungarians should have the right to resist _illegal_ power without the charge of treason; that foreign officers and garrisons should be removed from the kingdom; that the protestants should be reëstablished in the free exercise of their religion, and that their confiscated estates should be restored. the despot could not listen for one moment to requirements so just; and appalled by the advance of the patriots toward vienna, he recalled the troops from italy. about the same time the duke of bavaria, disgusted with the arrogance and the despotism of leopold, renounced allegiance to the emperor, entered into an alliance with the french, and at the head of forty thousand troops, french and bavarians, commenced the invasion of austria from the west. both eugene and marlborough hastened to the rescue of the emperor. combining their forces, with awful slaughter they mowed down the french and bavarians at blenheim, and then overran all bavaria. the elector fled with the mutilated remnants of his army to france. the conquerors seized all the fortresses, all the guns and ammunition; disbanded the bavarian troops, took possession of the revenues of the kingdom, and assigned to the heart-broken wife of the duke a humble residence in the dismantled capital of the duchy. the signal victory of blenheim enabled leopold to concentrate his energies upon hungary. it was now winter, and the belligerents, during these stormy months, were active in making preparations for the campaign of the spring. but leopold's hour was now tolled. that summons came which prince and peasant must alike obey, and the emperor, after a few months of languor and pain, on the th of may, , passed away to that tribunal where each must answer for every deed done in the body. he was sixty-five years of age, and had occupied the throne forty-six years. this is the longest reign recorded in the austrian annals, excepting that of frederic iii. the reign of leopold was eventful and woeful. it was almost one continued scene of carnage. in his character there was a singular blending of the good and the bad. in what is usually called moral character he was irreproachable. he was a faithful husband, a kind father, and had no taste for any sensual pleasures. in his natural disposition he was melancholy, and so exceedingly reserved, that he lived in his palace almost the life of a recluse. though he was called the most learned prince of his age, a jesuitical education had so poisoned and debauched his mind, that while perpetrating the most grievous crimes of perfidy and cruelty, he seemed sincerely to feel that he was doing god service. his persecution of the protestants was persistent, relentless and horrible; while at the same time he was scrupulous in his devotions, never allowing the cares of business to interfere with the prescribed duties of the church. _the church_, the human church of popes, cardinals, bishops and priests, was his guide, not the _divine bible_. hence his darkness of mind and his crimes. pope innocent xi. deemed him worthy of canonization. but an indignant world must in justice inscribe upon his tomb, "tyrant and persecutor." he was three times married; first, to margaret, daughter of philip iv. of spain; again, to claudia, daughter of ferdinand of tyrol; and a third time, to eleonora, daughter of philip, elector palatine. the character and history of his third wife are peculiarly illustrative of the kind of religion inculcated in that day, and of the beautiful spirit of piety often exemplified in the midst of melancholy errors. in the castle of her father, eleonora was taught, by priests and nuns, that god was only acceptably worshiped by self-sacrifice and mortification. the devout child longed for the love of god more than for any thing else. guided by the teachings of those who, however sincere, certainly misunderstood the spirit of the gospel, she deprived herself of every innocent gratification, and practiced upon her fragile frame all the severities of an anchorite. she had been taught that celibacy was a virtue peculiarly acceptable to god, and resolutely declined all solicitations for her hand. the emperor, after the death of his first wife, sought eleonora as his bride. it was the most brilliant match europe could offer. eleonora, from religious scruples, rejected the offer, notwithstanding all the importunities of her parents, who could not feel reconciled to the loss of so splendid an alliance. the devout maiden, in the conflict, exposed herself, bonnet-less, to sun and wind, that she might render herself unattractive, tanned, sun burnt, and freckled, so that the emperor might not desire her. she succeeded in repelling the suit, and the emperor married claudia of the tyrol. the court of the elector palatine was brilliant in opulence and gayety. eleonora was compelled to mingle with the festive throng in the scenes of pomp and splendor; but her thoughts, her affections, were elsewhere, and all the vanities of princely life had no influence in leading her heart from god. she passed several hours, every day, in devotional reading and prayer. she kept a very careful register of her thoughts and actions, scrutinizing and condemning with unsparing severity every questionable emotion. every sick bed of the poor peasants around, she visited with sympathy and as a tender nurse. she groped her way into the glooms of prison dungeons to convey solace to the prisoner. she wrought ornaments for the church, and toiled, even to weariness and exhaustion, in making garments for the poor. claudia in three years died, and the emperor again was left a widower. again he applied for the hand of eleonora. her spiritual advisers now urged that it was clearly the will of god that she should fill the first throne of the universe, as the patroness and protectress of the catholic church. for such an object she would have been willing to sweep the streets or to die in a dungeon. yielding to these persuasions she married the emperor, and was conveyed, as in a triumphal march, to the gorgeous palaces of vienna. but her character and her mode of life were not changed. though she sat at the imperial table, which was loaded with every conceivable luxury, she condemned herself to fare as humble and abstemious as could be found in the hut of the most impoverished peasant. it was needful for her at times to appear in the rich garb of an empress, but to prevent any possible indulgence of pride, she had her bracelets and jewelry so arranged with sharp brads as to keep her in continued suffering by the laceration of the flesh. she was, notwithstanding these austerities, which she practiced with the utmost secrecy, indefatigable in the discharge of her duties as a wife and an empress. she often attended the opera with the emperor, but always took with her the psalms of david, bound to resemble the books of the performance, and while the tragic or the comic scenes of the stage were transpiring before her, she was studying the devout lyrics of the psalmist of israel. she translated all the psalms into german verse; and also translated from the french, and had printed for the benefit of her subjects, a devotional work entitled, "pious reflections for every day of the month." during the last sickness of her husband she watched with unwearied assiduity at his bed-side, shrinking from no amount of exhaustion or toil, she survived her husband fifteen years, devoting all this time to austerities, self-mortification and deeds of charity. she died in ; and at her express request was buried without any parade, and with no other inscription upon her tomb than-- eleonora, a poor sinner, died, january , . joseph, the eldest son of leopold, was twenty-five years of age when, by the death of his father, he was called to the throne as both king and emperor. he immediately and cordially coöperated with the alliance his father had formed, and pressed the war against france, spain and italy. louis xiv. was not a man, however, to be disheartened by disaster. though thousands of his choicest troops had found a grave at blenheim, he immediately collected another army of one hundred and sixty thousand men, and pushed them forward to the seat of war on the rhine and the danube. marlborough and eugene led austrian forces to the field still more powerful. the whole summer was spent in marches, countermarches and bloody battles on both sides of the rhine. winter came, and its storms and snows drove the exhausted, bleeding combatants from the bleak plains to shelter and the fireside. all europe, through the winter months, resounded with preparations for another campaign. there was hardly a petty prince on the continent who was not drawn into the strife--to decide whether philip of bourbon or charles of hapsburg, was entitled by hereditary descent to the throne of spain. and now suddenly charles xii. of sweden burst in upon the scene, like a meteor amidst the stars of midnight. a more bloody apparition never emerged from the sulphureous canopy of war. having perfect contempt for all enervating pleasures, with an iron frame and the abstemious habits of a spartan, he rushed through a career which has excited the wonder of the world. he joined the austrian party; struck down denmark at a blow; penetrated russia in mid-winter, driving the russian troops before him as dogs scatter wolves; pressed on triumphantly to poland, through an interminable series of battles; drove the king from the country, and placed a new sovereign of his own selection upon the throne; and then, proudly assuming to hold the balance between the rival powers of france and austria, made demands of joseph i., as if the emperor were but the vassal of the king of sweden. france and austria were alike anxious to gain the coöperation of this energetic arm. early in may, , the armies of austria and france, each about seventy thousand strong, met in the netherlands. marlborough led the allied austrian troops; the duke of bavaria was in command of the french. the french were again routed, almost as disastrously as at blenheim, losing thirteen thousand men and fifty pieces of artillery. on the rhine and in italy the french arms were also in disgrace. throughout the summer battle succeeded battle, and siege followed siege. when the snows of another winter whitened the plains of europe, the armies again retired to winter quarters, the austrian party having made very decided progress as the result of the campaign. marlborough was in possession of most of the netherlands, and was threatening france with invasion. eugene had driven the french out of italy, and had brought many of the italian provinces under the dominion of austria. in spain, also, the warfare was fiercely raging. charles iii., who had been crowned in vienna king of spain, and who, as we have mentioned, had been conveyed to lisbon by a british fleet, joined by the king of portugal, and at the head of an allied army, marched towards the frontiers of spain. the spaniards, though they disliked the french, hated virulently the english and the dutch, both of whom they considered heretics. their national pride was roused in seeing england, holland and portugal marching upon them to place over spain an austrian king. the populace rose, and after a few sanguinary conflicts drove the invaders from their borders. december's storms separated the two armies, compelling them to seek winter quarters, with only the frontier line between them. it was in one of the campaigns of this war, in , that the english took the rock of gibraltar, which they have held from that day till this. the british people began to remonstrate bitterly against this boundless expenditure of blood and treasure merely to remove a bourbon prince, and place a hapsburg prince upon the throne of spain. both were alike despotic in character, and europe had as much to fear from the aggressions of the house of austria as from the ambition of the king of france. the emperor joseph was very apprehensive that the english court might be induced to withdraw from the alliance, and fearing that they might sacrifice, as the price of accommodation, his conquests in italy, he privately concluded with france a treaty of neutrality for italy. this secured to him what he had already acquired there, and saved france and spain from the danger of losing any more italian states. though the allies were indignant, and remonstrated against this transaction, they did not see fit to abandon the war. immense preparations were made to invade france from the netherlands and from piedmont, in the opening of the spring of . both efforts were only successful in spreading far and wide conflagration and blood. the invaders were driven from the kingdom with heavy loss. the campaign in spain, this year, was also exceedingly disastrous to the austrian arms. the heterogeneous army of charles iii., composed of germans, english, dutch, portuguese, and a few spanish refugees, were routed, and with the loss of thirteen thousand men were driven from the kingdom. joseph, however, who stood in great dread of so terrible an enemy as charles xii., succeeded in purchasing his neutrality, and this fiery warrior marched off with his battalions, forty-three thousand strong, to drive peter i. from the throne of russia. joseph i., with exhausted resources, and embarrassed by the claims of so wide-spread a war, was able to do but little for the subjugation of hungary. as the campaign of opened, two immense armies, each about eighty thousand strong, were maneuvering near brussels. after a long series of marches and combinations a general engagement ensued, in which the austrian party, under marlborough and eugene, were decisively triumphant. the french were routed with the loss of fifteen thousand in killed, wounded and prisoners. during the whole summer the war raged throughout the low countries with unabated violence. in spain, austria was not able to make any progress against philip and his forces. another winter came, and again the wearied combatants, all of whom had received about as many blows as they had given, sought repose. the winter was passed in fruitless negotiations, and as soon as the buds of another spring began to swell, the thunders of war were again pealing over nearly all the hills and valleys of europe. the austrian party had resolved, by a gigantic effort, to send an army of one hundred thousand men to the gates of paris, there to dictate terms to the french monarch. on the th of september, , the austrian force, eighty thousand strong, with eighty pieces of cannon, encountered the french, seventy thousand in number, with eighty pieces of cannon, on the field of malplaquet. the bloodiest battle of the spanish succession was then fought. the austrian party, guided by marlborough and eugene, justly claimed the victory, as they held the field. but they lost twenty thousand in killed and wounded, and took neither prisoners nor guns. the loss of the french was but ten thousand. all this slaughter seemed to be accomplishing nothing. philip still stood firm upon the spanish throne, and charles could scarcely gain the slightest foothold in the kingdom which he claimed. on the side of the rhine and of italy, though blood flowed like water, nothing was accomplished; the plan of invading france had totally failed, and again the combatants were compelled to retire to winter quarters. for nine years this bloody war had now desolated europe. it is not easy to defend the cause of austria and her allies in this cruel conflict. the spaniards undeniably preferred philip as their king. louis xiv. had repeatedly expressed his readiness to withdraw entirely from the conflict. but the austrian allies demanded that he should either by force or persuasion remove philip from spain, and place the kingdom in the hands of the austrian prince. but philip was now an independent sovereign who for ten years had occupied the throne. he was resolved not to abdicate, and his subjects were resolved to support him. louis xiv. said that he could not wage warfare against his own grandson. the wretched old monarch, now feeble, childless, and woe crushed, whose soul was already crimsoned with the blood of countless thousands, was so dispirited by defeat, and so weary of the war, that though he still refused to send his armies against his grandson, he even offered to pay a monthly subsidy of two hundred thousand dollars (one million livres) to the allied austrian party, to be employed in the expulsion of philip, if they would cease to make war upon him. even to these terms, after blood had been flowing in torrents for ten years, austria, england and holland would not accede. "if i must fight either austria and her allies," said louis xiv., "or the spaniards, led by their king, my own grandson, i prefer to fight the austrians." the returning sun of the summer of , found the hostile armies again in the field. the allies of austria, early in april, hoping to surprise the french, assembled, ninety thousand in number, on the flemish frontiers of france, trusting that by an unexpected attack they might break down the fortresses which had hitherto impeded their way. but the french were on the alert to resist them, and the whole summer was again expended in fruitless battles. these fierce conflicts so concentrated the energies of war in the netherlands, that but little was attempted in the way of invading spain. the spanish nobles rallied around philip, melted their plate to replenish his treasury, and led their vassals to fight his battles. the ecclesiastics, as a body, supported his cause. philip was a zealous catholic, and the priests considered him as the defender of the church, while they had no confidence in charles of austria, whose cause was advocated by heretical england and holland. charles iii. was now in catalonia, on the mediterranean coast of spain. he had landed at barcelona, with a strong force of english and germans. he was a man of but little character, and his military operations were conducted entirely by the english general stanhope and the german general staremberg. the english general was haughty and domineering; the german proud and stubborn. they were in a continued quarrel contesting the preeminence. the two rival monarchs, with forces about equal, met in catalonia a few miles from saragossa, on the th of july, . though the inefficient charles was very reluctant to hazard a battle, the generals insisted upon it. the spaniards were speedily and totally routed. philip fled with a small body-guard to lerida. his array was thoroughly dispersed. the conquerors pressed on toward madrid, crossed the ebro at saragossa, where they again encountered, but a short distance from the city, an army strongly posted upon some heights. philip was already there. the conflict was short but bloody, and the generals of charles were again victorious. philip, with a disheartened remnant of his troops, retreated to madrid. the generals dragged the timid and reluctant charles on to madrid, where they arrived on the th of september. there was no force at the capital to oppose them. they were received, however, by the citizens of the metropolis as foreign conquerors. charles rode through the deserted streets, meeting only with sullen silence. a few who were hired to shout, were pelted, by the populace, with mud, as traitors to their lawful king. none flocked to his standard. nobles, clergy, populace, all alike stood aloof from him. charles and his generals were embarrassed and perplexed. they could not compel the nation to receive the austrian king. philip, in the meantime, who had much energy and popularity of character, was rapidly retrieving his losses, and troops were flocking to his camp from all parts of spain. he established his court at yalladolid, about one hundred and fifty miles north-east from madrid. his troops, dispersed by the two disastrous battles, were reassembled at lerida. the peasants rose in large numbers and joined them, and cut off all communication between charles at madrid and his ships at barcelona. the spanish grandees sent urgent messages to france for succors. general yendome, at the head of three thousand horse, swept through the defiles of the pyrenees, and, with exultant music and waving banners, joined philip at valladolid. universal enthusiasm was excited. soon thirty thousand infantry entered the camp, and then took positions on the tagus, where they could cut off any reinforcements which might attempt to march from portugal to aid the invaders. charles was apparently in a desperate situation. famine and consequent sickness were in his camp. his army was daily dwindling away. he was emphatically in an enemy's country. not a soldier could stray from the ranks without danger of assassination. he had taken madrid, and madrid was his prison. chapter xxii. joseph i. and charles vi. from to . perplexities in madrid.--flight of charles.--retreat of the austrian army.--stanhope's division cut off.--capture of stanhope.--staremberg assailed.--retreat to barcelona.--attempt to pacify hungary.--the hungarian diet.--baronial crowning of kagotsky.--renewal of the hungarian war.--enterprise of herbeville.--the hungarians crushed.--lenity of joseph.--death of joseph.--accession of charles vi.--his career in spain.--capture of barcelona.--the siege.--the rescue.--character of charles.--cloisters of montserrat.--increased efforts for the spanish crown.--charles crowned emperor of austria and hungary.--bohemia.--deplorable condition of louis xiv. generals stanhope and staremberg, who managed the affairs of charles, with but little respect for his judgment, and none for his administrative qualities, were in great perplexity respecting the course to be pursued. some recommended the transference of the court from madrid to saragossa, where they would be nearer to their supplies. others urged removal to barcelona, where they would be under the protection of the british fleet. it was necessary to watch over charles with the utmost care, as he was in constant danger of assassination. while in this state of uncertainty, tidings reached madrid that the duke of noailles was on the march, with fifteen thousand men, to cut off the retreat of the austrians, and at the same time philip was advancing with a powerful army from valladolid. this intelligence rendered instant action necessary. the austrian party precipitately evacuated madrid, followed by the execrations of the people. as soon as the last battalions had left the city, the ringing of bells, the firing of artillery, and the shouts of the people, announced the popular exultation in view of the departure of charles, and the cordial greeting they were giving to his rival philip. the complications of politics are very curious. the british government was here, through years of war and blood, endeavoring to drive from his throne the acknowledged king of spain. in less than a hundred years we find this same government again deluging europe in blood, to reseat upon the throne the miserable ferdinand, the lineal descendant of this bourbon prince. charles put spurs to his horse, and accompanied by a glittering cavalcade of two thousand cavaliers, galloped over the mountains to barcelona. his army, under the leadership of his efficient english general, followed rapidly but cautiously on, hoping to press through the defiles of the mountains which separated them from arragon before their passage could be obstructed by the foe. the troops were chagrined and dispirited; the generals in that state of ill humor which want of success generally engenders. the roads were bad, provisions scarce, the inhabitants of the country bitterly hostile. it was the middle of november, and cold blasts swept through the mountains. staremberg led the van, and stanhope, with four thousand english troops, occupied the post of peril in a retreat, the rear. as the people of the country would furnish them with no supplies, the pillage of towns and villages became a necessity; but it none the less added to the exasperation of the spaniards. a hurried march of about eighty miles brought the troops to the banks of the tagus. as general staremberg, at the head of the advance guard, pressed eagerly on, he left stanhope at quite a distance behind. they encamped for a night, the advance at cifuentes, the rear at brihuega. the hostility of the natives was such that almost all communication was cut off between the two sections of the army. in the confusion of the hasty retreat, and as no enemy was apprehended in that portion of the way, the importance of hourly communication was forgotten. in the morning, as stanhope put his troops again in motion, he was surprised and alarmed in seeing upon the hills before him the banners of an opposing host, far outnumbering his own, and strongly intrenched. the earl of stanhope at once appreciated the nearly utter hopelessness of his position. he was cut off from the rest of the army, had no artillery, but little ammunition, and was almost entirely destitute of provision. still he scorned to surrender. he threw his troops behind a stone wall, and vigorously commenced fortifying his position, hoping to be able to hold out until staremberg, hearing of his situation, should come to his release. during the whole day he beat back the assaults of the spanish army. in the meantime staremberg was pressing on to barcelona. in the evening of that day he heard of the peril of his rear guard. his troops were exhausted; the night of pitchy blackness, and the miry roads, cut to pieces by the heavy artillery and baggage wagons, were horrible. through the night he made preparations to turn back to aid his beleaguered friends. it was, however, midday before he could collect his scattered troops, from their straggling march, and commence retracing his steps. in a few hours the low sun of a november day sunk below the hills. the troops, overtaken by darkness, stumbling through the gloom, and apprehensive of a midnight attack, rested upon their arms, waiting, through the weary hours, for the dawn of the morning. the second day came, and the weary troops toiled through the mire, while stanhope, from behind his slight parapet, baffled all the efforts of his foes. the third morning dawned. staremberg was within some fifteen miles of briehuga. stanhope had now exhausted all his ammunition. the inhabitants of the town rose against him and attacked him in the rear, while the foe pressed him in front. a large number of his troops had already fallen, and no longer resistance was possible. stanhope and the remnant of his band were taken captive and conducted into the town of briehuga. staremberg, unaware of the surrender, pushed on until he came within a league of briehuga. anxiously he threw up signals, but could obtain no response. his fears of the worst were soon confirmed by seeing the spanish army, in brilliant battle array, approaching to assail him. philip himself was there to animate them by his presence; and the heroic french general, the duke of vendome, a descendant of henry iv., led the charging columns. though the troops of staremberg were inferior in number to those of the spanish monarch, and greatly fatigued by their forced marches, a retreat at that moment, in the face of so active an enemy, was not to be thought of. the battle immediately commenced, with its rushing squadrons and its thunder peals. the spaniards, sanguine of success, and inspired with the intensest hatred of their _heretical_ foes, charged with irresistible fury. the left wing of staremberg was speedily cut to pieces, and the baggage taken. the center and the right maintained their ground until night came to their protection. staremberg's army was now reduced to nine thousand. his horses were either slain or worn out by fatigue. he was consequently compelled to abandon all his artillery and most of his baggage, as he again commenced a rapid retreat towards barcelona. the enemy pressed him every step of the way. but with great heroism and military skill he baffled their endeavors to destroy him, and after one of the most arduous marches on record, reached barcelona with a feeble remnant of but seven thousand men, ragged, emaciated and bleeding. behind the walls of this fortified city, and protected by the fleet of england, they found repose. we must now turn back a few years, to trace the progress of events in hungary and austria. joseph, the emperor, had sufficient intelligence to understand that the rebellious and anarchical state of hungary was owing to the cruelty and intolerance of his father. he saw, also, that there could be no hope of permanent tranquillity but in paying some respect to the aspirations for civil and religious liberty. the troubles in hungary distracted his attention, exhausted the energies of his troops, and deprived him of a large portion of his political and military power. he now resolved to try the effect of concessions. the opportunity was propitious, as he could throw upon his father the blame of all past decrees. he accordingly sent a messenger to the hungarian nobles with the declaration that during his father's lifetime he had never interfered in the government, and that consequently he was in no respect responsible for the persecution of which they complained. and he promised, on the honor of a king, that instead of attempting the enforcement of those rigorous decrees, he would faithfully fulfill all the articles he had sworn to observe at his coronation; and that he accordingly summoned a diet for the redress of their grievances and the confirmation of all their ancient privileges. as proof of his sincerity, he dismissed those ministers who had advised the intolerant decrees enacted by leopold, and appointed in their place men of more mild and lenient character. but the hungarians, deeming themselves now in a position to enforce their claims by the energies of their army, feared to trust to the promises of a court so often perjured. without openly renouncing allegiance to austria, and declaring independence, they, through ragotsky, summoned a diet to meet at stetzim, where their session would be protected by the hungarian army. there was a large gathering of all the first nobility of the realm. a spacious tent was spread for the imposing assembly, and the army encircled it as with a sheltering embrace. the session was opened with prayer and the administration of the sacrament of the lord's supper. will the time ever come when the members of the united states congress will meet as christian brethren, at the table of our saviour, as they commence their annual deliberations for the welfare of this republic? the nobles formed a confederacy for the government of the country. the legislative power was committed to a senate of twenty-four nobles. ragotsky was chosen military chief, with the title of dux, or leader. four of the most illustrious nobles raised ragotsky upon a buckler on their shoulders, when he took the oath of fidelity to the government thus provisionally established, and then administered the oath to his confederates. they all bound themselves solemnly not to conclude any peace with the emperor, until their ancient rights, both civil and religious, were fully restored. in reply to the advances made by the emperor, they returned the very reasonable and moderate demands that their chief, ragotsky, should be reinstated in his ancestral realms of transylvania, that the claim of _hereditary_ sovereignty should be relinquished, and that there should be the restoration of those ancient civil and religious immunities of which leopold had defrauded them. upon these conditions they promised to recognize joseph as their sovereign during his lifetime; claiming at his death their time-honored right of choosing his successor. joseph would not listen for one moment to these terms, and the war was renewed with fury. the hungarian patriots had seventy-five thousand men under arms. the spirit of the whole nation was with them, and the austrian troops were driven from almost every fortress in the kingdom. the affairs of joseph seemed to be almost desperate, his armies struggling against overpowering foes all over europe, from the remotest borders of transylvania to the frontiers of portugal. the vicissitudes of war are proverbial. an energetic, sagacious general, herbeville, with great military sagacity, and aided by a peculiar series of fortunate events, marched down the valley of the danube to buda; crossed the stream to pesth; pushed boldly on through the heart of hungary to great waradin, forced the defiles of the mountains, and entered transylvania. through a series of brilliant victories he took fortress after fortress, until he subjugated the whole of transylvania, and brought it again into subjection to the austrian crown. this was in november, . but the hungarians, instead of being intimidated by the success of the imperial arms, summoned another diet. it was held in the open field in accordance with ancient custom, and was thronged by thousands from all parts of the kingdom. with great enthusiasm and public acclaim the resolution was passed that joseph was a tyrant and a usurper, animated by the hereditary despotism of the austrian family. this truthful utterance roused anew the ire of the emperor. he resolved upon a desperate effort to bring hungary into subjection. leaving his english and dutch allies to meet the brunt of the battle on the rhine and in the netherlands, he recalled his best troops, and made forced levies in austria until he had created an army sufficiently strong, as he thought, to sweep down all opposition. these troops he placed under the most experienced generals, and sent them into hungary in the summer of . france, weakened by repeated defeats, could send the hungarians no aid, and the imperial troops, through bloody battles, victoriously traversed the kingdom. everywhere the hungarians were routed and dispersed, until no semblance of an army was left to oppose the victors. it seems that life in those days, to the masses of the people, swept incessantly by these fiery surges of war, could only have been a scene, from the cradle to the grave, of blood and agony. for two years this dismal storm of battle howled over all the hungarian plains, and then the kingdom, like a victim exhausted, prostrate and bleeding, was taken captive and firmly bound. ragotsky, denounced with the penalty of high treason, escaped to poland. the emperor, anxious no longer to exasperate, proposed measures of unusual moderation. he assembled a convention; promised a general amnesty for all political offenses, the restitution of confiscated property, the liberation of prisoners, and the confirmation of all the rights which he had promised at his coronation. some important points were not touched upon; others were passed over in vague and general terms. the hungarians, helpless as a babe, had nothing to do but to submit, whatever the terms might be. they were surprised at the unprecedented lenity of the conqueror, and the treaty of peace and subjection was signed in january, . in three months after the signing of this treaty, joseph i. died of the small-pox, in his palace of vienna. he was but thirty-three years of age. for a sovereign educated from the cradle to despotic rule, and instructed by one of the most bigoted of fathers, he was an unusually good man, and must be regarded as one of the best sovereigns who have swayed the scepter of austrian despotism. the law of hereditary descent is frequently involved in great embarrassment. leopold, to obviate disputes which he foresaw were likely to arise, had assigned hungary, bohemia, and his other hereditary estates, to joseph. to charles he had assigned the vast spanish inheritance. in case joseph should die without male issue he had decreed that the crown of the austrian dominions should also pass to charles. in case charles should also die without issue male, the crown should then revert to the daughters of joseph in preference to those of charles. joseph left no son. he had two daughters, the eldest of whom was but twelve years of age. charles, who was now in barcelona, claiming the crown of spain as charles iii., had no spanish blood in his veins. he was the son of leopold, and of his third wife, the devout and lovely eleonora, daughter of the elector palatine. he was now but twenty-eight years of age. for ten years he had been struggling for the crown which his father leopold had claimed, as succeeding to the rights of his first wife margaret, daughter of philip iv. charles was a genteel, accomplished young man of eighteen when he left his father's palace at vienna, for england, where a british fleet was to convey him to portugal, and, by the energy of its fleet and army, place him upon the throne of spain. he was received at portsmouth in england, when he landed from holland, with much parade, and was conducted by the dukes of maryborough and somerset to windsor castle, where he had an interview with queen anne. his appearance at that time is thus described by his partial chroniclers: "the court was very splendid and much thronged. the queen's behavior toward him was very noble and obliging. the young king charmed all who were present. he had a gravity beyond his age, tempered with much modesty. his behavior in all points was so exact, that there was not a circumstance in his whole deportment which was liable to censure. he paid an extraordinary respect to the queen, and yet maintained a due greatness in it. he had the art of seeming well pleased with every thing, without so much as smiling once all the while he was at court, which was only three days. he spoke but little, and all he said was judicious and obliging." young charles was engaged to the daughter of the king of portugal; but the young lady died just before his arrival at lisbon. as he had never seen the infanta, his grief could not have been very deep, however great his disappointment might have been. he made several attempts to penetrate spain by the portuguese frontier, but being repelled in every effort, by the troops of philip, he again embarked, and with twelve thousand troops in an english fleet, sailed around the peninsula, entered the mediterranean and landed on the shores of catalonia, where he had been led to believe that the inhabitants in a body would rally around him. but he was bitterly disappointed. the earl of peterborough, who was intrusted with the command of this expedition, in a letter home gave free utterance to his disappointment and chagrin. "instead of ten thousand men, and in arms," he wrote, "to cover our landing and strengthen our camp, we found only so many higglers and sutlers flocking into it. instead of finding barcelona in a weak condition, and ready to surrender upon the first appearance of our troops, we found a strong garrison to oppose us, and a hostile army almost equal to our own." in this dilemma a council of war was held, and though many were in favor of abandoning the enterprise and returning to portugal, it was at last determined, through the urgency of charles, to remain and lay siege to the city. barcelona, the capital of catalonia, was then the principal sea-port of the spanish peninsula on the mediterranean. it contained a population of about one hundred and forty thousand. it was strongly fortified. west of the city there was a mountain called montjoy, upon which there was a strong fort which commanded the harbor and the town. after a short siege this fort was taken by storm, and the city was then forced to surrender. philip soon advanced with an army of french and spaniards to retake the city. the english fleet had retired. twenty-eight french ships of war blockaded the harbor, which they could not enter, as it was commanded by the guns of montjoy. the siege was very desperate both in the assault and the defense. the young king, charles, was in the most imminent danger of falling into the bands of his foes. there was no possibility of escape, and it seemed inevitable that the city must either surrender, or be taken by storm. the french and spanish army numbered twenty thousand men. they first attempted to storm montjoy, but were repulsed with great slaughter. they then besieged it, and by regular approaches compelled its capitulation in three weeks. this noble resistance enabled the troops in the city greatly to multiply and increase their defenses. they thus succeeded in protracting the siege of the town five weeks longer. every day the beleagured troops from the crumbling ramparts watched the blue expanse of the mediterranean, hoping to see the sails of an english fleet coming to their rescue. two breaches were already effected in the walls. the garrison, reduced to two thousand, and exhausted by superhuman exertions by day and by night, were almost in the last stages of despair, when, in the distant horizon, the long looked-for fleet appeared. the french ships, by no means able to cope with such a force, spread their sails, and sought safety in flight. the english fleet, amounting to fifty sail of the line, and transporting a large number of land troops, triumphantly entered the harbor on the rd of may, . the fresh soldiers were speedily landed, and marched to the ramparts and the breaches. this strong reinforcement annihilated the hopes of the besiegers. apprehensive of an immediate sally, they retreated with such precipitation that they left behind them in the hospitals their sick and wounded; they also abandoned their heavy artillery, and an immense quantity of military stores. whatever energy charles might have shown during the siege, all seemed now to evaporate. when the shot of the foe were crumbling the walls of barcelona, he was in danger of the terrible doom of being taken a captive, which would have been the annihilation of all his hopes. despair nerved him to effort. but now his person was no longer in danger; and his natural inefficiency and dilatoriness returned. notwithstanding the urgent intreaties of the earl of peterborough to pursue the foe, he insisted upon first making a pilgrimage to the shrine of the holy virgin at montserrat, twenty-four miles from barcelona. this curious monastery consists of but a succession of cloisters or hermitages hewn out of the solid rock. they are only accessible by steps as steep as a ladder, which are also hewn upon the face of the almost precipitous mountain. the highest of these cells, and which are occupied by the youngest monks, are at an elevation of three or four thousand feet above the level of the mediterranean. soon after charles's pilgrimage to montserrat, he made a triumphal march to madrid, entered the city, and caused himself to be proclaimed king under the title of charles iii. but philip soon came upon him with such force that he was compelled to retreat back to barcelona. again, in , he succeeded in reaching madrid, and, as we have described, he was driven back, with accumulated disaster, to catalonia. three months after this defeat, when his affairs in spain were assuming the gloomiest aspect, a courier arrived at barcelona, and informed him that his brother joseph was dead; that he had already been proclaimed king of hungary and bohemia, and archduke of austria; and that it was a matter of the most urgent necessity that he should immediately return to germany. charles immediately embarked at barcelona, and landed near genoa on the th of september. rapidly pressing on through the italian states, he entered milan on the th of october, where he was greeted with the joyful intelligence that a diet had been convened under the influence of prince eugene, and that by its unanimous vote he was invested with the imperial throne. he immediately proceeded through the tyrol to frankfort, where he was crowned on the d of december. he was now more than ever determined that the diadem of spain should be added to the other crowns which had been placed upon his brow. in the incessant wars which for centuries had been waged between the princes and states of germany and the emperor, the states had acquired virtually a constitution, which they called a capitulation. when charles was crowned as charles vi., he was obliged to promise that he would never assemble a diet or council without convening all the princes and states of the empire; that he would never wage war, or conclude peace, or enter into alliance with any nation without the consent of the states; that he would not, of his own authority, put any prince under the ban of the empire; that confiscated territory should never be conferred upon any members of his own family, and that no successor to the imperial crown should be chosen during his lifetime, unless absence from germany or the infirmities of age rendered him incapable of administering the affairs of the empire. the emperor, invested with the imperial crown, hastened to vienna, and, with unexpected energy, entered upon the administration of the complicated interests of his widespread realms. after passing a few weeks in vienna, he repaired to prague, where, in may, he was, with much pomp, crowned king of hungary. he then returned to vienna, and prepared to press with new vigor the war of the spanish succession. louis xiv. was now suffering the earthly retribution for his ill-spent life. the finances of the realm were in a state of hopeless embarrassment; famine was filling the kingdom with misery; his armies were everywhere defeated; the imprecations of a beggared people were rising around his throne; his palace was the scene of incessant feuds and intrigues. his children were dead; he was old, infirm, sick, the victim of insupportable melancholy--utterly weary of life, and yet awfully afraid to die. france, in the person of louis xiv., who could justly say, "i am the state," was humbled. the accession of charles to the throne of the empire, and to that of austria, hungary and bohemia, while at the same time he claimed sovereignty over the vast realms of the spanish kingdom, invested him with such enormous power, that england, which had combined europe against the colossal growth of france, having humbled that power, was disposed to form a combination against austria. there was in consequence an immediate relaxation of hostilities just at the time when the french batteries on the frontiers were battered down, and when the allied army had apparently an unobstructed way opened to the gates of paris. in this state of affairs the british ministry pressed negotiations for peace. the preliminaries were settled in london on the th of october, . by this treaty louis xiv. agreed to make such a change in the law of hereditary descent, as to render it impossible for any king to wear at the same time the crowns of france and of spain, and made various other important concessions. charles, whose ambition was roused by his sudden and unexpected elevation, exerted all his energies to thwart the progress of negotiations, and bitterly complained that the allies were dishonorably deserting the cause which they had espoused. the emperor dispatched circular letters to all the courts of europe, and sent prince eugene as a special ambassador to london, to influence queen anne, if possible, to persevere in the grand alliance. but he was entirely unsuccessful. the duke of marlborough was disgraced, and dismissed from office. the peace party rendered eugene so unpopular that he was insulted in the streets of london. the austrian party in england was utterly defeated, and a congress was appointed to meet at utrecht to settle the terms of peace. but charles was now so powerful that he resolved to prosecute the war even though abandoned by england. he accordingly sent an ambassador to utrecht to embarrass the proceedings as much as possible, and, in case the grand alliance should be broken up, to secure as many powers as possible in fidelity to austria. the states of the netherlands were still warmly with austria, as they dreaded so formidable a power as france directly upon their frontier. the other minor powers of the alliance were also rather inclined to remain with austria. the war continued while the terms of peace were under discussion. england, however, entered into a private understanding with france, and the duke of ormond, who had succeeded marlborough, received secret orders not to take part in any battle or siege. the developments, upon fields of battle, of this dishonorable arrangement, caused great indignation on the part of the allies. the british forces withdrew, and the french armies, taking advantage of the great embarrassments thus caused, were again gaining the ascendency. portugal soon followed the example of england and abandoned the alliance. the duke of savoy was the next to leave. the alliance was evidently crumbling to pieces, and on the th of april, , all the belligerents, excepting the emperor, signed the treaty of peace. philip of spain also acceded to the same articles. charles was very indignant in being thus abandoned; and unduly estimating his strength, resolved alone, with the resources which the empire afforded him, to prosecute the war against france and spain. having nothing to fear from a spanish invasion, he for a time relinquished his attempts upon spain, and concentrating his armies upon the rhine, prepared for a desperate onset upon france. for two years the war raged between austria and france with war's usual vicissitudes of defeat and victory on either side. it was soon evident that the combatants were too equally matched for either party to hope to gain any decisive advantage over the other. on the th of september, , france and austria agreed to sheathe the sword. the war had raged for fourteen years, with an expenditure of blood and treasure, and an accumulation of misery which never can be gauged. every party had lost fourfold more than it had gained. "a war," says marshal villers, "which had desolated the greater part of europe, was concluded almost on the very terms which might have been procured at the commencement of hostilities." by this treaty of peace, which was signed at baden, in switzerland, the states of the netherlands were left in the hands of austria; and also the italian states of naples, milan, mantua and sardinia. the thunders of artillery had hardly ceased to reverberate over the marshes of holland and along the banks of the rhine, ere the "blast of war's loud organ" and the tramp of charging squadrons were heard rising anew from the distant mountains of sclavonia. the turks, in violation of their treaty of peace, were again on the march, ascending the danube along its southern banks, through the defiles of the sclavonian mountains. in a motley mass of one hundred and fifty thousand men they had passed belgrade, crossed the save, and were approaching peterwarden. eugene was instantly dispatched with an efficient, compact army, disciplined by twelve years of warfare, to resist the moslem invaders. the hostile battalions met at karlowitz, but a few miles from peterwarden, on the th of august, . the tempest blazed with terrific fury for a few hours, when the turkish host turned and fled. thirty thousand of their number, including the grand vizier who led the host, were left dead upon the field. in their utter discomfiture they abandoned two hundred and fifty pieces of heavy artillery, and baggage, tents and military stores to an immense amount. fifty turkish banners embellished the camp of the victors. and now eugene led his triumphant troops, sixty thousand in number, down the river to lay siege to belgrade. this fortress, which the labor of ages had strengthened, was garrisoned by thirty thousand troops, and was deemed almost impregnable. eugene invested the place and commenced the slow and tedious operations of a siege. the sultan immediately dispatched an army of two hundred thousand men to the relief of his beleaguered fortress. the turks, arriving at the scene of action, did not venture an assault upon their intrenched foes, but intrenched themselves on heights, outside of the besieging camp, in a semicircle extending from the danube to the save. they thus shut up the besiegers in the miasmatic marshes which surrounded the city, cut off their supplies of provisions, and from their advancing batteries threw shot into the austrian camp. "a man," said napoleon, "is not a soldier." the turks had two hundred thousand _men_ in their camp, raw recruits. eugene had sixty thousand veteran _soldiers_. he decided to drive off the turks who annoyed him. it was necessary for him to detach twenty thousand to hold in check the garrison of belgrade, who might sally to the relief of their companions. this left him but forty thousand troops with whom to assail two hundred thousand strongly intrenched. he did not hesitate in the undertaking. chapter xxiii. charles vi. from to . heroic decision of eugene.--battle of belgrade.--utter rout of the turks.--possessions of charles vi.--the elector of hanover succeeds to the english throne.--preparations for war.--state of italy.--philip v. of spain.--diplomatic agitations.--palace of st. ildefonso.--order of the golden fleece.--rejection of maria anne.--contest for the rock of gibraltar.--dismissal of ripperda.--treaty of vienna.--peace concluded. the enterprise upon which eugene had resolved was bold in the extreme. it could only be accomplished by consummate bravery aided by equal military skill. the foe they were to attack were five to one, and were protected by well-constructed redoubts, armed with the most formidable batteries. they were also abundantly supplied with cavalry, and the turkish cavalry were esteemed the finest horsemen in the world. there was but one circumstance in favor of eugene. the turks did not dream that he would have the audacity to march from the protection of his intrenchments and assail them behind their own strong ramparts. there was consequently but little difficulty in effecting a surprise. all the arrangements were made with the utmost precision and secrecy for a midnight attack. the favorable hour came. the sun went down in clouds, and a night of egyptian darkness enveloped the armies. the glimmer of innumerable camp-fires only pointed out the position of the foe, without throwing any illumination upon the field. eugene visited all the posts of the army, ordered abundant refreshment to be distributed to the troops, addressed them in encouraging words, to impress upon them the importance of the enterprise, and minutely assigned to each battalion, regiment, brigade and division its duty, that there might be no confusion. the whole plan was carefully arranged in all its details and in all its grand combination. as the bells of belgrade tolled the hour of twelve at midnight, three bombs, simultaneously discharged, put the whole austrian army in rapid and noiseless motion. a dense fog had now descended, through which they could with difficulty discern the twinkling lights of the turkish camp. rapidly they traversed the intervening space, and in dense, solid columns, rushed over the ramparts of the foe. bombs, cannon, musketry, bayonets, cavalry, all were employed, amidst the thunderings and the lightnings of that midnight storm of war, in the work of destruction. the turks, roused from their slumber, amazed, bewildered, fought for a short time with maniacal fury, often pouring volleys of bullets into the bosoms of their friends, and with bloody cimeters smiting indiscriminately on the right hand and the left, till, in the midst of a scene of confusion and horror which no imagination can conceive, they broke and fled. two hundred thousand men, lighted only by the flash of guns which mowed their ranks, with thousands of panic-stricken cavalry trampling over them, while the crash of musketry, the explosions of artillery, the shouts of the assailants and the fugitives, and the shrieks of the dying, blended in a roar more appalling than heaven's heaviest thunders, presented a scene which has few parallels even in the horrid annals of war. the morning dawned upon a field of blood and death. the victory of the austrians was most decisive. the flower of the turkish army was cut to pieces, and the remnant was utterly dispersed. the turkish camp, with all its abundant booty of tents, provisions, ammunition and artillery, fell into the hands of the conqueror. so signal was the victory, that the disheartened turks made no attempt to retrieve their loss. belgrade was surrendered to the austrians, and the sultan implored peace. the articles were signed in passarovitz, a small town of servia, in july, . by this treaty the emperor added belgrade to his dominions, and also a large part of wallachia and servia. austria and spain were still in heart at war, as the emperor claimed the crown of spain, and was only delaying active hostilities until he could dispose of his more immediate foes. charles, soon after the death of his cousin, the portuguese princess, with whom he had formed a matrimonial engagement, married elizabeth christina, a princess of brunswick. the imperial family now consisted of three daughters, maria theresa, maria anne and maria amelia. it will be remembered that by the family compact established by leopold, the succession was entailed upon charles in preference to the daughters of joseph, in case joseph should die without male issue. but should charles die without male issue, the crown was to revert to the daughters of joseph in preference to those of charles. the emperor, having three daughters and no sons, with natural parental partiality, but unjustly, and with great want of magnanimity, was anxious to deprive the daughters of joseph of their rights, that he might secure the crown for his own daughters. he accordingly issued a decree reversing this contract, and settling the right of succession first upon his daughters, should he die without sons, then upon the daughters of joseph, one of whom had married the elector of saxony and the other the elector of bavaria. after them he declared his sister, who had married the king of portugal, and then his other sisters, the daughters of leopold, to be in the line of succession. this new law of succession charles issued under the name of the pragmatic sanction. he compelled his nieces, the daughters of joseph, to give their assent to this sanction, and then, for the remainder of his reign, made the greatest efforts to induce all the powers of europe to acknowledge its validity. charles vi. was now, as to the extent of territory over which he reigned and the population subject to his sway, decidedly the most powerful monarch in christendom. three hundred princes of the german empire acknowledged him as their elected sovereign. by hereditary right he claimed dominion over bohemia, hungary, transylvania, wallachia, servia, styria, carinthia, carniola, the tyrol, and all the rich and populous states of the netherlands. naples, sicily, mantua and milan in italy, also recognized his sovereignty. to enlightened reason nothing can seem more absurd than that one man, of very moderate capacities, luxuriating in his palace at vienna, should pretend to hold dominion over so many millions so widely dispersed. but the progress of the world towards intelligent liberty has been very slow. when we contrast the constitution of the united states with such a political condition, all our evils and difficulties dwindle to utter insignificance. still the power of the emperor was in many respects apparent rather than real. each of these states had its own customs and laws. the nobles were tumultuary, and ever ready, if their privileges were infringed, to rise in insurrection. military force alone could hold these turbulent realms in awe; and the old feudal servitude which crushed the millions, was but another name for anarchy. the peace establishment of the emperor amounted to one hundred thousand men, and every one of these was necessary simply to garrison his fortresses. the enormous expense of the support of such an army, with all the outlays for the materiel of war, the cavalry, and the structure of vast fortresses, exhausted the revenues of a kingdom in which the masses of the people were so miserably poor that they were scarcely elevated above the beasts of the field, and where the finances had long been in almost irreparable disorder. the years of peace, however, were very few. war, a maelstrom which ingulfs uncounted millions, seems to have been the normal state of germany. but the treasury of charles was so constantly drained that he could never, even in his greatest straits, raise more than one hundred and sixty thousand men; and he was often compelled to call upon the aid of a foreign purse to meet the expense which that number involved. within a hundred years the nations have made vast strides in wealth, and in the consequent ability to throw away millions in war. charles vi. commenced his reign with intense devotion to business. he resolved to be an illustrious emperor, vigorously superintending all the interests of the empire, legislative, judicial and executive. for a few weeks he was busy night and day, buried in a hopeless mass of diplomatic papers. but he soon became weary of this, and leaving all the ordinary affairs of the state in the hands of agents, amused himself with his violin and in chasing rabbits. as more serious employment, he gave pompous receptions, and enveloped himself in imperial ceremony and the most approved courtly etiquette. he still, however, insisted upon giving his approval to all measures adopted by his ministers, before they were carried into execution. but as he was too busy with his entertainments, his music and the chase, to devote much time to the dry details of government, papers were accumulating in a mountainous heap in his cabinet, and the most important business was neglected. charles xii. was now king of sweden; peter the great, emperor of russia; george i., king of england; and the shameful regency had succeeded, in france, the reign of louis xiv. for eighteen years a bloody war had been sweeping the plains of poland, russia and sweden. thousands had been torn to pieces by the enginery of war, and trampled beneath iron hoofs. millions of women and children had been impoverished, beggared, and turned out houseless into the fields to moan and starve and die. the claims of humanity must ever yield to the requisitions of war. this fierce battle of eighteen years was fought to decide which of three men, peter of russia, charles of sweden, or augustus of poland, should have the right to exact tribute from livonia. this province was a vast pasture on the baltic, containing about seventeen thousand square miles, and inhabited by about five hundred thousand poor herdsmen and tillers of the soil. peter the great was in the end victorious in this long conflict; and having attached large portions of sweden to his territory, with a navy upon the baltic, and a disciplined army, began to be regarded as a european power, and was quite disposed to make his voice heard in the diplomacy of europe. queen anne having died, leaving no children, the law of hereditary descent carried the crown of england to germany, and placed it upon the brow of the elector of hanover, who, as grandson of james i., was the nearest heir, but who could not speak a word of english, who knew nothing of constitutional law, and who was about as well qualified to govern england as a patagonian or esquimaux would have been. but obedience to this law of hereditary descent was a political necessity. there were thousands of able men in england who could have administered the government with honor to themselves and to the country. but it is said in reply that the people of england, as a body, were not then, and probably are not even now, sufficiently enlightened to be intrusted with the choice of their own rulers. respect for the ballot-box is one of the last and highest attainments of civilization. recent developments in our own land have led many to fear that barbarism is gaining upon the people. if the _ballot-box_ be overturned, the _cartridge-box_ must take its place. the great battle we have to fight is the battle against popular ignorance. the great army we are to support is the army of teachers in the schools and in the pulpit, elevating the mind to the highest possible intelligence, and guiding the heart by the pure spirit of the gospel. the emperor was so crowded with affairs of immediate urgency, and it was so evident that he could not drive philip from the throne, now that he was recognized by all europe, that he postponed the attempt for a season, while he still adopted the title of king of spain. his troops had hardly returned from the brilliant campaign of belgrade, ere the emperor saw a cloud gathering in the north, which excited his most serious apprehension. russia and sweden, irritated by some of the acts of the emperor, formed an alliance for the invasion of the german empire. the fierce warriors of the north, led by such captains as charles xii. and peter the great, were foes not to be despised. this threatened invasion not only alarmed the emperor, but alarmed george i. of england, as his electorate of hanover was imperiled; and also excited the fears of augustus, the elector of saxony, who had regained the throne of poland. england and poland consequently united with the emperor, and formidable preparations were in progress for a terrible war, when one single chance bullet, upon the field of pultowa, struck charles xii., as he was looking over the parapet, and dispersed this cloud which threatened the desolation of all europe. austria was now the preponderating power in degenerate italy. even those states which were not in subjection to the emperor, were overawed by his imperious spirit. genoa was nominally independent. the genoese arrested one of the imperial officers for some violation of the laws of the republic. the emperor sent an army to the gates of the city, threatening it with bombardment and utter destruction. they were thus compelled immediately to liberate the officer, to pay a fine of three hundred thousand dollars, and to send a senator to vienna with humble expressions of contrition, and to implore pardon. the kingdom of sardinia was at this time the most powerful state in italy, if we except those united italian states which now composed an integral part of the austrian empire. victor asmedeus, the energetic king, had a small but vigorous army, and held himself ready, with this army, for a suitable remuneration, to engage in the service of any sovereign, without asking any troublesome questions as to the righteousness of the expedition in which he was to serve. the sardinian king was growing rich, and consequently ambitious. he wished to rise from the rank of a secondary to that of a primary power in europe. there was but one direction in which he could hope to extend his territories, and that was by pressing into lombardy. he had made the remark, which was repeated to the emperor, "i must acquire lombardy piece by piece, as i eat an artichoke." charles, consequently, watched victor with a suspicious eye. the four great powers of middle and southern europe were austria, england, france, and spain. all the other minor states, innumerable in name as well as number, were compelled to take refuge, openly or secretly, beneath one or another of these great monarchies. in france, the duke of orleans, the regent during the minority of louis xv., whose court, in the enormous expenditures of vice, exhausted the yearly earnings of a population of twenty millions, was anxious to unite the bourbon' branches of france and spain in more intimate alliance. he accordingly affianced the young sovereign of france to mary anne, daughter of philip v. of spain. at the same time he married his own daughter to the king's oldest son, the prince of asturias, who was heir to the throne. mary anne, to whom the young king was affianced, was only four years of age. the personal history of the monarchs of europe is, almost without exception, a melancholy history. by their ambition and their wars they whelmed the cottages in misery, and by a righteous retribution misery also inundated the palace. philip v. became the victim of the most insupportable melancholy. earth had no joy which could lift the cloud of gloom from his soul. for months he was never known to smile. imprisoning himself in his palace he refused to see any company, and left all the cares of government in the hands of his wife, elizabeth farnese. germany was still agitated by the great religious contest between the catholics and the protestants, which divided the empire into two nearly equal parties, bitterly hostile to each other. various fruitless attempts had been made to bring the parties together, into _unity of faith_, by compromise. neither party were reconciled to cordial _toleration_, free and full, in which alone harmony can be obtained. in all the states of the empire the catholics and the protestants were coming continually into collision. charles, though a very decided catholic, was not disposed to persecute the protestants, as most of his predecessors had done, for he feared to rouse them to despair. england, france, austria and spain, were now involved in an inextricable maze of diplomacy. congresses were assembled and dissolved; treaties made and violated; alliances formed and broken. weary of the conflict of arms, they were engaged in the more harmless squabbles of intrigue, each seeking its own aggrandizement. philip v., who had fought so many bloody battles to acquire the crown of spain, now, disgusted with the cares which that crown involved, overwhelmed with melancholy, and trembling in view of the final judgment of god, suddenly abdicated the throne in favor of his son louis, and took a solemn oath that he would never resume it again. this event, which surprised europe, took place on the th of february, . philip retired to st. ildefonso. the celebrated palace of st. ildefonso, which became the retreat of the monarch, was about forty miles north of madrid, in an elevated ravine among the mountains of gaudarruma. it was an enormous pile, nearly four thousand feet above the level of the sea, and reared by the spanish monarchs at an expense exceeding thirty millions of dollars. the palace, two stories high, and occupying three sides of a square, presents a front five hundred and thirty feet in length. in this front alone there are, upon each story, twelve gorgeous apartments in a suite. the interior is decorated in the richest style of art, with frescoed ceilings, and splendid mirrors, and tesselated floors of variegated marble. the furniture was embellishcd with gorgeous carvings, and enriched with marble, jasper and verd-antique. the galleries were filled with the most costly productions of the chisel and the pencil. the spacious garden, spread out before the palace, was cultivated with the utmost care, and ornamented with fountains surpassing even those of versailles. to this magnificent retreat philip v. retired with his imperious, ambitious wife. she was the step-mother of his son who had succeeded to the throne. for a long time, by the vigor of her mind, she had dominated over her husband, and had in reality been the sovereign of spain. in the magnificent palace of st. ildefonso, she was by no means inclined to relinquish her power. gathering a brilliant court around her, she still issued her decrees, and exerted a powerful influence over the kingdom. the young louis, who was but a boy, was not disposed to engage in a quarrel with his mother, and for a time submitted to this interference; but gradually he was roused by his adherents, to emancipate himself from these shackles, and to assume the authority of a sovereign. this led to very serious trouble. the abdicated king, in his moping melancholy, was entirely in subjection to his wife. there were now two rival courts. parties were organizing. some were for deposing the son; others for imprisoning the father. the kingdom was on the eve of a civil war, when death kindly came to settle the difficulty. the young king louis, but eighteen years of age, after a nominal reign of but eight months, was seized with that awful scourge the small-pox, and, after a few days of suffering and delirium, was consigned to the tomb. philip, notwithstanding his vow, was constrained by his wife to resume the crown, she probably promising to relieve him of all care. such are the vicissitudes of a hereditary government. elizabeth, with woman's spirit, now commanded the emperor to renounce the title of king of spain, which he still claimed. charles, with the spirit of an emperor, declared that he would do no such thing. there was another serious source of difficulty between the two monarchs, which has descended, generation after generation, to our own time, and to this day is only settled by each party quietly persisting in his own claim. in the year philip iii., duke of burgundy, instituted a new order of knighthood for the protection of the catholic church, to be called the order of the golden fleece. but twenty-four members were to be admitted, and philip himself was the grand master. annual meetings were held to fill vacancies. charles v., as grand master, increased the number of knights to fifty-one. after his death, as the burgundian provinces and the netherlands passed under the dominion of spain, the spanish monarchs exercised the office of grand master, and conferred the dignity, which was now regarded the highest order of knighthood in europe, according to their pleasure. but charles vi., now in admitted possession of the netherlands, by virtue of that possession claimed the office of grand master of the golden fleece. philip also claimed it as the inheritance of the kings of spain. the dispute has never been settled. both parties still claim it, and the order is still conferred both at vienna and madrid. other powers interfered, in the endeavor to promote reconciliation between the hostile courts, but, as usual, only increased the acrimony of the two parties. the young spanish princess mary anne, who was affianced to the dauphin of france, was sent to paris for her education, and that she might become familiar with the etiquette of a court over which she was to preside as queen. for a time she was treated with great attention, and child as she was, received all the homage which the courtiers were accustomed to pay to the queen of france. but amidst the intrigues of the times a change arose, and it was deemed a matter of state policy to marry the boy-king to another princess. the french court consequently rejected maria anne and sent her back to spain, and married louis, then but fifteen years of age, to maria lebrinsky, daughter of the king of poland. the rejected child was too young fully to appreciate the mortification. her parents, however, felt the insult most keenly. the whole spanish court was roused to resent it as a national outrage. the queen was so indignant that she tore from her arm a bracelet which she wore, containing a portrait of louis xv., and dashing it upon the floor, trampled it beneath her feet. even the king was roused from his gloom by the humiliation of his child, and declared that no amount of blood could atone for such an indignity. under the influence of this exasperation, the queen resolved to seek reconciliation with austria, that all friendly relations might be abandoned with france, and that spain and austria might be brought into intimate alliance to operate against their common foe. a renowned spanish diplomatist, the baron of ripperda, had been for some time a secret agent of the queen at the court of vienna, watching the progress of events there. he resided in the suburbs under a fictitious name, and eluding the vigilance of the ministry, had held by night several secret interviews with the emperor, proposing to him, in the name of the queen, plans of reconciliation. letters were immediately dispatched to ripperda urging him to come to an accommodation with the emperor upon almost any terms. a treaty was soon concluded, early in the spring of . the emperor renounced all claim to the spanish crown, entered into an alliance, both offensive and defensive, with philip, and promised to aid, both with men and money, to help recover gibraltar from the english, which fortress they had held since they seized upon it in the war of the spanish succession. in consideration of these great concessions philip agreed to recognize the right of the emperor to the netherlands and to his acquisitions in italy. he opened all the ports of spain to the subjects of the emperor, and pledged himself to support the pragmatic sanction, which wrested the crown of austria from the daughters of joseph, and transmitted it to the daughters of charles. it was this last clause which influenced the emperor, for his whole heart was set upon the accomplishment of this important result, and he was willing to make almost any sacrifice to attain it. there were also some secret articles attached which have never been divulged. the immediate demand of spain for the surrender of the rock of gibraltar was the signal for all europe to marshal itself for war--a war which threatened the destruction of hundreds of thousands of lives, millions of property, and which was sure to spread far and wide over populous cities and extended provinces, carnage, conflagration, and unspeakable woe. the question was, whether england or spain should have possession of a rock seven miles long and one mile broad, which was supposed, but very erroneously, to command the mediterranean. to the rest of europe it was hardly a matter of the slightest moment whether the flag of england or spain waved over those granite cliffs. it seems incredible that beings endowed with reason could be guilty of such madness. england, with great vigor, immediately rallied on her side france, hanover, holland, denmark and sweden. on the other side were spain, austria, russia, prussia and a large number of the minor states of germany. many months were occupied in consolidating these coalitions, and in raising the armies and gathering the materials for the war. in the meantime ripperda, having so successfully, as he supposed, concluded his negotiations at vienna, in a high state of exultation commenced his journey back to spain. passing down through the tyrol and traversing italy he embarked at genoa and landed at barcelona. here he boasted loudly of what he had accomplished. "spain and the emperor now united," he said, "will give the law to europe. the emperor has one hundred and fifty thousand troops under arms, and in six months can bring as many more into the field. france shall be pillaged. george i. shall be driven both from his german and his british territories." from barcelona ripperda traveled rapidly to madrid, where he was received with almost regal honors by the queen, who was now in reality the sovereign. she immediately appointed him secretary of state, and transferred to him the reins of government which she had taken from the unresisting hands of her moping husband. thus ripperda became, in all but title, the king of spain. he was a weak man, of just those traits of character which would make him a haughty woman's favorite. he was so elated with this success, became so insufferably vain, and assumed such imperious airs as to disgust all parties. he made the most extravagant promises of the subsidies the emperor was to furnish, and of the powers which were to combine to trample england and france beneath their feet. it was soon seen that these promises were merely the vain-glorious boasts of his own heated brain. even the imperial ambassador at madrid was so repelled by his arrogance, that he avoided as far as possible all social and even diplomatic intercourse with him. there was a general combination of the courtiers to crush the favorite. the queen, who, with all her ambition, had a good share of sagacity, soon saw the mistake she had made, and in four months after ripperda's return to madrid, he was dismissed in disgrace. a general storm of contempt and indignation pursued the discarded minister. his rage was now inflamed as much as his vanity had been. fearful of arrest and imprisonment, and burning with that spirit of revenge which is ever strongest in weakest minds, he took refuge in the house of the british ambassador, mr. stanhope. hostilities had not yet commenced. indeed there had been no declaration of war, and diplomatic relations still continued undisturbed. each party was acting secretly, and watching the movements of the other with a jealous eye. ripperda sought protection beneath the flag of england, and with the characteristic ignominy of deserters and traitors, endeavored to ingratiate himself with his new friends by disclosing all the secrets of his negotiations at vienna. under these circumstances full confidence can not be placed in his declarations, for he had already proved himself to be quite unscrupulous in regard to truth. the indignant queen sent an armed force, arrested the duke in the house of the british ambassador, and sent him, in close imprisonment, to the castle of segovia. he, however, soon escaped from there and fled to england, where he reiterated his declarations respecting the secret articles of the treaty of vienna. the most important of these declarations was, that spain and the emperor had agreed to drive george i. from england and to place the pretender, who had still many adherents, upon the british throne. it was also asserted that marriage contracts were entered into which, by uniting the daughters of the emperor with the sons of the spanish monarch, would eventually place the crowns of austria and spain upon the same brow. the thought of such a vast accumulation of power in the hands of any one monarch, alarmed all the rest of europe. both spain and the emperor denied many of the statements made by ripperda. but as _truth_ has not been esteemed a diplomatic virtue, and as both ripperda and the sovereigns he had served were equally tempted to falsehood, and were equally destitute of any character for truth, it is not easy to decide which party to believe. england and france took occasion, through these disclosures, to rouse the alarm of europe. so much apprehension was excited in prussia, bavaria, and with other princes of the empire, who were appalled at the thought of having another spanish prince upon the imperial throne, that the emperor sent ambassadors to these courts to appease their anxiety, and issued a public declaration denying that any such marriages were in contemplation; while at the same time he was promising the queen of spain these marriages, to secure her support. england and france accuse the emperor of deliberate, persistent, unblushing falsehood. the emperor seems now to have become involved in an inextricable maze of prevarication and duplicity, striving in one court to accomplish purposes which in other courts he was denying that he wished to accomplish. his embarrassment at length became so great, the greater part of europe being roused and jealous, that he was compelled to abandon spain, and reluctantly to sign a treaty of amity with france and england. a general armistice was agreed upon for seven years. the king of spain, thus abandoned by the emperor, was also compelled to smother his indignation and to roll back his artillery into the arsenals. thus this black cloud of war, which threatened all europe with desolation, was apparently dispelled. this treaty, which seemed to restore peace to europe, was signed in june, . it was, however, a hollow peace. the spirit of ambition and aggression animated every court; and each one was ready, in defiance of treaties and in defiance of the misery of the world, again to unsheath the sword as soon as any opportunity should offer for the increase of territory or power. chapter xxiv. charles vi. and the polish war. from to . cardinal fleury.--the emperor of austria urges the pragmatic sanction.-- he promises his two daughters to the two sons of the queen of spain.--france, england and spain unite against austria.--charles vi. issues orders to prepare for war.--his perplexities.--secret overtures to england.--the crown of poland.--meeting of the polish congress.-- stanislaus goes to poland.--augustus iii. crowned.--war.--charles sends an army to lombardy.--difficulties of prince eugene.--charles's displeasure with england.--letter to count kinsky.--hostilities renewed. the young king of france, louis xv., from amidst the orgies of his court which rivaled babylon in corruption, was now seventeen years of age, and was beginning to shake off the trammels of guardianship and to take some ambitious part in government. the infamous regent, the duke of orleans, died suddenly of apoplexy in . gradually the king's preceptor, fleury, obtained the entire ascendency over the mind of his pupil, and became the chief director of affairs. he saw the policy of reuniting the bourbons of france and spain for the support of each other. the policy was consequently adopted of cultivating friendly relations between the two kingdoms. cardinal fleury was much disposed to thwart the plans of the emperor. a congress of the leading powers had been assembled at soissons in june, , to settle some diplomatic questions. the favorite object of the emperor now was, to obtain from the european powers the formal guarantee to support his decree of succession which conveyed the crown of austria to his daughters, in preference to those of his brother joseph. the emperor urged the pragmatic sanction strongly upon the congress, as the basis upon which he would enter into friendly relations with all the powers. fleury opposed it, and with such influence over the other plenipotentiaries as to secure its rejection. the emperor was much irritated, and intimated war. france and england retorted defiance. spain was becoming alienated from the emperor, who had abandoned her cause, and was again entering into alliance with france. the emperor had promised his eldest daughter, maria theresa, to carlos, son of the queen of spain, and a second daughter to the next son, philip. these were as brilliant matches as an ambitious mother could desire. but while the emperor was making secret and solemn promises to the queen of spain, that these marriages should be consummated, which would secure to the son of the queen the austrian, as well as the spanish crown, he was declaring to the courts of europe that he had no such plans in contemplation. the spanish queen, at length, annoyed, and goaded on by france and england, sent an ambassador to vienna, and demanded of the emperor a written promise that maria theresa was to be the bride of carlos. the emperor was now brought to the end of his intrigues. he had been careful heretofore to give only verbal promises, through his ministers. after his reiterated public denials that any such alliance was anticipated, he did not dare commit himself by giving the required document. an apologetic, equivocal answer was returned which so roused the ire of the queen, that, breaking off from austria, she at once entered into a treaty of cordial union with england and france. it will readily be seen that all these wars and intrigues had but little reference to the welfare of the masses of the people. they were hardly more thought of than the cattle and the poultry. the only purpose they served was, by unintermitted toil, to raise the wealth which supported the castle and the palace, and to march to the field to fight battles, in which they had no earthly interest. the written history of europe is only the history of kings and nobles--their ambitions, intrigues and war. the unwritten history of the dumb, toiling millions, defrauded of their rights, doomed to poverty and ignorance, is only recorded in the book of god's remembrance. when that page shall be read, every ear that hears it will tingle. the frail connection between austria and spain was now terminated. england, france and spain entered into an alliance to make vigorous war against charles vi. if he manifested any hostility to any of the articles of the treaty into which they had entered. the queen of spain, in her spite, forbade the subjects of the emperor from trading at all with spain, and granted to her new allies the exclusive right to the spanish trade. she went so far in her reconciliation with england as to assure the king that he was quite welcome to retain the rock of gibraltar which he held with so tenacious a grasp. in this treaty, with studied neglect, even the name of the emperor was not mentioned; and yet the allies, as if to provoke a quarrel, sent charles vi. a copy, peremptorily demanding assent to the treaty without his having taken any part whatever in the negotiation. this insulting demand fell like a bomb-shell in the palace at vienna. emperor, ministers, courtiers, all were aroused to a frenzy of indignation. "so insulting a message," said count zinzendorf, "is unparalleled, even in the annals of savages." the emperor condescended to make no reply, but very spiritedly issued orders to all parts of the empire, for his troops to hold themselves in readiness for war. and yet charles was overwhelmed with anxiety, and was almost in despair. it was a terrible humiliation for the emperor to be compelled to submit, unavenged, to such an insult. but how could the emperor alone, venture to meet in battle england, france, spain and all the other powers whom three such kingdoms could, either by persuasion or compulsion, bring into their alliance? he pleaded with his natural allies. russia had not been insulted, and was unwilling to engage in so distant a war. prussia had no hope of gaining any thing, and declined the contest. sardinia sent a polite message to the emperor that it was more for her interest to enter into an alliance with her nearer neighbors, france, spain and england, and that she had accordingly done so. the treasury of charles was exhausted; his states were impoverished by constant and desolating wars. and his troops manifested but little zeal to enter the field against so fearful a superiority of force. the emperor, tortured almost beyond endurance by chagrin, was yet compelled to submit. the allies were quite willing to provoke a war with the emperor; but as he received their insults so meekly, and made no movement against them, they were rather disposed to march against him. spain wanted parma and tuscany, but france was not willing to have spain make so great an accession to her italian power. france wished to extend her area north, through the states of the netherlands. but england was unwilling to see the french power thus aggrandized. england had her aspirations, to which both france and spain were opposed. thus the allies operated as a check upon each other. the emperor found some little consolation in this growing disunion, and did all in his power to foment it. wishing to humble the bourbons of france and spain, he made secret overtures to england. the offers of the emperor were of such a nature, that england eagerly accepted them, returned to friendly relations with the emperor, and, to his extreme joy, pledged herself to support the pragmatic sanction. it seems to have been the great object of the emperor's life to secure the crown of austria for his daughters. it was an exceedingly disgraceful act. there was no single respectable reason to be brought forward why his daughters should crowd from the throne the daughters of his elder deceased brother, the emperor joseph. charles was so aware of the gross injustice of the deed, and that the ordinary integrity of humanity would rise against him, that he felt the necessity of exhausting all the arts of diplomacy to secure for his daughters the pledged support of the surrounding thrones. he had now by intrigues of many years obtained the guarantee of the pragmatic sanction from russia, prussia, holland, spain and england. france still refused her pledge, as did also many of the minor states of the empire. the emperor, encouraged by the success he had thus far met with, pushed his efforts with renewed vigor, and in january, , exulted that he had gained the guarantee of the pragmatic sanction from all the germanic body, with the exception of bavaria, palatine and saxony. and now a new difficulty arose to embroil europe in trouble. when charles xii., like a thunderbolt of war, burst upon poland, he drove augustus ii. from the throne, and placed upon it stanislaus leczinski, a polish noble, whom he had picked up by the way, and whose heroic character secured the admiration of this semi-insane monarch. augustus, utterly crushed, was compelled by his eccentric victor to send the crown jewels and the archives, with a letter of congratulation, to stanislaus. this was in the year . three years after this, in , charles xii. suffered a memorable defeat at pultowa. augustus ii., then at the head of an army, regained his kingdom, and stanislaus fled in disguise. after numerous adventures and fearful afflictions, the court of france offered him a retreat in wissembourg in alsace. here the ex-king remained for six years, when his beautiful daughter mary was selected to take the place of the rejected mary of spain, as the wife of the young dauphin, louis xv. in the year augustus ii. died. in anticipation of this event austria had been very busy, hoping to secure the elective crown of poland for the son of augustus who had inherited his father's name, and who had promised to support the pragmatic sanction. france was equally busy in the endeavor to place the scepter of poland in the hand of stanislaus, father of the queen. from the time of the marriage of his daughter with louis xv., stanislaus received a handsome pension from the french treasury, maintained a court of regal splendor, and received all the honors due to a sovereign. all the energies of the french court were now aroused to secure the crown for stanislaus. russia, prussia and austria were in natural sympathy. they wished to secure the alliance of poland, and were also both anxious to destroy the republican principle of _electing_ rulers, and to introduce hereditary descent of the crown in all the kingdoms of europe. but an election by the nobles was now indispensable, and the rival powers were, with all the arts known in courts, pushing the claims of their several candidates. it was an important question, for upon it depended whether warlike poland was to be the ally of the austrian or of the french party. poland was also becoming quite republican in its tendencies, and had adopted a constitution which greatly limited the power of the crown. augustus would be but a tool in the hands of russia, prussia and austria, and would cooperate with them in crushing the spirit of liberty in poland. these three great northern powers became so roused upon the subject, that they put their troops in motion, threatening to exclude stanislaus by force. this language of menace and display of arms roused france. the king, while inundating poland with agents, and lavishing the treasure of france in bribes to secure the election of stanislaus, assumed an air of virtuous indignation in view of the interference of the austrian party, and declared that no foreign power should interfere in any way with the freedom of the election. this led the emperor to issue a counter-memorial inveighing against the intermeddling of france. in the midst of these turmoils the congress of polish nobles met to choose their king. it was immediately apparent that there was a very powerful party organized in favor of stanislaus. the emperor was for marching directly into the kingdom with an army which he had already assembled in silesia for this purpose, and with the bayonet make up for any deficiency which his party might want in votes. though prussia demurred, he put his troops in motion, and the imperial and russian ambassadors at warsaw informed the marshal of the diet that catharine, who was now empress of russia, and charles, had decided to exclude stanislaus from poland by force. these threats produced their natural effect upon the bold warrior barons of poland. exasperated rather than intimidated, they assembled, many thousands in number, on the great plain of wola, but a few miles from warsaw, and with great unanimity chose stanislaus their king. this was the th of september, . stanislaus, anticipating the result, had left france in disguise, accompanied by a single attendant, to undertake the bold enterprise of traversing the heart of germany, eluding all the vigilance of the emperor, and of entering poland notwithstanding all the efforts of austria, russia and prussia to keep him away. it was a very hazardous adventure, for his arrest would have proved his ruin. though he encountered innumerable dangers, with marvelous sagacity and heroism he succeeded, and reached warsaw on the th of september, just three days before the election. in regal splendor he rode, as soon as informed of his election, to the tented field where the nobles were convened. he was received with the clashing of weapons, the explosions of artillery, and the acclamations of thousands. but the poles were not sufficiently enlightened fully to comprehend the virtue and the sacredness of the ballot-box. the russian army was now hastening to the gates of warsaw. the small minority of polish nobles opposed to the election of stanislaus seceded from the diet, mounted their horses, crossed the vistula, and joined the invading array to make war upon the sovereign whom the majority had chosen. the retribution for such folly and wickedness has come. there is no longer any poland. they who despise the authority of the ballot-box inevitably usher in the bayonets of despotism. under the protection of this army the minority held another diet at kamien (on the th of october), a village just outside the suburbs of warsaw, and chose as the sovereign of poland augustus, son of the deceased king. the minority, aided by the russian and imperial armies, were too strong for the majority. they took possession of warsaw, and crowned their candidate king, with the title of augustus iii. stanislaus, pressed by an overpowering force, retreated to dantzic, at the mouth of the vistula, about two hundred miles from warsaw. here he was surrounded by the russian troops and held in close siege, while augustus iii. took possession of poland. france could do nothing. a weary march of more than a thousand miles separated paris from warsaw, and the french troops would be compelled to fight their way through the very heart of the german empire, and at the end of the journey to meet the united armies of russia, prussia, austria and poland under her king, now in possession of all the fortresses. though louis xv. could make no effectual resistance, it was not in human nature but that he should seek revenge. when shepherds quarrel, they kill each other's flocks. when kings quarrel, they kill the poor peasants in each other's territories, and burn their homes. france succeeded in enlisting in her behalf spain and sardinia. austria and russia were upon the other side. prussia, jealous of the emperor's greatness, declined any active participation. most of the other powers of europe also remained neutral. france had now no hope of placing stanislaus upon the throne; she only sought revenge, determined to humble the house of austria. the mercenary king of sardinia, charles emanuel, was willing to serve the one who would pay the most. he first offered himself to the emperor, but upon terms too exorbitant to be accepted. france and spain immediately offered him terms even more advantageous than those he had demanded of the emperor. the contract was settled, and the sardinian army marched into the allied camp. the king of sardinia, who was as ready to employ guile as force in warfare, so thoroughly deceived the emperor as to lead him to believe that he had accepted the emperor's terms, and that sardinia was to be allied with austria, even when the whole contract was settled with france and spain, and the plan of the campaign was matured. so utterly was the emperor deluded by a fraud so contemptible, in the view of every honorable mind, that he sent great convoys of grain, and a large supply of shot, shells and artillery from the arsenals of milan into the sardinian camp. charles emanuel, dead to all sense of magnanimity, rubbed his hands with delight in the successful perpetration of such fraud, exclaiming, "_an virtus an dolos, quis ab hoste requirat_." so cunningly was this stratagem carried on, that the emperor was not undeceived until his own artillery, which he had sent to charles emanuel, were thundering at the gates of the city of milan, and the shot and shells which he had so unsuspectingly furnished were mowing down the imperial troops. so sudden was the attack, so unprepared was austrian lombardy to meet it, that in twelve weeks the sardinian troops overran the whole territory, seized every city and magazine, with all their treasures, leaving the fortress of mantua alone in the possession of the imperial troops. it was the policy of louis xv. to attack austria in the remote portions of her widely-extended dominions, and to cut off province by province. he also made special and successful efforts to detach the interests of the german empire from those of austria, so that the princes of the empire might claim neutrality. it was against the possessions of charles vi., not against the independent states of the empire, that louis xv. urged war. the storms of winter were now at hand, and both parties were compelled to abandon the field until spring. but during the winter every nerve was strained by the combatants in preparation for the strife which the returning sun would introduce. the emperor established strong defenses along the banks of the rhine to prevent the passage of the french; he also sent agents to all the princes of the empire to enlist them in his cause, and succeeded, notwithstanding the remonstrances of many who claimed neutrality, in obtaining a vote from a diet which he assembled, for a large sum of money, and for an army of one hundred and twenty thousand men. the loss of lombardy troubled charles exceedingly, for it threatened the loss of all his italian possessions. notwithstanding the severity of the winter he sent to mantua all the troops he could raise from his hereditary domains; and ordered every possible effort to be made to be prepared to undertake the offensive in the spring, and to drive the sardinians from lombardy. in the beginning of may the emperor had assembled within and around mantua, sixty thousand men, under the command of count merci. the hostile forces soon met, and battle after battle thundered over the italian plains. on the th of june the two armies encountered each other in the vicinity of parma, in such numbers as to give promise of a decisive battle. for ten hours the demoniac storm raged unintermitted. ten thousand of the dead covered the ground. neither party had taken a single standard or a single prisoner, an event almost unparalleled in the history of battles. from the utter exhaustion of both parties the strife ceased. the sardinians and french, mangled and bleeding, retired within the walls of parma. the austrians, equally bruised and bloody, having lost their leader, retired to reggio. three hundred and forty of the austrian officers were either killed or wounded. the king of sardinia was absent during this engagement, having gone to turin to visit his wife, who was sick. the morning after the battle, however, he joined the army, and succeeded in cutting off an austrian division of twelve hundred men, whom he took prisoners. both parties now waited for a time to heal their wounds, repair their shattered weapons, get rested and receive reinforcements. ten thousand poor peasants, who had not the slightest interest in the quarrel, had now met with a bloody death, and other thousands were now to be brought forward and offered as victims on this altar of kingly ambition. by the middle of july they were again prepared to take the field. both parties struggled with almost superhuman energies in the work of mutual destruction; villages were burned, cities stormed, fields crimsoned with blood and strewn with the slain, while no decisive advantage was gained. in the desperation of the strife the hostile battalions were hurled against each other until the beginning of january. they waded morasses, slept in drenching storms, and were swept by freezing blasts. sickness entered the camp, and was even more fatal than the bullet of the foe. thousands moaned and died in their misery, upon pallets of straw, where no sister, wife or mother could soothe the dying anguish. another winter only afforded the combatants opportunity to nurse their strength that they might deal still heavier blows in another campaign. while the imperial troops were struggling against sardinia and france on the plains of lombardy, a spanish squadron landed a strong military force of french and spaniards upon the peninsula of southern italy, and meeting with no force sufficiently powerful to oppose them, speedily overran naples and sicily. the spanish troops silenced the forts which defended the city of naples, and taking the garrison prisoners, entered the metropolis in triumphal array, greeted by the acclamations of the populace, who hated the austrians. after many battles, in which thousands were slain, the austrians were driven out of all the neapolitan states, and carlos, the oldest son of philip v. of spain, was crowned king of naples, with the title of charles iii. the island of sicily was speedily subjugated and also attached to the neapolitan crown. these losses the emperor felt most keenly. upon the rhine he had made great preparations, strengthening fortresses and collecting troops, which he placed under the command of his veteran general, prince eugene. he was quite sanguine that here he would be abundantly able to repel the assaults of his foes. but here again he was doomed to bitter disappointment. the emperor found a vast disproportion between promise and performance. the diet had voted him one hundred and twenty thousand troops; they furnished twelve thousand. they voted abundant supplies; they furnished almost none at all. the campaign opened the th of april, , the french crossing the rhine near truerbuch, in three strong columns, notwithstanding all the efforts of the austrians to resist them. prince eugene, by birth a frenchman, reluctantly assumed the command. he had remonstrated with the emperor against any forcible interference in the polish election, assuring him that he would thus expose himself, almost without allies, to all the power of france. eugene did not hesitate openly to express his disapprobation of the war. "i can take no interest in this war," he said; "the question at issue is not important enough to authorize the death of a chicken." eugene, upon his arrival from vienna, at the austrian camp, found but twenty-five thousand men. they were composed of a motley assemblage from different states, undisciplined, unaccustomed to act together and with no confidence in each other. the commanders of the various corps were quarreling for the precedence in rank, and there was no unity or subordination in the army. they were retreating before the french, who, in numbers, in discipline, and in the materiel of war, were vastly in the superiority. eugene saw at once that it would be folly to risk a battle, and that all he could hope to accomplish was to throw such embarrassments as he might in the path of the victors. the young officers, ignorant, impetuous and reckless, were for giving battle, which would inevitably have resulted in the destruction of the army. they were so vexed by the wise caution of eugene, which they regarded as pusillanimity, that they complained to the emperor that the veteran general was in his dotage, that he was broken both in body and mind, and quite unfit to command the army. these representations induced the emperor to send a spy to watch the conduct of eugene. though deeply wounded by these suspicions, the experienced general could not be provoked to hazard an engagement. he retreated from post to post, merely checking the progress of the enemy, till the campaign was over, and the ice and snow of a german winter drove all to winter quarters. while recruiting for the campaign of , prince eugene wrote a series of most earnest letters to his confidential agent in london, which letters were laid before george ii., urging england to come to the help of the emperor in his great extremity. though george was eager to put the fleet and army of england in motion, the british cabinet wisely refused to plunge the nation into war for such a cause, and the emperor was left to reap the bitter fruit of his despotism and folly. the emperor endeavored to frighten england by saying that he was reduced to such an extremity that if the british cabinet did not give him aid, he should be compelled to seek peace by giving his daughter, with austria in her hand as her dowry, to carlos, now king of naples and heir apparent to the crown of spain. he well knew that to prevent such an acquisition of power on the part of the spanish monarch, who was also in intimate alliance with france, england would be ready to expend any amount of blood and treasure. charles vi. waited with great impatience to see the result of this menace, hardly doubting that it would bring england immediately to terms. bitter was his disappointment and his despair when he received from the court of st. james the calm reply, that england could not possibly take a part in this war, and that in view of the great embarrassments in which the emperor was involved, england would take no offense in case of the marriage of the emperor's second daughter to carlos. england then advised the emperor to make peace by surrendering the netherlands. the emperor was now greatly enraged, and inveighed bitterly against england as guilty of the grossest perfidy. he declared that england had been as deeply interested as he was in excluding stanislaus from the throne of poland; that it was more important for england than for austria to curb the exorbitant power of france; that in every step he had taken against stanislaus, he had consulted england, and had acted in accordance with her counsel; that england was reaping the benefit of having the father-in-law of the french king expelled from the polish throne; that england had solemnly promised to support him in these measures, and now having derived all the advantage, basely abandoned him. there were bitter charges, and it has never been denied that they were mainly true. the emperor, in his indignation, threatened to tell the whole story to the _people_ of england. it is strange that the emperor had found out that there were _people_ in england. in no other part of europe was there any thing but _nobles_ and _peasants_. in this extraordinary letter, addressed to count kinsky, the imperial ambassador in london, the emperor wrote: "on the death of augustus ii., king of poland, my first care was to communicate to the king of england the principles on which i acted. i followed, in every instance, his advice.... england has never failed to give me promises, both before and since the commencement of the war, but instead of fulfilling those promises, she has even favored my enemies.... let the king know that i never will consent to the plan of pacification now in agitation; that i had rather suffer the worst of extremities than accede to such disadvantageous proposals, and that even if i should not be able to prevent them, i will justify my honor and my dignity, by publishing a circumstantial account of all the transaction, together with all the documents which i have now in possession.... if these representations fail, means must be taken to publish and circulate throughout england our answer to the proposal of good offices which was not made till after the expiration of nine months. should the court of london proceed so far as to make such propositions of peace as are supposed to be in agitation, you will not delay a moment to circulate throughout england a memorial, containing a recapitulation of all negotiations which have taken place since , together with the authentic documents, detailing my just complaints, and reclaiming, in the most solemn manner, the execution of the guaranties." one more effort the emperor made, and it was indeed a desperate one. he dispatched a secret agent, an english roman catholic, by the name of strickland, to london, to endeavor to overthrow the ministry and bring in a cabinet in favor of him. in this, of course, he failed entirely. nothing now remained for him but to submit, with the best grace he could, to the terms exacted by his foes. in the general pacification great interests were at stake, and all the leading powers of europe demanded a voice in the proceedings. for many months the negotiations were protracted. england and france became involved in an angry dispute. each power was endeavoring to grasp all it could, while at the same time it was striving to check the rapacity of every other power. there was a general armistice while these negotiations were pending. it was, however, found exceedingly difficult to reconcile all conflicting interests. new parties were formed; new combinations entered into, and all parties began to aim for a renewal of the strife. england, exasperated against france, in menace made an imposing display of her fleet and navy. the emperor was delighted, and, trusting to gain new allies, exerted his skill of diplomacy to involve the contracting parties in confusion and discord. thus encouraged, the emperor refused to accede to the terms demanded. he was required to give up the netherlands, and all his foreign possessions, and to retire to his hereditary dominions. "what a severe sentence," exclaimed count zinzendorf, the emperor's ambassador, "have you passed on the emperor. no malefactor was ever carried with so hard a doom to the gibbet." the armies again took the field. eugene, again, though with great reluctance, assumed the command of the imperial forces. france had assembled one hundred thousand men upon the rhine. eugene had but thirty thousand men to meet them. he assured the emperor that with such a force he could not successfully carry on the war. jealous of his reputation, he said, sadly, "to find myself in the same condition as last year, will be only exposing myself to the censure of the world, which judges by appearance, as if i were less capable, in my old age, to support the reputation of my former successes." with consummate generalship, this small force held the whole french army in check. chapter xxv. charles vi. and the turkish war renewed. from to . anxiety of austrian office-holders.--maria theresa.--the duke of lorraine.--distraction of the emperor.--tuscany assigned to the duke of lorraine.--death of eugene.--rising greatness of russia.--new war with the turks.--condition of the army.--commencement of hostilities.-- capture of nissa.--inefficient campaign.--disgrace of seckendorf.--the duke of lorraine placed in command.--siege of orsova.--belgrade besieged by the turks.--the third campaign.--battle of crotzka.--defeat of the austrians.--consternation in vienna.--barbarism of the turks.--the surrender of belgrade. the emperor being quite unable, either on the rhine or in italy, successfully to compete with his foes, received blow after blow, which exceedingly disheartened him. his affairs were in a desperate condition, and, to add to his grief, dissensions filled his cabinet; his counsellors mutually accusing each other of being the cause of the impending ruin. the italian possessions of the emperor had been thronged with austrian nobles, filling all the posts of office and of honor, and receiving rich salaries. a change of administration, in the transference of these states to the dominion of spain and sardinia, "reformed" all these austrian office-holders out of their places, and conferred these posts upon spaniards and sardinians. the ejected austrian nobles crowded the court of the emperor, with the most passionate importunities that he would enter into a separate accommodation with spain, and secure the restoration of the italian provinces by giving his eldest daughter, maria theresa, to the spanish prince, carlos. this would seem to be a very simple arrangement, especially since the queen of spain so earnestly desired this match, that she was willing to make almost any sacrifice for its accomplishment. but there was an inseparable obstacle in the way of any such arrangement. maria theresa had just attained her eighteenth year. she was a young lady of extraordinary force of character, and of an imperial spirit; and she had not the slightest idea of having her person disposed of as a mere make-weight in the diplomacy of europe. she knew that the crown of austria was soon to be hers; she understood the weakness of her father, and was well aware that she was far more capable of wearing that crown than he had ever been; and she was already far more disposed to take the reins of government from her father's hand, than she was to submit herself to his control. with such a character, and such anticipations, she had become passionately attached to the young duke of lorraine, who was eight years her senior, and who had for some years been one of the most brilliant ornaments of her father's court. the duchy of lorraine was one of the most extensive and opulent of the minor states of the german empire. admirably situated upon the rhine and the meuse, and extending to the sea, it embraced over ten thousand square miles, and contained a population of over a million and a half. the duke, francis stephen, was the heir of an illustrious line, whose lineage could be traced for many centuries. germany, france and spain, united, had not sufficient power to induce maria theresa to reject francis stephen, the grandson of her father's sister, the playmate of her childhood, and now her devoted lover, heroic and fascinating, for the spanish carlos, of whom she knew little, and for whom she cared less. ambition also powerfully operated on the very peculiar mind of maria theresa. she had much of the exacting spirit of elizabeth, england's maiden queen, and was emulous of supremacy which no one would share. she, in her own right, was to inherit the crown of austria, and francis stephen, high-born and noble as he was, and her recognized husband, would still be her subject. she could confer upon him dignity and power, retaining a supremacy which even he could never reach. the emperor was fully aware of the attachment of his daughter to francis, of her inflexible character; and even when pretending to negotiate for her marriage with carlos, he was conscious that it was all a mere pretense, and that the union could never be effected. the british minister at vienna saw very clearly the true state of affairs, and when the emperor was endeavoring to intimidate england by the menace that he would unite the crowns of spain and austria by uniting maria and carlos, the minister wrote to his home government as follows: "maria theresa is a princess of the highest spirit; her father's losses are her own. she reasons already; she enters into affairs; she admires his virtues, but condemns his mismanagement; and is of a temper so formed for rule and ambition, as to look upon him as little more than her administrator. notwithstanding this lofty humor by day, she sighs and pines all night for her duke of lorraine. if she sleeps, it is only to dream of him; if she wakes, it is but to talk of him to the lady in waiting; so that there is no more probability of her forgetting the very individual government, and the very individual husband which she thinks herself born to, than of her forgiving the authors of her losing either." the empress was cordially coöperating with her daughter. the emperor was in a state of utter distraction. his affairs were fast going to ruin; he was harassed by counter intreaties; he knew not which way to turn, or what to do. insupportable gloom oppressed his spirit. pale and haggard, he wandered through the rooms of his palace, the image of woe. at night he tossed sleepless upon his bed, moaning in anguish which he then did not attempt to conceal, and giving free utterance to all the mental tortures which were goading him to madness. the queen became seriously alarmed lest his reason should break down beneath such a weight of woe. it was clear that neither reason nor life could long withstand such a struggle. thus in despair, the emperor made proposals for a secret and separate accommodation with france. louis xv. promptly listened, and offered terms, appallingly definite, and cruel enough to extort the last drop of blood from the emperor's sinking heart. "give me," said the french king, "the duchy of lorraine, and i will withdraw my armies, and leave austria to make the best terms she can with spain." how could the emperor wrest from his prospective son-in-law his magnificent ancestral inheritance? the duke could not hold his realms for an hour against the armies of france, should the emperor consent to their surrender; and conscious of the desperation to which the emperor was driven, and of his helplessness, he was himself plunged into the deepest dismay and anguish. he held an interview with the british minister to see if it were not possible that england might interpose her aid in his behalf. in frantic grief he lost his self control, and, throwing himself into a chair, pressed his brow convulsively, and exclaimed, "great god! will not england help me? has not his majesty with his own lips, over and over again, promised to stand by me?" the french armies were advancing; shot and shell were falling upon village and city; fortress after fortress was surrendering. "give me lorraine," repeated louis xv., persistently, "or i will take all austria." there was no alternative but for the emperor to drink to the dregs the bitter cup which his own hand had mingled. he surrendered lorraine to france. he, however, succeeded in obtaining some slight compensation for the defrauded duke. the french court allowed him a pension of ninety thousand dollars a year, until the death of the aged duke of tuscany, who was the last of the medici line, promising that then tuscany, one of the most important duchies of central italy, should pass into the hands of francis. should sardinia offer any opposition, the king of france promised to unite with the emperor in maintaining francis in his possession by force of arms. peace was thus obtained with france. peace was then made with spain and sardinia, by surrendering to spain naples and sicily, and to sardinia most of the other austrian provinces in italy. thus scourged and despoiled, the emperor, a humbled, woe-stricken man, retreated to the seclusion of his palace. while these affairs were in progress, francis stephen derived very considerable solace by his marriage with maria theresa. their nuptials took place at vienna on the th of february, . the emperor made the consent of the duke to the cession of lorraine to france, a condition of the marriage. as the duke struggled against the surrender of his paternal domains, cartenstein, the emperor's confidential minister, insultingly said to him, "monseigneur, point de cession, point d'archiduchesse." _my lord, no cession, no archduchess._ fortunately for francis, in about a year after his marriage the duke of tuscany died, and francis, with his bride, hastened to his new home in the palaces of leghorn. though the duke mourned bitterly over the loss of his ancestral domains, tuscany was no mean inheritance. the duke was absolute monarch of the duchy, which contained about eight thousand square miles and a population of a million. the revenues of the archduchy were some four millions of dollars. the army consisted of six thousand troops. two months after the marriage of maria theresa, prince eugene died quietly in his bed at the age of seventy-three. he had passed his whole lifetime riding over fields of battle swept by bullets and plowed by shot. he had always exposed his own person with utter recklessness, leading the charge, and being the first to enter the breach or climb the rampart. though often wounded, he escaped all these perils, and breathed his last in peace upon his pillow in vienna. his funeral was attended with regal honors. for three days the corpse lay in state, with the coat of mail, the helmet and the gauntlets which the warrior had worn in so many fierce battles, suspended over his lifeless remains. his heart was sent in an urn to be deposited in the royal tomb where his ancestors slumbered. his embalmed body was interred in the metropolitan church in vienna. the emperor and all the court attended the funeral, and his remains were borne to the grave with honors rarely conferred upon any but crowned heads. the ottoman power had now passed its culminating point, and was evidently on the wane. the russian empire was beginning to arrest the attention of europe, and was ambitious of making its voice heard in the diplomacy of the european monarchies. being destitute of any sea coast, it was excluded from all commercial intercourse with foreign nations, and in its cold, northern realm, "leaning," as napoleon once said, "against the north pole," seemed to be shut up to barbarism. it had been a leading object of the ambition of peter the great to secure a maritime port for his kingdom. he at first attempted a naval depot on his extreme southern border, at the mouth of the don, on the sea of azof. this would open to him the commerce of the mediterranean through the azof, the euxine and the marmora. but the assailing turks drove him from these shores, and he was compelled to surrender the fortresses he had commenced to their arms. he then turned to his western frontier, and, with an incredible expenditure of money and sacrifice of life, reared upon the marshes of the baltic the imperial city of st. petersburg. peter i. died in , leaving the crown to his wife catharine. she, however, survived him but two years, when she died, in , leaving two daughters. the crown then passed to the grandson of peter i., a boy of thirteen. in three years he died of the small-pox. anna, the daughter of the oldest brother of peter i., now ascended the throne, and reigned, through her favorites, with relentless rigor. it was one of the first objects of anna's ambition to secure a harbor for maritime commerce in the more sunny climes of southern europe. st. petersburg, far away upon the frozen shores of the baltic, where the harbor was shut up with ice for five months in the year, presented but a cheerless prospect for the formation of a merchant marine. she accordingly revived the original project of peter the great, and waged war with the turks to recover the lost province on the shores of the euxine. russia had been mainly instrumental in placing augustus ii. on the throne of poland; anna was consequently sure of his sympathy and coöperation. she also sent to austria to secure the alliance of the emperor. charles vi., though his army was in a state of decay and his treasury empty, eagerly embarked in the enterprise. he was in a continued state of apprehension from the threatened invasion of the turks. he hoped also, aided by the powerful arm of russia, to be able to gain territories in the east which would afford some compensation for his enormous losses in the south and in the west. while negotiations were pending, the russian armies were already on the march. they took azof after a siege of but a fortnight, and then overran and took possession of the whole crimea, driving the turks before them. charles vi. was a very scrupulous roman catholic, and was animated to the strife by the declaration of his confessor that it was his duty, as a christian prince, to aid in extirpating the enemies of the church of christ. the turks were greatly alarmed by these successes of the russians, and by the formidable preparations of the other powers allied against them. the emperor hoped that fortune, so long adverse, was now turning in his favor. he collected a large force on the frontiers of turkey, and intrusted the command to general seckendorf. the general hastened into hungary to the rendezvous of the troops. he found the army in a deplorable condition. the treasury being exhausted, they were but poorly supplied with the necessaries of war, and the generals and contractors had contrived to appropriate to themselves most of the funds which had been furnished. the general wrote to the emperor, presenting a lamentable picture of the destitution of the army. "i can not," he said, "consistently with my duty to god and the emperor, conceal the miserable condition of the barracks and the hospitals. the troops, crowded together without sufficient bedding to cover them, are a prey to innumerable disorders, and are exposed to the rain, and other inclemencies of the weather, from the dilapidated state of the caserns, the roofs of which are in perpetual danger of being overthrown by the wind. all the frontier fortresses, and even belgrade, are incapable of the smallest resistance, as well from the dilapidated state of the fortifications as from a total want of artillery, ammunition and other requisites. the naval armament is in a state of irreparable disorder. some companies of my regiment of belgrade are thrust into holes where a man would not put even his favorite hounds; and i can not see the situation of these miserable and half-starved wretches without tears. these melancholy circumstances portend the loss of these fine kingdoms with the same rapidity as that of the states of italy." the bold commander-in-chief also declared that many of the generals were so utterly incapable of discharging their duties, that nothing could be anticipated, under their guidance, but defeat and ruin. he complained that the governors of those distant provinces, quite neglecting the responsibilities of their offices, were spending their time in hunting and other trivial amusements. these remonstrances roused the emperor, and decisive reforms were undertaken. the main plan of the campaign was for the russians, who were already on the shores of the black sea, to press on to the mouth of the danube, and then to march up the stream. the austrians were to follow down the danube to the turkish province of wallachia, and then, marching through the heart of that province, either effect a junction with the russians, or inclose the turks between the two armies. at the same time a large austrian force, marching through bosnia and servia, and driving the turks out, were to take military possession of those countries and join the main army in its union on the lower danube. matters being thus arranged, general seckendorf took the command of the austrian troops, with the assurance that he should be furnished with one hundred and twenty-six thousand men, provided with all the implements of war, and that he should receive a monthly remittance of one million two hundred thousand dollars for the pay of the troops. the emperor, however, found it much easier to make promises than to fulfill them. the month of august had already arrived and seckendorf, notwithstanding his most strenuous exertions, had assembled at belgrade but thirty thousand infantry and fifteen thousand cavalry. the turks, with extraordinary energy, had raised a much more formidable and a better equipped army. just as seckendorf was commencing his march, having minutely arranged all the stages of the campaign, to his surprise and indignation he received orders to leave the valley of the danube and march directly south about one hundred and fifty miles into the heart of servia, and lay siege to the fortress of nissa. the whole plan of the campaign was thus frustrated. magazines, at great expense, had been established, and arrangements made for floating the heavy baggage down the stream. now the troops were to march through morasses and over mountains, without suitable baggage wagons, and with no means of supplying themselves with provisions in so hostile and inhospitable a country. but the command of the emperor was not to be disobeyed. for twenty-eight days they toiled along, encountering innumerable impediments, many perishing by the way, until they arrived, in a state of extreme exhaustion and destitution, before the walls of nissa. fortunately the city was entirely unprepared for an attack, which had not been at all anticipated, and the garrison speedily surrendered. here seckendorf, having dispatched parties to seize the neighboring fortress, and the passes of the mountains, waited for further orders from vienna. the army were so dissatisfied with their position and their hardships, that they at last almost rose in mutiny, and seckendorf, having accomplished nothing of any moment, was compelled to retrace his steps to the banks of the danube, where he arrived on the th of october. thus the campaign was a total failure. bitter complaints were uttered both by the army and the nation. the emperor, with the characteristic injustice of an ignoble mind, attributed the unfortunate campaign to the incapacity of seckendorf, whose judicious plans he had so ruthlessly thwarted. the heroic general was immediately disgraced and recalled, and the command of the army given to general philippi. the friends of general seckendorf, aware of his peril, urged him to seek safety in flight. but he, emboldened by conscious innocence, obeyed the imperial commands and repaired to vienna. seckendorf was a protestant. his appointment to the supreme command gave great offense to the catholics, and the priests, from their pulpits, inveighed loudly against him as a heretic, whom god could not bless. they arraigned his appointment as impious, and declared that, in consequence, nothing was to be expected but divine indignation. immediately upon his arrival in vienna the emperor ordered his arrest. a strong guard was placed over him, in his own house, and articles of impeachment were drawn up against him. his doom was sealed. every misadventure was attributed to negligence, cupidity or treachery. he could offer no defense which would be of any avail, for he was not permitted to exhibit the orders he had received from the emperor, lest the emperor himself should be proved guilty of those disasters which he was thus dishonorably endeavoring to throw upon another. the unhappy seckendorf, thus made the victim of the faults of others, was condemned to the dungeon. he was sent to imprisonment in the castle of glatz, where he lingered in captivity for many years until the death of the emperor. charles now, in accordance with the clamor of the priests, removed all protestants from command in the army and supplied their places with catholics. the duke of lorraine, who had recently married maria theresa, was appointed generalissimo. but as the duke was young, inexperienced in war, and, as yet, had displayed none of that peculiar talent requisite for the guidance of armies, the emperor placed next to him, as the acting commander, marshal konigsegg. the emperor also gave orders that every important movement should be directed by a council of war, and that in case of a tie the casting vote should be given, not by the duke of lorraine, but by the veteran commander konigsegg. the duke was an exceedingly amiable man, of very courtly manners and winning address. he was scholarly in his tastes, and not at all fond of the hardships of war, with its exposure, fatigue and butchery. though a man of perhaps more than ordinary intellectual power, he was easily depressed by adversity, and not calculated to brave the fierce storms of disaster. early in march the turks opened the campaign by sending an army of twenty thousand men to besiege orsova, an important fortress on an island of the danube, about one hundred miles below belgrade. they planted their batteries upon both the northern and the southern banks of the danube, and opened a storm of shot and shell upon the fortress. the duke of lorraine hastened to the relief of the important post, which quite commanded that portion of the stream. the imperial troops pressed on until they arrived within a few miles of the fortress. the turks marched to meet them, and plunged into their camp with great fierceness. after a short but desperate conflict, the turks were repulsed, and retreating in a panic, they broke up their camp before the walls of orsova and retired. this slight success, after so many disasters, caused immense exultation. the duke of lorraine was lauded as one of the greatest generals of the age. the pulpits rang with his praises, and it was announced that now, that the troops were placed under a true child of the church, providence might be expected to smile. soon, however, the imperial army, while incautiously passing through a defile, was assailed by a strong force of the turks, and compelled to retreat, having lost three thousand men. the turks resumed the siege of orsova; and the duke of lorraine, quite disheartened, returned to vienna, leaving the command of the army to konigsegg. the turks soon captured the fortress, and then, ascending the river, drove the imperial troops before them to belgrade. the turks invested the city, and the beleaguered troops were rapidly swept away by famine and pestilence. the imperial cavalry, crossing the save, rapidly continued their retreat. konigsegg was now recalled in disgrace, as incapable of conducting the war, and the command was given to general kevenhuller. he was equally unsuccessful in resisting the foe; and, after a series of indecisive battles, the storms of november drove both parties to winter quarters, and another campaign was finished. the russians had also fought some fierce battles; but their campaign was as ineffective as that of the austrians. the court of vienna was now in a state of utter confusion. there was no leading mind to assume any authority, and there was irremediable discordance of counsel. the duke of lorraine was in hopeless disgrace; even the emperor assenting to the universal cry against him. in a state almost of distraction the emperor exclaimed, "is the fortune of my empire departed with eugene?" the disgraceful retreat to belgrade seemed to haunt him day and night; and he repeated again and again to himself, as he paced the floor of his apartment, "that unfortunate, that fatal retreat." disasters had been so rapidly accumulating upon him, that he feared for every thing. he expressed the greatest anxiety lest his daughter, maria theresa, who was to succeed him upon the throne, might be intercepted, in the case of his sudden death, from returning to austria, and excluded from the throne. the emperor was in a state of mind nearly bordering upon insanity. at length the sun of another spring returned, the spring of , and the recruited armies were prepared again to take the field. the emperor placed a new commander, marshal wallis, in command of the austrian troops. he was a man of ability, but overbearing and morose, being described by a contemporary as one who hated everybody, and who was hated by everybody in return. fifty miles north of belgrade, on the south bank of the danube, is the fortified town of peterwardein, so called as the rendezvous where peter the hermit marshaled the soldiers of the first crusade. this fortress had long been esteemed one of the strongest of the austrian empire. it was appointed as the rendezvous of the imperial troops, and all the energies of the now exhausted empire were expended in gathering there as large a force as possible. but, notwithstanding the utmost efforts, in may but thirty thousand men were assembled, and these but very poorly provided with the costly necessaries of war. another auxiliary force of ten thousand men was collected at temeswar, a strong fortress twenty-five miles north of peterwardein. with these forces wallis was making preparations to attempt to recover orsova from the turks, when he received positive orders to engage the enemy with his whole force on the first opportunity. the army marched down the banks of the river, conveying its baggage and heavy artillery in a flotilla to belgrade, where it arrived on the th of june. here they were informed that the turkish army was about twenty miles below on the river at crotzka. the imperial army was immediately pressed forward, in accordance with the emperor's orders, to attack the foe. the turks were strongly posted, and far exceeded the austrians in number. at five o'clock on the morning of the st of july the battle commenced, and blazed fiercely through all the hours of the day until the sun went down. seven thousand austrians were then dead upon the plain. the turks were preparing to renew the conflict in the morning, when wallis ordered a retreat, which was securely effected during the darkness of the night. on the ensuing day the turks pursued them to the walls of belgrade, and, driving them across the river, opened the fire of their batteries upon the city. the turks commenced the siege in form, and were so powerful, that wallis could do nothing to retard their operations. a breach was ere long made in one of the bastions; an assault was hourly expected which the garrison was in no condition to repel. wallis sent word to the emperor that the surrender of belgrade was inevitable; that it was necessary immediately to retreat to peterwardein, and that the turks, flushed with victory, might soon be at the gates of vienna. great was the consternation which pervaded the court and the capital upon the reception of these tidings. the ministers all began to criminate each other. the general voice clamored for peace upon almost any terms. the emperor alone remained firm. he dispatched another officer, general schmettan, to hasten with all expedition to the imperial camp, and prevent, if possible, the impending disaster. he earnestly pressed the hand of the general as he took his leave, and said-- "use the utmost diligence to arrive before the retreat of the army; assume the defense of belgrade, and save it, if not too late, from falling into the hands of the enemy." the energy of schmettan arrested the retreat of wallis, and revived the desponding hopes of the garrison of belgrade. bastion after bastion was recovered. the turks were driven back from the advance posts they had occupied. a new spirit animated the whole austrian army, and from the depths of despair they were rising to sanguine hopes of victory, when the stunning news arrived that the emperor had sent an envoy to the turkish camp, and had obtained peace by the surrender of belgrade. count neuperg having received full powers from the emperor to treat, very imprudently entered the camp of the barbaric turk, without requiring any hostages for his safety. the barbarians, regardless of the flag of truce, and of all the rules of civilized warfare, arrested count neuperg, and put him under guard. he was then conducted into the presence of the grand vizier, who was arrayed in state, surrounded by his bashaws. the grand vizier haughtily demanded the terms neuperg was authorized to offer. "the emperor, my master," said neuperg, "has intrusted me with full powers to negotiate a peace, and is willing, for the sake of peace, to cede the province of wallachia to turkey provided the fortress of orsova be dismantled." the grand vizier rose, came forward, and deliberately spit in the face of the count neuperg, and exclaimed, "infidel dog! thou provest thyself a spy, with all thy powers. since thou hast brought no letter from the vizier wallis, and hast concealed his offer to surrender belgrade, thou shalt be sent to constantinople to receive the punishment thou deservest." count neuperg, after this insult, was conducted into close confinement. the french ambassador, villeneuve, now arrived. he had adopted the precaution of obtaining hostages before intrusting himself in the hands of the turks. the grand vizier would not listen to any terms of accommodation but upon the basis of the surrender of belgrade. the turks carried their point in every thing. the emperor surrendered belgrade, relinquished to them orsova, agreed to demolish all the fortresses of his own province of media, and ceded to turkey servia and various other contiguous districts. it was a humiliating treaty for austria. already despoiled in italy and on the rhine, the emperor was now compelled to abandon to the turks extensive territories and important fortresses upon the lower danube. general schmettan, totally unconscious of these proceedings, was conducting the defense of belgrade with great vigor and with great success, when he was astounded by the arrival of a courier in his camp, presenting to him the following laconic note from count neuperg: "peace was signed this morning between the emperor, our master, and the porte. let hostilities cease, therefore, on the receipt of this. in half an hour i shall follow, and announce the particulars myself." general schmettan could hardly repress his indignation, and, when count neuperg arrived, intreated that the surrender of belgrade might be postponed until the terms had been sent to the emperor for his ratification. but neuperg would listen to no such suggestions, and, indignant that any obstacle should be thrown in the way of the fulfillment of the treaty, menacingly said, "if you choose to disobey the orders of the emperor, and to delay the execution of the article relative to belgrade, i will instantly dispatch a courier to vienna, and charge you with all the misfortunes which may result. i had great difficulty in diverting the grand vizier from the demand of sirmia, sclavonia and the bannat of temeswar; and when i have dispatched a courier, i will return into the turkish camp and protest against this violation of the treaty." general schmettan was compelled to yield. eight hundred janissaries took possession of one of the gates of the city; and the turkish officers rode triumphantly into the streets, waving before them in defiance the banners they had taken at crotzka. the new fortifications were blown up, and the imperial army, in grief and shame, retired up the river to peterwardein. they had hardly evacuated the city ere count neuperg, to his inexpressible mortification, received a letter from the emperor stating that nothing could reconcile him to the idea of surrendering belgrade but the conviction that its defense was utterly hopeless; but that learning that this was by no means the case, he intreated him on no account to think of the surrender of the city. to add to the chagrin of the count, he also ascertained, at the same time, that the turks were in such a deplorable condition that they were just on the point of retreating, and would gladly have purchased peace at almost any sacrifice. a little more diplomatic skill might have wrested from the turks even a larger extent of territory than the emperor had so foolishly surrendered to them. chapter xxvi. maria theresa. from to . anguish of the king.--letter to the queen of russia.--the imperial circular.--deplorable condition of austria.--death of charles vi.--accession of maria theresa.--vigorous measures of the queen.--claim of the duke of bavaria.--responses from the courts.--coldness of the french court.--frederic of russia.--his invasion of silesia.--march of the austrians.--battle of molnitz.--firmness of maria theresa.--proposed division of plunder.--villainy of frederic.--interview with the king.--character of frederic.--commencement of the general invasion. every intelligent man in austria felt degraded by the peace which had been made with the turks. the tidings were received throughout the ranks of the army with a general outburst of grief and indignation. the troops intreated their officers to lead them against the foe, declaring that they would speedily drive the turks from belgrade, which had been so ignominiously surrendered. the populace of vienna rose in insurrection, and would have torn down the houses of the ministers who had recommended the peace but for the interposition of the military. the emperor was almost beside himself with anguish. he could not appease the clamors of the nation. he was also in alliance with russia, and knew not how to meet the reproaches of the court of st. petersburg for having so needlessly surrendered the most important fortress on the turkish frontier. in an interview which he held with the russian ambassador his embarrassment was painful to witness. to the queen of russia he wrote in terms expressive of the extreme agony of his mind, and, with characteristic want of magnanimity cast the blame of the very measures he had ordered upon the agents who had merely executed his will. "while i am writing this letter," he said, "to your imperial majesty, my heart is filled with the most excessive grief. i was much less touched with the advantages gained by the enemy and the news of the siege of belgrade, than with the advice i have received concerning the shameful preliminary articles concluded by count neuperg. "the history of past ages exhibits no vestiges of such an event. i was on the point of preventing the fatal and too hasty execution of these preliminaries, when i heard that they were already partly executed, even before the design had been communicated to me. thus i see my hands tied by those who ought to glory in obeying me. all who have approached me since that fatal day, are so many witnesses of the excess of my grief. although i have many times experienced adversity, i never was so much afflicted as by this event. your majesty has a right to complain of some who ought to have obeyed my orders; but i had no part in what they have done. though all the forces of the ottoman empire were turned against me i was not disheartened, but still did all in my power for the common cause. i shall not, however, fail to perform in due time what avenging justice requires. in this dismal series of misfortunes i have still one comfort left, which is that the fault can not be thrown upon me. it lies entirely on such of my officers as ratified the disgraceful preliminaries without my knowledge, against my consent, and even contrary to my express orders." this apologetic letter was followed by a circular to all the imperial ambassadors in the various courts of europe, which circular was filled with the bitterest denunciation of count neuperg and marshal wallis. it declared that the emperor was not in any way implicated in the shameful surrender of belgrade. the marshal and the count, thus assailed and held up to the scorn and execration of europe, ventured to reply that they had strictly conformed to their instructions. the common sense of the community taught them that, in so rigorous and punctilious a court as that of vienna, no agent of the emperor would dare to act contrary to his received instructions. thus the infamous attempts of charles to brand his officers with ignominy did but rebound upon himself. the almost universal voice condemned the emperor and acquitted the plenipotentiaries. while the emperor was thus filling all the courts of europe with his clamor against count neuperg, declaring that he had exceeded his powers and that he deserved to be hung, he at the same time, with almost idiotic fatuity, sent the same count neuperg back to the turkish camp to settle some items which yet required adjustment. this proved, to every mind, the insincerity of charles. the russians, thus forsaken by austria, also made peace with the turks. they consented to demolish their fortress of azof, to relinquish all pretensions to the right of navigating the black sea, and to allow a vast extent of territory upon its northern shores to remain an uninhabited desert, as a barrier between russia and turkey. the treaty being definitively settled, both marshal wallis and count neuperg were arrested and sent to prison, where they were detained until the death of charles vi. care and sorrow were now hurrying the emperor to the grave. wan and haggard he moved about his palace, mourning his doom, and complaining that it was his destiny to be disappointed in every cherished plan of his life. all his affairs were in inextricable confusion, and his empire seemed crumbling to decay. a cotemporary writer thus describes the situation of the court and the nation: "every thing in this court is running into the last confusion and ruin; where there are as visible signs of folly and madness, as ever were inflicted upon a people whom heaven is determined to destroy, no less by domestic divisions, than by the more public calamities of repeated defeats, defenselessness, poverty and plagues." early in october, , the emperor, restless, and feverish in body and mind, repaired to one of his country palaces a few miles distant from vienna. the season was prematurely cold and gloomy, with frost and storms of sleet. in consequence of a chill the enfeebled monarch was seized with an attack of the gout, which was followed by a very severe fit of the colic. the night of the th of october he writhed in pain upon his bed, while repeated vomitings weakened his already exhausted frame. the next day he was conveyed to vienna, but in such extreme debility that he fainted several times in his carriage by the way. almost in a state of insensibility he was carried to the retired palace of la favourite in the vicinity of vienna, and placed in his bed. it was soon evident that his stormy life was now drawing near to its close. patiently he bore his severe sufferings, and as his physicians were unable to agree respecting the nature of his disease, he said to them, calmly, "cease your disputes. i shall soon be dead. you can then open my body and ascertain the cause of my death." priests were admitted to his chamber who performed the last offices of the church for the dying. with perfect composure, he made all the arrangements relative to the succession to the throne. one after another the members of his family were introduced, and he affectionately bade them adieu, giving to each appropriate words of counsel. to his daughter, maria theresa, who was not present, and who was to succeed him, he sent his earnest blessing. with the duke of lorraine, her husband, he had a private interview of two hours. on the th of october, , at two o'clock in the morning, he died, in the fifty-sixth year of his age, and the thirtieth of his reign. weary of the world, he willingly retired to the anticipated repose of the grave. "to die,--to sleep;-- to sleep! perchance to dream;--ay, there's the rub; for in that sleep of death what dreams may come, when we have shuffled off this mortal coil, must give us pause." by the death of charles vi. the male line of the house of hapsburg became extinct, after having continued in uninterrupted succession for over four hundred years. his eldest daughter, maria theresa, who now succeeded to the crown of austria, was twenty-four years of age. her figure was tall, graceful and commanding. her features were beautiful, and her smile sweet and winning. she was born to command, combining in her character woman's power of fascination with man's energy. though so far advanced in pregnancy that she was not permitted to see her dying father, the very day after his death she so rallied her energies as to give an audience to the minister of state, and to assume the government with that marvelous vigor which characterized her whole reign. seldom has a kingdom been in a more deplorable condition than was austria on the morning when the scepter passed into the hands of maria theresa. there were not forty thousand dollars in the treasury; the state was enormously in debt; the whole army did not amount to more than thirty thousand men, widely dispersed, clamoring for want of pay, and almost entirely destitute of the materials for war. the vintage had been cut off by the frost, producing great distress in the country. there was a famine in vienna, and many were starving for want of food. the peasants, in the neighborhood of the metropolis, were rising in insurrection, ravaging the fields in search of game; while rumors were industriously circulated that the government was dissolved, that the succession was disputed, and that the duke of bavaria was on the march, with an army, to claim the crown. the distant provinces were anxious to shake off the austrian yoke. bohemia was agitated; and the restless barons of hungary were upon the point of grasping their arms, and, under the protection of turkey, of claiming their ancestral hereditary rights. notwithstanding the untiring endeavors of the emperor to obtain the assent of europe to the pragmatic sanction, many influential courts refused to recognize the right of maria theresa to the crown. the ministers were desponding, irresolute and incapable. maria theresa was young, quite inexperienced and in delicate health, being upon the eve of her confinement. the english ambassador, describing the state of affairs in vienna as they appeared to him at this time, wrote: "to the ministers, the turks seem to be already in hungary; the hungarians in insurrection; the bohemians in open revolt; the duke of bavaria, with his army, at the gates of vienna; and france the soul of all these movements. the ministers were not only in despair, but that despair even was not capable of rousing them to any desperate exertions." maria theresa immediately dispatched couriers to inform the northern powers of her accession to the crown, and troops were forwarded to the frontiers to prevent any hostile invasion from bavaria. the duke of bavaria claimed the austrian crown in virtue of the will of ferdinand i., which, he affirmed, devised the crown to his daughters and their descendants in case of the failure of the male line. as the male line was now extinct, by this decree the scepter would pass to the duke of bavaria. charles vi. had foreseen this claim, and endeavored to set it aside by the declaration that the clause referred to in the will of ferdinand i. had reference to _legitimate heirs_, not _male_ merely, and that, consequently, it did not set aside female descendants. in proof of this, maria theresa had the will exhibited to all the leading officers of state, and to the foreign ambassadors. it appeared that _legitimate heirs_ was the phrase. and now the question hinged upon the point, whether females were _legitimate heirs_. in some kingdoms of europe they were; in others they were not. in austria the custom had been variable. here was a nicely-balanced question, sufficiently momentous to divide europe, and which might put all the armies of the continent in motion. there were also other claimants for the crown, but none who could present so plausible a plea as that of the duke of bavaria. maria theresa now waited with great anxiety for the reply she should receive from the foreign powers whom she had notified of her accession. the duke of bavaria was equally active and solicitous, and it was quite uncertain whose claim would be supported by the surrounding courts. the first response came from prussia. the king sent his congratulations, and acknowledged the title of maria theresa. this was followed by a letter from augustus of poland, containing the same friendly recognition. russia then sent in assurances of cordial support. the king of england returned a friendly answer, promising coöperation. all this was cheering. but france was then the great power on the continent, and could carry with her one half of europe in almost any cause. the response was looked for from france with great anxiety. day after day, week after week passed, and no response came. at length the french secretary of state gave a cautious and merely verbal declaration of the friendly disposition of the french court. cardinal fleury, the illustrious french secretary of state, was cold, formal and excessively polite. maria theresa at once inferred that france withheld her acknowledgment, merely waiting for a favorable opportunity to recognize the claims of the duke of bavaria. while matters were in this state, to the surprise of all, frederic, king of prussia, drew his sword, and demanded large and indefinite portions of austria to be annexed to his territories. disdaining all appeal to any documentary evidence, and scorning to reply to any questionings as to his right, he demanded vast provinces, as a highwayman demands one's purse, with the pistol at his breast. this fiery young prince, inheriting the most magnificent army in europe, considering its discipline and equipments, was determined to display his gallantry as a fighter, with europe for the arena. as he was looking about to find some suitable foe against which he could hurl his seventy-five thousand men, the defenseless yet large and opulent duchy of silesia presented itself as a glittering prize worth the claiming by a royal highwayman. the austrian province of silesia bordered a portion of prussia. "while treacherously professing friendship with the court of vienna, with great secrecy and sagacity frederic assembled a large force of his best troops in the vicinity of berlin, and in mid-winter, when the snow lay deep upon the plains, made a sudden rush into silesia, and, crushing at a blow all opposition, took possession of the whole duchy. having accomplished this feat, he still pretended great friendship for maria theresa, and sent an ambassador to inform her that he was afraid that some of the foreign powers, now conspiring against her, might seize the duchy, and thus wrest it from her; that he had accordingly taken it to hold it in safety; and that since it was so very important, for the tranquillity of his kingdom, that silesia should not fall into the hands of an enemy, he hoped that maria theresa would allow him to retain the duchy as an indemnity for the expense he had been at in taking it." this most extraordinary and impertinent message was accompanied by a threat. the ambassador of the prussian king, a man haughty and semi-barbaric in his demeanor, gave his message in a private interview with the queen's husband, francis, the duke of lorraine. in conclusion, the ambassador added, "no one is more firm in his resolutions than the king of prussia. he must and will take silesia. if not secured by the immediate cession of that province, his troops and money will be offered to the duke of bavaria." "go tell your master," the duke of lorraine replied with dignity, "that while he has a single soldier in silesia, we will rather perish than enter into any discussion. if he will evacuate the duchy, we will treat with him at berlin. for my part, not for the imperial crown, nor even for the whole world, will i sacrifice one inch of the queen's lawful possessions." while these negotiations were pending, the king himself made an ostentatious entry into silesia. the majority of the silesians were protestants. the king of prussia, who had discarded religion of all kinds, had of course discarded that of rome, and was thus nominally a protestant. the protestants, who had suffered so much from the persecutions of the catholic church, had less to fear from the infidelity of berlin than from the fanaticism of rome. frederic was consequently generally received with rejoicings. the duchy of silesia was indeed a desirable prize. spreading over a region of more than fifteen thousand square miles, and containing a population of more than a million and a half, it presented to its feudal lord an ample revenue and the means of raising a large army. breslau, the capital of the duchy, upon the oder, contained a population of over eighty thousand. built upon several islands of that beautiful stream, its situation was attractive, while in its palaces and its ornamental squares, it vied with the finest capitals of europe. frederic entered the city in triumph in january, . the small austrian garrison, consisting of but three thousand men, retired before him into moravia. the prussian monarch took possession of the revenues of the duchy, organized the government under his own officers, garrisoned the fortresses and returned to berlin. maria theresa appealed to friendly courts for aid. most of them were lavish in promises, but she waited in vain for any fulfillment. neither money, arms nor men were sent to her. maria theresa, thus abandoned and thrown upon her own unaided energies, collected a small army in moravia, on the confines of silesia, and intrusted the command to count neuperg, whom she liberated from the prison to which her father had so unjustly consigned him. but it was mid-winter. the roads were almost impassable. the treasury of the austrian court was so empty that but meager supplies could be provided for the troops. a ridge of mountains, whose defiles were blocked up with snow, spread between silesia and moravia. it was not until the close of march that marshal neuperg was able to force his way through these defiles and enter silesia. the prussians, not aware of their danger, were reposing in their cantonments. neuperg hoped to take them by surprise and cut them off in detail. indeed frederic, who, by chance, was at jagerndorf inspecting a fortress, was nearly surrounded by a party of austrian hussars, and very narrowly escaped capture. the ground was still covered with snow as the austrian troops toiled painfully through the mountains to penetrate the silesian plains. frederic rapidly concentrated his scattered troops to meet the foe. the warlike character of the prussian king was as yet undeveloped, and neuperg, unconscious of the tremendous energies he was to encounter, and supposing that the prussian garrisons would fly in dismay before him, was giving his troops, after their exhausting march, a few days of repose in the vicinity of molnitz. on the th of april there was a thick fall of snow, filling the air and covering the fields. frederic availed himself of the storm, which curtained him from all observation, to urge forward his troops, that he might overwhelm the austrians by a fierce surprise. while neuperg was thus resting, all unconscious of danger, twenty-seven battalions, consisting of sixteen thousand men, and twenty-nine squadrons of horse, amounting to six thousand, were, in the smothering snow, taking their positions for battle. on the morning of the th the snow ceased to fall, the clouds broke, and the sun came out clear and bright, when neuperg saw that another and a far more fearful storm had gathered, and that its thunderbolts were about to be hurled into the midst of his camp. the prussian batteries opened their fire, spreading death through the ranks of the austrians, even while they were hastily forming in line of battle. still the austrian veterans, accustomed to all the vicissitudes of war, undismayed, rapidly threw themselves into columns and rushed upon the foe. fiercely the battle raged hour after hour until the middle of the afternoon, when the field was covered with the dead and crimsoned with blood. the austrians, having lost three thousand in slain and two thousand in prisoners, retired in confusion, surrendering the field, with several guns and banners, to the victors. this memorable battle gave silesia to prussia, and opened the war of the austrian succession. the duke of lorraine was greatly alarmed by the threatening attitude which affairs now assumed. it was evident that france, prussia, bavaria and many other powers were combining against austria, to rob her of her provinces, and perhaps to dismember the kingdom entirely. not a single court as yet had manifested any disposition to assist maria theresa. england urged the austrian court to buy the peace of prussia at almost any price. francis, duke of lorraine, was earnestly for yielding, and intreated his wife to surrender a part for the sake of retaining the rest. "we had better," he said, "surrender silesia to prussia, and thus purchase peace with frederic, than meet the chances of so general a war as now threatens austria." but maria theresa was as imperial in character and as indomitable in spirit as frederic of prussia. with indignation she rejected all such counsel, declaring that she would never cede one inch of her territories to any claimant, and that, even if her allies all abandoned her, she would throw herself upon her subjects and upon her armies, and perish, if need be, in defense of the integrity of austria. frederic now established his court and cabinet at the camp of molnitz. couriers were ever coming and going. envoys from france and bavaria were in constant secret conference with him. france, jealous of the power of austria, was plotting its dismemberment, even while protesting friendship. bavaria was willing to unite with prussia in seizing the empire and in dividing the spoil. these courts seemed to lay no claim to any higher morality than that of ordinary highwaymen. the doom of maria theresa was apparently sealed. austria was to be plundered. other parties now began to rush in with their claims, that they might share in the booty. philip v. of spain put in his claim for the austrian crown as the lineal descendant of the emperor charles v. augustus, king of poland, urged the right of his wife maria, eldest daughter of joseph. and even charles emanuel, king of sardinia, hunted up an obsolete claim, through the line of the second daughter of philip ii. at the camp of molnitz the plan was matured of giving bohemia and upper austria to the duke of bavaria. frederic of prussia was to receive upper silesia and glatz. augustus of poland was to annex to his kingdom moravia and upper silesia. lombardy was assigned to spain. sardinia was to receive some compensation not yet fully decided upon. the whole transaction was a piece of as unmitigated villainy as ever transpired. one can not but feel a little sympathy for austria which had thus fallen among thieves, and was stripped and bleeding. our sympathies are, however, somewhat alleviated by the reflection that austria was just as eager as any of the other powers for any such piratic expedition, and that, soon after, she united with russia and prussia in plundering poland. and when poland was dismembered by a trio of regal robbers, she only incurred the same doom which she was now eager to inflict upon austria. when pirates and robbers plunder each other, the victims are not entitled to much sympathy. to the masses of the people it made but little difference whether their life's blood was wrung from them by russian, prussian or austrian despots. under whatever rule they lived, they were alike doomed to toil as beasts of burden in the field, or to perish amidst the hardships and the carnage of the camp. these plans were all revealed to maria theresa, and with such a combination of foes so powerful, it seemed as if no earthly wisdom could avert her doom. but her lofty spirit remained unyielding, and she refused all offers of accommodation based upon the surrender of any portion of her territories. england endeavored to induce frederic to consent to take the duchy of glogau alone, suggesting that thus his prussian majesty had it in his power to conclude an honorable peace, and to show his magnanimity by restoring tranquillity to europe. "at the beginning of the war," frederic replied, "i might perhaps have been contented with this proposal. at present i must have four duchies. but do not," he exclaimed, impatiently, "talk to me of _magnanimity_. a prince must consult his own interests. i am not averse to peace; but i want four duchies, and i will have them." frederic of prussia was no hypocrite. he was a highway robber and did not profess to be any thing else. his power was such that instead of demanding of the helpless traveler his watch, he could demand of powerful nations their revenues. if they did not yield to his demands he shot them down without compunction, and left them in their blood. the british minister ventured to ask what four duchies frederic intended to take. no reply could be obtained to this question. by the four duchies he simply meant that he intended to extend the area of prussia over every inch of territory he could possibly acquire, either by fair means or by foul. england, alarmed by these combinations, which it was evident that france was sagaciously forming and guiding, and from the successful prosecution of which plans it was certain that france would secure some immense accession of power, granted to austria a subsidy of one million five hundred thousand dollars, to aid her in repelling her foes. still the danger from the grand confederacy became so imminent, that the duke of lorraine and all the austrian ministry united with the british ambassador, in entreating maria theresa to try to break up the confederacy and purchase peace with prussia by offering frederic the duchy of glogau. with extreme reluctance the queen at length yielded to these importunities, and consented that an envoy should take the proposal to the prussian camp at molnitz. as the envoy was about to leave he expressed some apprehension that the prussian king might reject the proffer. "i wish he may reject it," exclaimed the queen, passionately. "it would be a relief to my conscience. god only knows how i can answer to my subjects for the cession of the duchy, having sworn to them never to alienate any part of our country." mr. robinson, the british ambassador, as mediator, took these terms to the prussian camp. in the endeavor to make as good a bargain as possible, he was first to offer austrian guelderland. if that failed he was then to offer limburg, a province of the netherlands, containing sixteen hundred square miles, and if this was not accepted, he was authorized, as the ultimatum, to consent to the cession of the duchy of glogau. the prussian king received the ambassadors, on the th of august, in a large tent, in his camp at molanitz. the king was a blunt, uncourtly man, and the interview was attended with none of the amenities of polished life. after a few desultory remarks, the british ambassador opened the business by saying that he was authorized by the queen of austria to offer, as the basis of peace, the cession to prussia of austrian guelderland. "what a beggarly offer," exclaimed the king. "this is extremely impertinent. what! nothing but a paltry town for all my just pretensions in silesia!" in this tirade of passion, either affected or real, he continued for some time. mr. robinson waited patiently until this outburst was exhausted, and then hesitatingly remarked that the queen was so anxious to secure the peace of europe, that if tranquillity could not be restored on other terms she was even willing to cede to prussia, in addition, the province of limburg. "indeed!" said the ill-bred, clownish king, contemptuously. "and how can the queen think of violating her solemn oath which renders every inch of the low countries inalienable. i have no desire to obtain distant territory which will be useless to me; much less do i wish to expend money in new fortification. neither the french nor the dutch have offended me; and i do not wish to offend them, by acquiring territory in the vicinity of their realms. if i should accept limburg, what security could i have that i should be permitted to retain it?" the ambassador replied, "england, russia and saxony, will give their guaranty." "guaranties," rejoined the king, sneeringly. "who, in these times, pays any regard to pledges? have not both england and france pledged themselves to support the pragmatic sanction? why do they not keep their promises? the conduct of these powers is ridiculous. they only do what is for their own interests. as for me, i am at the head of an invincible army. i want silesia. i have taken it, and i intend to keep it. what kind of a reputation should i have if i should abandon the first enterprise of my reign? no! i will sooner be crushed with my whole army, than renounce my rights in silesia. let those who want peace grant me my demands. if they prefer to fight again, they can do so, and again be beaten." mr. robinson ventured to offer a few soothing words to calm the ferocious brute, and then proposed to give to him glogau, a small but rich duchy of about six hundred square miles, near the frontiers of prussia. frederic rose in a rage, and with loud voice and threatening gestures, exclaimed, "if the queen does not, within six weeks, yield to my demands, i will double them. return with this answer to vienna. they who want peace with me, will not oppose my wishes. i am sick of ultimatums; i will hear no more of them. i demand silesia. this is my final answer. i will give no other." then turning upon his heel, with an air of towering indignation, he retired behind the inner curtain of his tent. such was the man to whom providence, in its inscrutable wisdom, had assigned a throne, and a highly disciplined army of seventy-five thousand men. to northern europe he proved an awful scourge, inflicting woes, which no tongue can adequately tell. and now the storm of war seemed to commence in earnest. the duke of bavaria issued a manifesto, declaring his right to the whole austrian inheritance, and pronouncing maria theresa a usurper. he immediately marched an army into one of the provinces of austria. at the same time, two french armies were preparing to cross the rhine to cooperate with the bavarian troops. the king of prussia was also on the march, extending his conquests. still maria theresa remained inflexible, refusing to purchase peace with prussia by the surrender of silesia. "the resolution of the queen is taken," she said. "if the house of austria must perish, it is indifferent whether it perishes by an elector of bavaria, or by an elector of brandenburg." while these all important matters were under discussion, the queen, on the th of march, gave birth to a son, the archduke joseph. this event strengthened the queen's resolution, to preserve, not only for herself, but for her son and heir, the austrian empire in its integrity. from her infancy she had imbibed the most exalted ideas of the dignity and grandeur of the house of hapsburg. she had also been taught that her inheritance was a solemn trust which she was religiously bound to preserve. thus religious principle, family pride and maternal love all now combined to increase the inflexibility of a will which by nature was indomitable. chapter xxvii. maria theresa. from to . character of francis, duke of lorraine.--policy of european courts.--plan of the allies.--siege of prague.--desperate condition of the queen.--her coronation in hungary.--enthusiasm of the barons.-- speech of maria theresa.--peace with frederic of prussia.--his duplicity.--military movement of the duke of lorraine.--battle of chazleau.--second treaty with frederic.--despondency of the duke of bavaria.--march of mallebois.--extraordinary retreat of belleisle.--recovery of prague by the queen. maria theresa, as imperial in spirit as in position, was unwilling to share the crown, even with her husband. francis officiated as her chief minister, giving audience to foreign ambassadors, and attending to many of the details of government, yet he had but little influence in the direction of affairs. though a very handsome man, of polished address, and well cultivated understanding, he was not a man of either brilliant or commanding intellect. maria theresa, as a woman, could not aspire to the imperial throne; but all the energies of her ambitious nature were roused to secure that dignity for her husband. francis was very anxious to secure for himself the electoral vote of prussia, and he, consequently, was accused of being willing to cede austrian territory to frederic to purchase his support. this deprived him of all influence whenever he avowed sentiments contrary to those of the queen. england, jealous of the vast continental power of france, was anxious to strengthen austria, as a means of holding france in check. seldom, in any of these courts, was the question of right or wrong considered, in any transaction. each court sought only its own aggrandizement and the humiliation of its foes. the british cabinet, now, with very considerable zeal, espoused the cause of maria theresa. pamphlets were circulated to rouse the enthusiasm of the nation, by depicting the wrongs of a young and beautiful queen, so unchivalrously assailed by bearded monarchs in overwhelming combination. the national ardor was thus easily kindled. on the th of august the king of england, in an animated speech from the throne, urged parliament to support maria theresa, thus to maintain the _balance of power_ in europe. one million five hundred thousand dollars were immediately voted, with strong resolutions in favor of the queen. the austrian ambassador, in transmitting this money and these resolutions to the queen, urged that no sacrifice should be made to purchase peace with prussia; affirming that the king, the parliament, and the people of england were all roused to enthusiasm in behalf of austria; and that england would spend its last penny, and shed its last drop of blood, in defense of the cause of maria theresa. this encouraged the queen exceedingly, for she was sanguine that holland, the natural ally of england, would follow the example of that nation. she also cherished strong hopes that russia might come to her aid. it was the plan of france to rob maria theresa of all her possessions excepting hungary, to which distant kingdom she was to be driven, and where she was to be left undisturbed to defend herself as she best could against the turks. thus the confederates would have, to divide among themselves, the states of the netherlands, the kingdom of bohemia, the tyrol, the duchies of austria, silesia, moravia, carinthia, servia and various other duchies opulent and populous, over which the vast empire of austria had extended its sway. the french armies crossed the rhine and united with the bavarian troops. the combined battalions marched, sweeping all opposition before them, to lintz, the capital of upper austria. this city, containing about thirty thousand inhabitants, is within a hundred miles of vienna, and is one of the most beautiful in germany. here, with much military and civic pomp, the duke of bavaria was inaugurated archduke of the austrian duchies. a detachment of the army was then dispatched down the river to polten, within twenty-four miles of vienna; from whence a summons was sent to the capital to surrender. at the same time a powerful army turned its steps north, and pressing on a hundred and fifty miles, over the mountains and through the plains of bohemia, laid siege to prague, which was filled with magazines, and weakly garrisoned. frederic, now in possession of all silesia, was leading his troops to cooperate with those of france and bavaria. the cause of maria theresa was now, to human vision, desperate. immense armies were invading her realms. prague was invested; vienna threatened with immediate siege; her treasury was empty; her little army defeated and scattered; she was abandoned by her allies, and nothing seemed to remain for her but to submit to her conquerors. hungary still clung firmly to the queen, and she had been crowned at presburg with boundless enthusiasm. an eyewitness has thus described this scene:-- "the coronation was magnificent. the queen was all charm. she rode gallantly up the royal mount, a hillock in the vicinity of presburg, which the new sovereign ascends on horseback, and waving a drawn sword, defied the four corners of the world, in a manner to show that she had no occasion for that weapon to conquer all who saw her. the antiquated crown received new graces from her head; and the old tattered robe of st. stephen became her as well as her own rich habit, if diamonds, pearls and all sorts of precious stones can be called clothes," she had but recently risen from the bed of confinement and the delicacy of her appearance added to her attractions. a table was spread for a public entertainment, around which all the dignitaries of the realm were assembled--dukes who could lead thousands of troops into the field, bold barons, with their bronzed followers, whose iron sinews had been toughened in innumerable wars. it was a warm summer day, and the cheek of the youthful queen glowed with the warmth and with the excitement of the hour. her beautiful hair fell in ringlets upon her shoulders and over her full bosom. she sat at the head of the table all queenly in loveliness, and imperial in character. the bold, high-spirited nobles, who surrounded her, could appreciate her position, assailed by half the monarchies of europe, and left alone to combat them all. their chivalrous enthusiasm was thus aroused. the statesmen of vienna had endeavored to dissuade the queen from making any appeal to the hungarians. when charles vi. made an effort to secure their assent to the pragmatic sanction, the war-worn barons replied haughtily, "we are accustomed to be governed by men, not by women." the ministers at vienna feared, therefore, that the very sight of the queen, youthful, frail and powerless, would stir these barons to immediate insurrection, and that they would scorn such a sovereign to guide them in the fierce wars which her crown involved. but maria theresa better understood human nature. she believed that the same barons, who would resist the demands of the emperor charles vi., would rally with enthusiasm around a defenseless woman, appealing to them for aid. the cordiality and ever-increasing glow of ardor with which she was greeted at the coronation and at the dinner encouraged her hopes. she summoned all the nobles to meet her in the great hall of the castle. the hall was crowded with as brilliant an assemblage of rank and power as hungary could furnish. the queen entered, accompanied by her retinue. she was dressed in deep mourning, in the hungarian costume, with the crown of st. stephen upon her brow, and the regal cimiter at her side. with a majestic step she traversed the apartment, and ascended the platform or tribune from whence the kings of hungary were accustomed to address their congregated lords. all eyes were fixed upon her, and the most solemn silence pervaded the assemblage. the latin language was then, in hungary, the language of diplomacy and of the court. all the records of the kingdom were preserved in that language, and no one spoke, in the deliberations of the diet, but in the majestic tongue of ancient rome. the queen, after a pause of a few moments, during which she carefully scanned the assemblage, addressing them in latin, said:-- "the disastrous situation of our affairs has moved us to lay before our dear and faithful states of hungary, the recent invasion of austria, the danger now impending over this kingdom, and a proposal for the consideration of a remedy. the very existence of the kingdom of hungary, of our own person, of our children and our crown, is now at stake. forsaken by all, we place our sole resource in the fidelity, arms and long tried valor of the hungarians; exhorting you, the states and orders, to deliberate without delay in this extreme danger, on the most effectual measures for the security of our person, of our children and of our crown, and to carry them into immediate execution. in regard to ourself, the faithful states and orders of hungary shall experience our hearty coöperation in all things which may promote the pristine happiness of this ancient kingdom, and the honor of the people." (some may feel interested in reading this speech in the original latin, as it is now found recorded in the archives of hungary. it is as follows: "allocutio reginæ hungariæ mariæ theresiæ, anno . afflictus rerum nostrarum status nos movit, ut fidelibus perchari regni hungariæ statibus de hostili provinciæ nostræ hereditariæ, austriæ invasione, et imminente regno huic periculo, adeoque de considerando remedio propositionem scrïpto facíamus. agitur de regno hungarïa, de persona nostrâ, prolibus nostris, et coronâ, ab omnibus derelictï, unice ad inclytorum statuum fidelitatem, arma, et hungarorum priscam virtutem confugimus, ímpense hortantes, velint status et ordines in hoc maximo periculo de securitate personæ nostræ, prolium, coronæ, et regni quanto ocius consulere, et ea in effectum etiam deducere. quantum ex parte nostra est, quæcunque pro pristina regni hujus felicïtate, et gentis decore forent, in iis omnibus benignitatem et clementiam nostram regiam fideles status et ordines regni experturi sunt.") the response was instantaneous and emphatic. a thousand warriors drew their sabers half out of their scabbards, and then thrust them back to the hilt, with a clangor like the clash of swords on the field of battle. then with one voice they shouted, "moriamur pro nostra rege, maria theresa"--_we will die for our sovereign, maria theresa_. the queen, until now, had preserved a perfectly calm and composed demeanor. but this outburst of enthusiasm overpowered her, and forgetting the queen, she pressed her handkerchief to her eyes and burst into a flood of tears. no manly heart could stand this unmoved. every eye was moistened, every heart throbbed with admiration and devotion, and a scene of indescribable enthusiasm ensued. hungary was now effectually roused, and maria theresa was queen of all hearts. every noble was ready to march his vassals and to open his purse at her bidding. all through the wide extended realm, the enthusiasm rolled like an inundation. the remote tribes on the banks of the save, the theiss, the drave, and the lower danube flocked to her standards. they came, semi-savage bands, in uncouth garb, and speaking unintelligible tongues--croats, pandours, sclavonians, warusdinians and tolpaches. germany was astounded at the spectacle of these wild, fierce men, apparently as tameless and as fearless as wolves. the enthusiasm spread rapidly all over the states of austria. the young men, and especially the students in the universities, espoused the cause of the queen with deathless fervor. vienna was strongly fortified, all hands engaging in the work. so wonderful was this movement, that the allies were alarmed. they had already become involved in quarrels about the division of the anticipated booty. frederic of prussia was the first to implore peace. the elector of bavaria was a rival sovereign, and frederic preferred seeing austria in the hands of the queen, rather than in the hands of the elector. he was, therefore, anxious to withdraw from the confederacy, and to oppose the allies. the queen, as anxious as frederic to come to an accommodation, sent an ambassador to ascertain his terms. in laconic phrase, characteristic of this singular man, he returned the following answer:-- "all lower silesia; the river neiss for the boundary. the town of neiss as well as glatz. beyond the oder the ancient limits to continue between the duchies of brieg and oppelon. breslau for us. the affairs of religion in _statu quo_. no dependence on bohemia; a cession forever. in return we will proceed no further. we will besiege neiss for form. the commandant shall surrender and depart. we will pass quietly into winter quarters, and the austrian army may go where they will. let the whole be concluded in twelve days." these terms were assented to. the king promised never to ask any further territory from the queen, and not to act offensively against the queen or any of her allies. though the queen placed not the slightest confidence in the integrity of the prussian monarch, she rejoiced in this treaty, which enabled her to turn all her attention to her other foes. the allies were now in possession of nearly all of bohemia and were menacing prague. the duke of lorraine hastened with sixty thousand men to the relief of the capital. he had arrived within nine miles of the city, when he learned, to his extreme chagrin, that the preceding night prague had been taken by surprise. that very day the elector of bavaria made a triumphal entry into the town, and was soon crowned king of bohemia. and now the electoral diet of germany met, and, to the extreme disappointment of maria theresa, chose, as emperor of germany, instead of her husband, the elector of bavaria, whom they also acknowledged king of bohemia. he received the imperial crown at frankfort on the th of february, , with the title of charles vii. the duke of lorraine having been thus thwarted in his plan of relieving prague, and not being prepared to assail the allied army in possession of the citadel, and behind the ramparts of the city, detached a part of his army to keep the enemy in check, and sent general kevenhuller, with thirty thousand men, to invade and take possession of bavaria, now nearly emptied of its troops. by very sagacious movements the general soon became master of all the defiles of the bavarian mountains. he then pressed forward, overcoming all opposition, and in triumph entered munich, the capital of bavaria, the very day charles was chosen emperor. thus the elector, as he received the imperial crown, dropped his own hereditary estates from his hand. this triumph of the queen's arms alarmed frederic of prussia. he reposed as little confidence in the honesty of the austrian court as they reposed in him. he was afraid that the queen, thus victorious, would march her triumphant battalions into silesia and regain the lost duchy. he consequently, in total disregard of his treaty, and without troubling himself to make any declaration of war, resumed hostilities. he entered into a treaty with his old rival, the elector of bavaria, now king of bohemia, and emperor of germany. receiving from the emperor large accessions of territory, frederic devoted his purse and array to the allies. his armies were immediately in motion. they overran moravia, and were soon in possession of all of its most important fortresses. all the energies of frederic were consecrated to any cause in which he enlisted. he was indefatigable in his activity. with no sense of dishonor in violating a solemn treaty, with no sense of shame in conspiring with banded despots against a youthful queen, of whose youth, and feebleness and feminine nature they wished to take advantage that they might rob her of her possessions, frederic rode from camp to camp, from capital to capital, to infuse new vigor into the alliance. he visited the elector of saxony at dresden, then galloped to prague, then returned through moravia, and placed himself at the head of his army. marching vigorously onward, he entered upper austria. his hussars spread terror in all directions, even to the gates of vienna. the hungarian troops pressed forward in defense of the queen. wide leagues of country were desolated by war, as all over germany the hostile battalions swept to and fro. the duke of lorraine hastened from moravia for the defense of vienna, while detached portions of the austrian army were on the rapid march, in all directions, to join him. on the th of may, , the austrian army, under the duke of lorraine, and the prussian army under frederic, encountered each other, in about equal numbers, at chazleau. equal in numbers, equal in skill, equal in bravery, they fought with equal success. after several hours of awful carnage, fourteen thousand corpses strewed the ground. seven thousand were austrians, seven thousand prussians. the duke of lorraine retired first, leaving a thousand prisoners, eighteen pieces of artillery and two standards, with the foe; but he took with him, captured from the prussians, a thousand prisoners, fourteen cannon, and two standards. as the duke left frederic in possession of the field, it was considered a prussian victory. but it was a victory decisive of no results, as each party was alike crippled. frederic was much disappointed. he had anticipated the annihilation of the austrian army, and a triumphant march to vienna, where, in the palaces of the austrian kings, he intended to dictate terms to the prostrate monarchy. the queen had effectually checked his progress, new levies were crowding to her aid, and it was in vain for frederic, with his diminished and exhausted regiments, to undertake an assault upon the ramparts of vienna. again he proposed terms of peace. he demanded all of upper as well as lower silesia, and the county of glatz, containing nearly seven hundred square miles, and a population of a little over sixty thousand. maria theresa, crowded by her other enemies, was exceedingly anxious to detach a foe so powerful and active, and she accordingly assented to the hard terms. this new treaty was signed at breslau, on the th of june, and was soon ratified by both sovereigns. the elector of saxony was also included in this treaty and retired from the contest. the withdrawal of these forces seemed to turn the tide of battle in favor of the austrians. the troops from hungary fought with the most romantic devotion. a band of croats in the night swam across a river, with their sabers in their mouths, and climbing on each other's shoulders, scaled the walls of the fortress of piseck, and made the garrison prisoners of war. the austrians, dispersing the allied french and bavarians in many successful skirmishes, advanced to the walls of prague. with seventy thousand men, the duke of lorraine commenced the siege of this capital, so renowned in the melancholy annals of war. the sympathies of europe began to turn in favor of maria theresa. it became a general impression, that the preservation of the austrian monarchy was essential to hold france in check, which colossal power seemed to threaten the liberties of europe. the cabinet of england was especially animated by this sentiment, and a change in the ministry being effected, the court of st. james sent assurances to vienna of their readiness to support the queen with the whole power of the british empire. large supplies of men and money were immediately voted. sixteen thousand men were landed in flanders to cooperate with the austrian troops. holland, instigated by the example of england, granted maria theresa a subsidy of eight hundred and forty thousand florins. the new queen of russia, also, elizabeth, daughter of peter the great, adopted measures highly favorable to austria. in italy affairs took a singular turn in favor of the austrian queen. the king of sardinia, ever ready to embark his troops in any enterprise which gave him promise of booty, alarmed by the grasping ambition of france and spain, who were ever seizing the lion's share in all plunder, seeing that he could not hope for much advantage in his alliance with them, proposed to the queen that if she would cede to him certain of the milanese provinces, he would march his troops into her camp. this was a great gain for maria theresa. the sardinian troops guarding the passes of the alps, shut out the french, during the whole campaign, from entering italy. at the same time the sardinian king, with another portion of his army, aided by the austrian troops, overran the whole duchy of modena, and drove out the spaniards. the english fleet in the mediterranean cooperated in this important measure. by the threat of a bombardment they compelled the king of naples to withdraw from the french and spanish alliance. thus austria again planted her foot in italy. this extraordinary and unanticipated success created the utmost joy and exultation in vienna. the despondency of the french court was correspondingly great. a few months had totally changed the aspect of affairs. the allied troops were rapidly melting away, with none to fill up the dwindling ranks. the proud army which had swept over germany, defying all opposition, was now cooped up within the walls of prague, beleaguered by a foe whom victory had rendered sanguine. the new emperor, claiming the crown of austria, had lost his own territory of bavaria; and the capital of bohemia, where he had so recently been enthroned, was hourly in peril of falling into the hands of his foes. under these circumstances the hopes of the duke of bavaria sank rapidly into despair. the hour of disaster revealed a meanness of spirit which prosperity had not developed. he sued for peace, writing a dishonorable and cringing letter, in which he protested that he was not to blame for the war, but that the whole guilt rested upon the french court, which had inveigled him to present his claim and commence hostilities. maria theresa made no other reply to this humiliating epistle than to publish it, and give it a wide circulation throughout europe. cardinal fleury, the french minister of state, indignant at this breach of confidence, sent to the cabinet of vienna a remonstrance and a counter statement. this paper also the queen gave to the public. marshal belleisle was in command of the french and bavarian troops, which were besieged in prague. the force rapidly gathering around him was such as to render retreat impossible. the city was unprepared for a siege, and famine soon began to stare the citizens and garrison in the face. the marshal, reduced to the last extremity, offered to evacuate the city and march out of bohemia, if he could be permitted to retire unmolested, with arms, artillery and baggage. the duke of lorraine, to avoid a battle which would be rendered sanguinary through despair, was ready and even anxious to assent to these terms. his leading generals were of the same opinion, as they wished to avoid a needless effusion of blood. the offered terms of capitulation were sent to maria theresa. she rejected them with disdain. she displayed a revengeful spirit, natural, perhaps, under the circumstances, but which reflects but little honor upon her character. "i will not," she replied, in the presence of the whole court; "i will not grant any capitulation to the french army. i will listen to no terms, to no proposition from cardinal fleury. i am astonished that he should come to me now with proposals for peace; _he_ who endeavored to excite all the princes of germany to crush me. i have acted with too much condescension to the court of france. compelled by the necessities of my situation i debased my royal dignity by writing to the cardinal in terms which would have softened the most obdurate rock. he insolently rejected my entreaties; and the only answer i obtained was that his most christian majesty had contracted engagements which he could not violate. i can prove, by documents now in my possession, that the french endeavored to excite sedition even in the heart of my dominions; that they attempted to overturn the fundamental laws of the empire, and to set all germany in a flame. i will transmit these proofs to posterity as a warning to the empire." the ambition of maria theresa was now greatly roused. she resolved to retain the whole of bavaria which she had taken from the elector. the duchy of lorraine, which had been wrested from her husband, was immediately to be invaded and restored to the empire. the dominions which had been torn from her father in italy were to be reannexed to the austrian crown, and alsace upon the rhine was to be reclaimed. thus, far from being now satisfied with the possessions she had inherited from her father, her whole soul was roused, in these hours of triumph, to conquer vast accessions for her domains. she dreamed only of conquest, and in her elation parceled out the dominions of france and bavaria as liberally and as unscrupulously as they had divided among themselves the domain of the house of austria. the french, alarmed, made a great effort to relieve prague. an army, which on its march was increased to sixty thousand men, was sent six hundred miles to cross rivers, to penetrate defiles of mountains crowded with hostile troops, that they might rescue prague and its garrison from the besiegers. with consummate skill and energy this critical movement was directed by general mallebois. the garrison of the city were in a state of great distress. the trenches were open and the siege was pushed with great vigilance. all within the walls of the beleaguered city were reduced to extreme suffering. horse flesh was considered a delicacy which was reserved for the sick. the french made sally after sally to spike the guns which were battering down the walls. as mallebois, with his powerful reënforcement, drew near, their courage rose. the duke of lorraine became increasingly anxious to secure the capitulation before the arrival of the army of relief, and proposed a conference to decide upon terms, which should be transmitted for approval to the courts of vienna and of paris. but the imperious austrian queen, as soon as she heard of this movement, quite regardless of the feelings of her husband, whom she censured as severely as she would any corporal in the army, issued orders prohibiting, peremptorily, any such conference. "i will not suffer," she said "any council to be held in the army. from vienna alone are orders to be received. i disavow and forbid all such proceedings, _let the blame fall where it may_." she knew full well that it was her husband who had proposed this plan; and he knew, and all austria knew, that it was the duke of lorraine who was thus severely and publicly reprimanded. but the husband of maria theresa was often reminded that he was but the subject of the queen. so peremptory a mandate admitted of no compromise. the austrians plied their batteries with new vigor, the wan and skeleton soldiers fought perseveringly at their embrasures; and the battalions of mallebois, by forced marches, pressed on through the mountains of bohemia, to the eventful arena. a division of the austrian army was dispatched to the passes of satz and caden, which it would be necessary for the french to thread, in approaching prague. the troops of mallebois, when they arrived at these defiles, were so exhausted by their long and forced marches, that they were incapable of forcing their way against the opposition they encountered in the passes of the mountains. after a severe struggle, mallebois was compelled to relinquish the design of relieving prague, and storms of snow beginning to incumber his path, he retired across the danube, and throwing up an intrenched camp, established himself in winter quarters. the austrian division, thus successful, returned to prague, and the blockade was resumed. there seemed to be now no hope for the french, and their unconditional surrender was hourly expected. affairs were in this state, when europe was astounded by the report that the french general, belleisle, with a force of eleven thousand foot and three thousand horse, had effected his escape from the battered walls of the city and was in successful retreat. it was the depth of winter. the ground was covered with snow, and freezing blasts swept the fields. the besiegers were compelled to retreat to the protection of their huts. taking advantage of a cold and stormy night, belleisle formed his whole force into a single column, and, leaving behind him his sick and wounded, and every unnecessary incumbrance, marched noiselessly but rapidly from one of the gates of the city. he took with him but thirty cannon and provisions for twelve days. it was a heroic but an awful retreat. the army, already exhausted and emaciate by famine, toiled on over morasses, through forests, over mountains, facing frost and wind and snow, and occasionally fighting their way against their foes, until on the twelfth day they reached egra on the frontiers of bavaria, about one hundred and twenty miles east from prague. their sufferings were fearful: they had nothing to eat but frozen bread, and at night they sought repose, tentless, and upon the drifted snow. the whole distance was strewed with the bodies of the dead. each morning mounds of frozen corpses indicated the places of the night's bivouac. twelve hundred perished during this dreadful march. of those who survived, many, at egra, were obliged to undergo the amputation of their frozen limbs. general belleisle himself, during the whole retreat, was suffering from such a severe attack of rheumatism, that he was unable either to walk or ride. his mind, however, was full of vigor and his energies unabated. carried in a sedan chair he reconnoitred the way, pointed out the roads, visited every part of the extended line of march, encouraged the fainting troops, and superintended all the minutest details of the retreat. "notwithstanding the losses of his army," it is recorded, "he had the satisfaction of preserving the flower of the french forces, of saving every cannon which bore the arms of his master, and of not leaving the smallest trophy to grace the triumph of the enemy." in the citadel of prague, belleisle had left six thousand troops, to prevent the eager pursuit of the austrians. the prince sobcuitz, now in command of the besieging force, mortified and irritated by the escape, sent a summons to the garrison demanding its immediate and unconditional surrender. chevert, the gallant commander, replied to the officer who brought the summons,-- "tell the prince that if he will not grant me the honors of war, i will set fire to the four corners of prague, and bury myself under its ruins." the destruction of prague, with all its treasures of architecture and art, was too serious a calamity to be hazarded. chevert was permitted to retire with the honors of war, and with his division he soon rejoined the army at egra. maria theresa was exceedingly chagrined by the escape of the french, and in the seclusion of her palace she gave vent to the bitterness of her anguish. in public, however, she assumed an attitude of triumph and great exultation in view of the recovery of prague. she celebrated the event by magnificent entertainments. in imitation of the olympic games, she established chariot races, in which ladies alone were the competitors, and even condescended herself, with her sister, to enter the lists. all bohemia, excepting egra, was now reclaimed. early in the spring maria theresa visited prague, where, on the th of may, , with great splendor she was crowned queen of bohemia. general belleisle, leaving a small garrison at egra, with the remnant of his force crossed the rhine and returned to france. he had entered germany a few months before, a conqueror at the head of forty thousand men. he retired a fugitive with eight thousand men in his train, ragged, emaciate and mutilated. chapter xxviii. maria theresa. from to . prosperous aspect of austrian affairs.--capture of egra.--vast extent of austria.--dispute with sardinia.--marriage of charles of lorraine with the queen's sister.--invasion of alsace.--frederic overruns bohemia.-- bohemia recovered by prince charles.--death of the emperor charles vii.--venality of the old monarchies.--battle of hohenfriedberg.--sir thomas robinson's interview with maria theresa.--hungarian enthusiasm.--the duke of lorraine elected emperor.--continuation of the war.--treaty of peace.--indignation of maria theresa. the cause of maria theresa, at the commencement of the year , was triumphant all over her widely extended domains. russia was cordial in friendship. holland, in token of hostility to france, sent the queen an efficient loan of six thousand men, thoroughly equipped for the field. the king of sardinia, grateful for his share in the plunder of the french and spanish provinces in italy, and conscious that he could retain those spoils only by the aid of austria, sent to the queen, in addition to the coöperation of his armies, a gift of a million of dollars. england, also, still anxious to check the growth of france, continued her subsidy of a million and a half, and also with both fleet and army contributed very efficient military aid. the whole force of austria was now turned against france. the french were speedily driven from bavaria; and munich, the capital, fell into the hands of the austrians. the emperor, in extreme dejection, unable to present any front of resistance, sent to the queen entreating a treaty of neutrality, offering to withdraw all claims to the austrian succession, and consenting to leave his bavarian realm in the hands of maria theresa until a general peace. the emperor, thus humiliated and stripped of all his territories, retired to frankfort. on the th of september egra was captured, and the queen was placed in possession of all her hereditary domains. the wonderful firmness and energy which she had displayed, and the consummate wisdom with which she had conceived and executed her measures, excited the admiration of europe. in vienna, and throughout all the states of austria, her popularity was unbounded. after the battle of dettingen, in which her troops gained a decisive victory, as the queen was returning to vienna from a water excursion, she found the banks of the danube, for nine miles, crowded with her rejoicing subjects. in triumph she was escorted into the capital, greeted by every demonstration of the most enthusiastic joy. austria and england were now prepared to mature their plans for the dismemberment of france. the commissioners met at hanau, a small fortified town, a few miles east of frankfort. they met, however, only to quarrel fiercely. austrian and english pride clashed in instant collision. lord stair, imperious and irritable, regarded the austrians as outside barbarians whom england was feeding, clothing and protecting. the austrian officers regarded the english as remote islanders from whom they had hired money and men. the austrians were amazed at the impudence of the english in assuming the direction of affairs. the british officers were equally astounded that the austrians should presume to take the lead. no plan of coöperation could be agreed upon, and the conference broke up in confusion, the queen, whose heart was still fixed upon the elevation of her husband to the throne of the empire, was anxious to depose the emperor. but england was no more willing to see austria dominant over europe than to see france thus powerful. maria theresa was now in possession of all her vast ancestral domains, and england judged that it would endanger the balance of power to place upon the brow of her husband the imperial crown. the british cabinet consequently espoused the cause of the elector of bavaria, and entered into a private arrangement with him, agreeing to acknowledge him as emperor, and to give him an annual pension that he might suitably support the dignity of his station. the wealth of england seems to have been inexhaustible, for half the monarchs of europe have, at one time or other, been fed and clothed from her treasury. george ii. contracted to pay the emperor, within forty days, three hundred thousand dollars, and to do all in his power to constrain the queen of austria to acknowledge his title. maria theresa had promised the king of sardinia large accessions of territory in italy, as the price for his coöperation. but now, having acquired those italian territories, she was exceedingly reluctant to part with any one of them, and very dishonorably evaded, by every possible pretense, the fulfillment of her agreement. the queen considered herself now so strong that she was not anxious to preserve the alliance of sardinia. she thought her italian possessions secure, even in case of the defection of the sardinian king. sardinia appealed to england, as one of the allies, to interpose for the execution of the treaty. to the remonstrance of england the queen peevishly replied, "it is the policy of england to lead me from one sacrifice to another. i am expected to expose my troops for no other end than voluntarily to strip myself of my possessions. should the cession of the italian provinces, which the king of sardinia claims, be extorted from me, what remains in italy will not be worth defending, and the only alternative left is that of being stripped either by england or france." while the queen was not willing to give as much as she had agreed to bestow, the greedy king of sardinia was grasping at more than she had promised. at last the king, in a rage threatened, that if she did not immediately comply with his demands, he would unite with france and spain and the emperor against austria. this angry menace brought the queen to terms, and articles of agreement satisfactory to sardinia were signed. during the whole of this summer of , though large armies were continually in motion, and there were many sanguinary battles, and all the arts of peace were destroyed, and conflagration, death and woe were sent to ten thousand homes, nothing effectual was accomplished by either party. the strife did not cease until winter drove the weary combatants to their retreats. for the protection of the austrian possessions against the french and spanish, the queen agreed to maintain in italy an army of thirty thousand men, to be placed under the command of the king of sardinia, who was to add to them an army of forty-five thousand. england, with characteristic prodigality, voted a million of dollars annually, to aid in the payment of these troops. it was the object of england, to prevent france from strengthening herself by italian possessions. the cabinet of st. james took such an interest in this treaty that, to secure its enactment, one million five hundred thousand dollars were paid down, in addition to the annual subsidy. england also agreed to maintain a strong squadron in the mediterranean to coöperate with sardinia and austria. amidst these scenes of war, the usual dramas of domestic life moved on. prince charles of lorraine, had long been ardently attached to mary anne, younger sister of maria theresa. the young prince had greatly signalized himself on the field of battle. their nuptials were attended in vienna with great splendor and rejoicings. it was a union of loving hearts. charles was appointed to the government of the austrian netherlands. one short and happy year passed away, when mary anne, in the sorrows of child-birth, breathed her last. the winter was passed by all parties in making the most vigorous preparations for a new campaign. england and france were now thoroughly aroused, and bitterly irritated against each other. hitherto they had acted as auxiliaries for other parties. now they summoned all their energies, and became principals in the conflict. france issued a formal declaration of war against england and austria, raised an army of one hundred thousand men, and the debauched king himself, louis xv., left his _pare aux cerfs_ and placed himself at the head of the army. marshal saxe was the active commander. he was provided with a train of artillery superior to any which had ever before appeared on any field. entering the netherlands he swept all opposition before him. the french department of alsace, upon the rhine, embraced over forty thousand square miles of territory, and contained a population of about a million. while marshal saxe was ravaging the netherlands, an austrian army, sixty thousand strong, crossed the rhine, like a torrent burst into alsace, and spread equal ravages through the cities and villages of france. bombardment echoed to bombardment; conflagration blazed in response to conflagration; and the shrieks of the widow, and the moans of the orphan which rose from the marshes of burgundy, were reechoed in an undying wail along the valleys of the rhine. the king of france, alarmed by the progress which the austrians were making in his own territories, ordered thirty thousand troops, from the army in the netherlands, to be dispatched to the protection of alsace. again the tide was turning against maria theresa. she had become so arrogant and exacting, that she had excited the displeasure of nearly all the empire. she persistently refused to acknowledge the emperor, who, beyond all dispute, was legally elected; she treated the diet contemptuously; she did not disguise her determination to hold bavaria by the right of conquest, and to annex it to austria; she had compelled the bavarians to take the oath of allegiance to her; she was avowedly meditating gigantic projects in the conquest of france and italy; and it was very evident that she was maturing her plans for the reconquest of silesia. such inordinate ambition alarmed all the neighboring courts. frederic of prussia was particularly alarmed lest he should lose silesia. with his accustomed energy he again drew his sword against the queen, and became the soul of a new confederacy which combined many of the princes of the empire whom the haughty queen had treated with so much indignity. in this new league, formed by frederic, the elector palatine and the king of sweden were brought into the field against maria theresa. all this was effected with the utmost secrecy, and the queen had no intimation of her danger until the troops were in motion. frederic published a manifesto in which he declared that he took up arms "to restore to the german empire its liberty, to the emperor his dignity, and to europe repose." with his strong army he burst into bohemia, now drained of its troops to meet the war in the netherlands and on the rhine. with a lion's tread, brushing all opposition away, he advanced to prague. the capital was compelled to surrender, and the garrison of fifteen thousand troops became prisoners of war. nearly all the fortresses of the kingdom fell into his hands. establishing garrisons at tabor, budweiss, frauenberg, and other important posts, he then made an irruption into bavaria, scattered the austrian troops in all directions, entered munich in triumph, and reinstated the emperor in the possession of his capital and his duchy. such are the fortunes of war. the queen heard these tidings of accumulated disaster in dismay. in a few weeks of a summer's campaign, when she supposed that europe was almost a suppliant at her feet, she found herself deprived of the netherlands, of the whole kingdom of bohemia, the brightest jewel in her crown, and of the electorate of bavaria. but the resolution and energy of the queen remained indomitable. maria theresa and frederic were fairly pitted against each other. it was greek meeting greek. the queen immediately recalled the army from alsace, and in person repaired to presburg, where she summoned a diet of the hungarian nobles. in accordance with an ancient custom, a blood-red flag waved from all the castles in the kingdom, summoning the people to a levy _en masse_, or, as it was then called, to a general insurrection. an army of nearly eighty thousand men was almost instantly raised. a cotemporary historian, speaking of this event, says: "this amazing unanimity of a people so divided amongst themselves as the hungarians, especially in point of religion, could only be effected by the address of maria theresa, who seemed to possess one part of the character of elizabeth of england, that of making every man about her a hero." prince charles re-crossed the rhine, and, by a vigorous march through suabia, returned to bohemia. by surprise, with a vastly superior force, he assailed the fortresses garrisoned by the prussian troops, gradually took one after another, and ere long drove the prussians, with vast slaughter, out of the whole kingdom. though disaster, in this campaign, followed the banners of maria theresa in the netherlands and in italy, she forgot those reverses in exultation at the discomfiture of her great rival frederic. she had recovered bohemia, and was now sanguine that she soon would regain silesia, the loss of which province ever weighed heavily upon her heart. but in her character woman's weakness was allied with woman's determination. she imagined that she could rouse the chivalry of her allies as easily as that of the hungarian barons, and that foreign courts, forgetful of their own grasping ambition, would place themselves as pliant instruments in her hands. in this posture of affairs, the hand of providence was again interposed, in an event which removed from the path of the queen a serious obstacle, and opened to her aspiring mind new visions of grandeur. the emperor charles vii., an amiable man, of moderate abilities, was quite crushed in spirit by the calamities accumulating upon him. though he had regained his capital, he was in hourly peril of being driven from it again. anguish so preyed upon his mind, that, pale and wan, he was thrown upon a sick bed. while in this state he was very injudiciously informed of a great defeat which his troops had encountered. it was a death-blow to the emperor. he moaned, turned over in his bed, and died, on the th of january, . the imperial crown was thus thrown down among the combatants, and a scramble ensued for its possession such as europe had never witnessed before. every court was agitated, and the combinations of intrigue were as innumerable as were the aspirants for the crown. the spring of opened with clouds of war darkening every quarter of the horizon. england opened the campaign in italy and the netherlands, her whole object now being to humble france. maria theresa remained uncompromising in her disposition to relinquish nothing and to grasp every thing. the cabinet of england, with far higher views of policy, were anxious to detach some of the numerous foes combined against austria; but it was almost impossible to induce the queen to make the slightest abatement of her desires. she had set her heart upon annexing all of bavaria to her realms. that immense duchy, now a kingdom, was about the size of the state of south carolina, containing over thirty thousand square miles. its population amounted to about four millions. the death of the emperor charles vii., who was elector of bavaria, transmitted the sovereignty of this realm to his son, maximilian joseph. maximilian was anxious to withdraw from the strife. he agreed to renounce all claim to the austrian succession, to acknowledge the validity of the queen's title, to dismiss the auxiliary troops, and to give his electoral vote to the duke of lorraine for emperor. but so eager was the queen to grasp the bavarian dominions, that it was with the utmost difficulty that england could induce her to accede even to these terms. it is humiliating to record the readiness of these old monarchies to sell themselves and their armies to any cause which would pay the price demanded. for seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars england purchased the alliance of poland, and her army of thirty thousand men. before the treaty was formally ratified, the emperor charles vii. died, and there were indications that bavaria would withdraw from the french alliance. this alarmed the french ministry, and they immediately offered poland a larger sum than england had proffered, to send her army to the french camp. the bargain was on the point of being settled, when england and austria again rushed in, and whispered in the ear of augustus that they intended to chastise the king of prussia thoroughly, and that if poland would help them, poland should be rewarded with generous slices of the prussian territory. this was a resistless bribe, and the polish banners were borne in the train of the austrian alliance. the duke of lorraine was much annoyed by the imperial assumption of his wife. she was anxious to secure for him the crown of germany, as adding to her power and grandeur. but francis was still more anxious to attain that dignity, as his position in the court, as merely the docile subject of his wife, the queen, was exceedingly humiliating. the spring of found all parties prepared for the renewal of the fight. the drama was opened by the terrible battle of fontenoy in the netherlands. on the th of may eighty thousand french met the austrian allied army of fifty thousand. after a few hours of terrific slaughter the allies retreated, leaving the french in possession of the field. in italy, also, the tide of war set against the queen. the french and spaniards poured an army of seventy thousand men over the alps into italy. the queen, even with the aid of sardinia, had no force capable of resisting them. the allies swept the country. the king of sardinia was driven behind the walls of his capital. in this one short campaign tortona, placentia, parma, pavia, cazale and aste were wrested from the austrians, and the citadels of alexandria and milan were blockaded. the queen had weakened her armies both in the netherlands and italy that she might accumulate a force sufficient to recover silesia, and to crush, if possible, her great antagonist frederic. maria theresa was greatly elated by her success in driving the prussians from bavaria, and frederic was mortified and irritated by this first defeat of his arms. thus animated, the one by hope, the other by vengeance, maria and frederic gathered all their resources for a trial of strength on the plains of silesia. france, fully occupied in the netherlands and in italy, could render frederic no assistance. his prospects began to look dark. war had made sad ravages in his army, and he found much difficulty in filling up his wasted battalions. his treasury was exhausted. still the indomitable monarch indulged in no emotions of dejection. each party was fully aware of the vigilance and energy of its antagonist. their forces were early in the field. the month of april was passed in stratagems and skirmishes, each endeavoring in vain to obtain some advantage over the other in position or combinations. early in may there was a pretty severe conflict, in which the prussians gained the advantage. they feigned, however, dejection and alarm, and apparently commenced a retreat. the austrians, emboldened by this subterfuge, pursued them with indiscreet haste. prince charles pressed the retiring hosts, and followed closely after them through the passes of the mountains to landshut and friedburg. frederic fled as if in a panic, throwing no obstacle in the path of his pursuers, seeming only anxious to gain the ramparts of breslau. suddenly the prussians turned--the whole army being concentrated in columns of enormous strength. they had chosen their ground and their hour. it was before the break of day on the d of june, among the hills of hohenfriedberg. the austrians were taken utterly by surprise. for seven hours they repelled the impetuous onset of their foes. but when four thousand of their number were mangled corpses, seven thousand captives in the hands of the enemy, seventy-six standards and sixty-six pieces of artillery wrested from them, the broken bands of the austrians turned and fled, pursued and incessantly pelted by frederic through the defiles of the mountains back to bohemia. the austrians found no rest till they had escaped beyond the riesengeberg, and placed the waves of the elbe between themselves and their pursuers. the prussians followed to the opposite bank, and there the two armies remained for three months looking each other in the face. frederic, having gained so signal a victory, again proposed peace. england, exceedingly desirous to detach from the allies so energetic a foe, urged the queen, in the strongest terms, to accede to the overtures. the queen, however, never dismayed by adversity, still adhered to her resolve to reconquer silesia. the english cabinet, finding maria theresa deaf to all their remonstrances and entreaties, endeavored to intimidate her by the threat of withdrawing their subsidies. the english ambassador, sir thomas robinson, with this object in view, demanded an audience with the queen. the interview, as he has recorded it, is worthy of preservation. "england," said the ambassador to the queen, "has this year furnished five million, three hundred and ninety-three thousand seven hundred and sixty-five dollars. the nation is not in a condition to maintain a superiority over the allies in the netherlands, italy and silesia. it is, therefore, indispensable to diminish the force of the enemy. france can not be detached from the alliance. prussia can be and must be. this concession england expects from austria. what is to be done must be done immediately. the king of prussia can not be driven from bohemia this campaign. by making peace with him, and thus securing his voluntary withdrawal, your majesty can send troops to the netherlands, and check the rapid progress of the french, who now threaten the very existence of england and holland. if they fall, austria must inevitably fall also. if peace can be, made with prussia france can be checked, and the duke of lorraine can be chosen emperor." "i feel exceedingly grateful," the queen replied, "to the king and the english nation, and am ready to show it in every way in my power. upon this matter i will consult my ministers and acquaint you with my answer. but whatever may be the decision, i can not spare a man from the neighborhood of the king of prussia. in peace, as well as in war, i need them all for the defense of my person and family." "it is affirmed," sir thomas robinson replied, "that seventy thousand men are employed against prussia. from such a force enough might be spared to render efficient aid in italy and in the netherlands." "i can not spare a man," the queen abruptly replied. sir thomas was a little touched, and with some spirit rejoined, "if your majesty can not spare her troops for the general cause, england will soon find it necessary to withdraw her armies also, to be employed at home." this was a home thrust, and the queen felt it, and replied, "but why may we not as well detach france from the alliance, as prussia?" "because prussia," was the reply, "can be more easily induced to accede to peace, by allowing her to retain what she now has, than france can be induced to yield, by surrendering, as she must, large portions of her present acquisitions." "i must have an opportunity," maria theresa continued, "to strike prussia another blow. prince charles has still enough men to give battle." "but should he be the victor in the battle," sir thomas replied, "silesia is not conquered. and if the battle be lost, your majesty is well nigh ruined." "if i had determined," said the queen, "to make peace with frederic to-morrow, i would give him battle to-night. but why in such a hurry? why this interruption of operations which are by no means to be despaired of? give me only to october, and then you may do as you please." "october will close this campaign," was the answer. "our affairs are going so disastrously, that unless we can detach prussia, by that time france and prussia will be able to dictate terms to which we shall be compelled to accede." "that might be true," the queen replied, tartly, "if i were to waste my time, as you are urging me to do, in marching my troops from bohemia to the rhine, and from the rhine to the netherlands. but as for my troops, i have not a single general who would condescend to command such merely _machinery_ armies. as for the duke of lorraine, and my brother, prince charles, they shall not thus degrade themselves. the great duke is not so ambitious of an empty honor, much less to enjoy it under the patronage of prussia. you speak of the imperial dignity! is it compatible with the loss of silesia? great god! give me only till october. i shall then at least be able to secure better conditions." the english ambassador now ventured, in guarded phrase, but very decisively, to inform the queen that unless she could accede to these views, england would be constrained to withdraw her assistance, and, making the best terms she could for herself with the enemy, leave austria to fight her own battles; and that england requested an immediate and a specific answer. even this serious menace did not move the inflexible will of the queen. she, with much calmness, replied, "it is that i might, with the utmost promptness, attend to this business, that i have given you so expeditious an audience, and that i have summoned my council to meet so early. i see, however, very clearly, that whatever may be my decisions, they will have but little influence upon measures which are to be adopted elsewhere." the queen convened her council, and then informed england, in most courteous phrase, that she could not accede to the proposition. the british cabinet immediately entered into a private arrangement with prussia, guaranteeing to frederic the possession of silesia, in consideration of prussia's agreement not to molest england's hanoverian possessions. maria theresa was exceedingly indignant when she became acquainted with this treaty. she sent peremptory orders to prince charles to prosecute hostilities with the utmost vigor, and with great energy dispatched reënforcements to his camp. the hungarians, with their accustomed enthusiasm, flocked to the aid of the queen; and frederic, pressed by superior numbers, retreated from bohemia back to silesia, pursued and pelted in his turn by the artillery of prince charles. but frederic soon turned upon his foes, who almost surrounded him with double his own number of men. his army was compact and in the highest state of discipline. a scene of terrible carnage ensued, in which the austrians, having lost four thousand in killed and two thousand taken prisoners, were utterly routed and scattered. the proud victor, gathering up his weakened battalions, one fourth of whom had been either killed or wounded in this short, fierce storm of war, continued his retreat unmolested. while maria theresa, with such almost superhuman inflexibility, was pressing her own plans, the electoral diet of germany was assembled at frankfort, and francis, duke of lorraine, was chosen emperor, with the title of francis i. the queen was at frankfort when the diet had assembled, and was plying all her energies in favor of her husband, while awaiting, with intense solicitude, the result of the election. when the choice was announced to her, she stepped out upon the balcony of the palace, and was the first to shout, "long live the emperor, francis i." the immense concourse assembled in the streets caught and reëchoed the cry. this result was exceedingly gratifying to the queen; she regarded it as a noble triumph, adding to the power and the luster of her house. the duke, now the emperor, was at heidelberg, with an army of sixty thousand men. the queen hastened to him with her congratulations. the emperor, no longer a submissive subject, received his queenly spouse with great dignity at the head of his army. the whole host was drawn up in two lines, and the queen rode between, bowing to the regiments on the right hand and the left, with majesty and grace which all admired. though the queen's treasury was so exhausted that she had been compelled to melt the church plate to pay her troops, she was now so elated that, regardless of the storms of winter, she resolved to send an army to berlin, to chastise frederic in his own capital, and there recover long lost silesia. but frederic was not thus to be caught napping. informed of the plan, he succeeded in surprising the austrian army, and dispersed them after the slaughter of five thousand men. the queen's troops, who had entered silesia, were thus driven pell-mell back to bohemia. the prussian king then invaded saxony, driving all before him. he took possession of the whole electorate, and entered dresden, its capital, in triumph. this was a terrible defeat for the queen. though she had often said that she would part with her last garment before she would consent to the surrender of silesia, she felt now compelled to yield. accepting the proffered mediation of england, on the th of december, , she signed the treaty of dresden, by which she left silesia in the hands of frederic. he agreed to withdraw his troops from saxony, and to acknowledge the imperial title of francis i. england, in consequence of rebellion at home, had been compelled to withdraw her troops from the netherlands; and france, advancing with great vigor, took fortress after fortress, until nearly all of the low countries had fallen into her hands. in italy, however, the austrians were successful, and maria theresa, having dispatched thirty thousand troops to their aid, cherished sanguine hopes that she might recover milan and naples. all the belligerent powers, excepting maria theresa, weary of the long war, were anxious for peace. she, however, still clung, with deathless tenacity, to her determination to recover silesia, and to win provinces in italy. england and france were equally desirous to sheathe the sword. france could only attack england in the netherlands; england could only assail france in her marine. they were both successful. france drove england from the continent; england drove france from the ocean. notwithstanding the most earnest endeavors of the allies, maria theresa refused to listen to any terms of peace, and succeeded in preventing the other powers from coming to any accommodation. all parties, consequently, prepared for another campaign. prussia entered into an alliance with austria, by which she agreed to furnish her with thirty thousand troops. the queen made gigantic efforts to drive the french from the netherlands. england and holland voted an army of forty thousand each. the queen furnished sixty thousand; making an army of one hundred and forty thousand to operate in the netherlands. at the same time the queen sent sixty thousand men to italy, to be joined by forty-five thousand sardinians. all the energies of the english fleet were also combined with these formidable preparations. though never before during the war had such forces been brought into the field, the campaign was quite disastrous to austria and her allies. many bloody battles were fought, and many thousands perished in agony; but nothing of any importance was gained by either party. when winter separated the combatants, they retired exhausted and bleeding. again france made overtures for a general pacification, on terms which were eminently honorable. england was disposed to listen to those terms. but the queen had not yet accomplished her purposes, and she succeeded in securing the rejection of the proposals. again the belligerents gathered their resources, with still increasing vigor, for another campaign. the british cabinet seemed now to be out of all patience with maria theresa. they accused her of not supplying the contingents she had promised, they threatened to withhold their subsidies, many bitter recriminations passed, but still the queen, undismayed by the contentions, urged forward her preparations for the new campaign, till she was thunderstruck with the tidings that the preliminaries of peace were already signed by england, france and holland. maria theresa received the first formal notification of the terms agreed to by the three contracting powers, from the english minister, sir thomas robinson, who urged her concurrence in the treaty. the indignant queen could not refrain from giving free vent to her displeasure. listening for a moment impatiently to his words, she overwhelmed him with a torrent of reproaches. "you, sir," she exclaimed, "who had such a share in the sacrifice of silesia; you, who contributed more than any one in procuring the cessions to sardinia, do you still think to persuade me? no! i am neither a child nor a fool! if you will have an instant peace, make it. i can negotiate for myself. why am i always to be excluded from transacting my own business? my enemies will give me better conditions than my friends. place me where i was in italy before the war; but _your king of sardinia_ must have all, without one thought for me. this treaty was not made for me, but for him, for him singly. great god, how have i been used by that court! there is _your king of prussia_! indeed these circumstances tear open too many old wounds and create too many new ones. agree to such a treaty as this!" she exclaimed indignantly. "no, no, i will rather lose my head." chapter xxix. maria theresa. from to . treaty of peace.--dissatisfaction of maria theresa.--preparation for war.--rupture between england and austria.--maria theresa.--alliance with france.--influence of marchioness of pompadour.--bitter reproaches between austria and england.--commencement of the seven years' war.--energy of frederic of prussia.--sanguinary battles.--vicissitudes of war.--desperate situation of frederic.--elation of maria theresa.-- her ambitious plans.--awful defeat of the prussians at berlin. notwithstanding the bitter opposition of maria theresa to peace, the definitive treaty was signed at aix-la-chapelle on the th of october, , by france, england and holland. spain and sardinia soon also gave in their adhesion. the queen, finding it impossible to resist the determination of the other powers, at length reluctantly yielded, and accepted the terms, which they were ready unitedly to enforce should she refuse to accede to them. by this treaty all the contracting powers gave their assent to the pragmatic sanction. the queen was required to surrender her conquests in italy, and to confirm her cessions of silesia to prussia. thus terminated this long and cruel war. though at the commencement the queen was threatened with utter destruction, and she had come out from the contests with signal honor, retaining all her vast possessions, excepting silesia and the italian provinces, still she could not repress her chagrin. her complaints were loud and reiterated. when the british minister requested an audience to congratulate her upon the return of peace, she snappishly replied, "a visit of condolence would be more proper, under these circumstances, than one of congratulation. the british minister will oblige me by making no allusion whatever to so disagreeable a topic." the queen was not only well aware that this peace could not long continue, but was fully resolved that it should not be permanent. her great rival, frederic, had wrested from her silesia, and she was determined that there should be no stable peace until she had regained it. with wonderful energy she availed herself of this short respite in replenishing her treasury and in recruiting her armies. frederic himself has recorded the masculine vigor with which she prepared herself for the renewal of war. "maria theresa," he says, "in the secrecy of her cabinet, arranged those great projects which she afterwards carried into execution. she introduced an order and economy into the finances unknown to her ancestors; and her revenues far exceeded those of her father, even when he was master of naples, parma, silesia and servia. having learned the necessity of introducing into her army a better discipline, she annually formed camps in the provinces, which she visited herself that she might animate the troops by her presence and bounty. she established a military academy at vienna, and collected the most skillful professors of all the sciences and exercises which tend to elucidate or improve the art of war. by these institutions the army acquired, under maria theresa, such a degree of perfection as it had never attained under any of her predecessors; and a woman accomplished designs worthy of a great man." the queen immediately organized a standing army of one hundred and eight thousand men, who were brought under the highest state of discipline, and were encamped in such positions that they could, at any day, be concentrated ready for combined action. the one great object which now seemed to engross her mind was the recovery of silesia. it was, of course, a subject not to be spoken of openly; but in secret conference with her ministers she unfolded her plans and sought counsel. her intense devotion to political affairs, united to a mind of great activity and native strength, soon placed her above her ministers in intelligence and sagacity; and conscious of superior powers, she leaned less upon them, and relied upon her own resources. with a judgment thus matured she became convinced of the incapacity of her cabinet, and with great skill in the discernment of character, chose count kaunitz, who was then her ambassador at paris, prime minister. kaunitz, son of the governor of moravia, had given signal proof of his diplomatic abilities, in rome and in paris. for nearly forty years he remained at the head of foreign affairs, and, in conjunction with the queen, administered the government of austria. policy had for some time allied austria and england, but there had never been any real friendship between the two cabinets. the high tone of superiority ever assumed by the court of st. james, its offensive declaration that the arm of england alone had saved the house of austria from utter ruin, and the imperious demand for corresponding gratitude, annoyed and exasperated the proud court of vienna. the british cabinet were frequently remonstrated with against the assumption of such airs, and the employment of language so haughty in their diplomatic intercourse. but the british government has never been celebrated for courtesy in its intercourse with weaker powers. the chancellor kaunitz entreated them, in their communications, to respect the sex and temper of the queen, and not to irritate her by demeanor so overbearing. the emperor himself entered a remonstrance against the discourtesy which characterized their intercourse. even the queen, unwilling to break off friendly relations with her unpolished allies, complained to the british ambassador of the arrogant style of the english documents. "they do not," said the queen, "disturb me, but they give great offense to others, and endanger the amity existing between the two nations. i would wish that more courtesy might mark our intercourse." but the amenities of polished life, the rude islanders despised. the british ambassador at vienna, sir robert keith, a gentlemanly man, was often mortified at the messages he was compelled to communicate to the queen. occasionally the messages were couched in terms so peremptory and offensive that he could not summon resolution to deliver them, and thus he more than once incurred the censure of the king and cabinet, for his sense of propriety and delicacy. these remonstrances were all unavailing, and at length the austrian cabinet began to reply with equal rancor. this state of things led the austrian cabinet to turn to france, and seek the establishment of friendly relations with that court. louis xv., the most miserable of debauchees, was nominally king. his mistress, jeanette poisson, who was as thoroughly polluted as her regal paramour, governed the monarch, and through him france. the king had ennobled her with the title of marchioness of pompadour. her power was so boundless and indisputable that the most illustrious ladies of the french court were happy to serve as her waiting women. whenever she walked out, one of the highest nobles of the realm accompanied her as her attendant, obsequiously bearing her shawl upon his arm, to spread it over her shoulders in case it should be needed. ambassadors and ministers she summoned before her, assuming that air of royalty which she had purchased with her merchantable charms. voltaire, diderot, montesquieu, waited in her ante-chambers, and implored her patronage. the haughty mistress became even weary of their adulation. "not only," said she one day, to the abbé de bernis, "have i all the nobility at my feet, but even my lap-dog is weary of their fawning." with many apologies for requiring of the high-minded maria theresa a sacrifice, kaunitz suggested to her the expediency of cultivating the friendship of pompadour. silesia was engraved upon the heart of the queen, and she was prepared to do any thing which could aid her in the reconquest of that duchy. she stooped so low as to write a letter with her own hand to the marchioness, addressing her as "our dear friend and cousin." this was a new triumph for pompadour, and it delighted her beyond measure. to have the most illustrious sovereign of europe, combining in her person the titles of queen of austria and empress of germany, solicit her friendship and her good offices, so excited the vanity of the mistress, that she became immediately the warm friend of maria theresa, and her all powerful advocate in the court of versailles. england was now becoming embroiled with france in reference to the possessions upon the st. lawrence and ohio in north america. in case of war, france would immediately make an attack upon hanover. england was anxious to secure the austrian alliance, that the armies of the queen might aid in the protection of hanover. but austria, being now in secret conference with france, was very reserved. england coaxed and threatened, but could get no definite or satisfactory answer. quite enraged, the british cabinet sent a final declaration that, "should the empress decline fulfilling the conditions required, the king can not take any measures in coöperation with austria, and the present system of european policy must be dissolved." the reply of the empress queen develops the feelings of irritation and bitterness which at that time existed between the two cabinets of austria and england. "the queen," maria theresa replied, "has never had the satisfaction of seeing england do justice to her principles. if the army of austria were merely the hired soldiers of england, the british cabinet could not more decisively assume the control of their movements than it now does, by requiring their removal from the center of austria, for the defense of england and hanover. we are reproached with the great efforts england has made in behalf of the house of austria. but to these efforts england owes its present greatness. if austria has derived useful succors from england, she has purchased those succors with the blood and ruin of her subjects; while england has been opening to herself new sources of wealth and power. we regret the necessity of uttering these truths in reply to unjust and unceasing reproaches. could any consideration diminish our gratitude towards england, it would be thus diminished by her constant endeavor to represent the aid she has furnished us as entirely gratuitous, when this aid has always been and always will be dictated by her own interests." such goading as this brought back a roar. the british envoy was ordered to demand an explicit and categorical reply to the following questions: . if the french attack hanover, will the queen render england assistance? . what number of troops will she send; and how soon will they be in motion to join the british and hanoverian troops? the austrian minister, kaunitz, evaded a reply, coldly answering, "our ultimatum has been given. the queen deems those declarations as ample as can be expected in the present posture of affairs; nor can she give any further reply till england shall have more fully explained her intentions." thus repulsed, england turned to prussia, and sought alliance with the most inveterate enemy of austria. frederic, fearing an assault from united russia and austria, eagerly entered into friendly relations with england, and on the th of january, , entered into a treaty with the cabinet of great britain for the defense of hanover. maria theresa was quite delighted with this arrangement, for affairs were moving much to her satisfaction at versailles. her "dear friend and cousin" jeanette poisson, had dismissed all the ministers who were unfriendly to austria, and had replaced them with her own creatures who were in favor of the austrian alliance. a double motive influenced the marchioness of pompadour. her vanity was gratified by the advances of maria theresa, and revenge roused her soul against frederic of prussia, who had indulged in a cutting witticism upon her position and character. the marchioness, with one of her favorites, cardinal bernis, met the austrian ambassador in one of the private apartments of the palace of the luxembourg, and arranged the plan of the alliance between france and austria. maria theresa, without the knowledge of her ministers, or even of her husband the emperor, privately conducted these negotiations with the marchioness du pompadour. m. kaunitz was the agent employed by the queen in this transaction. louis xv., sunk in the lowest depths of debauchery, consented to any arrangements his mistress might propose. but when the treaty was all matured it became necessary to present it to the council of state. the queen, knowing how astounded her husband would be to learn what she had been doing, and aware of the shock it would give the ministry to think of an alliance with france, pretended to entire ignorance of the measures she had been so energetically prosecuting. in very guarded and apologetic phrase, kaunitz introduced the delicate subject. the announcement of the unexpected alliance with france struck all with astonishment and indignation. francis, vehemently moved, rose, and smiting the table with his hand, exclaimed, "such an alliance is unnatural and impracticable--it never shall take place." the empress, by nods and winks, encouraged her minister, and he went on detailing the great advantages to result from the french alliance. maria theresa listened with great attention to his arguments, and was apparently convinced by them. she then gave her approbation so decisively as to silence all debate. she said that such a treaty was so manifestly for the interest of austria, that she was fearful that france would not accede to it. since she knew that the matter was already arranged and settled with the french court, this was a downright lie, though the queen probably regarded it as a venial fib, or as diplomacy. thus curiously england and austria had changed their allies. george ii. and frederic ii., from being rancorous foes became friends, and maria theresa and louis xv. unfurled their flags together. england was indignant with austria for the french alliance, austria was indignant with england for the prussian alliance. each accused the other of being the first to abandon the ancient treaty. as the british ambassador reproached the queen with this abandonment, she replied, "i have not abandoned the old system, but great britain has abandoned me and that system, by concluding the prussian treaty, the first intelligence of which struck me like a fit of apoplexy. i and the king of prussia are incompatible. no consideration on earth shall induce me to enter into any engagement to which he is a party. why should you be surprised if, following your example in concluding a treaty with prussia, i should enter into an engagement with france?" "i have but two enemies," maria theresa said again, "whom i have to dread--the king of prussia and the turks. and while i and the empress of russia continue on the same good terms as now subsist between us, we shall, i trust, be able to convince europe that we are in a condition to defend ourselves against those adversaries, however formidable." the queen still kept her eye anxiously fixed upon silesia, and in secret combination with the empress of russia made preparation for a sudden invasion. with as much secrecy as was possible, large armies were congregated in the vicinity of prague, while russia was cautiously concentrating her troops upon the frontiers of livonia. but frederic was on the alert, and immediately demanded of the empress queen the significance of these military movements. "in the present crisis," the queen replied, "i deem it necessary to take measures for the security of myself and my allies, which tend to the prejudice of no one." so vague an answer was of course unsatisfactory, and the haughty prussian king reiterated his demand in very imperious tones. "i wish," said he, "for an immediate and categorical answer, not delivered in an oracular style, ambiguous and inconclusive, respecting the armaments in bohemia, and i demand a positive assurance that the queen will not attack me either during this or the following year." the answer returned by the queen to this demand was equally unsatisfactory with the first, and the energetic prussian monarch, wasting no more words, instantly invaded saxony with a powerful army, overran the duchy, and took possession of dresden, its capital. then wheeling his troops, with twenty-four thousand men he marched boldly into bohemia. the queen dispatched an army of forty thousand to meet him. the fierce encounter took place at lowositz, near the banks of the elbe. the military genius of frederic prevailed, and the austrians were repulsed, though the slaughter was about equal on each side, six thousand men, three thousand upon each side, being left in their blood. frederic took possession of saxony as a conquered province. seventeen thousand soldiers, whom he made prisoners, he forced into his own service. eighty pieces of cannon were added to his artillery train, and the revenues of saxony replenished his purse. the anger of maria theresa, at this humiliation of her ally, was roused to the highest pitch, and she spent the winter in the most vigorous preparations for the campaign of the spring. she took advantage of religious fanaticism, and represented, through all the catholic courts of europe, that there was a league of the two heretical powers, england and prussia, against the faithful children of the church. jeanette poisson, marchioness of pompadour, who now controlled the destinies of france, raised, for the service of maria theresa, an army of one hundred and five thousand men, paid all the expenses of ten thousand bavarian troops, and promised the queen an annual subsidy of twelve millions of imperial florins. the emperor, regarding the invasion of saxony as an insult to the empire, roused the states of germany to coöperate with the queen. europe was again ablaze with war. it was indeed a fearful combination now prepared to make a rush upon the king of prussia. france had assembled eighty thousand men on the rhine. the swedes were rallying in great numbers on the frontiers of pomerania. the russians had concentrated an army sixty thousand strong on the borders of livonia. and the queen of austria had one hundred and fifty thousand men on the march, through hungary and bohemia, to the frontiers of silesia. frederic, with an eagle eye, was watching all these movements, and was employing all his amazing energies to meet the crisis. he resolved to have the advantage of striking the first blow, and adopted the bold measure of marching directly into the heart of the austrian states. to deceive the allies he pretended to be very much frightened, and by breaking down bridges and establishing fortresses seemed intent upon merely presenting a desperate defense behind his ramparts. suddenly, in three strong, dense columns, frederic burst into bohemia and advanced, with rapid and resistless strides, towards prague. the unprepared austrian bands were driven before these impetuous assailants as chaff is dispersed by the whirlwind. with great precipitation the austrian troops, from all quarters, fled to the city of prague and rallied beneath its walls. seventy thousand men were soon collected, strongly intrenched behind ramparts, thrown up outside of the city, from which ramparts, in case of disaster, they could retire behind the walls and into the citadel. the king, with his army, came rushing on like the sweep of the tornado, and plunged, as a thunderbolt of war, into the camp of the austrians. for a few hours the battle blazed as if it were a strife of demons--hell in high carnival. eighteen thousand prussians were mowed down by the austrian batteries, before the fierce assailants could scale the ramparts. then, with cimeter and bayonet, they took a bloody revenge. eight thousand austrians were speedily weltering in blood. the shriek of the battle penetrated all the dwellings in prague, appalling every ear, like a wail from the world of woe. the routed austrians, leaving nine thousand prisoners, in the hands of frederic, rushed through the gates into the city, while a storm of shot from the batteries on the walls drove back the pursuing prussians. prague, with the broken army thus driven within its walls, now contained one hundred thousand inhabitants. the city was totally unprepared for a siege. all supplies of food being cut off, the inhabitants were soon reduced to extreme suffering. the queen was exceedingly anxious that the city should hold out until she could hasten to its relief. she succeeded in sending a message to the besieged army, by a captain of grenadiers, who contrived to evade the vigilance of the besiegers and to gain entrance to the city. "i am concerned," said the empress, "that so many generals, with so considerable a force, must remain besieged in prague, but i augur favorably for the event. i can not too strongly impress upon your minds that the troops will incur everlasting disgrace should they not effect what the french in the last war performed with far inferior numbers. the honor of the whole nation, as well as that of the imperial aims, is interested in their present behavior. the security of bohemia, of my other hereditary dominions, and of the german empire itself, depends on a gallant defense and the preservation of prague. "the army under the command of marshal daun is daily strengthening, and will soon be in a condition to raise the siege. the french are approaching with all diligence. the swedes are marching to my assistance. in a short space of time affairs will, under divine providence, wear a better aspect." the scene in prague was awful. famine strode through all the streets, covering the pavements with the emaciate corpses of the dead. an incessant bombardment was kept up from the prussian batteries, and shot and shell were falling incessantly, by day and by night, in every portion of the city. conflagrations were continually blazing; there was no possible place of safety; shells exploded in parlors, in chambers, in cellars, tearing limb from limb, and burying the mutilated dead beneath the ruins of their dwellings. the booming of the cannon, from the distant batteries, was answered by the thunder of the guns from the citadel and the walls, and blended with all this uproar rose the uninterrupted shrieks of the wounded and the dying. the cannonade from the prussian batteries was so destructive, that in a few days one quarter of the entire city was demolished. count daun, with sixty thousand men, was soon advancing rapidly towards prague. frederic, leaving a small force to continue the blockade of the city, marched with the remainder of his troops to assail the austrian general. they soon met, and fought for some hours as fiercely as mortals can fight. the slaughter on both sides was awful. at length the fortune of war turned in favor of the austrians, though they laid down nine thousand husbands, fathers, sons, in bloody death, as the price of the victory. frederic was almost frantic with grief and rage as he saw his proud battalions melting away before the batteries of the foe. six times his cavalry charged with the utmost impetuosity, and six times they were as fiercely repulsed. frederic was finally compelled to withdraw, leaving fourteen thousand of his troops either slain or prisoners. twenty-two prussian standards and forty-three pieces of artillery were taken by the austrians. the tidings of this victory elated maria theresa almost to delirium. feasts were given, medals struck, presents given, and the whole empire blazed with illuminations, and rang with all the voices of joy. the queen even condescended to call in person upon the countess daun to congratulate her upon the great victory attained by her husband. she instituted, on the occasion, a new military order of merit, called the order of maria theresa. count daun and his most illustrious officers were honored with the first positions in this new order of knighthood. the prussians were compelled to raise the siege of prague, and to retreat with precipitation. bohemia was speedily evacuated by the prussian troops. the queen was now determined to crush frederic entirely, so that he might never rise again. his kingdom was to be taken from him, carved up, and apportioned out between austria, sweden, poland and russia. the prussians retreated, in a broken band of but twenty-five thousand men, into the heart of silesia, to breslau, its beautiful and strongly fortified capital. this city, situated upon the oder, at its junction with the ohlau, contained a population of nearly eighty thousand. the fugitive troops sought refuge behind its walls, protected as they were by batteries of the heaviest artillery. the austrians, strengthened by the french, with an army now amounting to ninety thousand, followed closely on, and with their siege artillery commenced the cannonade of the city. an awful scene of carnage ensued, in which the austrians lost eight thousand men and the prussians five thousand, when the remnant of the prussian garrison, retreating by night through a remote gate, left the city in the hands of the austrians. it was now mid-winter. but the iron-nerved frederic, undismayed by these terrible reverses, collected the scattered fragments of his army, and, finding himself at the head of thirty thousand men, advanced to breslau in the desperate attempt to regain his capital. his force was so inconsiderable as to excite the ridicule of the austrians. upon the approach of frederic, prince charles, disdaining to hide behind the ramparts of the city on the defensive, against a foe thus insulting him with inferior numbers, marched to meet the prussians. the interview between prince charles and frederic was short but very decisive, lasting only from the hour of dinner to the going down of a december's sun. the twilight of the wintry day had not yet come when seven thousand austrians were lying mangled in death on the blood-stained snow. twenty thousand were made prisoners. all the baggage of the austrian army, the military chest, one hundred and thirty-four pieces of cannon, and fifty-nine standards fell into the hands of the victors. for this victory frederic paid the price of five thousand lives; but _life_ to the poor prussian soldier must have been a joyless scene, and death must have been a relief. frederic now, with triumphant banners, approached the city. it immediately capitulated, surrendering nearly eighteen thousand soldiers, six hundred and eighty-six officers and thirteen generals as prisoners of war. in this one storm of battle, protracted through but a few days, maria theresa lost fifty thousand men. frederic then turned upon the russians, and drove them out of silesia. the same doom awaited the swedes, and they fled precipitately to winter quarters behind the cannon of stralsund. thus terminated the memorable campaign of , the most memorable of the seven years' war. the austrian army was almost annihilated; but the spirit of the strife was not subdued in any breast. the returning sun of spring was but the harbinger of new woes for war-stricken europe. england, being essentially a maritime power, could render frederic but little assistance in troops; but the cabinet of st. james was lavish in voting money. encouraged by the vigor frederic had shown, the british cabinet, with enthusiasm, voted him an annual subsidy of three million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. austria was so exhausted in means and in men, that notwithstanding the most herculean efforts of the queen, it was not until april of the year that she was able to concentrate fifty thousand men in the field, with the expensive equipments which war demands. frederic, aided by the gold of england, was early on the move, and had already opened the campaign by the invasion of moravia, and by besieging olmutz. the summer was passed in a series of incessant battles, sweeping all over germany, with the usual vicissitudes of war. in the great battle of hockkirchen frederic encountered a woful defeat. the battle took place on the th of october, and lasted five hours. eight thousand austrians and nine thousand prussians were stretched lifeless upon the plain. frederic was at last compelled to retreat, abandoning his tents, his baggage, one hundred and one cannon, and thirty standards. nearly every prussian general was wounded. the king himself was grazed by a ball; his horse was shot from under him, and two pages were killed at his side. again vienna blazed with illuminations and rang with rejoicing, and the queen liberally dispensed her gifts and her congratulations. still nothing effectual was accomplished by all this enormous expenditure of treasure, this carnage and woe; and again the exhausted combatants retired to seek shelter from the storms of winter. thus terminated the third year of this cruel and wasting war. the spring of opened brightly for maria theresa. her army, flushed by the victory of the last autumn, was in high health and spirits. all the allies of austria redoubled their exertions; and the catholic states of germany with religious zeal rallied against the two heretical kingdoms of prussia and england. the armies of france, austria, sweden and russia were now marching upon prussia, and it seemed impossible that the king could withstand such adversaries. more fiercely than ever the storm of war raged. frederic, at the head of forty thousand men, early in june met eighty thousand russians and austrians upon the banks of the oder, near frankfort. for seven hours the action lasted, and the allies were routed with enormous slaughter; but the king, pursuing his victory too far with his exhausted troops, was turned upon by the foe, and was routed himself in turn, with the slaughter of one half of his whole army. twenty-four thousand of the allies and twenty thousand prussians perished on that bloody day. frederic exposed his person with the utmost recklessness. two horses were shot beneath him; several musket balls pierced his clothes; he was slightly wounded, and was rescued from the foe only by the almost superhuman exertions of his hussars. in the darkness of the night the prussians secured their retreat. we have mentioned that at first frederic seemed to have gained the victory. so sanguine was he then of success that he dispatched a courier from the field, with the following billet to the queen at berlin:-- "we have driven the enemy from their intrenchments; in two hours expect to hear of a glorious victory." hardly two hours had elapsed ere another courier was sent to the queen with the following appalling message:-- "remove from berlin with the royal family. let the archives be carried to potsdam, and the capital make conditions with the enemy." in this terrible battle the enemy lost so fearfully that no effort was made to pursue frederic. disaster never disheartened the prussian king. it seemed but to rouse anew his energies. with amazing vigor he rallied his scattered forces, and called in reënforcements. the gold of england was at his disposal; he dismantled distant fortresses and brought their cannon into the field, and in a few days was at the head of twenty-eight thousand men, beneath the walls of his capital, ready again to face the foe. the thunderings of battle continued week after week, in unintermitted roar throughout nearly all of germany. winter again came. frederic had suffered awfully during the campaign, but was still unsubdued. the warfare was protracted even into the middle of the winter. the soldiers, in the fields, wading through snow a foot deep, suffered more from famine, frost and sickness than from the bullet of the foe. in the austrian army four thousand died, in sixteen days of december, from the inclemency of the weather. thus terminated the campaign of . chapter xxx. maria theresa. from to . desolations of war.--disasters of prussia.--despondency of frederic.-- death of the empress elizabeth.--accession of paul iii.--assassination of paul iii.--accession of catharine.--discomfiture of the austrians.-- treaty of peace.--election of joseph to the throne of the empire.--death of francis.--character of francis.--anecdotes.--energy of maria theresa.--poniatowski.--partition of poland.--maria theresa as a mother.--war with bavaria.--peace.--death of maria theresa.--family of the empress.--accession of joseph ii.--his character. the spring of found all parties eager for the renewal of the strife, but none more so than maria theresa. the king of prussia was, however, in a deplorable condition. the veteran army, in which he had taken so much pride, was now annihilated. with despotic power he had assembled a new army; but it was composed of peasants, raw recruits, but poorly prepared to encounter the horrors of war. the allies were marching against him with two hundred and fifty thousand men. frederic, with his utmost efforts, could muster but seventy-five thousand, who, to use his own language, "were half peasants, half deserters from the enemy, soldiers no longer fit for service, but only for show." month after month passed away, during which the whole of prussia presented the aspect of one wide field of battle. frederic fought with the energies of desperation. villages were everywhere blazing, squadrons charging, and the thunders of an incessant cannonade deafened the ear by night and by day. on the whole the campaign terminated in favor of frederic; the allies being thwarted in all their endeavors to crush him. in one battle maria theresa lost twenty thousand men. during the ensuing winter all the continental powers were again preparing for the resumption of hostilities in the spring, when the british people, weary of the enormous expenditures of the war, began to be clamorous for peace. the french treasury was also utterly exhausted. france made overtures to england for a cessation of hostilities; and these two powers, with peaceful overtures, addressed maria theresa. the queen, though fully resolved to prosecute the war until she should attain her object, thought it not prudent to reject outright such proposals, but consented to the assembling of a congress at augsburg. hostilities were not suspended during the meeting of the congress, and the austrian queen was sanguine in the hope of being speedily able to crush her prussian rival. every general in the field had experienced such terrible disasters, and the fortune of war seemed so fickle, now lighting upon one banner and now upon another, that all parties were wary, practicing the extreme of caution, and disposed rather to act upon the defensive. though not a single pitched battle was fought, the allies, outnumbering the prussians, three to one, continually gained fortresses, intrenchments and positions, until the spirit even of frederic was broken by calamities, and he yielded to despair. he no longer hoped to be able to preserve his empire, but proudly resolved to bury himself beneath its ruins. his despondency could not be concealed from his army, and his bravest troops declared that they could fight no longer. maria theresa was elated beyond measure. england was withdrawing from prussia. frederic was utterly exhausted both as to money and men; one campaign more would finish the work, and prussia would lie helpless at the feet of maria theresa, and her most sanguine anticipations would be realized. but the deepest laid plans of man are often thwarted by apparently the most trivial events. one single individual chanced to be taken sick and die. that individual was elizabeth, the empress of russia. on the th of january, , she was lying upon her bed an emaciate suffering woman, gasping in death. the departure of her last breath changed the fate of europe. paul iii., her nephew, who succeeded the empress, detested maria theresa, and often inveighed bitterly against her haughtiness and her ambition. on the contrary, he admired the king of prussia. he had visited the court of berlin, where he had been received with marked attention; and frederic was his model of a hero. he had watched with enthusiastic admiration the fortitude and military prowess of the prussian king, and had even sent to him many messages of sympathy, and had communicated to him secrets of the cabinet and their plans of operation. now, enthroned as emperor of russia, without reserve he avowed his attachment to frederic, and ordered his troops to abstain from hostilities, and to quit the austrian army. at the same time he sent a minister to berlin to conclude an alliance with the hero he so greatly admired. he even asked for himself a position in the prussian army as lieutenant under frederic. the swedish court was so intimately allied with that of st. petersburg, that the cabinet of stockholm also withdrew from the austrian alliance, and thus maria theresa, at a blow, lost two of her most efficient allies. the king of prussia rose immediately from his despondency, and the whole kingdom shared in his exultation and his joy. the prussian troops, in conjunction with the russians, were now superior to the austrians, and were prepared to assume the offensive. but again providence interposed. a conspiracy was formed against the russian emperor, headed by his wife whom he had treated with great brutality, and paul iii. lost both his crown and his life, in july , after a reign of less than six months. catharine ii., wife of paul iii., with a bloody hand took the crown from the brow of her murdered husband and placed it upon her own head. she immediately dissolved the prussian alliance, declared frederic an enemy to the prussian name, and ordered her troops, in coöperation with those of austria, to resume hostilities against frederic. it was an instantaneous change, confounding all the projects of man. the energetic prussian king, before the russian troops had time so to change their positions as to coöperate with the austrians, assailed the troops of maria theresa with such impetuosity as to drive them out of silesia. pursuing his advantage frederic overran saxony, and then turning into bohemia, drove the austrians before him to the walls of prague. influenced by these disasters and other considerations, catharine decided to retire from the contest. at the same time the turks, excited by frederic, commenced anew their invasion of hungary. maria theresa was in dismay. her money was gone. her allies were dropping from her. the turks were advancing triumphantly up the danube, and frederic was enriching himself with the spoils of saxony and bohemia. influenced by these considerations she made overtures for peace, consenting to renounce silesia, for the recovery of which province she had in vain caused europe to be desolated with blood for so many years. a treaty of peace was soon signed, frederic agreeing to evacuate saxony; and thus terminated the bloody seven years' war. maria theresa's eldest son joseph was now twenty-three years of age. her influence and that of the emperor francis was such, that they secured his election to succeed to the throne of the empire upon the death of his father. the emperor elect received the title of king of the romans. the important election took place at frankfort, on the th of may, . the health of the emperor francis i., had for some time been precarious, he being threatened with apoplexy. three months after the election of his son to succeed him upon the imperial throne, francis was at inspruck in the tyrol, to attend the nuptials of his second son leopold, with maria louisa, infanta of spain. he was feeble and dejected, and longed to return to his home in vienna. he imagined that the bracing air of the tyrol did not agree with his health, and looking out upon the summits which tower around inspruck exclaimed, "oh! if i could but once quit these mountains of the tyrol." on the morning of the th of august, his symptoms assumed so threatening a form, that his friends urged him to be bled. the emperor declined, saying, "i am engaged this evening to sup with joseph, and i will not disappoint him; but i will be blooded to-morrow." the evening came, and as he was preparing to go and sup with his son, he dropped instantly dead upon the floor. fifty-eight years was his allotted pilgrimage--a pilgrimage of care and toil and sorrow. even when elevated to the imperial throne, his position was humiliating, being ever overshadowed by the grandeur of his wife. at times he felt this most keenly, and could not refrain from giving imprudent utterance to his mortification. being at one time present at a levee, which the empress was giving to her subjects, he retired, in chagrin, from the imperial circle into a corner of the saloon, and took his seat near two ladies of the court. they immediately, in accordance with regal etiquette, rose. "do not regard me," said the emperor bitterly, and yet with an attempt at playfulness, "for i shall remain here until the _court_ has retired, and shall then amuse myself in contemplating the crowd." one of the ladies replied, "as long as your imperial majesty is present the court will be here." "you are mistaken," rejoined the emperor, with a forced smile; "the empress and my children are the court. i am here only as a private individual." francis i., though an impotent emperor, would have made a very good exchange broker. he seemed to be fond of mercantile life, establishing manufactories, and letting out money on bond and mortgage. when the queen was greatly pressed for funds he would sometimes accept her paper, always taking care to obtain the most unexceptionable security. he engaged in a partnership with two very efficient men for farming the revenues of saxony. he even entered into a contract to supply the _prussian_ army with forage, when that army was expending all its energies, during the seven years' war, against the troops of maria theresa. he judged that his wife was capable of taking care of herself. and she was. notwithstanding these traits of character, he was an exceedingly amiable and charitable man, distributing annually five hundred thousand dollars for the relief of distress. many anecdotes are related illustrative of the emperor's utter fearlessness of danger, and of the kindness of his heart. there was a terrible conflagration in vienna. a saltpeter magazine was in flames, and the operatives exposed to great danger. an explosion was momentarily expected, and the firemen, in dismay, ventured but little aid. the emperor, regardless of peril, approached near the fire to give directions. his attendants urged him not thus to expose his person. "do not be alarmed for me," said the emperor, "think only of those poor creatures who are in such danger of perishing." at another time a fearful inundation swept the valley of the danube. many houses were submerged in isolated positions, all but their roofs. in several cases the families had taken refuge on the tops of the houses, and had remained three days and three nights without food. immense blocks of ice, swept down by the flood, seemed to render it impossible to convey relief to the sufferers. the most intrepid boatmen of the danube dared not venture into the boiling surge. the emperor threw himself into a boat, seized the oars, and saying, "my example may at least influence others," pushed out into the flood and successfully rowed to one of the houses. the boatmen were shamed into heroism, and the imperiled people were saved. maria theresa does not appear to have been very deeply afflicted by the death of her husband; or we should, perhaps, rather say that her grief assumed the character which one would anticipate from a person of her peculiar frame of mind. the emperor had not been faithful to his kingly spouse, and she was well acquainted with his numerous infidelities. still she seems affectionately to have cherished the memory of his gentle virtues. with her own hands she prepared his shroud, and she never after laid aside her weeds of mourning. she often descended into the vault where his remains were deposited, and passed hours in prayer by the side of his coffin. joseph, of course, having been preëlected, immediately assumed the imperial crown. maria theresa had but little time to devote to grief. she had lost silesia, and that was a calamity apparently far heavier than the death of her husband. millions of treasure, and countless thousands of lives had been expended, and all in vain, for the recovery of that province. she now began to look around for territory she could grasp in compensation for her loss. poland was surrounded by austria, russia and prussia. the population consisted of two classes--the nobles who possessed all the power, and the _people_ who were in a state of the most abject feudal vassalage. by the laws of poland every person was a noble who was not engaged in any industrial occupation and who owned any land, or who had descended from those who ever had held any land. the government was what may perhaps be called an aristocratic republic. the masses were mere slaves. the nobles were in a state of political equality. they chose a chieftain whom they called _king_, but whose power was a mere shadow. at this time poland was in a state of anarchy. civil war desolated the kingdom, the nobles being divided into numerous factions, and fighting fiercely against each other. catharine, the empress of russia, espoused the cause of her favorite, count poniatowski, who was one of the candidates for the crown of poland, and by the influence of her money and her armies placed him upon the throne and maintained him there. poland thus, under the influence of the russian queen, became, as it were, a mere province of the russian empire. poniatowski, a proud man, soon felt galled by the chains which catharine threw around him. frederic of prussia united with catharine in the endeavor to make poniatowski subservient to their wishes. maria theresa eagerly put in her claim for influence in poland. thus the whole realm became a confused scene of bloodshed and devastation. frederic of prussia, the great regal highwayman, now proposed to austria and russia that they should settle all the difficulty by just dividing poland between them. to their united armies poland could present no resistance. maria theresa sent her dutiful son joseph, the emperor, to silesia, to confer with frederic upon this subject. the interview took place at neiss, on the th of august, . the two sovereigns vied with each other in the interchange of courtesies, and parted most excellent friends. soon after, they held another interview at neustadt, in moravia, when the long rivalry between the houses of hapsburg and brandenburg seemed to melt down into most cordial union. the map of poland was placed before the two sovereigns, and they marked out the portion of booty to be assigned to each of the three imperial highwaymen. the troops of russia, austria and prussia were already in poland. the matter being thus settled between prussia and austria, the prussian king immediately conferred with catharine at st. petersburg. this ambitious and unprincipled woman snatched at the bait presented, and the infamous partition was agreed to. maria theresa was very greedy, and demanded nearly half of poland as her share. this exorbitant claim, which she with much pertinacity adhered to, so offended the two other sovereigns that they came near fighting about the division of the spoil. the queen was at length compelled to lower her pretensions. the final treaty was signed between the three powers on the th of august, . the three armies were immediately put in motion, and each took possession of that portion of the polish territory which was assigned to its sovereign. in a few days the deed was done. by this act austria received an accession of twenty-seven thousand square miles of the richest of the polish territory, containing a population of two million five hundred thousand souls. russia received a more inhospitable region, embracing forty-two thousand square miles, and a population of one million five hundred thousand. the share of frederic amounted to thirteen thousand three hundred and seventy-five square miles, and eight hundred and sixty thousand souls. notwithstanding this cruel dismemberment, there was still a feeble poland left, upon which the three powers were continually gnawing, each watching the others, and snarling at them lest they should get more than their share. after twenty years of jealous watchings the three powers decided to finish their infamous work, and poland was blotted from the map of europe. in the two divisions austria received forty-five thousand square miles and five million of inhabitants. maria theresa was now upon the highest pinnacle of her glory and her power. she had a highly disciplined army of two hundred thousand men; her treasury was replenished, and her wide-spread realms were in the enjoyment of peace. life had been to her, thus far, but a stormy sea, and weary of toil and care, she now hoped to close her days in tranquillity. the queen was a stern and stately mother. while pressed by all these cares of state, sufficient to have crushed any ordinary mind, she had given birth to sixteen children. but as each child was born it was placed in the hands of careful nurses, and received but little of parental caressings. it was seldom that she saw her children more than once a week. absorbed by high political interests, she contented herself with receiving a daily report from the nursery. every morning her physician, van swieter, visited the young imperial family, and then presented a formal statement of their condition to the strong-minded mother. yet the empress was very desirous of having it understood that she was the most faithful of parents. whenever any foreign ambassador arrived at vienna, the empress would contrive to have an interview, as it were by accident, when she had collected around her her interesting family. as the illustrious stranger retired the children also retired to their nursery. one of the daughters, josepha, was betrothed to the king of naples. a few days before she was to leave vienna the queen required her, in obedience to long established etiquette, to descend into the tomb of her ancestors and offer up a prayer. the sister-in-law, the emperor joseph's wife, had just died of the small-pox, and her remains, disfigured by that awful disease, had but recently been deposited in the tomb. the timid maiden was horror-stricken at the requirement, and regarded it as her death doom. but an order from maria theresa no one was to disobey. with tears filling her eyes, she took her younger sister, maria antoinette, upon her knee, and said, "i am about to leave you, maria, not for naples, but to die. i must visit the tomb of our ancestors, and i am sure that i shall take the small-pox, and shall soon be buried there." her fears were verified. the disease, in its most virulent form, seized her, and in a few days her remains were also consigned to the tomb. in may, , maria antoinette, then but fifteen years of age, and marvelously beautiful, was married to the young dauphin of france, subsequently the unhappy louis xvi. as she left vienna, for that throne from which she was to descend to the guillotine, her mother sent by her hand the following letter to her husband: "your bride, dear dauphin, is separated from me. as she has ever been my delight so will she be your happiness. for this purpose have i educated her; for i have long been aware that she was to be the companion of your life. i have enjoined upon her, as among her highest duties, the most tender attachment to your person, the greatest attention to every thing that can please or make you happy. above all, i have recommended to her humility towards god, because i am convinced that it is impossible for us to contribute to the happiness of the subjects confided to us, without love to him who breaks the scepters and crushes the thrones of kings according to his own will." in december, , the duke of bavaria died without male issue. many claimants instantly rose, ambitious of so princely an inheritance. maria theresa could not resist the temptation to put in her claim. with her accustomed promptness, she immediately ordered her troops in motion, and, descending from bohemia, entered the electorate. maria theresa had no one to fear but frederic of prussia, who vehemently remonstrated against such an accession of power to the empire of austria. after an earnest correspondence the queen proposed that bavaria should be divided between them as they had partitioned poland. still they could not agree, and the question was submitted to the cruel arbitrament of battle. the young emperor joseph was much pleased with this issue, for he was thirsting for military fame, and was proud to contend with so renowned an antagonist. the death of hundreds of thousands of men in the game of war, was of little more moment to him than the loss of a few pieces in a game of chess. the emperor joseph was soon at the head of one hundred thousand men. the king of prussia, with nearly an equal force, marched to meet him. both commanders were exceedingly wary, and the whole campaign was passed in maneuvers and marchings, with a few unimportant battles. the queen was weary of war, and often spoke, with tears in her eyes, of the commencement of hostilities. without the knowledge of her son, who rejoiced in the opening strife, she entered into a private correspondence with frederic, in which she wrote, by her secret messenger, m. thugut: "i regret exceedingly that the king of prussia and myself, in our advanced years, are about to tear the gray hairs from each other's heads. my age, and my earnest desire to maintain peace are well known. my maternal heart is alarmed for the safety of my sons who are in the army. i take this step without the knowledge of my son the emperor, and i entreat that you will not divulge it. i conjure you to unite your efforts with mine to reëstablish harmony." the reply of frederic was courteous and beautiful. "baron thugut," he wrote, "has delivered me your majesty's letter, and no one is, or shall be acquainted with his arrival. it was worthy of your majesty to give such proofs of moderation, after having so heroically maintained the inheritance of your ancestors. the tender attachment you display for your son the emperor, and the princes of your blood, deserves the applause of every heart, and augments, if possible, the high consideration i entertain for your majesty. i have added some articles to the propositions of m. thugut, most of which have been allowed, and others which, i hope, will meet with little difficulty. he will immediately depart for vienna, and will be able to return in five or six days, during which time i will act with such caution that your imperial majesty may have no cause of apprehension for the safety of any part of your family, and particularly of the emperor, whom i love and esteem, although our opinions differ in regard to the affairs of germany." but the emperor joseph was bitterly opposed to peace, and thwarted his mother's benevolent intentions in every possible way. still the empress succeeded, and the articles were signed at teschen, the th day of may, . the queen was overjoyed at the result, and was often heard to say that no act of her administration had given her such heartfelt joy. when she received the news she exclaimed, "my happiness is full. i am not partial to frederic, but i must do him the justice to confess that he has acted nobly and honorably. he promised me to make peace on reasonable terms, and he has kept his word. i am inexpressibly happy to spare the effusion of so much blood." the hour was now approaching when maria theresa was to die. she had for some time been failing from a disease of the lungs, and she was now rapidly declining. her sufferings, as she took her chamber and her bed, became very severe; but the stoicism of her character remained unshaken. in one of her seasons of acute agony she exclaimed, "god grant that these sufferings may soon terminate, for, otherwise, i know not if i can much longer endure them." her son maximilian stood by her bed-side. she raised her eyes to him and said, "i have been enabled thus far to bear these pangs with firmness and constancy. pray to god, my son, that i may preserve my tranquillity to the last." the dying hour, long sighed for, came. she partook of the sacrament of the lord's supper, and then, assembling her family around her, addressed to them her last words. "i have received the sacraments," said she, "and feel that i am now to die." then addressing the emperor, she continued, "my son, all my possessions after my death revert to you. to your care i commend my children. be to them a father. i shall die contented, you giving me that promise." then looking to the other children she added, "regard the emperor as your sovereign. obey him, respect him, confide in him, and follow his advice in all things, and you will secure his friendship and protection." her mind continued active and intensely occupied with the affairs of her family and of her kingdom, until the very last moment. during the night succeeding her final interview with her children, though suffering from repeated fits of suffocation, she held a long interview with the emperor upon affairs of state. her son, distressed by her evident exhaustion, entreated her to take some repose; but she replied, "in a few hours i shall appear before the judgment-seat of god; and would you have me lose my time in sleep?" expressing solicitude in behalf of the numerous persons dependent upon her, who, after her death, might be left friendless, she remarked, "i could wish for immortality on earth, for no other reason than for the power of relieving the distressed." she died on the th of november, , in the sixty-fourth year of her age and the forty-first of her reign. this illustrious woman had given birth to six sons and ten daughters. nine of these children survived her. joseph, already emperor, succeeded her upon the throne of austria, and dying childless, surrendered the crown to his next brother leopold. ferdinand, the third son, became governor of austrian lombardy. upon maximilian was conferred the electorate of cologne. mary anne became abbess of a nunnery. christina married the duke of saxony. elizabeth entered a convent and became abbess. caroline married the king of naples, and was an infamous woman. her sister joanna, was first betrothed to the king, but she died of small-pox; josepha was then destined to supply her place; but she also fell a victim to that terrible disease. thus the situation was vacant for caroline. maria antoinette married louis the dauphin, and the story of her woes has filled the world. the emperor joseph ii., who now inherited the crown of austria, was forty years of age, a man of strong mind, educated by observation and travel, rather than by books. he was anxious to elevate and educate his subjects, declaring that it was his great ambition to rule over freemen. he had many noble traits of character, and innumerable anecdotes are related illustrative of his energy and humanity. in war he was ambitious of taking his full share of hardship, sleeping on the bare ground and partaking of the soldiers' homely fare. he was exceedingly popular at the time of his accession to the throne, and great anticipations were cherished of a golden age about to dawn upon austria. "his toilet," writes one of his eulogists, "is that of a common soldier, his wardrobe that of a sergeant, business his recreation, and his life perpetual motion." the austrian monarchy now embraced one hundred and eighty thousand square miles, containing twenty-four millions of inhabitants. it was indeed a heterogeneous realm, composed of a vast number of distinct nations and provinces, differing in language, religion, government, laws, customs and civilization. in most of these countries the feudal system existed in all its direful oppression. many of the provinces of the austrian empire, like the netherlands, lombardy and suabia, were separated by many leagues from the great central empire. the roman catholic religion was dominant in nearly all the states, and the clergy possessed enormous wealth and power. the masses of the people were sunk in the lowest depths of poverty and ignorance. the aristocratic few rejoiced in luxury and splendor. chapter xxxi. joseph ii. and leopold ii. from to . accession of joseph ii.--his plans of reform.--pius vi.--emancipation of the serfs.--joseph's visit to his sister, maria antoinette.--ambitions designs.--the imperial sleigh ride.--barges on the dneister.--excursion to the crimea.--war with turkey.--defeat of the austrians.--great successes.--death of joseph.--his character.--accession of leopold ii.--his efforts to confirm despotism.--the french revolution.--european coalition.--death of leopold.--his profligacy.--accession of francis ii.--present extent and power of austria.--its army.--policy of the government. when joseph ascended the throne there were ten languages, besides several dialects, spoken in austria--the german, hungarian, sclavonian, latin, wallachian, turkish, modern greek, italian, flemish and french. the new king formed the desperate resolve to fuse the discordant kingdom into one homogeneous mass, obliterating all distinctions of laws, religion, language and manners. it was a benevolent design, but one which far surpassed the power of man to execute. he first attempted to obliterate all the old national landmarks, and divided the kingdom into thirteen states, in each of which he instituted the same code of laws. he ordered the german language alone to be used in public documents and offices; declared the roman catholic religion to be dominant. there were two thousand convents in austria. he reduced them to seven hundred, and cut down the number of thirty-two thousand idle monks to twenty-seven hundred; and nobly issued an edict of toleration, granting to all members of protestant churches the free exercise of their religion. all christians, of every denomination, were declared to be equally eligible to any offices in the state. these enlightened innovations roused the terror and rage of bigoted rome. pope pius vi. was so much alarmed that he took a journey to vienna, that he might personally remonstrate with the emperor. but joseph was inflexible, and the pope returned to rome chagrined and humiliated that he had acted the part of a suppliant in vain. the serfs were all emancipated from feudal vassalage, and thus, in an hour, the slavery under which the peasants had groaned for ages was abolished. he established universities, academies and public schools; encouraged literature and science in every way, and took from the priests their office of censorship of the press, an office which they had long held. to encourage domestic manufactures he imposed a very heavy duty upon all articles of foreign manufacture. new roads were constructed at what was called enormous expense, and yet at expense which was as nothing compared with the cost of a single battle. joseph, soon after his coronation, made a visit to his sister maria antoinette in france, where he was received with the most profuse hospitality, and the bonds of friendship between the two courts were much strengthened. the ambition for territorial aggrandizement seems to have been an hereditary disease of the austrian monarchs. joseph was very anxious to attach bavaria to his realms. proceeding with great caution he first secured, by diplomatic skill, the non-intervention of france and russia. england was too much engaged in the war of the american revolution to interfere. he raised an army of eighty thousand men to crush any opposition, and then informed the duke of bavaria that he must exchange his dominions for the austrian netherlands. he requested the duke to give him an answer in eight days, but declared peremptorily that in case he manifested any reluctance, the emperor would be under the painful necessity of compelling him to make the exchange. the duke appealed to russia, france and prussia for aid. the emperor had bought over russia and france. frederic of prussia, though seventy-four years of age, encouraged the duke to reject the proposal, and promised his support. the king of prussia issued a remonstrance against this despotic act of austria, which remonstrance was sent to all the courts of europe. joseph, on encountering this unexpected obstacle, and finding europe combining against him, renounced his plan and published a declaration that he had never intended to effect the exchange by force. this disavowal, however, deceived no one. a confederacy was soon formed, under the auspices of frederic of prussia, to check the encroachments of the house of austria. this germanic league was almost the last act of frederic. he died august , , after a reign of forty-seven years, in the seventy-fifth year of his age. the ambitious empress of russia, having already obtained the crimea, was intent upon the subversion of the ottoman empire, that she might acquire constantinople as her maritime metropolis in the sunny south. joseph was willing to allow her to proceed unobstructed in the dismemberment of turkey, if she would not interfere with his plans of reform and aggrandizement in germany. in january, , the empress of russia set out on a pleasure excursion of two thousand miles to the crimea; perhaps the most magnificent pleasure excursion that was ever attempted. she was accompanied by all the court, by the french, english and austrian ministers, and by a very gorgeous retinue. it was mid-winter, when the imperial party, wrapped in furs, and in large sledges richly decorated, and prepared expressly for the journey, commenced their sleigh ride of a thousand miles. music greeted them all along the way; bonfires blazed on every hill; palaces, brilliant with illuminations and profusely supplied with every luxury, welcomed them at each stage where they stopped for refreshment or repose. the roads were put in perfect order; and relays of fresh horses every few miles being harnessed to the sledges, they swept like the wind over the hills and through the valleys. the drive of a few weeks, with many loiterings for pleasure in the cities on the way, took them to kief on the dnieper. this ancient city, the residence of the grand dukes of russia, contained a population of about twenty-six thousand. here the imperial court established itself in the ducal palaces, and with music, songs and dances beguiled the days until, with the returning spring, the river opened. in the meantime an immense flotilla of imperial barges had been prepared to drift down the stream, a thousand miles, to its mouth at kherson, where the river flows into the black sea. these barges were of magnificent dimensions, floating palaces, containing gorgeous saloons and spacious sleeping apartments. as they were constructed merely to float upon the rapid current of the stream, impelled by sails when the breeze should favor, they could easily be provided with all the appliances of luxury. it is difficult to conceive of a jaunt which would present more of the attractions of pleasure, than thus to glide in saloons of elegance, with imperial resources and surrounded by youth, beauty, genius and rank, for a thousand miles down the current of one of the wildest and most romantic streams of europe. it was a beautiful sunny morning of may, when the regal party, accompanied by the music of military bands, and with floating banners, entered the barges. the river, broad and deep, rolls on with majestic flow, now through dense forests, black and gloomy, where the barking of the bear is heard and wolves hold their nightly carousals; now it winds through vast prairies hundreds of miles in extent; again it bursts through mountain barriers where cliffs and crags rise sublimely thousands of feet in the air; here with precipitous sides of granite, bleak and scathed by the storms of centuries, and there with gloomy firs and pines rising to the clouds, where eagles soar and scream and rear their young. flocks and herds now graze upon the banks; here lies the scattered village, and its whole population, half civilized men, and matrons and maidens in antique, grotesque attire, crowd the shores. now the pinnacles and the battlements of a great city rise to view. armies were gathered at several points to entertain the imperial pleasure-party with all the pomp and pageantry of war. at pultowa they witnessed the maneuverings of a battle, with its thunderings and uproar and apparent carnage--the exact representation of the celebrated battle of pultowa, which peter the great gained on the spot over charles xii. of sweden. the emperor joseph had been invited to join this party, and, with his court and retinue, was to meet them at kherson, near the mouth of the dneister, and accompany the empress to the crimea. but, perhaps attracted by the splendor of the water excursion, he struck across the country in a north-east direction, by the way of lemberg, some six hundred miles, to intercept the flotilla and join the party on the river. but the water of the river suddenly fell, and some hundred miles above kherson, the flotilla ran upon a sand bar and could not be forced over. the empress, who was apprised of the approach of the emperor, too proud to be found in such a situation, hastily abandoned the flotilla, and taking the carriages which they had with them, drove to meet joseph. the two imperial suites were soon united, and they swept on, a glittering cavalcade, to kherson. joseph and catharine rode in a carriage together, where they had ample opportunity of talking over all their plans of mutual aggrandizement. as no one was permitted to listen to their conversations, their decisions can only be guessed at. they entered the city of kherson, then containing about sixty thousand inhabitants, surrounded by all the magnificence which russian and austrian opulence could exhibit. a triumphal arch spanned the gate, upon which was inscribed in letters of gold, "the road to byzantium." four days were passed here in revelry. the party then entered the crimea, and continued their journey as far as sevastopol, where the empress was delighted to find, within its capacious harbor, many russian frigates at anchor. immense sums were expended in furnishing entertainments by the way. at batcheseria, where the two sovereigns occupied the ancient palace of the khans, they looked out upon a mountain in a blaze of illumination, and apparently pouring lava floods from its artificial volcanic crater. joseph returned to vienna, and immediately there was war--austria and russia against turkey. joseph was anxious to secure the provinces of bosnia, servia, moldavia and wallachia, and to extend his empire to the dneister. with great vigor he made his preparations, and an army of two hundred thousand men, with two thousand pieces of artillery, were speedily on the march down the danube. catharine was equally energetic in her preparations, and all the north of europe seemed to be on the march for the overthrow of the ottoman empire. proverbially fickle are the fortunes of war. joseph commenced the siege of belgrade with high hopes. he was ignominiously defeated, and his troops were driven, utterly routed, into hungary, pursued by the turks, who spread ruin and devastation widely around them. disaster followed disaster. disease entered the austrian ranks, and the proud army melted away. the emperor himself, with about forty thousand men, was nearly surrounded by the enemy. he attempted a retreat by night. a false alarm threw the troops into confusion and terror. the soldiers, in their bewilderment fired upon each other, and an awful scene of tumult ensued. the emperor, on horseback, endeavored to rally the fugitives, but he was swept away by the crowd, and in the midnight darkness was separated from his suite. four thousand men perished in this defeat, and much of the baggage and several guns were lost. the emperor reproached his aides-de-camp with having deserted him. one of them sarcastically replied, "we used our utmost endeavors to keep up with your imperial majesty, but our horses were not so fleet as yours." seventy thousand austrians perished in this one campaign. the next year, , was, however, as prosperous as this had been adverse. the turks at rimnik were routed with enormous slaughter, and their whole camp, with all its treasures, fell into the hands of the victors. belgrade was fiercely assailed and was soon compelled to capitulate. but joseph was now upon his dying bed. the tidings of these successes revived him for a few hours, and leaving his sick chamber he was conveyed to the church of st. stephen, where thanksgivings were offered to god. a festival of three days in vienna gave expression to the public rejoicing. england was now alarmed in view of the rapid strides of austria and russia, and the cabinet of st. james formed a coalition with holland and prussia to assist the turks. france, now in the midst of her revolutionary struggle, could take no part in these foreign questions. these successes were, however, but a momentary gleam of sunshine which penetrated the chamber of the dying monarch. griefs innumerable clustered around him. the inhabitants of the netherlands rose in successful rebellion and threw off the austrian yoke. prussia was making immense preparations for the invasion of austria. the hungarians were rising and demanding emancipation from the court of vienna. these calamities crushed the emperor. he moaned, and wept and died. in his last hours he found much solace in religious observances, devoutly receiving the sacrament of the lord's supper, and passing much of his time in prayer. he died on the th of february, , in the forty-ninth year of his age, and the tenth of his reign. joseph had been sincerely desirous of promoting the best interests of his realms; but had been bitterly disappointed in the result of most of his efforts at reform. just before he died, he said, "i would have engraven on my tomb, 'here lies the sovereign who, with the best intentions, never carried a single project into execution.'" he was married twice, but both of his wives, in the prime of youth, fell victims to the small-pox, that awful disease which seems to have been a special scourge in the austrian royal family. as joseph ii. died without children, the crown passed to his next brother, leopold, who was then grand duke of tuscany. leopold ii., at his accession to the throne, was forty-three years of age. he hastened to vienna, and assumed the government. by prudent acts of conciliation he succeeded in appeasing discontents, and soon accomplished the great object of his desire in securing the election to the imperial throne. he was crowned at frankfort, october , . with frankness very unusual in the diplomacy of kings, he sought friendly relations with all the neighboring powers. to frederic william, who was now king of prussia, he wrote: "in future, i solemnly protest, no views of aggrandizement will ever enter into my political system. i shall doubtless employ all the means in my possession to defend my country, should i unfortunately be driven to such measures; but i will endeavor to give no umbrage. to your majesty in particular, i will act as you act towards me, and will spare no efforts to preserve perfect harmony." to these friendly overtures, frederic william responded in a similar spirit; but still there were unsettled points of dispute between the two kingdoms which threatened war, and large armies were gathered on their respective frontiers in preparation for the commencement of hostilities. in , after much correspondence, they came to terms, and articles of peace were signed. at the same time an armistice was concluded with the turks. the spirit of liberty which had emancipated the colonies of north america from the aristocratic sway of england, shivering the scepter of feudal tyranny in france, had penetrated hungary. leopold was endeavoring to rivet anew the shackles of despotism, when he received a manly remonstrance from an assembly of hungarians which had been convened as pest. in the following noble terms they addressed the king. "the fame, august sovereign, which has preceded you, has declared you a just and gracious prince. it says that you forget not that you are a man; that you are sensible that the king was made for the people, not the people for the king. from the rights of nations and of man, and from that social compact whence states arose, it is incontestable that the sovereignty originates from the people. this axiom, our parent nature has impressed on the hearts of all. it is one of those which a just prince (and such we trust your majesty ever will be) can not dispute. it is one of those inalienable imprescriptible rights which the people can not forfeit by neglect or disuse. our constitution places the sovereignty jointly in the king and people, in such a manner that the remedies necessary to be applied according to the ends of social life, for the security of persons and property, are in the power of the people. "we are sure, therefore, that at the meeting of the ensuing diet, your majesty will not confine yourself to the objects mentioned in your rescript, but will also restore our freedom to us, in like manner as to the belgians, who have conquered theirs with the sword. it would be an example big with danger, to teach the world that a people can only protect or regain their liberties by the sword and not by obedience." but leopold, trembling at the progress which freedom was making in france, determined to crush this spirit with an iron heel. their petition was rejected with scorn and menace. with great splendor leopold entered presburg, and was crowned king of hungary on the th of november, . having thus silenced the murmurs in hungary, and established his authority there, he next turned his attention to the recovery of the netherlands. the people there, breathing the spirit of french liberty, had, by a simultaneous rising, thrown off the detestable austrian yoke. forty-five thousand men were sent to effect their subjugation. on the th of november, the army appeared before brussels. in less than one year all the provinces were again brought under subjection to the austrian power. leopold, thus successful, now turned his attention to france. maria antoinette was his sister. he had another sister in the infamous queen caroline of naples. the complaints which came incessantly from versailles and the tuilleries filled his ear, touched his affections, and roused his indignation. twenty-five millions of people had ventured to assert their rights against the intolerable arrogance of the french court. leopold now gathered his armies to trample those people down, and to replace the scepter of unlimited despotism in the hands of the bourbons. with sleepless zeal leopold coöperated with nearly all the monarchs in europe, in combining a resistless force to crush out from the continent of europe the spirit of popular liberty. an army of ninety thousand men was raised to coöperate with the french emigrants and all the royalists in france. the king was to escape from paris, place himself at the head of the emigrants, amounting to more than twenty thousand, rally around his banners all the advocates of the old regime, and then, supported by all the powers of combined europe, was to march upon paris, and take a bloody vengeance upon a people who dared to wish to be free. the arrest of louis xvi. at varennes deranged this plan. leopold, alarmed not only by the impending fate of his sister, but lest the principles of popular liberty, extending from france, should undermine his own throne, wrote as follows to the king of england: "i am persuaded that your majesty is not unacquainted with the unheard of outrage committed by the arrest of the king of france, the queen my sister and the royal family, and that your sentiments accord with mine on an event which, threatening more atrocious consequences, and fixing the seal of illegality on the preceding excesses, concerns the honor and safety of all governments. resolved to fulfill what i owe to these considerations, and to my duty as chief of the german empire, and sovereign of the austrian dominions, i propose to your majesty, in the same manner as i have proposed to the kings of spain, prussia and naples, as well as to the empress of russia, to unite with them, in a concert of measures for obtaining the liberty of the king and his family, and setting bounds to the dangerous excesses of the french revolution." the british _people_ nobly sympathized with the french in their efforts at emancipation, and the british government dared not _then_ shock the public conscience by assailing the patriots in france. leopold consequently turned to frederic william of prussia, and held a private conference with him at pilnitz, near dresden, in saxony, on the th of august, . the count d'artois, brother of louis xvi., and who subsequently ascended the french throne as charles x., joined them in this conference. in the midst of these agitations and schemes leopold ii. was seized with a malignant dysentery, which was aggravated by a life of shameless debauchery, and died on the st of march, , in the forty-fifth year of his age, and after a reign of but two years. leopold has the reputation of having been, on the whole, a kind-hearted man, but his court was a harem of unblushing profligacy. his broken-hearted wife was compelled to submit to the degradation of daily intimacy with the mistress of her husband. upon one only of these mistresses the king lavished two hundred thousand dollars in drafts on the bank of vienna. the sums thus infamously squandered were wrested from the laboring poor. his son, francis ii., who succeeded him upon the throne, was twenty-two years of age. in most affecting terms the widowed queen entreated her son to avoid those vices of his father which had disgraced the monarchy and embittered her whole life. the reign of francis ii. was so eventful, and was so intimately blended with the fortunes of the french revolution, the consulate and the empire, that the reader must be referred to works upon those subjects for the continuation of the history. during the wars with napoleon austria lost forty-five thousand square miles, and about three and a half millions of inhabitants. but when at length the combined monarchs of europe triumphed over napoleon, the monarch of the people's choice, and, in the carnage of waterloo, swept constitutional liberty from the continent, austria received again nearly all she had lost. this powerful empire, as at present constituted, embraces: square miles inhabitants the hereditary states of austria, , , , the duchy of styria, , , tyrol, , , bohemia, , , , moravia , , , the duchy of auschnitz in galicia, , , illyria, , , hungary, , , , dalmatia, , , the lombardo-venetian kingdom, , , , galicia, , , , thus the whole austrian monarchy contains , square miles, and a population which now probably exceeds forty millions. the standing army of this immense monarchy, in time of peace, consists of , men, which includes , horse and , artillery. in time of war this force can be increased to almost any conceivable amount. thus slumbers this vast despotism, in the heart of central europe, the china of the christian world. the utmost vigilance is practiced by the government to seclude its subjects, as far as possible, from all intercourse with more free and enlightened nations. the government is in continual dread lest the kingdom should be invaded by those liberal opinions which are circulating in other parts of europe. the young men are prohibited, by an imperial decree, from leaving austria to prosecute their studies in foreign universities. "be careful," said francis ii. to the professors in the university at labach, "not to teach too much. i do not want learned men in my kingdom; i want good subjects, who will do as i bid them." some of the wealthy families, anxious to give their children an elevated education, and prohibited from sending them abroad, engaged private tutors from france and england. the government took the alarm, and forbade the employment of any but native teachers. the bible, the great chart of human liberty, all despots fear and hate. in a decree was issued by the emperor prohibiting the distribution of the bible in any part of the austrian dominions. the censorship of the press is rigorous in the extreme. no printer in austria would dare to issue the sheet we now write, and no traveler would be permitted to take this book across the frontier. twelve public censors are established at vienna, to whom every book published within the empire, whether original or reprinted, must be referred. no newspaper or magazine is tolerated which does not advocate despotism. only those items of foreign intelligence are admitted into those papers which the emperor is willing his subjects should know. the _freedom_ of republican america is carefully excluded. the slavery which disgraces our land is ostentatiously exhibited in harrowing descriptions and appalling engravings, as a specimen of the degradation to which republican institutions doom the laboring class. a few years ago, an english gentleman dined with prince metternich, the illustrious prime minister of austria, in his beautiful castle upon the rhine. as they stood after dinner at one of the windows of the palace, looking out upon the peasants laboring in the vineyards, metternich, in the following words, developed his theory of social order: "our policy is to extend all possible _material_ happiness to the whole population; to administer the laws patriarchaly; to prevent their tranquility from being disturbed. is it not delightful to see those people looking so contented, so much in the possession of what makes them comfortable, so well fed, so well clad, so quiet, and so religiously observant of order? if they are injured in persons or property, they have immediate and unexpensive redress before our tribunals, and in that respect, neither i, nor any nobleman in the land, has the smallest advantage over a peasant." but volcanic fires are heaving beneath the foundations of the austrian empire, and dreadful will be the day when the eruption shall burst forth. index. adolphus (of nassau) election of over the germanic empire, . summoned to answer charges against him, . deposed by the diet, . death of, . adrian assumes the tiara, . �neas sylvius, remarks of, . agnes (daughter of cunegunda) to marry rhodolph's son, . engaged in the massacre, . enters a convent, . aix-la-chapelle, coronation of albert i. at, . coronation of charles v. at, . taken possession of by rhodolph, . peace of, . albert (fourth count of hapsburg), . departure of for the holy war, . address of to his sons, . death of, . the favorite captain of frederic ii., . albert i. succeeds his father, . his character, . elected emperor of germany, . victor at gelheim, . assassination of, . albert iii. rules with otho, . acquisitions of, . albert iv., succession of, . improvements projected by, . albert v. declared of age, . accepted king of hungary, . death of, . albert (of bavaria) declines the throne of hungary, . albert (archduke) the candidate of the catholics, . alliance of barons to crush rhodolph of hapsburg, . same dissolved, . alphonso (of castile) candidate for crown of germany, . alphonso (king of naples), abdication of, . amurath, conquests of, . anabaptists, rise of the sect of, . anhalt (prince of), dispatched with a list of grievances to the emperor, . address to the emperor, . ban of the empire declared against, . ann (princess of hungary and bohemia), marriage of to ferdinand i., . anna (of russia), desire of to secure a harbor for russia, . anecdotes of rhodolph, . of charles v., . apology of maximilian, . aschhausen, confederacy at, . augsburg, diet of, . bold speech of the diet at, . triumphal reception of maurice at, . confession of, . augustus ii. loses and regains his empire, . death of, . aulic council, establishment of the, . austria, a portion of given as dowry to hedwige, . nucleus of the empire of, . invasion of by john of bohemia, . wonderful growth of, . division of, . accession of ladislaus over, . the house of invested with new dignity, . becomes a part of spain, . the empire of apparently on the eve of dissolution, . the leading power in europe, . dispute as to the succession to the crown of, . treaty between spain and, . maria theresa ascends the throne of, . deplorable state of at that time, . defeat of by frederic, . the proposed division of, . prosperity of, . important territory wrested from, . alliance of with prussia, . joseph ii. ascends the throne of, . situation and character of, . languages spoken in, . leopold ascends the throne of, . acquisitions of by the battle of waterloo, present constitution of, . doctrines of the government of, . its future, . austrians, triumph of the at brussels, . triumph of the at malplaquet, . evacuation of madrid by the, . prohibited from trading-with spain, . the, driven from the neapolitan states, . the, defeated at crotzka, . baden, peace of, . bajazet, victory achieved by, . balder, attack of rhodolph upon, . ballot-box, its authority in poland, . balne (lord), followers of put to death, . banditti, companies of put down by rhodolph, . barbaria, wife of sigismond, . barcelona, capture of by charles, . basle, attack upon the city of, . demands of the bishop of upon rhodolph, . impious remark of the bishop of, aid of the bishop of to rhodolph, . bavaria (henry, duke of), intimidated by rhodolph, . marriage of hedwige to otho of, . agrees to carry the edict of worms into effect, . his hatred of wallenstein, . urged as a candidate for the imperial crown, . dishonorable despair of, . death of, . bavaria (charles of), death of, . bavaria, maximilian joseph ascends the throne of, . bayard (chevalier de), the knight without fear or reproach, . belgrade, relief of, . siege of, . capture of by eugene, . surrendered to the turks, . belleisle (general), heroic retreat of, . blenheim, massacre at, . bloody diet, the, . theater of eperies, . bohemia, triumphal march of rhodolph into, . the crown of demanded by albert i., . revolt in, . rise of the nobles of against ferdinand, . the monarchy of, . religious conflicts in, . resistance of to ferdinand, . symptoms of the decay of, . ferdinand's blow at, . severity of ferdinand towards, . son of ferdinand crowned king of, . change of prosperity of during reign of ferdinand ii., . rise of the protestants in, . the elector of bavaria crowned king of, . the prussians driven from, . (king of), chosen emperor of germany, . brandenburg, reply of the marquis of to charles v., . british minister, letter of the in regard to maria theresa, . letter of the in regard to the affairs in hungary, . brunau, the protestant church of, . brunswick, marriage of charles vi. to elizabeth christina of, . brussels, diet at, . buda taken by the turks, . bull (see pope). burghers prevented from attending protestant worship, . burgundy (duke of), ambition of the, . burgundy (mary of), marriage of by proxy, . death of, . c�sar borgia, plans for, . calendar, the julian and gregorian, . campegio, a legate from the pope to, . capistrun, john, rousing eloquence of, . cardinal kleses, counselor to the king, . abduction of, . carinthia, dukedom of, . carlos crowned as charles iii., . carlovitz, treaty of, . cassau captured by botskoi, . castle (hawk's), situation of, . (oeltingen), the dowry of gertrude of hohenburg, . catharine ii. ascends the throne of russia, . cooperates with austria. . desire of to acquire constantinople, . grand excursion of, . places count poniatowski on the throne of poland, . catherine bora, marriage of to luther, . chancellor of saxony, reading of the confession of augsburg by, . reply of to the emperor, . charles of bohemia, succession of to the kingdom of austria, . death of, . charles emanuel (king of sardinia) character of, . charles gustavus succeeds christina, queen of sweden, . his invasion of poland, . energy of, . charles (prince), defeat of by frederic, . charles (prince of lorraine) marriage of, . charles ii., the throne of spain held by, . sends embassage to the pope, . induced to bequeath the crown to france, . death of, . charles iii. crowned king of spain, . army of routed, . arrival of at barcelona, . desperate condition of, . flight of, . description of his appearance, . dilatoriness of, . crowned king, . carlos crowned as, . (see also charles vi.) charles v. (of spain) inherits the austrian states, . petitions to, . required to sign a constitution, . ambition of, . apologetic declaration of, . refusal of to violate his safe conduct, . attempts of to bribe luther, . determination of to suppress religious agitation, . interview of with the pope at bologna, . call of for the diet at augsburg, . intolerance of, . appeal of to the protestants for aid, . in violation of his pledge, turns against the protestants, . secret treaty of with the king of france, . treaty of with the turks, . forces secured by against the protestants, . alarm of at the preparations of the protestants, . preparations of to enforce the council of trent, . march of to ingolstadt, . flight of to landshut, . triumph of over the protestants, . conquers the elector of saxony, . revenge of towards the elector of saxony, . march to wittemberg, . visit to the grave of luther, . attempts of to settle the religious differences, . attempt of to establish the inquisition in burgundy, . power of over the pope, . calls a diet at augsburg. . failure of to accomplish the election of philip, . confounded at the success of the protestants. . flight of from maurice, . unconquerable will of, . urged to yield, . fortune deserting, . extraordinary despondency of, . abdication of in favor of philip, his son, . enters the convent of st. justus, . convent life of, . death of, . anecdotes of, . attempt of to abdicate the elective crown of germany to ferdinand, . charles vi. (see also charles iii. for previous information), limitations imposed on the power of, . desertion of by his allies, . addition of wallachia and servia to the dominion of, . marriage of, . his alteration of the compact established by leopold, . power of, . involved in duplicity, . insult to, . ambition of to secure the throne of spain for his daughters, . the loss of lombardy felt by, . attempt of to force assistance from france, . his first acknowledgment of the people, in his letter to count kinsky, . interference of in poland, . sends strickland to london to overthrow the cabinet, . troubles of in italy, . distraction of, . proposal of for a settlement with france, . humbled by loss of empire. . a scrupulous romanist, . removal of all the protestants from the army, . fears of for the safety of maria theresa, . anguish of at the surrender of belgrade, . letter of to the queen of russia, . death of, . charles vii., death of, . charles viii. informed of the league against him, . death of, . charles xii. joins the austrian party, . death of, . conquests of, . chazleau, battle of, . christiana, the succession of sweden conferred upon, . abdicates in favor of charles gustavus, . christian iv. (of denmark), leader of the protestants, declares war, . conquered by ferdinand, . church, exactions of the, . cilli, influence of count over ladislaus, . driven from the empire, . clement vii. succeeds adrian as pope, . cleves, duchy of put in sequestration, . cologne, the archbishop of joins the protestants, . deposition of the archbishop of, . conduct, luther presented with a safe, . confession of augsburg, . reading of, . congress at rothenburg, . at hanau, . at prague, , and letter of to matthias, . of electors at frankfort, . conspiracy against albert, . formed by albert against adolphus, . constantinople, capture of by the turks, . constitution, charles v. required to sign a, . council of trent, . of trent in , . of state convened in spain, . cremnitz, resistance of, . cremonia to be disposed of as plunder, . croatia invaded by the turks, . crotzka. battle of, . crusade against the turks, . cunegunda (wife of ottocar), her taunts, . offer of to place bohemia under the protection of rhodolph, . danube, position of austria on the, . daun (count), honors of at his victory, . denmark, the king of obliged to yield to charles gustavus, . diepold thrown from the palace by the mob, . diet, command of the of augsburg to ottocar, . at augsburg, . at augsburg, . at brussels. . at lubec, . at prague, in , . at prague, . the protestant at prague, . decrees of the, . at passau, . its agreement as to the rights of the protestants, . at pilgram, . at presburg, accusation of leopold by the, . at ratisbon, . at spires, . at stetzim, . demands of, . at worms, . refusal of the at worms to cooperate with maximilian, . at znaim, . power of the hungarian, . doctrine of the three parties, . ancient and modern, contention about shadowy points of, . dresden, treaty of, . ernest, death of, . eleonora (wife of leopold), her character, . marriage of, . her death, . elfsnaben, a fleet assembled at by gustavus adolphus, , elizabeth (wife of philip v.), ambition of, . demands of on charles vi., . elizabeth (of russia), death of, . emerio tekeli invested with the hungarian forces, . england, assistance of against the turks, . supports the house of austria against france, . curious contradictory conduct of, . pledge of to support the pragmatic sanction, . supports austria to check france, . determines to support maria theresa, . prodigality of, . war declared against by france, . purchases the aid of poland, . private arrangement of with prussia, . remonstrated with for its treatment of the queen, . alliance of with prussia, . a subsidy voted prussia by, . alarmed at the strides of austria and russia, . eperies, tribunal at, . ernest, conquests of, . eugene (prince) commands the austrian army, . his heroic capture of belgrade, . his disapproval of the war, . death of, . funeral honors of. . europe, condition of the different powers of, . excommunication of the venetians, . family of rhodolph, . the three daughters of the imperial, . ferdinand (of austria) invested with the government of the austrian states, . determines to arrest protestantism, . assumes some impartiality, . chosen king of the romans, . bohemia and hungary added to his kingdom, . demands the restitution of belgrade, . his siege of buda, . tribute of to the turks, . his attempts to weaken the power of the hungarian nobles, . conditions of his pardon of the hungarian nobles, . his punishment of the revolters, . his establishment of the jesuits in bohemia, . his inconsistencies, . obtains the crown of germany, . opposed by the pope, . elected emperor of germany, . character of, . rich spoils of, . he assembles a diet at eatisbon, . perplexity of in regard to the demands of the diet, . ferdinand (king of arragon) furnishes supplies for the war against the venetians, . ferdinand (of naples), flight of to ischia, . ferdinand (king of the romans) crowned at ratisbon, . his death, . ferdinand i. illustrious birth of, . marriage of, . efforts of to unite protestants and catholics, . attempts of to prevent the spread of protestantism, . the founder of the austrian empire, . death of, . ferdinand ii. manifesto of, . abduction of cardinal kleses by, . troops of defeated by the protestants, . refers the complaints of the protestants to arbitration, . unpopularity of with the catholics, . unexpected rescue of, . elected king of germany, . concludes an alliance with maximilian, . secures the coöperation of the elector of saxony and louis xiii., . subdues austria, . barbarity of the troops of, . vengeance of, . meeting at ratisbon to approve the acts of, . victories of, . capture of the duchies of mecklenburg, . seizes pomerania, . revokes all concessions to the protestants, . son of crowned king of bohemia, . manifesto of against gustavus adolphus, . decorous appreciation of to the memory of gustavus adolphus, . outwitted by a capuchin friar, . succeeds in securing the election of his son ferdinand, . his death, . ferdinand iii. ascends the throne, . his proposal for a truce with prague, . desire of for peace, . succeeds in securing the election of his son as ferdinand king of the romans, . death of, . fleury (cardinal), ascendancy of over louis xv., . florence threatened by louis xii., . france influence of in wresting sacrifices from the emperor, . the dominant power, . fraud by which obtained possession of spain, . condition of under louis xiv., . refusal of to engage in the polish war, . design of to deprive maria theresa of her kingdom, . declares war against england, . alliance of effected with austria. . francis (of france) claims austria, . perfidy of, . death of, . francis i. (duke of lorraine) elected emperor of germany, . francis ii. ascends the throne, . francis ravaillac, the assassin of henry iv., . frankfort, congress at, . frederic (king of naples), doom of, . frederic (of saxony) friendly seizure of luther by, . death of, . frederic i. (the handsome) capture of . surrender of, . death of, . frederic ii. (of germany) renown of, . death of, . curious occupations of, . frederic ii. (of austria) treachery of, . wanderings of, . death of, . frederic v., character of, . accepts the crown of bohemia, . inefficiency of, . his feast during the assault, . renounces all claim to bohemia, . flight of, . his property sequestrated, . frederic (king of bohemia, elector of palatine), death of, . frederic (of prussia), demands of, . seizure of silesia by, . triumphal entrance into breslau, . his defeat of neuperg, . opinions of on magnanimity, . his indignation at the small concessions of austria, . implores peace, . violation of his pledge, . capture of prague by, . surprises and defeats prince charles, . invasion of saxony by, . explanation demanded from austria by, . artifice of to entrap the allies, . defeat of at prague, . recklessness of, . undaunted perseverance of, . despair of, . secures an alliance with prussia, . letter of to maria theresa, . peaceful reply of, . french, the, driven out of italy, . the, routed near brussels, . rout of at brussels, . defeat of the at malplaquet, . gabriel bethlehem chosen leader in the hungarian revolution, . he retires to presburg, . compelled to sue for peace, . gelheim, battle of, . gallas appointed commander in place of wallenstein, . genoa, aid furnished leopold by, . germany, its conglomeration of states, . independence of each state of, . position of the emperor of, . decline of the imperial dignity of, . its division into ten districts, . growing independence in of the pope, . tranquillity of under ferdinand, . rejoicing in at the downfall of rhodolph, . divided into two leagues, . distracted state of, . religious agitation in, . the elector of bavaria chosen emperor of, . gertrude (of hohenburg), marriage of to rhodolph of hapsburg, . her dowry, . ghiaradadda to be bestowed on venice, . gibraltar taken by the english, . golden fleece, establishment of the order of the, . gran, capture of the fortress at, . great wardein, siege of, . the turks retain, . grenader, the plot at, . grievances complained of by the confederacy at heilbrun, . guicciardini, remark of charles v. about, . gunpowder, its introduction, . guntz, triumphant resistance of the fortress of, . gustavus yasa (king of sweden), league with against charles v., . gustavus adolphus, rouses the country against ferdinand ii., . assembles a fleet at elfsnaben, . stettin captured by, . mark of brandenburg taken possession of by, . conquers at the battle of leipsic, . his tranquil campaign, . his intrenchment at nuremberg, . his attack on wallenstein, . his death, . relics of, . hanau, conference at, . hanover, title of the elector of to the crown of england, . hawk's castle. (see castle.) hedwige, wife of albert of hapsburg, . betrothal of, . helvetic states, independence of acknowledged, . henry (duke of anjou), abdication of the throne of poland, . succeeds charles ix., . henry (duke of carinthia) chosen king, . henry (count of luxemburg) elected emperor of austria, . his death, . henry (of valois) succeeds charles ix., . henry viii. (of england) claims austria, . henry iv. (of france), efforts of to unite lutherans and calvinists, . political course of, . assassination of, . his plans for remodeling europe, . hockkirchen, battle of, . holy league, formation of, . hungarians, the, summons a diet, . the, remonstrate with leopold, . (see also hungary.) hungary, despotism of rhodolph iii. in, . new revolt in, . attempt of leopold to establish despotic power in, . rise of against leopold, . troubles in observed by joseph i., . enthusiastic support of maria theresa in, . (see also hungarian.) hunnlades (john), regent of hungary, , popularity of, . death of, . hymn, singing of a by the army of gustavus on the field of battle, . isabella (wife of frederic), death of, . isabella (of spain), determination of to obtain for her son the crown of hungary, . propositions of to ferdinand for peace, . imperial chamber, creation of the, . ingolstadt, charles v. marches to, . innspruck, arrival of the duke of ludovico at, . the emperor sick at, . the palace at surrendered to pillage, . insurrection in vienna, . of suabia, . inzendorf, the lord of arrested by matthias, . ischia, flight of ferdinand to the island of, . italy, invasion of by mahomet ii., . victories of henry of france in, . invaded by the spaniards, . invaded by the french and spaniards, . jaghellon, the grand duke, . marriage of hedwige to, . baptism of, . (for further reference see ladislaus.) james i., matrimonial negotiations of, . jeanette poisson (see marchioness of pompadour). jesuits, the, expelled from prague, . joanna (of spain), insanity of, . john (of bohemia), character of, . his invasion of austria, . john sigismond, death of, . john sobieski goes to the relief of vienna, . enthusiastic reception of, . refuses to fight tekeli, . john (the constant) succeeds frederic, elector of saxony, . john (of tapoli), negotiations of with the turks for the throne of hungary, . marriage and death of, . john (of medici) elected pope, . joseph (of germany) elected as successor of leopold, . joseph i. secures a treaty with france for neutrality for italy, . continues the war against spain, . political concessions of in hungary, . refusal of to grant the demands of the diet, . transylvania again subject to, . rout of the hungarians by, . death of, . joseph ii. (of austria) elected to succeed the emperor francis, . assumes the crown of germany, . succeeds maria theresa, . character of, . death of, . attempt of to obliterate distinctions in austria, . emancipates the serfs of, . joins the excursion of catherine ii., . defeat of at belgrade, . successes of, . julius iii. ascends the pontifical throne, . kaunitz (count) appointed prime minister, . kevenhuller (general) given the command of the austrian army, . king, nominal power of the, . kinsky, letter of charles vi. to, . kleses. (see cardinal.) konigsegg (general), power of in a counsel of war, . recalled in disgrace, . ladislaus i., coronation of, . visit of to the pope, . inglorious flight of, . tyranny of towards the family of hunniades, . flight of from buda, . his projected marriage to magdalen, . death of, . ladislaus ii. elected king of hungary, . assumes the government of austria, . landau, the austrians checked at, . landshut, flight of charles v. to, . league against france, . of augsburg, . leipsic captured by tilly, . leo x., john of medici assumes the name of, . leopold i. (of austria) succeeds ferdinand iii., . convenes the diet at presburg, . accused by the diet of persecution, . his desire for peace, . organizes a coalition against louis xiv., . attempt of to establish despotic power in hungary, . driven from hungary, . flight of with his family, . humiliation of, . disgust of the people with, . vengeance of, . efforts of to obtain a decree that the crown was hereditary, . claims spain, . declares war against france, . deserted by the duke of bavaria, . death of, . canonization of, . his various marriages, . leopold ii. ascends the austrian throne, . despotism of in hungary meets with a remonstrance, . interposes against france, . letter of to the king of england, . death of, . leopold i. (of germany), character and death of, . leopold i. (of switzerland), character of, . death of, . leopold ii., succession of, . assumes the guardianship of albert v., . death of, . leopold (archduke) invasion of upper austria by, . defeat of by matthias, . lewis ii., excommunication of, . liberty, the spirit of acting in france, . lithuania, duchy of, . annexation of to poland, . loredo, arrival of charles v. at, . lorraine (chevalier de), duel between the and the young turk, . lorraine, duchy of demanded by france, . lorraine (francis stephen, duke of) compelled to flee from hungary, . his engagement with maria theresa, . deprived of his kingdom, . his marriage, . appointed commander of the army, . reply of the to the demand of frederic, . louis xii., succession of to the throne of france, . inaugurated duke of milan, . diplomacy of, . louis xiii. espouses the cause of ferdinand i., . louis xiv., attempt of to thwart leopold, . marriage of, . resolve of to annex a part of spain, . responsible for devastation of the palatinate, . rapacious character of, . claims spain, . preparations of to invade spain, . desire of to retire from the conflict, . melancholy situation of, . louis xv. begins to take part in the government, . louis xvi., plans of, . louis (of bavaria) elected emperor, . excommunication of, . death of, . louis (of hungary), death of, . louis (son of philip v.), death of, . lubec, peace of, . ludovico, escape of the duke of, . ludovico (duke of milan), recovery of italy by the duke of, . mutiny of the troops of, . death of, . luther summoned to repair to rome, . bull of the pope against, . works of burned, . support of at the diet of worms, . summoned to appear before the diet, . triumphal march of, . memorable reply of, . triumph of, . attempts of charles v. to bribe, . his patmos, . his german bible, . the party of encouraged by adrian the pope, . marriage of, . the confession of augsburg too mild for, . visit of charles v. to grave of, . lutherans, reply of to henry iv., . (see also luther.) lutzen, meeting of the armies at, . battle of, . madrid, evacuation of, by the austrians, . magdeburg, the city of, espouses gustavus, . sacking of, by the imperial troops, . mahomet ii., siege of belgrade by, . mahomet iv., his foreign war, . marlborough (duke of), the guardian of anne, . malplaquet, battle at, . mantua, aid furnished leopold by, . battle at, . marchioness of pompadour, arrogance of, . maria antoinette, history of, . letter of maria theresa to, . maria theresa (of spain), marriage of to louis xiv., . maria theresa (of austria), character of, . her attachment for the duke of lorraine, . marriage of, . ascends the austrian throne, . solicitations of to foreign powers, . her apparent doom, . consents to part with glogau, . a son born to her, . desire of that her husband should obtain the imperial crown, . her coronation at presburg, . address of to the diet, . reinforcements of, . ambitious dreams of, . forbids the conference for the relief of prague, . attempt of to evade her promise to sardinia, . arrogance of excites indignation of the other powers, . rouses the hungarians, . recovers bohemia, . interview of the english ambassador with, . signs the treaty of dresden, . indignation of at peace being signed by england, . chagrin of, . her energetic discipline, . secures the friendship of the marchioness of pompadour, reproaches towards england, . her diplomatic fib, . victories of, . loses russia and sweden, . recovers the coöperation of russia, . children of, . letter of to maria antoinette, . letter to frederic desiring peace, . charge to her son, . death of, . fate of her children, . mary anne (of spain) affianced to the dauphin of france, . insulting rejection of, . margaret (of bohemia), engagement of, . marriage and flight of, . divorce of, . margaret, celebration of the nuptials of, . mark of brandenburg, taken possession of by gustavus adolphus, . martinets thrown from the palace by the mob, . massacre, the, of st. bartholomew, . mathew henry (count of thurn), leader of the protestants, . convention called by, . matthias (of hungary), invasion of austria by, . death of, . matthias, character of, . chosen leader of the revolters in the netherlands, . increasing popularity of, . announces his determination to depose rhodolph iii., . his demand that rhodolph should abdicate, . distrust of by the protestants, . arrest of the lord of inzendorf by, . reluctance of to sign the conditions, . elected king, . haughtiness of towards the austrians, . political reconciliation between rhodolph iii. and, . march of against leopold, . limitations affixed to the offer of the crown to, . coronation of, . marriage of, . suspicions of the catholics against, . elected emperor of germany, . thwarted in his attempts to levy an army, . concludes a truce with turkey, . his revival of the ban against the protestants, . efforts of to secure the crown of germany for ferdinand, . opposed by the protestants, . defiant reply of to the congress at prague, . disposition of to favor toleration, . death of, . maurice (of saxony), protestant principles of, . treaty of with the king of france, capture of the tyrol by, . demands of from charles v., death of, . maximilian i., ambition of, . efforts of to rouse the italians, . efforts to secure the swiss estates, . defeat of at the diet of worms, . roused to new efforts, . superstitious fraud of, . drawn into a war with bavaria, . league formed by against the venetians, . abandoned by his allies, . perseverance of rewarded, . confident of success against italy, . letter of to his daughter, . success beginning to attend, . plans of to secure the crowns of hungary and bohemia, . contempt of for the pope, . peculiarities of exhibited, . death of, . accomplishments of, . maximilian ii. allowed to assume the title of emperor elect, . character of, . his letter to the elector palatine, . profession of the catholic faith, . address of to henry of valois, . liberal toleration maintained by, . answer of to the complaints of the diet, . offer of to pay tribute to the turks, . elected king of poland, . death of, . character and acquirements of, . tribute of honor by the ambassadors to, . wife of, . fate of his children, . maximilian (brother of matthias), the candidate of the protestants, . maximilian joseph, ascends the throne of bavaria, . meinhard, legitimate rights of, . death of, . melancthon, character of, . mentz, taunts of the elector of, . metternich, his theory of social order, . metz, siege of, . milan, captured by louis xii., . louis xii. created duke of, . minister (see the countries for which the minister acted). mohatz, battle of, . molnitz, the court of frederic established at, . montecuculi (prince), commander of the troops of leopold, . montserrat, shrine of the holy virgin at, . moravia, to be held five years by rhodolph, . the province of, . triumphal march of count thurn into, . moses tzekeli crowned prince of transylvania, . mulheim, the fortifications of demolished, . munich captured by frederic, . murchfield, meeting of the armies on the field of, . naples, subjugation of, . napoleon bonaparte, similarity of the plans of henry iv. and, . remark of verified, . remark of concerning russia, . netherlands, revolt in the, . marlborough in possession of the, . neuperg (general), imprudence and insult of, . arrested by charles, . neustadt, the emperor's remains to be deposited at, . nicholas (count of zrini), heroic defense of zigeth by, . nissa, capture of, . nobles, the, of bohemia banished, . novarra, defense of the citadel of, . nuremburg, congress at, . request of, that rhodolph should abdicate, . battle of, . famine in the city of, . officers, ignorance of the austrian, . orleans (duke of), matrimonial arrangements of the, . death of the, . orsova captured by the turks, . surrendered to the turks, . otho marries hedwige, of hapsburg, . harmonious rule of, . ottocar (of bohemia), candidate for crown of germany, . opposition of rhodolph, . command of the diet to, . message of, to rhodolph, . power of, . his contempt for rhodolph, . his excommunication by the pope, . his performance of feudal homage, . violates his oath, . the body of found after battle, . oxenstiern (chancellor), appointed commander of the swedish army, . palatinate, territory of the, . pappenheim (general), death of, . passau, diet at, . patmos, luther's, . paul iii. (of russia), alliance of with prussia, . assassination of, . paul iv. (pope), death of, . peace of passarovitz, people, contempt for the, . pest taken by the turks, . peter the great, ambition of, . death of, . peterwardein, strength of, . philip (of burgundy), obtains the dukedom of burgundy, . philip iii. institutes the order of the golden fleece, . philip iv. (of spain) obtains renunciation of succession in favor of margaret, . resolve of, to maintain his throne, . supported by his subjects, . flight of, from catalona, . philip v. despondency of, . abdication of, . resumes his crown, . pilgram, diet at, . pius iv. elected pope, . podiebrad (george), assumes regal authority, . intrusted with the regency of bohemia, . elected king of bohemia, . poland, conditions affixed to the throne of, . stephen barthori chosen king of, by the minority, . attempts of france to place stanislaus on the throne of, . count poniatowski secures the crown of, . to be carved out, . annihilation of, . pomerania, seizure of, by ferdinand, . pompadour (marchioness of), arrogance of the, . poniatowszi (count), elected king of poland, . pope, the, letter of rhodolph to, . character of pope gregory n., . indignation of the, . capitulation of the, . (alexander vi.) bribery of, . (julius ii.) the, bought over, . bull of the, deposing the king of naples, . demands of the, as booty, . infamy of, . infamous acquisitions of, . proclamation against the, by maximilian, . death of, . john of medici elected as, . (leo x.), command of the, to luther to repair to rome, . maximilian's contempt for the, . bull of the, against luther, . bull of the, burned by luther, . death of leo x., the, . (adrian), accession of, as, . (clement vii.) succeeds adrian, . offer of pardon by the, for those who assist in enforcing the council of trent, . disgust of the, against charles v., . (julius iii.) elected as, . indignation of the, at the toleration of the diet at passau, . the, allows maximilian to assume the title of emperor elect, . intolerant pride of, . (pius iv.) elected as, . dependence on the, dispensed with, . refusal of the, to reform abuses, . attempts of the, to influence maximilian ii., . aid extended to leopold by the, . embassage from charles ii. to the, . alarm of the, at the innovations of joseph ii., . pragmatic sanction, the, . the, supported by various powers, . prague, ferdinand crushes the revolt in. . diet at, . seizure of, by leopold, . archbishop of, expelled from the city, . indignation of the inhabitants of, against frederic, . surrender of, to ferdinand, . surrender of, to the austrians, . suffering in, on account of the siege, . praunstein (lord of), reasons for the, declaring war, . precocity, not a modern innovation, . presburg, diet at, . press, success of the, in diffusing intelligence, . printing, the influence of, beginning to be felt, . privileges confined to the nobles, . protest of the minority at the diet of spires, . protestantism, spread of, in europe, . its working for liberty, . protestants, assembly of, at smalkalde, . refusal of the, to assist charles v, . contributions of the, to expel the turks, . increase of the, . the, reject the council of trent, . ruin of the army of the, by charles v., . party of the, predominant in germany, . shameful quarreling among the, . union of, at aschhausen, . opposition of the, to matthias, . their demands on matthias, . reasonable demands of, . forces of the, vanquished at pritznitz, . secret combinations of the, for the rising of the, . concessions to, revoked by ferdinand, . the, prefer the duke of bavaria to any of the family of ferdinand, . loss of the, in the death of gustavus, . pleasure of the, at the entry of frederic into silesia, . prussia, inhabited by a pagan race, . alliance of, with austria, . alliance of, with england, . a subsidy voted to, by england, . formidable preparations against, . prussians, the, driven from bohemia, . raab taken by the turks, . ragotsky (francis), leader of the rebellion, . assembles a diet, . chosen dux, or leader, . outlawed, and escape of, . ratisbon, diet at, in , . refusal of, to accept ferdinand's word, . reformation, commencement of the, . religion, remarkable solicitude for the reputation of, . reward offered for the head of rhodolph, . rhodolph (of hapsburg), at the time of his father's death, . presentation of, by the emperor for baptism, , his incursions, . marriage, . excommunication of, . engaged in prussian crusade, . a monument reared to, by the city of strasburg, . principles of honor, . chosen chief of uri, schweitz, and underwalden, . chosen mayor of zurich, . elected emperor of germany, . power of, as emperor, . family of, . gathering clouds around, . address of the citizens of vienna to, . death of, . rhodolph ii., character and court of, . ostentatious titles of, . death of, . rhodolph iii, crowned king of hungary, . obtains the imperial throne, . bigotry of, . his infringement of the rights of the burghers, . his blows against protestantism, . intolerance of in bohemia, . superstition of, . his favor to ferdinand; . demands of the protestants on, . his encouragement of filibustering expeditions, . remarkable pliancy of, . his terror at the chance of assassination, . political reconciliation between matthias and, . his plot with leopold, . rhodolph taken prisoner, . his abdication, . required to absolve his subjects from their oath of allegiance, . retains the crown of germany, . supplication of to the congress at rothemberg, . a congress at nuremberg summoned by, . death of, . rhodolph (of bohemia), death of, . rhine, separating basle from rhodolph, . richelieu, motives influencing, . ambassadors of urge the duke of bavaria as candidate for the imperial crown, . ripperda (baron), the secret agent of the queen of spain at vienna, . rise and fall of, . escape of to england, . robinson (sir thomas), interview of with maria theresa, . rothenburg, congress at, . russia, growing power of, . succession of the crown of, . instrumental in placing augustus ii on the throne, . saragossa, battle of, . saxony, defeat of the elector of, . nobility of, . degradation of, . power of, . the electorate of, passes to augustus, . schartlin (general), the protestants march under, . schweitz, rhodolph of hapsburg chosen chief of, . sclavonia, marriage of the duke of to the daughter of rhodolph, . seckendorf, (general), the austrian army intrusted to, . his plans of campaign broken up by charles, . capture of nissa by, . condemned to the dungeon, . secret articles of the treaty with austria, . segeberg, league at, . schmettau (general), the retreat of wallis arrested by, . compelled to yield belgrade, . selim succeeds solyman, . semendria, defense of, . its capture, . sempach, battle of, . serfs emancipated by joseph ii., . his plan for seizing bavaria frustrated, . seven years' war, termination of the, . sicily, subjugated and attached to the neapolitan crown, . sigismond (francis, duke of tyrol), his alliance with rhodolph, . representation in the diet introduced by, . death of, . sigismond (of bohemia), power of, . address of to the diet at znaim, . death of, . silesia sold to rhodolph, . taken possession of by frederic, . siseck, turks routed at, . slavata thrown from the palace by the mob, . smalkalde, assembly of the protestants at, . solyman (the magnificent), victories of, . reply of to the demand made by ferdinand, . his method of overcoming difficulties, . his attack upon guntz, . his price of peace with hungary, . death of from rage, . spain decreed by the will of charles ii. to succeed to france, . espouses the cause of ferdinand ii., . assistance furnished leopold by, . invasion of by the british and charles iii., . treaty between austria and, . the austrians forbidden to trade in, . invasion of italy by, . spaniards, the, routed at catalonia, . st. bartholomew, massacre of, . st. gothard, troops stationed at, . battle of, . st. ildefonso, the palace of, . st. justus, convent of, . st. petersburg, rearing of the city of, . stanhope (general), bearing of, . desperate position of, . stanislaus leczinski, career of, . daughter of married to louis xv., . receives a pension from france, . elected king of poland, . his marvelous journey through germany, . staremberg (general), bearing of, . state, the independence of each german, . stephen, crowning of the infant as king, . stephen botskoi, indignity offered to, . his manifesto, . proclaimed king of hungary, . stettin captured by gustavus adolphus, . stetzim, diet at, . stralsund, defense of, . strickland sent to london to overthrow the cabinet, . styria traversed by the turks, . sweden roused by gustavus adolphus against ferdinand ii., . prudent conduct of on death of gustavus, . swedes, sorrow of the at the death of gustavus, . switzerland, divisions of, . thurn (count) leads the mob to the king's council, . appointed commander of the protestants, . invades austria, . tilly (count), the imperial troops intrusted to, . titian, graceful compliment of charles v to, . trausnitz, frederic i. a prisoner at the castle of, . transylvania, rebellion in, . treasure abandoned by the turks, . treaty of passau, . trent, council of, . the second council at, . council at in , . declarations of, tribunal at eperies, . trieste, arrival of troops at, . turenne, the palatinate devastated by, . challenged by the elector of palatinate, . turin, the court of bribed, . turks, origin and increase of the, . defeat of at belgrade, . spread of the, . invasion of hungary by the, . the, driven from hungary, . treaty of charles v. with the, . victorious in hungary, . invasion of europe by the, . compelled to return home, . the, retire from hungary, . peace made by maximilian with the, . invasion of croatia by the, . union of the with the forces of botskoi, . truce of hungary with the, . the, conclude a peace with austria, . invasion of hungary by the, . defeat of on the field of st. gothard, . favorable treaty secured by the, . the invasion of sclavonia by the, . destruction of the army of the, . the, implore peace, . orsova besieged by the, . the, routed at einmik, . tuscany, subjugation of by charles viii, . aid furnished leopold by, . death of the duke of, . tyrol, marriage of albert to elizabeth, daughter of the count of, . possession of obtained by rhodolph ii., . its power as the key to italy, . death of the duke of, . uladislaus obtains the throne of hungary, . ulm, rendezvous of the protestants at, . ulric, the protestant duke of restored to wirtemberg, . underwalden, rhodolph of hapsburg chosen chief of, . uri, rhodolph of hapsburg chosen chief of, . uttleberg, capture of the castle of by rhodolph, . valerius bartholomew, the king's confessor, . valladolid, court of philip established at, . vendome (general) joins philip, . venice bribed, . maximilian bound by truce with, . aid furnished leopold by, . victor asmedeus, business of, . vienna one of the strongest defenses of the empire, . the king's residence at, . address of the citizens of to rhodolph, . siege of, . the professors of the university at avow the doctrines of luther, . assault of, . delivered by sobieski, . wallenstein made generalissimo of all the forces, . arrogance of, . matrimonial alliances of, . his dismissal from the army demanded, . he retires from the army . his regal mode of living, . his humiliating exactions from the emperor, . superstition of, . urges ferdinand to make peace, . traitorous offer to surrender to the swedes, . his assassination, . wallis (marshal) given the command of the army, . arrested by charles, . war, its debit and credit account, . (see also the various campaigns.) waterloo, its advantage to austria, . wenceslaus acknowledged king, . marriage to judeth, . death of, . westphalia, signing of the peace of, . conditions of the treaty of, . white mountain, battle of, . william (son of leopold), demand of for the government, . marriage of, . winkelreid (arnold), heroism of, . wismar, the naval depot of ferdinand, . wittemberg, procession of the students of, . worms, diet at in , . the diet of inveighs luther, . zealand, encampment of charles gustavus in, . zigeth, heroic defense of by nicholas, . noble death of the garrison of, . zinzendorf, remark of, . znaim, diet at, . zurich, rhodolph of hapsburg chosen chief of, . select speeches of kossuth. condensed and abridged, _with kossuth's express sanction_, by francis w. newman. preface to kossuth's speeches. nothing appears in history similar to the enthusiasm roused by kossuth in nations foreign to him, except perhaps the kindling for the first crusade by the voice of peter the hermit. then bishops, princes, and people alike understood the danger which overshadowed europe from the mohammedan powers; and by soundly directed, though fanatical instinct, all christendom rushed eastward, till the chivalry of the seljuk turks was crippled on the fields of palestine. now also the multitudes of europe, uncorrupted by ambition, envy, or filthy lucre, forebode the deadly struggle impending over us all from the conspiracy of crowned heads. seeing the apathy of their own rulers, and knowing, perhaps by dim report, the deeds of kossuth, they look to him as the great prophet and leader, by whom policy is at length to be moulded into justice; and are ready to catch his inspiration before he has uttered a word. kossuth undoubtedly is a mighty orator; but no one is better aware than he, that the cogency of his arguments is due to the atrocity of our common enemies, and the enthusiasm which he kindles to the preparations of the people's heart. his orations are a tropical forest, full of strength and majesty, tangled in luxuriance, a wilderness of self-repetition. utterly unsuited to form a book without immense abridgment, they contain materials adapted equally for immediate political service and for permanence as a work of wisdom and of genius. to prepare them for the press is an arduous and responsible duty: the best excuse which i can give for having assumed it, is, that it has been to me a labour of love. my task i have felt to be that of a judicious reporter, who cuts short what is of temporary interest, condenses what is too amplified for his limits and for written style, severely prunes down the repetitions which are inevitable where numerous[*] audiences are addressed by the same man on the same subject, yet amid all these necessary liberties retains not only the true sentiments and arguments of the speaker, but his forms of thought and all that is characteristic of his genius. such an operation, rightly performed, may, like a diminishing mirror, concentrate the brilliancy of diffuse orations, and assist their efficacy on minds which would faint under the effort of grasping the original. [footnote *: the number of speeches, great and small, spoken in his american half-year, is reckoned to be above .] it is true, the exuberance of kossuth is often too asiatic for english taste, and that excision of words, which needful abridgment suggests, will often seem to us a gain. moreover, remembering that he is a foreigner, and though marvellous in his mastery of our language, still naturally often unable to seize the word, or select the construction which he desired, i have not thought i should show honour to him by retaining anything verbally unskilful. to a certain cautious extent, i account myself to be a _translator_, as well as a _reporter_, and in undertaking so delicate a duty, i am happy to announce that i have received kossuth's written approval and thanks. mere quaintness of expression i have by no means desired entirely to remove, where it involved nothing grotesque, obscure, or monotonous. in several passages where i imperfectly understood the thought, i have had the advantage of kossuth's personal explanations, which have enabled me to clear up the defective report, or real obscurities of his words. nevertheless i have to confess my conviction, that nothing can wholly compensate for the want of systematic revision by the author himself; which his great occupations have made impossible. the mistakes in the reports of the speeches are sometimes rather subtle, and have not roused my suspicion. of this i have been, made disagreeably sensible, by several errata communicated to me by kossuth in the first great speech at new york, here marked as no. vii. (which have been corrected in this edition.) nearly all the points on which attempts have been made to misrepresent in england the cause of hungary are cleared up in these speeches. on two subjects only does it seem needful here to make any remark: _first_, on the republicanism of kossuth; _secondly_, on the hungarian levies against italy in the year . . kossuth is attacked by his countrymen on opposite grounds: szemerè despises him for not becoming a republican early enough, count casimir bathyanyi reproves him for becoming a republican at all. the facts are these. kossuth, like all english statesmen, was a historical royalist, not a doctrinaire. when the existing reign had become treacherous and lawless, he was willing to change the line of succession, and make the archduke stephen king. when the dynasty had become universally detested and actually expelled, he approved most heartily[*] the deposition of the hapsburgs; but still held himself in suspense as to the future of the constitution. by his influence instructions were sent to his representative in england, which were equivalent to soliciting a dynasty from the british government. meanwhile szemerè, his home secretary, took on himself to avow in the diet that the government was republican, and no voice of protest was raised in either house. indeed, mr. vucovics, who was minister of justice under kossuth, states (see appendix i.) that the government and both houses responded unanimously to the republican avowal, and that the government removed the symbol of the crown from the public arms and seal. the press of all shades assented. after this, it was clear (i presume) to kossuth, or at least it soon became so, that all sympathy with royal power was gone out of the nation's heart. hungarians may settle that amongst themselves: but as for englishmen,--when for seven or eight months together the english ministry and english peerage would not stir, or speak, or whisper, to save constitutional royalty and ancient peerage for hungary and for europe while it was yet possible; with what face, with what decency, can englishmen censure kossuth for despairing of a cause, which was abandoned to ruin by ourselves, the greatest power interested to maintain it,--which the monarchs have waded through blood and perjury to destroy,-and which the millions of hungary will not (in his belief) peril life and fortune to restore? [footnote *: how unanimous was the whole country, is clear by the facts stated. how spontaneous was the movement, and free from all government intrigue, see in appendix i. this is entirely confirmed by our envoy, mr. blackwell: blue book, march--ap. .] . the ministry of louis bathyanyi and kossuth have been attacked on opposite grounds,--because they _did_, and because they did _not_, attempt to subdue the italians by force of arms. the facts are rather complicated, but deserve here to be stated concisely. when the ministry was appointed, there were _already_ hungarians in italy with radetzki, and austrian soldiers in hungary. the viennese ministry promised to exchange them, as fast as could be done without encountering great expense or dislocating the regiments and making them inefficient. with this promise the hungarian ministry was forced to content itself at the time. at a later period, when it discovered that the austrian commanders in hungary had secret orders not to fight against the serbian marauders, and that the austrian troops could not be trusted, the hungarian ministry _desired_ to get back their men from italy for their own defence; which desire proved ineffectual, yet has been severely blamed by some of our monarchists. but meanwhile the viennese ministry, as early as june, , endeavoured to buy of the hungarian ministry an increased grant of troops against italy, by conceding a most energetic "king's speech" against the serbs, with which the archduke palatine was to open, and did open, the diet on july d. a part of this speech is quoted in appendix ii., and indeed it is a loathsome exhibition of austrian treachery. the hungarian ministry were pressed by the arguments, that since austria was attacked in italy by the king of sardinia, the war was not merely against the lombards; and that the pragmatic sanction bound hungary to defend the empire if assailed from without. this led them to acknowledge the _principle_, that they were bound to assist, if able; but they replied that hungary itself must first be secured against marauders, and no troops could be spared until the serbs were subdued. at the same time orders were sent to radetzki from vienna to offer independence to the lombards, and constitutional nationality under the austrian crown to the venetians: hence the hungarian ministry for a time fancied that they would not be fighting against the italians, as they expected the terms to be accepted by them. when it was farther represented that the italians had rejected them,--(for radetzki, acting probably by secret orders, suppressed the despatches, and never offered independence to lombardy, though the austrian ministers made diplomatic capital of their liberality,)--then the hungarian ministry began to think the italians unreasonable; yet they did not go beyond their abstract principle, that hungary ought to grant troops for austrian defence in italy, provided, st, that rebellion in hungary itself were repressed; d, that the troops should not act against the italians, unless the italians had rejected the offer of national liberties and a constitution coordinate to those of hungary, under the austrian crown. the protocol on this subject was drawn on july th; the public speech of kossuth concerning it was not until july d; and in this short interval the treachery of the dynasty had been so displayed, that kossuth could no longer speak in the same tone as a few weeks earlier. for a fuller development of this, i refer the reader to appendix iii. the real object of the austrian ministry, was, to ruin the popularity of bathyanyi and kossuth, if they could induce them to sacrifice italian freedom; or else, to accuse them to all the european diplomatists as conspirators against the integrity of the austrian empire, if they refused to oppress the liberties of italy. finally, the reader has even here proof enough how false is the statement which has been current in english newspapers, that kossuth's visit to america was "a failure." this was an attempt to practise on our prevalent disgraceful tendency to judge of a cause by its success. however, the end is not yet seen: america has still to act decisively, if she would win the lasting glory which we have despised, of rescuing law and right from lawless force, and establishing the future of europe. contents. . secrecy of diplomacy london, oct. th, . . monarchy and republicanism copenhagen house, london, nov. d. . communism and the sibylline books manchester, nov. th. . legitimacy of hungarian independence staten island, dec. th, . declaration of independence by the hungarian nation . statement of principles and aims new york, dec. th. . reply to the baltimore address dec. th. . hereditary policy of america new york, to the corporation, dec. th. . on nationalities new york, to the press. . on military institutions new york, to the militia, dec. th. . conditions essential for democracy and peace new york, tammany hall, dec. th. . hungary and austria in religious contrast in a brooklyn church, new york, dec. th. . public piracy of russia new york, to the bar, dec. th. . claims of hungary on the female sex new york, to the ladies, dec. st. . results of the overthrow of the french republic philadelphia, dec. th. . interest of america in hungarian liberty baltimore, dec. th. . novelties in american republicanism washington, legislative banquet, jan. th, . . on the merits of turkey . aspects of america toward england washington, jan. th, day of battle of new orleans. . meaning of recognizing hungarian independence washington, last speech. . contrast of the american to the hungarian crisis annapolis, maryland, jan. th, to the senate. . thanks for his great success harrisburg, pennsylvania, jan. th, to the legislature. . on the present weakness of despotism harrisburg, legislative banquet. . agencies of russian ascendancy and supremacy pittsburg, pennsylvania, jan. th. . reply to the pittsburg clergy jan. th. . hungarian loan cleveland, ohio, feb. d. address to kossuth from the state committee of ohio . panegyric of ohio columbus, ohio, feb. th. . democracy the spirit of the age columbus, feb. th, to the legislature. . the miseries and the strength of hungary columbus, feb. th. . ohio and france contrasted as republics cincinnati, ohio. . war a providential necessity against oppression cincinnati. . on washington's policy cincinnati, washington's birthday, feb. th. . kossuth's credentials cincinnati, feb. th. . harmony of the executive and of the people in america indianapolis, at the state house, feb th. . importance of foreign policy and of strengthening england louisville, march th, at the court house. . catholicism _versus_ jesuitism st. louis, missouri. . the ides of march st. louis, march th. . history of kossuth's liberation jackson, mississippi, april st, address to the governor. . pronouncement of the south mobile, alabama, april d. . kossuth's defence against certain mean imputations jersey city, april th. . the brotherhood of nations newark, new jersey, april d. . the history and heart of massachusetts worcester, massachusetts, april th. . panegyric of massachusetts faneuil hall, boston, april th. . self-government of hungary faneuil hall, legislative banquet. april th. . russia the antagonist of the u. s. salem, may th. . the martyrs of the american revolution lexington, may th. . condition of europe faneuil hall, boston, may th. . pronouncement of all the states albany, may th. . sound and unsound commerce buffalo, may th. . russia and the balance of power syracuse, june th. . retrospect and prospect utica, june th. . the triple bond new york, june d. . the future of nations new york. appendices kossuth's speeches. [the speeches of kossuth in england, though masterly in themselves, are in great measure superseded by those which he delivered in america, where the same subjects were treated at far greater length, and viewed from many different aspects. from the speeches in england i here present only three topics, in a rather fragmentary form.] i.--secrecy of diplomacy. [_first extract: from kossuth's speech at the guildhall, london, oct. th_, .] the time draws near, when a radical change must take place for the whole world in the management of diplomacy. its basis has been secrecy: therein is the triumph of absolutism, and the misfortune of a free people. this has won its way not in england only, but throughout the whole world, even where not a penny of the national property can be disposed of without public consent. it surely is dangerous to the interests of the country and to constitutional liberty, to allow such a secrecy, that the people not only should not know how its interests are being dealt with, but that after the crisis is passed, the minister should inform them: "the dinner has been prepared,--and eaten; and the people has nothing to do, but digest the consequences." what is the principle of all evil in europe? the encroaching spirit of russia.--and by what power has russia become so mighty? by its arms?--no: the arms of russia are below those of many powers. it has become almost omnipotent,--at least very dangerous to liberty,--by diplomatic intrigues. now against the secret intrigues of diplomacy there is no surer safeguard, or more powerful counteraction, than public discussion. this must be opposed to intrigues, and intrigues are then of no weight in the destinies of humanity. * * * * * [_second extract from a short speech in london, may th, _.] i must ask leave to make a remark on the system pursued by your government in their foreign relations. you consider yourselves a constitutional nation: i fear that in some respects you are not so. there is a latin proverb [current in hungary], _nil de nobis sine nobis_,--"nothing that concerns us, without us." this in many things you make your maxim. you say that none of your money shall be spent without your knowledge and approval; and in your internal affairs you carry this out; but i think that the secrecy in which the transactions of your diplomacy are involved is hardly constitutional. of that most important portion of your affairs which concerns your country in its relations with the rest of europe, what knowledge have you? if any interpellation is made about any affair not yet concluded, my lord the secretary of the foreign office will reply that _he cannot give any answer, for the negotiations are still pending_. a little later he will be able to answer, that _as all is now concluded, all comment will be superfluous_. one little fact i will just mention. by the last treaty with denmark, to which you became a party, the crown of that kingdom was so settled that only three lives stand between it and the czar of russia. three lives! but a fragile barrier, when high political aims are concerned. it is therefore an allowed fact, that the country which commands entrance to the baltic, and which, in the hands of an unfriendly power, would effectually exclude your commerce from that sea, may pass into the hands of russia, whose pretensions in the south of europe you take so much pains to check. this your government have done quietly. how many are there of your people that know and approve it? i hope you will not be offended, if i say, that i cannot understand how yours can be called in this respect a constitutional country. * * * * * ii.--monarchy and republicanism. [_from kossuth's speech at copenhagen house, nov. d, _.] in my opinion, the form of government may be different in different countries, according to their circumstances, their wishes, their wants. england loves her queen, and has full motive to do so. england feels great, glorious and free, and has full reason to feel so. but the fact of england being a monarchy cannot be sufficient reason for her to hate and discredit republican forms of government in other countries differing in circumstances, in wishes, and in wants. on the other side, to the united states of america, which under republican government are likewise great, glorious, and free, their republicanism gives no sufficient reason to hate and discredit monarchical government in england. it entirely belongs to the right of every nation to dispose of its domestic concerns. therefore i claim for my own country also, that england, seeing from our past that our cause is just, should profess the sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself, and should allow no power whatever to interfere with our domestic matters. since i thus regard the internal affairs of every nation to be its own separate concern, i did not think it became me here in england to speak about the future organization of our country. but my behavior has not been everywhere appreciated as i hoped. i have met in certain quarters the remark that i "am slippery, and evade the question." now on the point of sincerity i am particularly susceptible. i have the sentiment of being a straightforward man, and i would not be charged with having stolen into the sympathies of england without displaying my true colours. therefore i must clearly state, that in our past struggle it was not _we_ who made a revolution. we began peacefully and legislatively to transform the monarchico-aristocratical constitution of hungary into a monarchico-democratical constitution. we preserved our municipal institutions, as our most valuable treasure; but to them, as well as to the legislative power, we gave, as basis, the common liberty of the people, instead of the class-privileges of old. moreover, in place of the old board of council,--which, being a corporate body, was of course a mockery in regard to that responsibility of the executive, which was our chartered right on paper,--we established the real and personal responsibility of ministers. in this, we merely[*] upheld what was due to us by constitution, by treaties, by the coronation-oath of every king,--the right to be "governed as a self-consistent, independent country, by our native institutions, according to our own laws." this and all our other reforms we effected peacefully by careful legislation, which the king sanctioned and swore to maintain. [footnote *: many englishmen have unjustly accused the hungarians as having by the laws of march, , effected a separation of hungary from austria. _even if this were true_, it could not justify the cause of the hapsburgs. the dynasty yielded, under the pressure of circumstances (as alone will dynasties ever yield), while hungary did but petition legally, and was in fact unarmed. the dynasty swore to the new laws; and then conspired with croatians, serbians, and russians to overthrow the laws by marauding and force of arms. in fact, if in january, , austria would have negotiated, instead of arresting all hungarian ambassadors, hungary would have consented to modify the laws of march: but the austrians had already in october ordered the overthrow of the whole hungarian constitution, and had no wish to do anything by legal methods. at the same time, the original objection is fundamentally _false_. no separation of the two countries was effected by the laws of march, ; for no legal union ever existed. only the crowns were united, not the countries. kossuth rightly compares the union to that which was between england and hanover. at any time in the past, hungary might have made _peace_ with a power with which austria was at _war_, if the kings had not falsified their oath by not assembling the diet: for the diet always had the lawful right of war and peace. any mode whatsoever of enforcing the coronation oath, might, according to this logic, be condemned as a "separating" of austria and hungary.] nevertheless, this very dynasty, in the most perjurious manner, attacked these laws, this freedom, this constitution, by arms. we defended ourselves by arms victoriously. when upon this the perjurious dynasty called in the russian armies to beat us down, we of course declared the hapsburgs to be no longer our sovereigns. we avowed ourselves to be a free and independent nation, but fixed as yet no definite form of government,--neither monarchical nor republican. these are plain facts. hungary is not now under lawful government, but is being trampled down by a foreign intruder who is _not_ king of hungary, being _neither acknowledged by the nation, nor sanctioned by law_. hungary is, in a word, in a state of war against the hapsburg dynasty, a war of legitimate defence, by which alone it can ever regain independence and freedom. by such war alone has any nation ever won its freedom from oppressors; as you see in switzerland, belgium, spain, portugal, france, sweden, norway, greece, the united states, and england itself. i can state it, as known to me, with the certainty of matter of fact, that hungary will never accept the hapsburgs as legitimate sovereigns in the future, nor ever enter into any new moral relations with that perjurious family. nor only so; but their perjury has so entirely plucked out of my nation's heart all faith in monarchy and all attachment to it, that there is no power on earth to knit the broken tie again: and therefore hungary wishes and wills to be a free and independent republic,--a republic founded on the rule of law, securing social order, guaranteeing person, property, the moral development as well as material welfare of the people,--in a word, a republic like that of the united states, founded on institutions inherited from england itself. this is the conviction of my people, which i share in the very heart of my heart. * * * * * iii.--communism and the sibylline books. [_from kossuth's second speech at manchester, nov. th_, .] i can understand communism, but not socialism. i have read many books on the subject, i have consulted many doctors; but they differ so much that i never could understand what they really mean. however, the only sense which i can see in socialism, is inconsistent with social order and the security of property. now since france has three times in sixty years failed to obtain practical results from political revolutions, all europe is apt to press forward into new social doctrine to regulate the future. believing then, that,--not from my merit, but from the state of my country,--i may be able somewhat to influence the course of the next european revolution, i think it right plainly to declare beforehand my allegiance to the great principle of security for personal property. nevertheless, to give success to my endeavours in this direction, the rational expectations of the nations of europe must speedily be fulfilled; else neither i, nor more important men, can avail to stay revolutionary movement. the danger of the case may be illustrated by the ancient story of the sibylline books. take hungary as an instance. three years ago we should have been extremely well contented with the laws as made by our parliament in , _which laws did not break the tie between us and the house of hapsburg_. but then austria assailed us with arms, and it became impossible for us to go on with that constitution; indeed she herself proclaimed it to be dissolved. we defeated her, and next she called in the russian armies. hungary was then under the necessity of _casting off the hapsburg monarchy_; and only the third sibylline book remained. yet hungary did not even then renounce monarchy, but gave instructions to her representative in england to say to the government of this country, that _if they wished to see monarchy established in hungary, we would accept any dynasty they proposed_: but it was not-listened to. then came the horrors of arad,[*] and destroyed all our faith in monarchy. so the last of the three books was burned. [footnote *: in arad the hungarian generals, who surrendered by görgy's persuasion, were hanged or shot; and simultaneously bathyanyi, who had been arrested when he came as an ambassador of peace, was judged anew and murdered by a second court-martial.] and so, wherever men's reasonable expectations are not fulfilled, it cannot be known where their fluctuations will end. every man who is anxious for the preservation of person and property should help the world in obtaining rational freedom: if it be not obtained, mankind will search after other forms of action, totally subversive of all existing social order; and where the excitement will subside, i do not know. men like me, who merely wish to establish political freedom, will in such circumstances lose all their influence, and others will get influence who may become dangerous to all established interests whatsoever. * * * * * iv.--legitimacy of hungarian independence. [when kossuth had landed at staten island, thus for the first time setting his foot on american soil, he was met by a deputation, which made an address to him. he replied as follows (dec. th, )]:-- ladies and gentlemen: the twelve hours that i have had the happiness to stand on your shores, give me augury that, during my stay in the united states, i shall have a pleasant duty to perform, in answering the generous spirit of your people. i hope, however, that you will consider that i am in the first moments of a hard task,--to address your intelligent people in a tongue foreign to me. you will not expect from me an elaborate speech, but will be contented with a few warmly-felt words. citizens, accept my fervent thanks for your generous welcome, and my blessing upon your sanction of my hopes. you have most truly stated what they are, when you announce the destiny of your glorious country, and tell me that from it the spirit of liberty will go forth and achieve the freedom of the world. yes, citizens, these are the hopes which have induced me, in a most eventful period, to cross the atlantic. i confidently hope, that as you have anticipated my wishes by the expression of your generous sentiments, so you will agree with me, that the spirit of liberty has to go forth, not only spiritually, but materially, from your glorious country. that spirit is a power for deeds, but is yet no _deed_ in itself. despotism and oppression never yet were beaten except by heroic resistance. that is a sad necessity,--but it is a necessity nevertheless. i have so learned it out of the great book of history. i hope the people of the united states will remember, that in the hour of _their_ nation's struggle, it received from europe _more_ than kind wishes. it received material aid from others in times past, and it will, doubtless, now impart its mighty agency to achieve the liberty of other lands. citizens, i thank you for having addressed me, not in the language of party, but in the language of liberty, which is that of the united states. i come hither, in the name of hungary, to entreat, not from any _party_ among you, but from your _whole nation_, a generous protection for my country. and for that very reason, neither will i intermeddle with any of your party questions. in england i often avowed this principle; inasmuch as the very mission on which i come, is to ask that the right of every nation to arrange its domestic concerns may be respected. notwithstanding this, i am sorry to see, that, before my arrival, i have been charged with intermeddling with your presidential election, because in one of my addresses in england i mentioned the name of your fellow-citizen, mr. walker, as one of the candidates for the presidency. i confess with warm gratitude, that mr. walker uttered such sentiments in england, as, if happily they are also those of the united states, will enable me to declare, that hungary and europe are free. therefore i feel deeply indebted to him. but in no respect did i mix myself up with your elections. i consider no man honest who does not observe towards other nations the principles which he desires to be observed towards his own: and therefore i will not interfere in your domestic questions. allow me, citizens, to advert to one expression of your kind address, personal to myself. you named me "kossuth, governor of hungary." my nomination to be governor was not to gratify ambition. never, perhaps, did i feel sadder, than at the moment when that title was conferred upon me; for i compared my feeble faculties and its high responsibilities. it is therefore not from ambition that i thank you for the title, but because the title rests upon our declaration of independence; and by acknowledging it as mine, you recognize the rightfulness and validity of that declaration. and, gentlemen i frankly declare that your whole people are bound in honour and duty to recognize it. at this moment there is no other legitimate existing law in hungary. it was not the proclamation of a man or of a party. it was the solemn declaration of the whole nation in _congress_ assembled. it was sanctioned by _every village_, and by _every municipality_. no counter-proclamation has gone forth from hungary. it has been overturned solely by the invasion of an ambitious _foreign_ power, the czar of russia; who can no more legitimately make or unmake a governor of hungary, than general santa anna, if in your late war he had forced his way to washington, could have unmade president taylor. none of you will admit that violence can destroy righteousness: it can but establish unlawful, unrightful _fact_. if so,--if your own people, and not foreign invaders, are the source of rightful law to _you_,--you must in consistency recognize _our_ independence as legitimate, and its declaration as our still rightful law. as to the praises which you were so kind as to bestow upon me, it is no affectation in me when i declare that i am not conscious of having any other merit than that of being a plain, straightforward man, a faithful friend of freedom, a good patriot. and these qualities, gentlemen, are so natural to _every_ honest man, that it is scarcely worth while to speak of them; for i cannot conceive how a man with understanding and with a sound heart, can be anything else than a good patriot and a lover of freedom. yet my humble capacity has not preserved me from calumnies. scarcely had i arrived here, when i learned that i had been charged in the united states with being an _irreligious man_. so long as despots exist, and have the means to pay, they will find men to calumniate those who are opposed to tyranny. but, suppose i were the most dishonest creature in the world; in the name of all that is sacred, _what would that matter in respect to the cause of hungary?_ would that cause become less just, less righteous, less worthy of your sympathy, because i, for instance, am a bad man? no! i believe you. it is not a question in regard to any individual here. it is a question with regard to a just cause, the cause of a country worthy to take its place in the great family of the free nations of the world. until i learn that you refuse to recognize nations, whenever their governors fall short of religious perfection, i need not care much about attacks on my mere personality. but one thing i can scarcely comprehend,--that the press--that mighty vehicle of justice and champion of human rights--could have found an organ, and that, in the united states, which (to say nothing of personal calumnies) should degrade itself to assert that it was not the people of hungary, it was not myself and my coadjutors, that contended for liberty; but it was the emperor of austria who was the champion of liberty. do not give it groans, gentlemen, but rather thank it; for there can be no better service to any cause, than for its opponents to manifest that they have nothing to say but what is ridiculous. that _must_ have been a sacred and just cause, whose detractors need to assert that the emperor of austria is the champion of freedom throughout his own dominions and throughout the european continent. i thank you that you have given me full proof that all these calumnies have affected neither your judgment nor your heart. as this will be the place whence i shall start back for europe, i shall once more have the happiness of addressing you publicly and bidding you an affectionate adieu:--hoping then to be able to thank you for _acts_, as i now thank you for _sentiments_. * * * * * declaration of independence by the hungarian nation. [the reader may be glad to possess the most important portions of this celebrated document. the opponents of kossuth have of late pretended, that the deposition of the hapsburgs _caused_ the overthrow of hungary. but the deposition was not carried until austria was thoroughly beaten, and russia _had engaged_ to give her utmost aid. this finally united all hungary. at no earlier period would hungary have acted with full unanimity in so decisive a step. to have delayed it longer would not have averted russian invasion, and would have caused deep discontent in hungary. nothing but the wilful disobedience of görgey, who wasted a month at buda at this very crisis, saved the hapsburgs from being conquered in vienna, before the russian armies could possibly come up.] we, the legally-constituted representatives of the hungarian nation assembled in diet, do by these presents solemnly proclaim, in maintenance of the inalienable natural rights of hungary, with all its appurtenances and dependencies, to occupy the position of an independent european state; that the house of lorraine-hapsburg, as perjured in the sight of god and man, has forfeited its right to the hungarian throne. at the same time, we feel ourselves bound in duty to make known the motives and reasons which have impelled us to this decision, that the civilized world may learn we have not taken this step out of overweening confidence in our own wisdom, or out of revolutionary excitement, but that it is an act of the last necessity, adopted to preserve from utter destruction a nation persecuted to the limit of the most enduring patience. three hundred years have passed since the hungarian nation, by free election, placed the house of austria upon its throne, in accordance with stipulations made on both sides, and ratified by treaty. these three hundred years have been, for the country, a period of uninterrupted suffering. the creator has blessed this country with all the elements of wealth and happiness. its area of one hundred and ten thousand square miles presents, in varied profusion, innumerable sources of prosperity. its population, numbering nearly fifteen millions, feels the glow of youthful strength within its veins, and has shown temper and docility which warrant its proving at once the main organ of civilization in eastern europe, and the guardian of that civilization when attacked. never was a more grateful task appointed to a reigning dynasty by the dispensation of providence than that which devolved upon the house of lorraine-hapsburg. it would have sufficed, to do nothing to impede the development of the country. had this been the rule observed, hungary would now rank among the most prosperous nations. it was only necessary that it should not envy the hungarians the moderate share of constitutional liberty which they timidly maintained during the difficulties of a thousand years with rare fidelity to their sovereigns, and the house of hapsburg might long have counted this nation among the most faithful adherents of the throne. this dynasty, however, which can at no epoch point to a ruler who based his power on the freedom of the people, adopted a course towards this nation, from father to son, which deserves the appellation of perjury. the house of austria has publicly used every effort to deprive the country of its legitimate independence and constitution, designing to reduce it to a level with the other provinces long since deprived of all freedom, and to unite all in a common sink of slavery. foiled in this effort by the untiring vigilance of the nation, it directed its endeavour to lame the power, to check the progress of hungary, causing it to minister to the gain of the provinces of austria, but only to the extent which enabled those provinces to bear the load of taxation with which the prodigality of the imperial house weighed them down; having first deprived those provinces of all constitutional means of remonstrating against a policy which was not based upon the welfare of the subject, but solely tended to maintain despotism and crush liberty in every country of europe. it has frequently happened that the hungarian nation, in despite of this systematized tyranny, has been obliged to take up arms in self-defence. although constantly victorious in these constitutional struggles, yet so moderate has the nation ever been in its use of the victory, so strongly has it confided in the king's plighted word, that it has ever laid down arms as soon as the king, by new compacts and fresh oaths, has guaranteed the duration of its rights and liberty. but every new compact was as futile as those which preceded it; each oath which fell from the royal lips was but a renewal of previous perjuries. the policy of the house of austria, which aimed at destroying the independence of hungary as a state, has been pursued unaltered for three hundred years. it was in vain that the hungarian nation shed its blood for the deliverance of austria whenever it was in danger; vain were all the sacrifices which it made to serve the interests of the reigning house; in vain did it, on the renewal of the royal promises, forget the wounds which the past had inflicted; vain was the fidelity cherished by the hungarians for their king, and which, in moments of danger, assumed a character of devotion; they were in vain, since the history of the government of that dynasty in hungary presents but an unbroken series of perjured deeds from generation to generation. in spite of such treatment, the hungarian nation has all along respected the tie by which it was united to this dynasty; and in now decreeing its expulsion from the throne, it acts under the natural law of self-preservation, being driven to pronounce this sentence by the full conviction that the house of lorraine-hapsburg is compassing the destruction of hungary as an independent state: so that this dynasty has been the first to tear the bands by which it was united to the hungarian nation, and to confess that it had torn them in the face of europe. for many causes a nation is justified, before god and man, in expelling a reigning dynasty. among such are the following: . when the dynasty forms alliances with the enemies of the country, with robbers, or partizan chieftains to oppress the nation: . when it attempts to annihilate the independence of the country and its constitution, supported on oaths, by attacking with an armed force the people who have committed no act of revolt: . when the integrity of a country, which the sovereign has sworn to maintain, is violated, and its resources cut away: . when foreign armies are employed to murder the people, and to oppress their liberties. each of the grounds here enumerated would justify the exclusion of a dynasty from the throne. but the house of lorraine-hapsburg is unexampled in the compass of its perjuries, and has committed every one of these crimes against the nation.*** in former times, a governing council, under the name of the royal hungarian stadtholdership, the president of which was the palatine, held its seat at buda, whose sacred duty it was to watch over the integrity of the state, the inviolability of the constitution, and the sanctity of the laws; but this _collegiate_ authority not presenting any element of _personal_ responsibility, the vienna cabinet gradually degraded this council to the position of an administrative organ of court absolutism. in this manner, while hungary had ostensibly an independent government, the despotic vienna cabinet disposed at will of the money and blood of the people for foreign purposes, postponing our commercial interests to the success of courtly cabals, injurious to the welfare of the people, so that we were excluded from all connection with the other countries of the world, and were degraded to the position of a colony. the mode of governing by a ministry was intended to put a stop to these proceedings, which caused the rights of the country to moulder uselessly in its parchments; by the change,[*] these rights and the royal oath were both to become a reality. it was the apprehension of this, and especially the fear of losing its control over the money and blood of the country, which caused the house of austria to resolve on involving hungary, by the foulest intrigues, in the horrors of fire and slaughter, that, having plunged the country in a civil war, it might seize the opportunity to dismember the kingdom, and to blot out the name of hungary from the list of independent nations, and unite its plundered and bleeding limbs with the austrian monarchy. [footnote *: the change was solemnly enacted in the parliamentary laws of march, , which king ferdinand v. sanctioned by his public oath in april, .] the beginning of this course was, (after a ministry had been called into existence), by ordering an austrian general [jellachich] to rise in rebellion against the laws of the country and nominating him ban of croatia, a kingdom belonging to the kingdom of hungary.*** the ban revolted therefore in the name of the emperor, and rebelled openly against the king of hungary, who is however one and the same person; and he went so far as to decree the separation of croatia and slavonia from _hungary_, with which they had been united for eight hundred years, as well as to incorporate them with the _austrian_ empire. public opinion and undoubted facts threw the blame of these proceedings on the archduke louis, uncle to the emperor, on his brother, the archduke francis charles, and especially on the consort of the last-named prince, the archduchess sophia; and since the ban, in this act of rebellion, openly alleged that he acted as a faithful subject of the emperor, the ministry of hungary requested their sovereign, by a public declaration, to wipe off the stigma which these proceedings threw upon the family. at that moment affairs were not prosperous for austria in italy; the emperor therefore did proclaim that the ban and his associates were guilty of high treason, and of exciting to rebellion. but while publishing this edict, the ban and his accomplices were covered with favours at court, and supplied for their enterprise with money, arms, and ammunition. the hungarians, confiding in the royal proclamation, and not wishing to provoke a civil conflict, did not hunt out those proscribed traitors in their lair, and only adopted measures for checking any extension of the rebellion. but soon afterward the inhabitants of south hungary, of servian race, were excited to rebellion by precisely the same means. these were also declared by the king to be rebels, but were nevertheless, like the others, supplied with money, arms, and ammunition. the king's commissioned officers and civil servants enlisted bands of robbers in the principality of servia to strengthen the rebels, and aid them in massacring the peaceable hungarian and german inhabitants of the banat. the command of these rebellious bodies was further entrusted to the rebel leaders of the croatians. during this rebellion of the hungarian servians, scenes of cruelty were witnessed at which the heart shudders; the peaceable inhabitants were tortured with a cruelty which makes the hair stand on end. whole towns and villages, once flourishing, were laid waste. hungarians fleeing before these murderers were reduced to the condition of vagrants and beggars in their own country; the most lovely districts were converted into a wilderness.*** the greater part of the hungarian regiments were, according to the old system of government, scattered through the other provinces of the empire. in hungary itself, the troops quartered were mostly austrian; and they afforded more protection to the rebels than to the laws, or to the internal peace of the country. the withdrawal of these troops, and the return of the national militia, was demanded of the government, but was either refused, or its fulfilment delayed; and when our brave comrades, on hearing the distress of the country, returned in masses, they were persecuted, and such as were obliged to yield to superior force were disarmed, and sentenced to death for having defended their country against rebels. the hungarian ministry begged the king earnestly to issue orders to all troops and commanders of fortresses in hungary, enjoining fidelity to the constitution, and obedience to the ministers of hungary. such a proclamation was sent to the palatine, the viceroy of hungary, archduke stephen, at buda. the necessary letters were written and sent to the post-office. but this nephew of the king, the archduke palatine, shamelessly caused these letters to be smuggled back from the post-office, although they had been countersigned by the responsible ministers; and they were afterward found among his papers when he treacherously departed from the country. the rebel ban menaced the hungarian coast with an attack, and the government, with the king's consent, ordered an armed corps to march into styria for the defence of fiume; but this whole force received orders to march into italy.*** the rebel force occupied fiume, and disunited it from the kingdom of hungary, and this hateful deception was disavowed by the vienna cabinet as having been a _misunderstanding_; the furnishing of arms, ammunition, and money to the rebels of croatia was also declared to have been a misunderstanding. finally, instructions were issued to the effect that, until special orders were given, the army and the commanders of fortresses were not to follow the orders of the hungarian ministers, but were to execute those of the austrian cabinet.*** the king from that moment began to address the man whom he himself had branded as a rebel, as "dear and loyal" (lieber getreuer); he praised him for having revolted, and encouraged him to proceed in the path he had entered upon. he expressed a like sympathy for the servian rebels, whose hands yet reeked from the massacres they had perpetrated. it was under this command that the ban of croatia, after being proclaimed as a rebel, assembled an army, and announced his commission from the king to carry fire and sword into hungary, upon which the austrian troops stationed in the country united with him.*** even then the diet did not give up all confidence in the power of the royal oath, and the king was once more requested to order the rebels to quit the country. the answer given was a reference to a manifesto of the austrian ministry, declaring it to be their determination to deprive the hungarian nation of the independent management of their financial, commercial, and war affairs. the king at the same time refused his assent to the bills submitted for approval respecting troops and the subsidy for covering the expenditure. upon this the hungarian ministers resigned, but the names submitted by the president of the council, at the demand of the king, were not approved of for successors. the diet then, bound by its duty to secure the safety of the country, voted the supplies, and ordered the troops to be levied. the nation obeyed the summons with readiness. the representatives of the people then summoned the nephew of the emperor to join the camp, and as palatine[*] to lead the troops against the rebels. he not only obeyed the summons, but made public professions of his devotion to the cause. as soon, however, as an engagement threatened, he fled secretly from the camp and the country, like a coward traitor. among his papers a plan, formed by him some time previously, was found, according to which hungary was to be simultaneously attacked on nine sides at once--from styria, austria, moravia, silesia, galicia, and transylvania. [footnote *: the palatine was a high officer elected by the diet, as its organ, and the defender of its constitution. in fact, they always elected a prince of the blood royal. he was virtually a viceroy.] from a correspondence with the minister of war, seized at the same time, it was discovered that the commanding generals in the military frontier and the austrian provinces adjoining hungary had received orders to enter hungary, and support the rebels with their united forces. this attack from nine points at once really began. the most painful aggression took place in transylvania; for the traitorous commander in that district did not content himself with the practices considered lawful in war by disciplined troops. he stirred up the wallachian peasants to take up arms against their own constitutional rights, and, aided by the rebellious servian hordes, commenced a course of vandalism and extinction, sparing neither women, children, nor aged men; murdering and torturing the defenceless hungarian inhabitants; burning the most flourishing villages and towns, among which, nagy-igmand, the seat of learning for transylvania, was reduced to a heap of ruins. but the hungarian nation, although taken by surprise, unarmed and unprepared, did not abandon its future prospects in any agony of despair. measures were immediately taken to increase the small standing army by volunteers and the levy of the people. these troops, supplying the want of experience by the enthusiasm arising from the feeling that they had right on their side, defeated the croatian armaments, and drove them out of the country.*** the defeated army fled in the direction of vienna, where the emperor continued his demoralizing policy, and nominated the beaten and flying rebel as his plenipotentiary and substitute in hungary, suspending by this act the constitution and institutions of the country, all its authorities, courts of justice, and tribunals, laying the kingdom under martial law, and placing in the hand of, and under the unlimited authority of, a rebel, the honour, the property and the lives of the people; in the hand of a man who, with armed bands, had braved the laws, and attacked the constitution of the country. but the house of austria was not contented with the unjustifiable violation of oaths taken by its head. the rebellious ban was taken under the protection of the troops stationed near vienna, and commanded by prince windischgrätz. these troops, after taking vienna by storm, were led as an imperial austrian army to conquer hungary. but the hungarian nation, persisting in its loyalty, sent an envoy to the advancing enemy. this envoy, coming under a flag of truce, was treated as a prisoner, and thrown into prison. no heed was paid to the remonstrances and the demands of the hungarian nation for justice. the threat of the gallows was, on the contrary, thundered against all who had taken arms in defence of a wretched and oppressed country. but before the army had time to enter hungary, a family revolution in the tyrannical reigning house was perpetrated at olmütz. ferdinand v. was forced to resign a throne which had been polluted with so much blood and perjury, and the son of francis charles, (who also abdicated his claim to the inheritance,) the youthful archduke francis joseph, caused himself to be proclaimed emperor of austria and king of hungary. but no one can by any family compact dispose of the constitutional throne without the hungarian nation. at this critical moment the hungarian nation demanded nothing more than the maintenance of its laws and institutions, and peace guaranteed by their integrity. had the assent of the nation to this change in the occupant of the throne been asked in a legal manner, and the young prince offered to take the customary oath that he would preserve the constitution, the hungarian nation would not have refused to elect him king in accordance with the treaties extant, and to crown him with st. stephen's crown, before he had dipped his hand in the blood of the people. he, however, refusing to perform an act so sacred in the eyes of god and man, and in strange contrast to the innocence natural to youthful breasts, declared in his first words his intention of conquering hungary, (which he dared to call a rebellious country, whereas it was he himself that raised rebellion there,) and of depriving it of that independence which it had maintained for a thousand years, to incorporate it into the austrian monarchy.*** but even then an attempt was made to bring about a peaceful arrangement, and a deputation was sent to the generals of the perjured dynasty. this house in its blind self-confidence, refused to enter into any negotiation, and dared to demand an unconditional submission from the nation. the deputation was further detained, and one of the number, the former president[*] of the ministry, was even thrown into prison. our deserted capital was occupied, and was turned into a place of execution; a part of the prisoners of war were there consigned to the axe, another part were thrown into dungeons, while the remainder were exposed to fearful sufferings from hunger, and were thus forced to enter the ranks of the army in italy. [footnote *: louis bathyanyi. see note to p. .] [**]finally, to reap the fruit of so much perfidy, the emperor francis joseph dared to call himself king of hungary, in the manifesto of the th of march [ ], wherein he openly declares that he erases the hungarian nation from the list of the independent nations of europe, and that he divides its territory into five parts, cutting off transylvania, croatia, slavonia, and fiume from hungary, creating at the same time a principality (vayvodeschaft) for the servian rebels, and, having paralyzed the political existence of the country, declares it incorporated into the austrian monarchy. [footnote **: this paragraph, omitted above, is inserted here, where the reader will better understand it.] the measure of the crimes of the austrian house was, however, filled up, when, after[*] its defeat, it applied for help to the emperor of russia; and, in spite of the remonstrances and protestations of the porte, and of the consuls of the european powers at bucharest, in defiance of international rights, and to the endangering of the balance of power in europe, caused the russian troops, stationed at wallachia, to be led into transylvania, for the destruction of the hungarian nation. [footnote *: the russian army entered transylvania on january d, ; this is the army which was driven out again. but the main russian armies were only on the move in april, and took two months longer to enter hungary. these were applied for late in march.] three months ago we were driven back upon the theiss; our just arms have already recovered all transylvania; klausenburg, hermanstadt, and kronstadt are taken; one portion of the troops of austria is driven into bukowina; another, together with the russian force sent to aid them, is totally defeated, and to the last man obliged to evacuate transylvania, and to flee into wallachia. upper hungary is cleared of foes. the servian rebellion is further suppressed; the forts of st. thomas and the roman intrenchment have been taken by storm, and the whole country between the danube and the theiss, including the country of bacs, has been recovered for the nation. the commander-in-chief of the perjured house of austria has himself been defeated in five consecutive battles, and has with his whole army been driven back upon and even over the danube. founding a line of conduct upon all these occurrences, and confiding in the justice of an eternal god, we in the face of the civilized world, in reliance upon the natural rights of the hungarian nation, and upon the power it has developed to maintain them, further impelled by that sense of duty which urges every nation to defend its existence, do hereby declare and proclaim in the name of the nation regally represented by us, the following:-- st. hungary, with transylvania, as legally united with it, and the possessions and dependencies, are hereby declared to constitute a free, independent, sovereign state. the territorial unity of this state is declared to be inviolable, and its territory to be indivisible. d. the house of hapsburg-lorraine--having by treachery, perjury, and levying of war against the hungarian nation, as well as by its outrageous violation of all compacts, in breaking up the integral territory of the kingdom, in the separation of transylvania, croatia, slavonia, fiume, and its districts, from hungary--further, by compassing the destruction of the independence of the country by arms, and by calling in the disciplined army of a foreign power, for the purpose of annihilating its nationality, by violation both of the pragmatic sanction and of treaties concluded between austria and hungary, on which the alliance between the two countries depended--is, as treacherous and perjured, for ever excluded from the throne of the united states of hungary and transylvania, and all their possessions and dependencies, and are hereby deprived of the style and title, as well as of the armorial bearings belonging to the crown of hungary, and declared to be banished for ever from the united countries and their dependencies and possessions. they are therefore declared to be deposed, degraded, and banished for ever from the hungarian territory. d. the hungarian nation, in the exercise of its rights and sovereign will, being determined to assume the position of a free and independent state among the nations of europe, declares it to be its intention to establish and maintain friendly and neighbourly relations with those states with which it was formerly united under the same sovereign, as well as to contract alliances with all other nations. th. the form of government to be adopted for the future will be fixed by the diet of the nation. but until this point shall be decided, on the basis of the foregoing and received principles which have been recognized for ages, the government of the united countries, their possessions and dependencies, shall be conducted on personal responsibility, and under the obligation to render an account of all acts, by louis kossuth, who has by acclamation, and with the unanimous approbation of the diet of the nation, been named governing president (gubernator), and the ministers whom he shall appoint. and this resolution of ours we proclaim for the knowledge of all nations of the civilized world, with the conviction that the hungarian nation will be received by them among the free and independent nations of the world, with the same friendship and free acknowledgment of its rights which the hungarians proffer to other countries. we also hereby proclaim and make known to all the inhabitants of the united states of hungary and transylvania, their possessions and dependencies, that all authorities, communes, towns, and the civil officers, both in the counties and cities, are completely set free and released from all the obligations under which they stood, by oath or otherwise, to the said house of hapsburg; and that any individual daring to contravene this decree, and by word or deed in any way to aid or abet any one violating it, shall be treated and punished as guilty of high treason. and by the publication of this decree, we hereby bind and oblige all the inhabitants of these countries to obedience to the government, now instituted formally, and endowed with all necessary legal powers. _debreczin, april_ , . * * * * * v.--statement of principles and aims. [_castle garden, new york, dec. th_.] after apologies for his weakness through the effects of the sea, kossuth continued:-- citizens! much as i want some hours of rest, much as i need to become acquainted with my ground, before i enter publicly on matters of business, i yet took it for a duty of honour to respond at once to your generous welcome. i have to thank the people, the congress, and the government of the united states for my liberation. i must not try to express what i felt, when i,--a wanderer,--but not the less the legitimate official chief of hungary,--first saw the glorious flag of the stripes and stars fluttering over my head--when i saw around me the gallant officers and the crew of the _mississippi_ frigate--most of them worthy representatives of true american principles, american greatness, american generosity. it was not a mere chance which cast the star-spangled banner around me; it was your protecting will. the united states of america, conscious of their glorious calling as well as of their power, declared by this unparalleled act their resolve to become the protectors of human rights. to see a powerful vessel of america, coming to far asia, in order to break the chains by which the mightiest despots of europe fettered the activity of an exiled magyar, whose name disturbed their sleep--to be restored by such a protection to freedom and activity--you may well conceive, was intensely felt by me; as indeed i still feel it. others _spoke_--you _acted_; and i was free! you acted; and at this act of yours tyrants trembled; humanity shouted out with joy; the magyar nation, crushed, but not broken, raised its head with resolution and with hope; and the brilliancy of your stars was greeted by europe's oppressed millions as the morning star of liberty. now, gentlemen, you must be aware how great my gratitude must be. you have restored me to life--in restoring me to activity; and should my life, by the blessing of the almighty, still prove useful to my fatherland and to humanity, it will be your merit--it will be your work. may you and your country be blessed for it! your generous part in my liberation is taken by the world for the revelation of the fact, that the united states are resolved not to allow the despots of the world to trample on oppressed humanity. that is why my liberation was cheered from sweden to portugal as a ray of hope. even those nations which most desire my presence in europe now, have said to me, "hasten on, hasten on, to the great, free, rich, and powerful people of the united states, and bring over its brotherly aid to the cause of your country, so intimately connected with european liberty;" and here i stand to plead the cause of common human rights before your great republic. humble as i am, god the almighty has selected me to represent the cause of humanity before you. my warrant hereto is written in the sympathy and confidence of all who are oppressed, and of all who, as your elder sister the british nation, sympathize with the oppressed. it is written in the hopes and expectations you have entitled the world to entertain, by liberating me out of my prison. but it has pleased the almighty to make out of my humble self yet another opportunity for a thing which may prove a happy turning-point in the destinies of the world. i bring you a brotherly greeting from the people of great britain. i speak not in an official character, imparted by diplomacy whose secrecy is the curse of the world, but i am the harbinger of the public spirit of the people, which i witnessed pronouncing itself in the most decided manner, openly--that the people of england, united to you with enlightened brotherly love, as it is united in blood--conscious of your strength as it is conscious of its own, has for ever abandoned every sentiment of irritation and rivalry, and desires the brotherly alliance of the united states to secure to every nation the sovereign right to dispose of itself, and to protect that right against encroaching arrogance. it desires to league with you against the league of despots, and with you to stand sponsor at the approaching baptism of european liberty. now, gentlemen, i have stated my position. i am a straightforward man. i am a republican. i have avowed it openly in monarchical but free england; and am happy to state that i have lost nothing by this avowal there. i hope i shall not lose here, in republican america, by that frankness, which must be one of the chief qualities of every republican. so i beg leave openly to state the following points: first that i take it to be duty of honour and principle not to meddle with any party-question of your own domestic affairs. secondly, i profess my admiration for the glorious principle of union, on which stands the mighty pyramid of your greatness. taking my ground on this constitutional fact, it is not to a party, but to your united people that i will confidently address my humble requests. within the limits of your laws i will use every honest exertion to gain your effectual sympathy, and your financial material and political aid for my country's freedom and independence, and entreat the realization of the hopes which your generosity has raised. and, therefore, thirdly, i frankly state that my aim is to restore my fatherland to the full enjoyment of her own independence, which has been legitimately declared, and cannot have lost its rightfulness by the violent invasion of foreign russian arms. what can be opposed to it? the frown of mr. hulsemann--the anger of that satellite of the czar, called francis-joseph of austria! and the immense danger (with which some european and american papers threaten you), lest your minister at vienna receive his passports, and mr. hulsemann leave washington, should i be received in my official capacity? now, as to your minister at vienna, how you can reconcile the letting him stay there with your opinion of the cause of hungary, i do not know; for the present absolutist atmosphere of europe is not very propitious to american principles. but as to mr. hulsemann, do not believe that he would be so ready to leave washington. he has extremely well digested the caustic words which mr. webster has administered to him so gloriously. i know that your public spirit would never allow any responsible depository of the executive power to be regulated in its policy by all the hulsemanns or all the francis-josephs in the world. but it is also my agreeable conviction that the highminded government of the united states shares warmly the sentiments of the people. it has proved it by executing in a ready and dignified manner the resolution of congress on behalf of my liberation. it has proved it by calling on the congress to consider how i shall be received, and even this morning i was honoured by the express order of the government with an official salute from the batteries of the united states, in a manner in which, according to the military rules, only a high official personage can be greeted. i came not to your glorious shores to enjoy a happy rest--i came not to gather triumphs of personal distinction, but as a humble petitioner, in my country's name, as its freely chosen constitutional leader, to entreat your generous aid. i have no other claims than those which the oppressed principle of freedom has to the aid of victorious liberty. if you consider these claims not sufficient for your active and effectual sympathy, then let me know at once that the hopes have failed, with which europe has looked to your great, mighty, and glorious republic--let me know it at once that i may hasten back and say to the oppressed nations, "let us fight, forsaken and single-handed, the battle of leonidas; let us trust to god, to our right, and to our good sword; for we have no other help on earth." but if your generous republican hearts are animated by the high principle of freedom and of the community in human destinies,--if you have the will, as undoubtedly you have the power, to support the cause of freedom against the sacrilegious league of despotism, then give me some days of calm reflection, to become acquainted with the ground upon which i stand--let me take kind advice as to my course--let me learn whether any steps have been already taken in favour of that cause which i have the honour to represent; and then let me have a new opportunity to expound before you my humble request in a practical way. i confidently hope, mr. mayor, the corporation and citizens of the empire city will grant me a second opportunity. if this be your generous will, then let me take this for a boon of happier days; and let me add, with a sigh of thanksgiving to the almighty god, that providence has selected your glorious country to be the pillar of freedom, as it is already the asylum to oppressed humanity. i am told that i shall have the high honour to review your patriotic militia. my heart throbs at the idea of seeing this gallant army enlisted on the side of freedom against despotism. the world would then soon be free, and you the saviours of humanity. citizens of new york, it is under your protection that i place the sacred cause of freedom and the independence of hungary. * * * * * vi.--reply to the baltimore address. [_dec. th_, .] mr. henry p. brooks, chairman of the committee of the baltimore city council, came forward, and after congratulating kossuth upon his release from peril, and arrival in america, he presented the following resolutions of the council written on parchment:-- in city council. whereas it is understood that louis kossuth, the illustrious hungarian patriot and exile, is about seeking an asylum upon our shores; and whereas it is believed that the city of baltimore, in common with the whole people of the united states, feel a deep and abiding interest in the cause of freedom wherever it is assailed, and entertain the most sincere regret for the unfortunate condition of hungary; and whereas, in the reception of kossuth, an opportunity is offered of expressing our sympathy for the cause of hungarian independence--of recording our detestation of the unholy coalition by which that gallant people have been crushed, and of evincing our admiration of the noble conduct of the turkish sultan in refusing to deliver to the despots of europe that illustrious exile and patriot whom it is about to be our privilege and pride to receive, as it befits the chosen people of liberty to receive one who has so nobly battled and suffered in that sacred cause; therefore-- _resolved_, by the mayor and city council of baltimore, that we look to the arrival of kossuth upon our shores with mingled feelings of satisfaction and regret--satisfaction that we are enabled to afford a safe asylum to an illustrious patriot--regret that the cause of liberty should give birth to such necessity. _resolved_, that we sympathize fully with the hungarians in their important struggles for independence, but mindful of that providence which crowned our own efforts for liberty with success, trust yet to behold that glorious future which their noble leader so eloquently predicts for his beloved country. _resolved_, that we regard the alliance with russia and austria for the purpose of crushing the spirit of liberty in hungary as a fit accompaniment in the annals of time for the infamous partition of unfortunate poland by the same tyrannical powers, each alike worthy of the execration of the civilized world. _resolved_, that we cordially welcome kossuth and his exiled companions to the full enjoyment of american liberty and an asylum beyond the reach of european despotism. _resolved_, further, that a joint committee of five from each branch of the city council be appointed, whose duty it shall be, in conjunction with the mayor, in the event of their arrival in our city, to tender to them appropriate public tokens of our esteem and admiration for their gallant conduct, as well as of our sympathy for their sufferings and their cause. committee under the last resolution--first branch: henry p. brooke, john dukehart, j. hanson thomas, david blanford, john thomas morris. second branch: jacob j. cohen, w. b. morris, hugh a. cooper, james c. ninde, geo. a. lovering. john h. j. jerome, mayor. john s. brown, president of first branch. hugh bolton, president of second branch. city of baltimore, state of maryland, united states of america, oct. , a.d. . [after hearing several other--complimentary addresses, kossuth in a few minutes replied. he began with apologies, and then proceeded]:-- permit me to say, that in my opinion the word "glory" should be blotted out from the dictionary in respect to individuals, and only left for use in respect to nations. whatever a man can do for his country, even though he should live a long life, and have the strongest faculties, would not be too much: for he ought to use his utmost exertions, and his utmost powers, in return for the gifts he receives. whatever a man can do on behalf of his country and of humanity, would never be so much as his duty calls upon him to do, still less so much as to merit the use of the word "glory" in regard to himself. once more, i say, that duty belongs to the man and glory to the nation. when an honest man does his duty to his own country, and becomes a patriot, he acts for all humanity, and does his duty to mankind. you have bestowed great attention upon the cause of hungary, and the subject is here well understood generally, which is a benefit to me. i declare to you all, that i find more exact knowledge of the hungarian cause here, than in any other place i have been. yet i am astonished to see in a report of the proceedings of the united states senate, that a member rose and said that we were not struggling for the principle of freedom and of liberty, but rather for the support of our ancient charter. this, gentlemen, is a misrepresentation of our cause. there is a truth in the assertion that we were struggling for our _ancient rights_, for the right of self-government is an ancient right. the right of self-government was ours a thousand years ago, and has been guaranteed to us by the coronation oaths of more than thirty of our kings. i say that this right was guaranteed to us, yet it had become a dead letter in the course of time. before the revolution of we were long struggling to enforce our notorious but often invaded rights; but the whole people were not interested in them: for although they were constitutional rights, they were restricted in ancient times, not to a particular _race_, but to a particular _class_, called nobles. these did not belong to the magyars alone, but to all the races that settled in the country, to the sclaves, to the wallachians, the serbs, and to others, whatever their race or their extraction. yet none but the _nobles_ were privileged. we saw that for one class only to be interested in these rights was not enough, and we wished to make them a benefit to every man in the country, and to replace the old constitution by one which should give a common and universal right to all men to vote, without regard to the tongue they speak or the church at which they pray. i need not enter further into the subject than to say, that we established a system of practically universal suffrage, of equality in representation, a just share in taxation for the support of the state, and equality in the benefits of public education, and in all those blessings which are derived from the freedom of a free people. it has been asked by some, why i allowed a treacherous general to ruin our cause. i have always been anxious not to assume any duty for which i might be unsuited. if i had undertaken the practical direction of military operations, and anything went amiss, i feared that my conscience would torture me, as guilty of the fall of my country, as i had not been familiar with military tactics. i therefore entrusted my country's cause, thus far, into other hands; and i weep for the result. in exile, i have tried to profit by the past and prepare for the future. i believe that the confidence of hungary in me is not shaken by misfortune nor broken by my calumniators. i have had all in my own hands once; and if ever i am in the same position again, i will act. i will not become a napoleon nor an alexander, and labour for my own ambition; but i will labour for freedom and for the moral well-being of man. i do but ask you to enforce your own great constitutional principles, and not permit russia to interfere. * * * * * vii.--hereditary policy of america. [_speech at the corporation dinner, new york, dec. th_, .] the mayor having made an address to kossuth, closed by proposing the following toast:-- "hungary--betrayed but not subdued. her call for help is but the echo of our appeal against the tread of the oppressor." kossuth rose to reply. the enthusiasm with which he was greeted was unparalleled. it shook the building, and the chandeliers and candelabras trembled before it. every one present rose to his feet, and appeared excited to frenzy. the ladies participated in honouring the hungarian hero. at length the storm of applause subsided, and then ensued a silence most intense. every eye was fixed on kossuth, and when he commenced his speech, the noise caused by the dropping of a pin could be heard throughout the large and capacious room. kossuth's speech. sir,--in returning you my most humble thanks for the honour you did me by your toast, and by coupling my name with that cause which is the sacred aim of my life, i am so overwhelmed with emotion by all it has been my strange lot to experience since i am on your glorious shores, that i am unable to find words; and knowing that all the honour i meet with has the higher meaning of principles, i beg leave at once to fall back on my duties, which are the lasting topics of my reflections, my sorrows, and my hopes. i take the present for a highly important opportunity, which may decide the success or failure of my visit. i must therefore implore your indulgence for a pretty long and plain development of my views concerning that cause which the citizens of new york, and you particularly, gentlemen, honour with generous interest. when i perceive that the sympathy of your people with hungary is almost universal, and that they pronounce their feelings in its favour with a resolution such as denotes noble and great deeds about to follow; i might feel inclined to take for granted, at least _in principle_, that we shall have your generous aid for restoring to our land its sovereign independence. nothing but _details_ of negotiation would seem to be left for me, were not my confidence checked, by being told, that, according to many of your most distinguished statesmen, it is a ruling principle of your public policy never to interfere in european affairs. i highly respect the source of this conviction, gentlemen. this source is your religious attachment to the doctrines of those who bequeathed to you the immortal constitution which, aided by the unparalleled benefits of nature, has raised you, in seventy-five years, from an infant people to a mighty nation. the wisdom of the founders of your great republic you see in its happy results. what would be the consequences of departing from that wisdom, you are not sure. you therefore instinctively fear to touch, even with improving hands, the dear legacy of those great men. and as to your glorious constitution, all humanity can only wish that you and your posterity may long preserve this religious attachment to its fundamental principles, which by no means exclude development and progress: and that every citizen of your great union, thankfully acknowledging its immense benefits, may never forget to love it more than momentary passion or selfish and immediate interest. may every citizen of your glorious country for ever remember that a partial discomfort of a corner in a large, sure, and comfortable house, may be well amended without breaking the foundation; and that amongst all possible means of getting rid of that partial discomfort, the worst would be to burn down the house with his own hands. but while i acknowledge the wisdom of your attachment to fundamental doctrines, i beg leave with equal frankness to state, that, in my opinion, there can be scarcely anything more dangerous to the progressive development of a nation, than to mistake for a basis that which is none; to mistake for a principle that which is but a transitory convenience; to take for substantial that which is but accidental; or to take for a constitutional doctrine that which is but a momentary exigency of administrative policy. such a course of action would be like to a healthy man refusing substantial food, because when he was once weak in stomach his physician ordered him a severe diet. let me suppose, gentlemen, that that doctrine of non-interference was really bequeathed to you by your washingtons (and that it was not, i will essay to prove afterwards), and let me even suppose that your washingtons imparted to it such an interpretation, as were equivalent to the words of cain, "am i my brother's keeper?" (which supposition would be, of course, a sacrilege; but i am forced to such suppositions:) i may be entitled to ask, is the dress which suited the child, still suitable to the full grown man? would it not be ridiculous to lay the man into the child's cradle, and to sing him to sleep by a lullaby? in the origin of the united states you were an infant people, and you had, of course, nothing to do but to grow, to grow, and to grow. but now you are so far grown that there is no foreign power on earth from which you have anything to fear for your existence or security. in fact, your growth is that of a giant. of old, your infant frame was composed of thirteen states, and was restricted to the borders of the atlantic: now, your massive bulk is spread to the gulf of mexico and the pacific, and your territory is a continent. your right hand touches europe over the waves; your left reaches across the pacific to eastern asia; and there, between two quarters of the world, there you stand, in proud immensity, a world yourselves. then you were a small people of three millions and a half; now you are a mighty nation of twenty-four millions. thus you have fully entered into the second stadium of national life, in which a nation lives at length not for itself separately, but as a member of the great family of human nations; having a right to whatever is due from that family _towards_ every one of its full-grown members, but also engaged to every duty which that great family may claim _from_ every one of its full-grown members. a nation may, either from comparative weakness, or by choice and policy, as japan and china, or by both these motives, as paraguay under dr. francia,--be induced to live a life secluded from the world, indifferent to the destinies of mankind, in which it cannot or will not have any share. but then it must be willing to be also excluded from the benefits of progress, civilization and national intercourse, while disavowing all care about all other nations in the world. no citizen of the united states has, or ever will have, the wish to see this country degraded to the rotting vegetation of a paraguay, or the mummy existence of a japan and china. the feeling of self-dignity, and the expansiveness of that enterprizing spirit which is congenial to freemen, would revolt against the very idea of such a degrading national captivity. but if there were even a will to live such a mummy life, there is no possibility to do so. the very existence of your great country, the principles upon which it is founded, its geographical position, its present scale of civilization, and all its moral and material interests, would lead on your people not only to maintain, but necessarily more and more to develop your foreign intercourse. then, being in so many respects linked to mankind at large, you cannot have the will, nor yet the power, to remain indifferent to the outward world. and if you cannot remain indifferent, you must resolve to throw your weight into that balance in which the fate and condition of man is weighed. you are a power on earth. you must be a power on earth, and must therefore accept all the consequences of this position. you cannot allow that any power in the world should dispose of the fate of that great family of mankind, of which you are so pre-eminent a member: else you would resign your proud place and your still prouder future, and be a power on earth no more. i hope i have sufficiently shown, that should even that doctrine of non-interference have been established by the founders of your republic, that which might have been very proper to your infancy would not now be suitable to your manhood. it is a beautiful word of montesquieu, that republics are to be founded on virtue. and you know that virtue between man and man, as sanctioned by our christian religion, is but an exercise of that great principle--"thou shalt do to others as thou desirest others to do to thee." thus i might rely simply upon your generous republican hearts, and upon the consistency of your principles; but i beg to add some essential differences in material respects, between your present condition and that of yore. of your twenty-four millions, more than nineteen are spread over yonder immense territory, the richest of the world, employed in the cultivation of the soil, that honourable occupation, which in every time has proved to be the most inexhaustible and most unfailing source of public welfare and private happiness, as also the most unwavering ally of freedom, and the most faithful fosterer of all those upright, noble, generous sentiments which the constant intercourse with ever young, ever great, ever beautiful virtue, imparts to man. now this immense agricultural interest, desiring large markets, at the same time affords a solid basis to your manufacturing industry, and in consequence to your immensely developed commerce. all this places such a difference between the republic of washington and your present grandeur, that though you may well be attached to your original principles (for the principles of liberty are everlastingly the same), yet not so in respect to the exigencies of your policy. for if it is to be regulated by _interest_, your country has other interests to-day than it had then; and if ever it is to be regulated by the higher consideration of _principles_, you are strong enough to feel that the time is already come. and i, standing here before you to plead the cause of oppressed humanity, am bold to declare that there may never again come a crisis, at which such an elevation of your policy would prove either more glorious to you, or more beneficial to man: for we in europe are apparently on the eye of that day, when either the hopes or the fears of oppressed nations will be crushed for a long time. having stated so far the difference of the situation, i beg leave now to assert that it is an error to suppose that non-interference in foreign matters has been bequeathed to the people of the united states by your great washington as a doctrine and as a constitutional principle. firstly, washington never even recommended to you non-interference in the sense of _indifference_ to the fate of other nations. he only recommended _neutrality_. and there is a mighty diversity between these two ideas. neutrality has reference to a state of war between two belligerent powers, and it is this case which washington contemplated, when he, in his farewell address, advised the people of the united states not to enter into entangling alliances. let quarrelling powers, let quarrelling nations go to war--but do you consider your own concerns; leave foreign powers to quarrel about ambitious topics, or narrow partial interests. neutrality is a matter of convenience--not of principle. but while neutrality has reference to a state of war between belligerent powers, the principle of non-interference, on the contrary, lays down the sovereign right of nations to arrange their own domestic concerns. therefore these two ideas of neutrality and non-interference are entirely different, having reference to two entirely different matters. the sovereign right of every nation to rule over itself, to alter its own institutions, to change the form of its own government, is a common public law of nations, common to all, and, _therefore, put under the common guarantee of all_. this sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself, you, the people of the united states must recognize; for it is the common law of mankind, in which, because it is such, every nation is equally interested. you must recognize it, secondly, because the very existence of your great republic, as also the independence of every nation, rests upon this ground. if that sovereign right of nations were no common public law of mankind, then your own independence would be no matter of right, but only a matter of fact, which might be subject, for all future time, to all sorts of chances from foreign conspiracy and violence. and where is the citizen of the united states who would not revolt at the idea that this great republic is not a righteous nor a lawful existence, but only a mere accident--a mere matter of fact? if it were so, you were not entitled to invoke the protection of god for your great country; for the protection of god cannot, without sacrilege, be invoked but in behalf of justice and right. you would have no right to look to the sympathy of mankind for yourselves; for you would profess an abrogation of the laws of humanity upon which is founded your own independence, your own nationality. now, gentlemen, if these be principles of common law, of that law which god has given to every nation of humanity--if to organize itself is the common lawful right of every nation; then the interference with this common law of all humanity, the violent act of hindering, by armed forces, a nation from exercising that sovereign right, must be considered as a violation of that common public law upon which your very existence rests, and which, being a common law of all humanity, is, by god himself, placed under the safeguard of all humanity; for it is god himself who commands us to love our neighbours as we love ourselves, and to do towards others as we desire others to do towards us. upon this point you cannot remain indifferent. you may well remain neutral to war between two belligerent nations, but you cannot remain indifferent to the violation of the common law of humanity. that indifference washington has never taught you. i defy any man to show me, out of the eleven volumes of washington's writings, a single word to that effect. he could not have recommended this indifference without ceasing to be wise as he was; for without justice there is no wisdom on earth. he could not have recommended it without becoming inconsistent; for it was this common law of mankind which your fathers invoked before god and man when they proclaimed your independence. it was he himself, your great washington, who not only accepted, but again and again asked, foreign aid--foreign help for the support of that common law of mankind in respect to your own independence. knowledge and instruction are so universally spread amongst the enlightened people of the united states, the history of your country is such a household science at the most lonely hearths of your remotest settlements, that it may be sufficient for me to refer, in that respect, to the instructions and correspondence between washington and the minister at paris--the equally immortal franklin--the modest man with the proud epitaph, which tells the world that he wrested the lightning from heaven, and the sceptre from the tyrant's hands. i will go further. even that doctrine of neutrality which washington taught and bequeathed to you, he taught not as a constitutional _principle_--a lasting regulation for all future time, but only as a matter of temporary _policy_. i refer in that respect to the very words of his farewell address. there he states explicitly that "it is your _policy_ to steer clear of _permanent_ alliances with any portion of the foreign world." these are his very words. policy is the word, and you know that policy is not the science of principle, but of exigencies; and that principles are, of course, by a free and powerful nation, never to be sacrificed to exigencies. the exigencies pass away like the bubbles of a shower, but the nation is immortal: it must consider the future also, and not only the egotistical dominion of the passing hour: it must be aware that to an immortal nation nothing can be of higher importance than immortal principles. again, in the same address washington explicitly says, in reference to his policy of neutrality, that "with him a predominant motive has been to _gain time_ to your country to settle and mature its institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it the command of its own fortunes." these are highly memorable words, gentlemen. here i take my ground; and casting a glance of admiration over your glorious land, i confidently ask you, gentlemen, are your institutions settled and matured or are they not? are you, or are you not, come to such a degree of strength and consistency as to be the masters of your own fortunes? oh! how do i thank god for having given me the glorious view of this country's greatness, which answers this question for me! yes! you _have_ attained that degree of strength and consistency in which your less fortunate brethren may well claim your protecting hand. one word more on washington's doctrines. in one of his letters, written to lafayette, he says:--"let us only have twenty years of peace, and our country will come to such a degree of power and wealth that we shall be able, in a just cause, to defy any power on earth whatsoever." "in a just cause!" now, in the name of eternal truth, and by all that is dear and sacred to man, since the history of mankind is recorded, there has been no cause more just than the cause of hungary. never was there a people, without the slightest reason, more sacrilegiously, more treacherously attacked, or by fouler means than hungary. never has crime, cursed ambition, despotism, and violence, united more wickedly to crush freedom, and the very life, than against hungary. never was a country more mortally aggrieved than hungary is. all _your_ sufferings--all _your_ complaints, which, with so much right, drove your forefathers to take up arms, are but slight grievances in comparison with those immense deep wounds, out of which the heart of hungary bleeds! if the cause of our people is not sufficiently just to insure the protection of god, and the support of right-willing men--then there is no just cause, and no justice on earth. then the blood of no new abel will moan towards heaven. the genius of charity, christian love, and justice will mourningly fly the earth; a heavy curse will fall upon morality--oppressed men will despair, and only the cains of mankind walk proudly with impious brow about the ruins of liberty on earth. now, allow me briefly to consider how your foreign policy has grown and enlarged itself. i will only recall to your memory the message of president monroe, when he clearly stated that the united states would take up arms to protect the american colonies of spain, now free republics, should the holy (or rather unholy) alliance make an attempt either to aid spain to reduce the new american republics to their ancient colonial state, or to compel them to adopt political systems more conformable to the policy and views of that alliance. i entreat you to mark this well, gentlemen. not only the forced introduction of monarchy, but in general the interference of foreign powers in the contest, was declared sufficient motive for the united states to protect the colonies. let me remind you that this declaration of president monroe was not only approved and confirmed by the people of the united states, but that great britain itself joined the united states, in the declaration of this decision and this policy. i further recall to your memory the instructions given in to your envoys to the congress of panama, richard anderson and john sergeant, where it was clearly stated that the united states would have opposed, with their whole force, the interference of the continental powers in that struggle for independence. it is true, that this declaration to go even to war, to protect the independence of foreign states against foreign interference, was restricted to the continent of america; for president monroe declares in his message that the united states can have no concern in european straggles, being distant and separated from europe by the great atlantic ocean. but i would remark that this indifference to european concerns is again a matter, not of principle but of temporary exigency--the motives of which have, by the lapse of time, entirely disappeared--so much that the balance is even turned to the opposite side. president monroe mentions _distance_ as a motive of the above-stated distinction. well, since the prodigious development of your fulton's glorious invention, distance is no longer calculated by miles, but by hours; and, being so, europe is of course less distant from you than the greater part of the american continent. but, let even the word distance be taken in a nominal sense. europe is nearer to you than the greatest part of the american continent--yea! even nearer than perhaps some parts of your own territory. president monroe's second motive is, that you are separated from europe _by the atlantic_. now, at the present time, and in the present condition of navigation, the atlantic is no separation, but rather a link; as the means of that commercial intercourse which brings the interest of europe home to you, connecting you with it by every tie of moral as well as material interest. there is immense truth in that which the french legation in the united states expressed to your government in an able note of th october past:--"america is closely connected with europe, being only separated from the latter by a distance scarcely exceeding eight days' journey, by one of the most important of general interests--the interest of commerce. the nations of america and europe are at this day so dependent upon one another, that the effects of any event, prosperous or otherwise, happening on one side of the atlantic, are immediately felt on the other side. the result of this community of interests, commercial, political, and moral, between europe and america--of this frequency and rapidity of intercourse between them, is, that it becomes as difficult to point out the geographical degree where american policy shall terminate, and european policy begin, as it is to trace out the line where american commerce begins and european commerce terminates. where may be said to begin or terminate the ideas which are in the ascendant in europe and in america?" it is chiefly in new york that i feel induced to urge this, because new york is, by innumerable ties, connected with europe--more connected than several parts of europe itself. it is the agricultural interest of this great country which chiefly wants an outlet and a market. now, it is far more to europe than to the american continent that you have to look in that respect. on this account you cannot remain indifferent to the fate of freedom on the european continent: for be sure, gentlemen--and i would say this chiefly to the gentlemen of trade--should absolutism gain ground in europe, it will, it must, put every possible obstacle in the way of commercial intercourse with republican america: for commercial intercourse is the most powerful convoyer of principles, and be sure the victory of absolutism on the european continent will in no quarter have more injurious national consequences than against your vast agricultural and commercial interests. then why not prevent it, while it is still possible to do so with comparatively small sacrifices, rather than abide that fatal catastrophe, and have to mourn the immense sacrifices it would then cost? even in political considerations, now-a-days, you have stronger motives to feel interested in the fate of europe than in the fate of the central or southern parts of america. whatever may happen in the institutions of these parts, you are too powerful to see your own institutions affected by it. but let europe become absolutistical (as, unless hungary be restored to its independence, and italy become free, be sure it will)--and your children will see those words, which your national government spoke in , fulfilled on a larger scale than they were meant, that "the absolutism of europe will not be appeased, until every vestige of human freedom has been obliterated even here." and oh! do not rely too fondly upon your power. it is great, assuredly. you have not to fear any single power on earth. but look to history. mighty empires have vanished. let not the enemies of freedom grow too strong. victorious over europe, and then united, they would be too strong even for you! and be sure they hate you most cordially. they consider you as their most dangerous opponent. absolutism cannot sleep tranquilly, while the republican principle has such a mighty representative as your country is. yes, gentlemen, it was the fear of driving the absolutists to fanatical effort, which induced your great statesmen not to extend to europe the principle on which they acted towards the new world, and by no means the publicly avowed feeble motives. every manifestation of your public life in those times shows that i am right to say so. the european nations were, about , in such a degraded situation, that indeed you must have felt anxious not to come into any political contact with that pestilential atmosphere, when, as mr. clay said in , in his speech about the emancipation of south america, "paris was transferred to st. petersburg." but scarcely a year later, the greek nation came in its contest to an important crisis, which gave you hope that the spirit of freedom was waking again, and at once you abandoned the principle of political indifference for europe. you know, your clays and your websters spoke, as if really they were speaking for my very cause. you know how your citizens acted in behalf of that struggle for liberty in a part of europe which is more distant than hungary: and again when poland fell, you know what spirit pervaded the united states. i have shown you how washington's policy has been gradually changed: but one mighty difference i must still commemorate. your population has, since monroe's time, nearly doubled, i believe; or at least has increased by millions. and what sort of men are these millions? are they only native-born americans? no european emigrants? many are men, who though citizens of the united states are, by the most sacred ties of relationship, attached to the fate of europe. that is a consideration worthy of reflection with your wisest men, who will, ere long agree with me, that in your present condition you are at least as much interested in the state of europe, as twenty-eight years ago your fathers were in the fate of central and southern america. and really so it is. the unexampled sympathy for the cause of my country which i have met with in the united states proves that it is so. your generous interference with the turkish captivity of the governor of hungary, proves that is so. and this progressive development in your foreign policy, is, in fact, no longer a mere instinctive ebullition of public opinion, which is about hereafter to direct your governmental policy; the opinion of the people is _already_ avowed as the policy of the government. i have a most decisive authority to rely upon in saying so. it is the message of the president of the united states. his excellency, millard fillmore, made a communication to congress, a few days ago, and there i read the paragraph:--"the deep interest which we feel in the spread of liberal principles, and the establishment of free governments, and the sympathy with which we witness every struggle against oppression, _forbid that we should be indifferent_ to a case in which the strong arm of a foreign power is invoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the spirit of freedom in any country." now, gentlemen, here is the ground which i take for my earnest endeavours to benefit the cause of hungary. i have only respectfully to ask: is a principle which the public opinion of the united states so resolutely professes, and which the government of the united states, with the full sentiment of its responsibility, declares to your congress to be a ruling principle of your national government--is that principle meant to be serious? indeed, it would be a most impertinent outrage towards your great people and your national government, to entertain the insulting opinion, that what the people of the united states and its national government profess in such a solemn diplomatic manner could be meant as a mere sporting with the most sacred interests of humanity. god forbid that i should think so. therefore, i take the principle of your policy as i find it established--and i come in the name of oppressed humanity to claim the unavoidable, practical, consequences of your own freely chosen policy, which you have avowed to the whole world; to claim the realization of those expectations which you, the sovereign people of the united states, have chosen, of your own accord, to raise in the bosom of my countrymen and of all the oppressed. you will excuse me, gentlemen, for having dwelt so long upon that principle of non-interference with european measures: but i have found it to be the stone of stumbling thrown in my way when i spoke of what i humbly request from the united states. i have been charged as arrogantly attempting to change your existing policy, and since i cannot in one speech exhaust the complex and mighty whole of my mission, i choose on the present opportunity to develop my views about that fundamental principle: and having shown, not theoretically, but practically, that it is a mistake to think that you had, at any time, such a principle, and having shown that if you ever entertained such a policy, you have been forced to abandon it--so much, at least, i hope i have achieved. my humble requests to your active sympathy may be still opposed by--i know not what other motives; but the objection, that you must not interfere with european concerns--this objection is disposed of, once and for ever, i hope. it remains now to inquire, whether, since you have professed not to be indifferent to the cause of european freedom--the cause of hungary is such as to have just claims to your active and effectual assistance and support. it is, gentlemen. to prove this i do not now intend to enter into an explanation of the particulars of our struggle, which i had the honour to conduct, as the chosen chief magistrate of my native land. it is highly gratifying to me to find that the cause of hungary is--excepting some ridiculous misrepresentations of ill-will--correctly understood here. i will only state now one fact, and that is, that our endeavours for independence were crushed by the armed interference of a foreign despotic power--the principle of all evil on earth--russia. and stating this fact, i will not again intrude upon you with my own views, but recall to your memory the doctrines established by your own statesmen. firstly--i return to your great washington. he says, in one of his letters to lafayette, "my policies are plain and simple; i think every nation has a right to establish that form of government under which it conceives it can live most happy; and that no government ought to interfere with the internal concerns of another." here i take my ground:--upon a principle of washington--a _principle_, not a mere temporary policy calculated for the first twenty years of your infancy. russia _has_ interfered with the internal concerns of hungary, and by doing so has violated the policy of the united states, established as a lasting principle by washington himself. it is a lasting principle. i could appeal in my support to the opinion of every statesman of the united states, of every party, of every time; but to save time, i pass at once from the first president of the united states to the last, and recall to your memory this word of the present annual message of his excellency president fillmore:--"let every people choose for itself, and make and alter its political institutions to suit its own condition and convenience." i beg leave also to quote the statement of your present secretary of state, mr. webster, who, in his speech on the greek question, speaks thus:--"the law of nations maintains that in extreme cases resistance is lawful, and that one nation has no right to interfere in the affairs of another." well, that precisely is the ground upon which we hungarians stand. but i may perhaps meet the objection (i am sorry to say i have met it already)--"well, we own that it has been violated by russia in the case of hungary, but after all what is hungary to us? let every people take care of itself, what is that to us?" so some speak: it is the old doctrine of private egotism, "every one for himself, and god for us all." i will answer the objection again by the words of mr. webster, who, in his speech on the greek question, having professed that the internal sovereignty of every nation is a law of nations--thus goes on, "but it may be asked 'what is all that to us?' the question is easily answered. _we are one of the nations_, and we as a nation have precisely the same interest in international law as a private individual has in the laws of his country." the principle which your honourable secretary of state professes, is a principle of eternal truth. no man can disavow it, no political party can disavow it. thus happily i am able to address my prayers, not to a party, but to the whole people of the united states, and will go on to do so as long as i have no reason to regard one party as opposed or indifferent to my country's cause. but from certain quarters it may be avowed, "well, we acknowledge every nation's sovereign right; we acknowledge it to be a law of nations that no foreign power interfere in the affairs of another, and we are determined to respect this common law of mankind; but if others do not respect that law it is not ours to meddle with them." let me answer by an analysis:--_every nation has the same interest in international, law as a private individual has in the laws of his country_. that is an acknowledged principle with your statesmen. what then is the latter relation? does it suffice that an individual do not himself violate the law? must he not so far as is in his power also prevent others from violating the law? suppose you see that a wicked man is about to rob--to murder your neighbour, or to burn his house, will you wrap yourself in your own virtuous lawfulness, and say, "i myself neither rob, nor murder, nor burn; but what others do is not my concern. i am not my brother's keeper. _i sympathize with him_; but i am not called on to save him from being robbed, murdered, or burnt." what honest man of the world would answer so? none of you. none of the people of the united states, i am sure. that would be the damned maxim of the pharisees of old, who thanked god that they were not as others were. our saviour was not content himself to avoid trading in the hall of the temple, but he drove out those who were trading there. the duty of enforcing observance to the common law of nations has no other _limit_ than the power to fulfil it. of course the republic of st. marino, or the prince of monaco, cannot stop the czar of russia in his ambitious annoyance. it was ridiculous when the prince of modena refused to recognize the government of louis philippe--"but to whom much is given, from him will much be expected," says the lord. every condition has not only its rights, but also its own duties; and whatever exists as a power on earth, is in duty a part of the executive government of mankind, called to maintain the law of nations. woe, a thousandfold woe to humanity, should there be no force on earth to maintain the laws of humanity. woe to humanity, should those who are as mighty as they are free, not feel interested to maintain the laws of mankind, because they are rightful laws,--but only in so far as some partial money-interests would desire it. woe to mankind if every despot of the world may dare to trample down the laws of humanity, and no free nation make these laws respected. people of the united states, humanity expects that your glorious republic will prove to the world, that _republics are founded on virtue_--it expects to see you the guardians of the laws of humanity. i will come to the last possible objection. i may be told, "you are right in your principles, your cause is just, and you have our sympathy, but, after all, we _cannot_ go to war for your country; we cannot furnish you armies and fleets; we cannot fight your battle for you." there is the rub! who can exactly tell what would have been the issue of your own struggle for independence (though your country was in a far happier geographical position than we, poor hungarians), had france given such an answer to your forefathers in and , instead of sending to your aid a fleet of thirty-eight men-of-war, and auxiliary troops, and , muskets, and a loan of nineteen millions? and what was far more than all this, did it not show that france resolved with all its power to espouse the cause of your independence? but, perhaps, i shall be told that france did this, not out of love of freedom, but out of hatred against england. well, let it be; but let me then ask, shall the curse of olden times--hatred--be more efficient in the destinies of mankind than love of freedom, principles of justice, and the laws of humanity? and is america in the days of steam navigation more distant from europe to-day, than france was from america seventy-three years ago? however, i most solemnly declare that it is not my intention to rely literally upon this example. it is not my wish to entangle the united states in war, or to engage your great people to send out armies and fleets to raise up and restore hungary. not at all, gentlemen; i most solemnly declare that i have never entertained such expectations or such hopes; and here i come to the practical point. the principle of evil in europe is the enervating spirit of russian absolutism. upon this rests the daring boldness of every petty tyrant to trample upon oppressed nations, and to crush liberty. to this moloch of ambition has my native land fallen a victim. it is with this that montalembert threatens the french republicans. it was russian intervention in hungary which governed french intervention in rome, and gave german tyrants hardihood to crush all the endeavours for freedom and unity in germany. the despots of the european continent are leagued against the freedom of the world. that is a matter of fact. the second matter of fact is that the european continent is on the eve of a new revolution. it is not necessary to be initiated in the secret preparations of the european democracy to be aware of that approaching contingency. it is pointed out by the french constitution itself, prescribing a new presidential election for the next spring. now, suppose that the ambition of louis napoleon, encouraged by russian secret aid, awaits this time (_which i scarcely believe_), and suppose that there should be a republic in france; of course the first act of the new french president must be, at least, to recall the french troops from rome. nobody can doubt that a revolution in italy will follow. or if there is no peaceful solution in france, but a revolution, then every man knows that whenever the heart of france boils up, the pulsation is felt throughout europe, and oppressed nations once more rise, and russia again interferes. now i humbly ask, with the view of these circumstances before your eyes, can it be convenient to such a great power as this glorious republic, to await the very outbreak, and not until then to discuss and decide on your foreign policy? there may come, as under the last president, at a late hour, agents to see how matters stand in hungary. russian interference and treason achieved what the sacrilegious hapsburg dynasty failed to achieve. you know the old words, "while rome debated, saguntum fell." so i respectfully press upon you my first entreaty: it is, that your people will in good time express to your central government what course of foreign policy it wishes to be pursued in the case of the approaching events i have mentioned. and i most confidently hope that there is only one course possible, consistently with the above recorded principles. if you acknowledge that the right of every nation to alter its institutions and government is a law of nations--if you acknowledge the interference of foreign powers in that sovereign right to be a violation of the law of nations, as you really do--if you are _forbidden to remain indifferent_ to this violation of international law (as your president openly professes that you are)--then there is no other course possible than neither to interfere in that sovereign right of nations, nor to allow any other powers whatever to interfere. but you will perhaps object to me, "that amounts to going to war." i answer: no--that amounts to preventing war. what is wanted to that effect? it is wanted, that, being aware of the precarious condition of europe, your national government should, as soon as possible, send instructions to your minister at london, to declare to the english government that the united states, acknowledging the sovereign right of every nation to dispose of its own domestic concerns, have resolved not to interfere, but also not to let any foreign power whatever interfere with this sovereign right in order to repress the spirit of freedom in any country. consequently, to invite the cabinet of st. james's into this policy, and declare that the united states are resolved to act conjointly with england in that decision, in the approaching crisis of the european continent. such is my first humble request. if the citizens of the united states, instead of honouring me with the offers of their hospitality, would be pleased to pass convenient resolutions, and to ratify them to their national government--if the press would hasten to give its aid, and in consequence the national government instructed its minister in england accordingly, and by communication to the congress, as it is wont, give publicity to this step, i am entirely sure that you would find the people of great britain heartily joining this direction of policy. no power could feel peculiarly offended by it; no existing relation would be broken or injured: and still any future interference of russia against the restoration of hungary to that independence which was formally declared in would be prevented, russian arrogance and preponderance would be checked, and the oppressed nations of europe soon become free. there may be some over-anxious men, who perhaps would say, "but if such a declaration of your government were not respected, and russia still did interfere, then you would be obliged by this previous declaration, to go to war; and you don't desire to have a war." that objection seems to me as if somebody were to say, "if the vault of heaven breaks down, what shall we do?" my answer is, "but it will not break down." even so i answer. but your declaration _will_ be respected--russia will not interfere--you will have no occasion for war--you will have prevented war. be sure russia would twice, thrice consider, before provoking against itself, besides the roused judgment of nations--(to say nothing of the legions of republican france)--the english "lion" and the star-surrounded "eagle" of america. remember that you, in conjunction with england, once before declared that you would not permit european absolutism to interfere with the formerly spanish colonies of america. did this declaration bring you to a war? quite the contrary; it prevented war. so it would be in our case also. let me therefore most humbly entreat you, people of the united states, to give such practical direction to your generous sympathy for hungary, as to arrange meetings and pass such resolutions, in every possible place of this union, as i took the liberty to mention above. the second measure which i beg leave to mention, has reference to commercial interest. in later times a doctrine has stolen into the code of international law, which is as contrary to the commercial interests of nations as to their independence. the pettiest despot of the world is permitted to exclude your commerce from whatever port he pleases. he has only to arrange the blockade, and your commerce is shut out; or, if captured venice, bleeding lombardy, or my prostrate but resolute hungary, rises to shake off the austrian tyrant's yoke (as surely they will), that tyrant believes he has the right, from that very moment, to exclude your commerce from the uprisen nation. now, this is an absurdity--a tyrannical invention of tyrants violating your interest--your independence. the united states have not always regarded things from the despotic point of view. i find, in a note of mr. everett, minister of the united states in spain, dated "madrid, jan. , ," these words:--"in the war between spain and the spanish american colonies, the united states have freely granted to _both_ parties the hospitality of their ports and territory, and have allowed the agents of _both_ to procure within their jurisdiction, in the way of lawful trade, _any_ supplies which suited their convenience." now, gentlemen, this is the principle which humanity expects, for your own and for mankind's benefit, to see maintained by you, and not yonder fatal course, which permits tyrants to draw from your country every facility for the oppression of their nations, but forbids nations to buy the means of defence. that was not the principle of your washington. when he speaks of harmony, of friendly intercourse, and of peace, he always takes care to apply his ideas to _nations_, and not to _governments_--still less to tyrants who subdue nations by foreign arms. the sacred word nation, with all its natural rights, should not be blotted out, at least from _your_ political dictionary: and yet i am sorry to see that the word nation is often replaced by the word government. gentlemen, i humbly wish that the public opinion of the people of the united states, conscious of its own rights, should loudly and resolutely declare that the people of the united states will continue its commercial intercourse with any or every nation, be it in revolution against its oppressors or be it not; and that the people of the united states expect confidently, that its government will provide for the protection of your trade. i feel assured, that your national government, seeing public opinion so pronounced, will judge it convenient to augment your naval forces in the mediterranean: and to look for some such station for it as would not force the navy of republican america to make disavowals inconsistent with republican principles or republican dignity, only because king so-and-so, be he even the cursed king of naples, grants the favour of an anchoring place for the naval forces of your republic. i believe your illustrious country should everywhere freely unfurl the star-spangled banner of liberty, with all its congenial principles, and not make itself in any respect dependent on the glorious smiles of the kings bomba et compagne. the third object of my wishes, gentlemen, is the recognition of the independence of hungary when the critical moment arrives. your own declaration of independence proclaims the right of every nation to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which "the laws of nature and nature's god" entitle them. the political existence of your glorious republic is founded upon this principle, upon this right. our nation stands upon the same ground: there is a striking resemblance between your cause and that of my country. on the th july, , john adams spoke thus in your congress, "sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, i am for this declaration. in the beginning we did not go so far as separation from the crown, but 'there is a divinity which shapes our ends.'" these noble words were present to my mind on the th april, , when i moved the forfeiture of the crown by the hapsburgs in the national assembly of hungary. our condition was the same; and if there be any difference, i venture to say it is in favour of us. your country, before this declaration, was not a _self-consisting independent_ state. hungary was. through the lapse of a thousand years, through every vicissitude of this long period, while nations vanished and empires fell, _the self-consisting independence of hungary was never disputed_, but was recognized by all powers of the earth, sanctioned by treaties made with the hapsburg dynasty, at the era when this dynasty, by the freewill of my nation, which acted as one of two contracting parties, was invested with the kingly crown of hungary. even more, this independence of the kingdom was acknowledged to make a part of the international law of europe, and was guaranteed not only by foreign european governments, such as great britain, but also by several of those once constitutional states which belonged formerly to the german, and after its dissolution, to the austrian empire. this independent condition of hungary is clearly defined in one of our fundamental laws of , in these words:--"hungary is a free and independent kingdom, having its own self-consistent existence and constitution, and not subject[*] to any other nation or country in the world." this therefore was our ancient right. _we were not dependent on, nor a part of, the austrian empire, as your country was dependent on england._ it was clearly defined that we owed to austria nothing but good neighbourhood, and the only tie between us and austria was, that we elected to be our kings the same dynasty which were also the sovereigns of austria, and occupied the same line of hereditary succession as our kings; but by accepting this; our forefathers, with the consent of the king, again declared, that though hungary accepts the dynasty as our hereditary kings, all the other franchises, rights, and laws of the nation shall remain in full power and intact; and our country shall not be governed like the other dominions of that dynasty, but according to our constitutionally established authorities. we could not belong to "the austrian empire," for that empire did not then as yet exist, while hungary had already existed as a substantive kingdom for many centuries, and for some two hundred and eighty years under the government of that hapsburgian dynasty. the austrian empire, as you know, was established only in , when the rhenish confederacy of napoleon struck the deathblow of the german empire, of which francis ii. of austria, was not _hereditary_ but _elected_ emperor. that hungary had belonged to the _german_ empire is a thing which no man in the world ever imagined yet. it is only now that the hapsburgian tyrant professes an intention to melt hungary into the german confederation; but you know this intention to be in so striking opposition to the european public law, that england and france solemnly protested against it, so that it is not carried out even to-day. the german empire having died, its late emperor francis, also king of hungary, chose to entitle himself austrian emperor, in ; but even in that fundamental charter he solemnly declared that hungary and its annexed provinces _are not intended to make, and will not make, a part of the austrian empire_. subsequently he entered with this empire into the german confederation, but hungary, as well as lombardy and venice, not making part of the austrian empire, still remained separated, and were not received into the confederacy. [footnote *: in the original latin, _obnoxium_, "not entangled, or compromised, with any other."] the laws which we succeeded to carry in , of course altered nothing in that old chartered condition of hungary. we transformed the peasantry into freeholders, and abolished feudal incumbrances. we replaced the political privileges of aristocracy by the common liberty of the whole people; gave to the people at large representation in the legislature; transformed our municipalities into democratic corporations; introduced equality before the law for the whole people in rights and duties, and abolished the immunity of taxation which had been enjoyed by the class called _noble_; secured equal religious liberty to all, secured liberty of the press and of association, provided for public gratuitous instruction of the whole people of every confession and of whatever tongue. in all this we did no wrong. all these were, as you see, internal reforms which did not at all interfere with our allegiance to the king and were carried lawfully in peaceful legislation _with the king's own sanction_. besides this there was one other thing which was carried. we were formerly governed by a board of council, which had the express duty to govern according to our laws, and be responsible for doing so; but we found by long experience that a corporation cannot really be responsible; and that this was the reason why the absolutist tendency of the dynasty succeeded in encroaching upon our liberty. so we replaced the board of council by ministers; the empty responsibility of a board by the individual responsibility of men--and _the king consented to it_. i myself was named by him minister of the treasury. that is all. but precisely here was the rub. the dynasty could not bear the idea that we would not give to its ambition the life sweat of our people; it was not contented with the , , dollars which were generously appropriated to it yearly. it dreaded that it would be disabled in future from using our brave army, against our will, to crush the spirit of freedom in the world. therefore it resorted to the most outrageous conspiracy, and attacked us by arms, and upon receiving a false report of a great victory this young usurper issued a proclamation declaring that hungary shall no more exist--that its independence, its constitution, its very existence is abolished, and it shall be absorbed, like a farm or fold, into the austrian empire. to all this hungary answered, "thou shalt not exist, tyrant, but we will;" and we banished him, and issued the declaration of the deposition of his dynasty, and of our separate independence. so you see, gentlemen, that there is a very great difference between your declaration and ours--it is in our favour. there is another difference; you declared your independence of the english crown when it was yet very doubtful whether you would be successful. we declared our independence of the austrian crown only after we, in legitimate defence, were already victorious; when we had actually beaten the pretender, and had thus already proved that we had strength to become an independent power. one thing more: our declaration of independence was not only overwhelmingly voted in our congress, but every county, every municipality, solemnly declared its consent and adherence to it; so it became sanctioned, not by mere representatives, but by the whole nation positively, and by the fundamental institutions of hungary. and so it still remains. nothing has since happened on the part of the nation contrary to this declaration. one thing only happened,--a foreign power, russia, came with its armed bondsmen, and, aided by treason, has overthrown us for a while. now, i put the question before god and humanity to you, free sovereign people of america, can this violation of international law abolish the legitimate character of our declaration of independence? if not, then here i take my ground, because i am in this very manifesto entrusted with the charge of governor of my fatherland. i have sworn, before god and my nation, to endeavour to maintain and secure this act of independence. and so may god the almighty help me as i will--i will, until my nation is again in the condition to dispose of its government, which i confidently trust,--yea, more, i know,--will be republican. and then i retire to the humble condition of my former private life, equalling, in one thing at least, your washington, not in merits, but in honesty. that is the only ambition of my life. amen. here, then, is my third humble wish: that the people of the united states would, by all constitutional means of its wonted public life, declare that, acknowledging the legitimacy of our independence, it is anxious to greet hungary amongst the independent powers of the earth, and invites the government of the united states to recognize this independence _at the earliest convenient time_. that is all. let me see the principle announced: the rest may well be left to the wisdom of your government, with some confidence in my own respectful discretion also. so much for the people of the united states, in its public and political capacity. but if that sympathy which i have the honour to meet with is really intended to become beneficial, there is one humble wish more which i entertain: it is a respectful appeal to generous feeling. gentlemen, i would rather starve than rely, for myself and family, on foreign aid; but for my country's freedom, i would not be ashamed to go begging from door to door. i have taken the advice of some kind friends whether it be lawful to express such a humble request, for i feel it an honourable duty neither to offend nor to evade your laws. i am told it is lawful. there are two means to see this my humble wish accomplished. the first is, by spontaneous subscription; the second is, by a loan. the latter may require private consultation in a narrower circle. as to subscriptions, the idea was brought home to my mind by a plain but very generous letter, which i had the honour to receive, and which i beg to read. it is as follows:-- cincinnati, o., nov. , . m. louis kossuth, governor of hungary:--sir--i have authorized the office of the ohio life insurance and trust company, in new york, to honour your draft on me for one thousand dollars. respectfully yours, w. smead. i beg leave here publicly to return my most humble thanks to the gentleman, for his ample aid, and the delicate manner in which he offered it; and it came to my mind, that where one individual is ready to make such sacrifices to my country's cause, there may perhaps be many who would give their small share to it, if they were only apprised that it will be thankfully accepted, however small it may be. and it came to my mind, that millions of drops make an ocean, and the united states number many millions of inhabitants, all warmly attached to liberty. a million dollars, paid singly, would be to me far _more_ precious than paid in one single draft; for it would practically show the sympathy of the people at large. would i were so happy as your washington was, when he also, for your glorious country's sake, in the hours of your need, called to france for money. sir, i have done. i came to your shores an exile: you have poured upon me the triumph of a welcome such as the world has never yet seen. and why? because you took me for the representative of that principle of liberty which god has destined to become the common benefit of all humanity. it is glorious to see a free and mighty people so greet the principle of freedom, in the person of one who is persecuted and helpless. be blessed for it! your generous deed will be recorded; and as millions of europe's oppressed nations will, even now, raise their thanksgiving to god for this ray of hope, which by this act you have thrown on the dark night of their fate; even so, through all posterity, oppressed men will look to your memory as to a token of god that there is a hope for freedom on earth, since there is a people like you to feel its worth and to support its cause. * * * * * viii.--on nationalities. [_speech at the banquet of the press, new york_.] at this banquet, mr. bryant, the poet, presided, and numerous speeches were delivered, among which was one by the well-known author, mr. bancroft, lately ambassador in england. this gentleman closed by saying, that when the illustrious governor of hungary uttered the solemn truth, that europe had no hope but in republican institutions--that was a renunciation to the world that the austrian monarchy was sick and dying, and that vitality remained in the people alone. and as he uttered that truth, not his own race only--not the magyars only, but every nationality of hungary, all the fifteen or twenty millions within its limits--all cried out that he was the representative of their convictions--that he was the man of their affections, that he was the utterer of truths on which they relied. our guest crosses the atlantic, and he is received; and what is the great fact that constitutes his reception? he finds there the military arranged to do him honour. and among those who, on that day, bore arms, were men of every tongue that is spoken between the steppes of tartary, eastward, towards the pacific ocean. the great truth that was pronounced on that occasion--i do not fear to utter it--was, let who will cavil, _la solidarité des peuples_--the sublime truth that all men are brothers--that all nations, too, are brethren, and are responsible for one another. the chairman also spoke eloquently in introducing the third toast, which was briefly, louis kossuth. as mr. bryant pronounced his name, kossuth rose, and was received with multifarious demonstrations of enthusiasm. at last he proceeded as follows:-- gentlemen.--i know that in your hands the independent republican press is a weapon to defend truth and justice, a torch lit at the fire of immortality, a spark of which glisters in every man's soul and proves its divine origin: and as the cause of my country is just and true, and wants nothing but light to secure support from every friend of freedom, every noble-minded man,--for this reason i address you with joy, gentlemen. though it is sorrowful to see how austrian intrigues, distorting plain open history into a tissue of falsehood, find their way even into the american press, i am proud and happy that the immense majority of you, conscious of your noble vocation and instinct with the generosity of freedom, protect our sacred rights against the dark plots of tyranny. your independent press has likewise proved that its freedom is the most efficient protection even against calumny; a far better one than restrictive prevention, which condemns the human intellect to eternal minority. i address you, gentlemen, with the greater joy, because through you i have the invaluable benefit of reaching the whole of your great, glorious, and free people. eighty years ago the immortal franklin's own press was almost the only one in the colonies: now you have above three thousand newspapers, with a circulation of five millions of copies. i am told that the journals of new york state alone exceed in number those of all the rest of the world outside of your great union, and that the circulation of the newspapers of this city alone nearly reaches that of the whole empire of great britain! but, what is more,--i boldly declare that, except in the united states, there is scarcely anywhere a practical freedom of the press. indeed, concerning norway i am not quite aware. but throughout the european continent you know how the press is fettered. in france, under nominally republican government, all the fruits of victorious revolutions are nipt by the blasting grip of _centralized_ power,--legislative and administrative omnipotence. the independence of the french press is crushed; the government cannot bear the free word of public opinion; and in a republic, the shout "vive la république" is become almost a crime. this is a mournful sight, but is an efficient warning against centralization. it is chiefly great britain which boasts of a free press; and assuredly in one sense the freedom is almost unlimited: for i saw placards with the printer's name stating that queen victoria is no lawful queen, and all those who rule ought to be hanged; but men only laughed at the foolish extravagance. nevertheless, i hope the generous people of great britain will not be offended when i say that their press is not practically free. its freedom is not real, for it is not a _common benefit_ to all: it is but a particular benefit, that is, a _privilege_. taxation there forbids the use of newspapers to the poor. absence of taxation enables your journals to be published at one tenth, or even one twentieth, of the english price: hence several of your daily papers reach from thirty to sixty thousand readers, while in england one paper alone is on this scale,--the london 'times,' which circulates thirty thousand, perhaps. such being the condition of your press, in addressing you i address a whole people; nor only so, but a whole intelligent people. the wide diffusion of intelligence among you is in fact proved by the immense circulation of your journals. it is not solely the cheap price which renders your press a common benefit, and not a mere privilege to the richer; but it is the universality of public instruction. it is glorious to know that in this flourishing young city alone nearly a hundred thousand children receive public education annually. do you know, gentlemen, what i consider to be your most glorious monument? if it be, as i have read, that, when your engineers draw geometrical lines to guide your wandering squatters in the solitudes where virgin nature adores her lord, they place on every thirty-sixth square of the district marked out to be a township, a modest wooden pole with the glorious mark, popular education. this is your proudest monument. in my opinion, not your geographical situation, not your material power, not the bold enterprizing spirit of your people, is the chief guarantee of their future; but the universality of education: for a whole people, once become intelligent, never can consent not to be free. you will always be willing to be free, and you are great and powerful enough to be as good as your will. my humble prayers in my country's cause i address to your entire nation: but you, gentlemen, are the engineers through whom my cause must reach them. it is therefore highly gratifying to me to see, not isolated men, but the powerful complex of the great word press, granting me this important manifestation of generous sentiment. i beg you to consider, that whatever and wherever i speak, is _always_ spoken to the press; and for all the imperfections of my language let me plead for your indulgence, as one of your professional colleagues: for indeed such i have been. yes, gentlemen; i commenced my public career as a journalist. you, under your happy institutions, know not the torment of writing with hands fettered by an austrian censor. to sit at the desk, with a heart full of the necessity of the moment, a conscience stirred with righteous feeling, a mind animated with convictions and principles, and a whole soul warmed by a patriot's fire;--to see before your eyes the scissors of the censor ready to lop your ideas, maim your arguments, murder your thoughts, render vain your laborious days and sleepless nights;--to know that the people will judge you, not by what you have felt, thought, written, but by what the censor will let you say;--to perceive that the prohibition has no rule or limit but the arbitrary pleasure of a man who is doomed by profession to be a coward and a fool;--oh! his little scissors suspended over one are a worse misery than the sword of damocles. oh! to go on, day by day, in such a work of sisyphus, believe me, is no small sacrifice of any intelligent man to fatherland and humanity. and this is the present condition of the press, not in hungary only, but in all countries cursed by austrian rule. indeed, our recent reforms gave freedom of the press, not to my fatherland only, but indirectly to vienna, prague, lemberg; in a word, to the whole empire of austria and this must ensure your sympathy to us. contrariwise, the interference of russia has crushed the press on the whole european continent. freedom of the press is incompatible with the preponderance of russia, and with the very existence of the austrian dynasty, the sworn enemy of every liberal thought. this must engage your generous support to sweep away those tyrants, and to raise liberty where now foul oppression rules. some time back there appeared in certain new york papers systematic falsehoods, which went so far as to state that we, the hungarians, had struggled for oppression, while it was the austrian dynasty which stood up for liberty! such effrontery astonishes even one who has seen russian treacheries. we may be misrepresented, scorned, jeered at, censured. our martyrs, whose blood cries for revenge, may be laughed at as fools. heroes, who will command the veneration of history, may be called don quixotes. but that among freemen and professed republicans even the honour of an unfortunate nation, in its most mournful suffering, should not be sacred,--that is indeed a sorrowful page in human history. you cannot expect me to enter into a special refutation of this compound of calumnies. i may reserve it for my pen. but inasmuch as the basis of all the calumnies lies in general ignorance concerning the relation of the magyars to other races of hungary, permit me to speak on the question of nationalities, a false theory of which plays so mischievous a part in the destinies of europe. no word has been more misrepresented than the word nationality, which is become in the hands of absolutism a dangerous instrument against liberty. let me ask you, gentlemen: are you, the people of the united states, a _nation_, or not? have you a _national_ government, or not? you answer, yes: and yet you are not all of one blood, nor of one language. millions of you speak english; others french, german, italian, spanish, danish, and even several indian dialects: yet you are a nation. neither your central government, nor those of separate states, nor your municipalities, legislate or administer in every language spoken among you; yet you have a national government. now, suppose many of you were struck with the curse of babel, and exclaimed, "this union is an oppression! our laws, our institutions, our state and city governments, are an oppression! what is union to us? what are rights? what avail laws? what is freedom? what is geography? what is community of interests to us? they are all nothing; language is everything. let us divide the union, divide the states, divide the very cities, divide the whole territory, according to languages. let the people of every language become a separate state: for every nation has a right to national life, and to us, the language, and nothing else, is the nationality. unless the state is founded upon language, its organization is tyranny." what then would become of your great union? what of your constitution, the glorious legacy of your greatest man? what of those immortal stars on mankind's moral sky? what would become of your country itself, whence the spirit of freedom soars into light, and rising hope irradiates the future of humanity? what would become of this grand, mighty complex of your republic, should her integrity ever be rent by the fanatics of language? where now she walks among the rising temples of liberty and happiness, she soon would tread upon ruins, and mourn over human hopes. but happy art then, free nation of america, founded on the only solid basis,--liberty! a principle steady as the world, eternal as the truth, universal for every climate, for every time, like providence. tyrants are not in the midst of you to throw the apple of discord and raise hatred in this national family, hatred of _races_, that curse of humanity, that venomous ally of despotism. glorious it is to see the oppressed of diverse countries,--diverse in language, history, habits,--wandering to these shores, and becoming members of this great nation, regenerated by the principle of common liberty. if language alone makes a nation, then there is no great nation on earth: for there is no country whose population is counted by millions, but speaks more than one language. no! it is not language only. community of interests, of rights, of duties, of history, but chiefly community of institutions; by which a population, varying perhaps in tongue and race, is bound together through daily intercourse in the towns, which are the centres and home of commerce and industry:--besides these, the very mountain-ranges, the system of rivers and streams,--the soil, the dust of which is mingled with the mortal remains of those ancestors who bled on the same field, for the same interests, the common inheritance of glory and of woe, the community of laws and institutions, common freedom or common oppression:--all this enters into the complex idea of nationality. that this is instinctively felt by the common sense of the people, nowhere is more manifestly shown than at this very moment in my native land. hungary was declared by francis joseph of austria _no more to exist_ as a nation, no more as a state. it was and is put under martial law. strangers, aliens to our laws and history as well as to our tongue, rule now, where our fathers lived and our brothers bled. to be a hungarian is become almost a crime in our own native land. well: to justify before the world the extinction of hungary, the partition of its territory, and the reincorporating of the dissected limbs into the common body of servitude, the treacherous dynasty was anxious to show that the hungarians are in a minority in their own land. they hoped that intimidation and terrorism would induce even the very magyars to disavow their language and birth. they ordered a census of races to be made. they performed it with the iron rule of martial law; and dealt so arbitrarily that thousands of women and men, who professed to be magyars, who professed not to know any other language than the magyar, were, notwithstanding all their protestation, put down as sclaves, serbs, germans, or wallachians, because their names had not quite a hungarian sound. and still what was the issue of this malignant plot? that of the twelve millions of inhabitants of hungary proper, the magyars turned out to be more than eight millions, some two millions more than we know the case really is. the people instinctively felt that the tyrant had the design through the pretext of language to destroy the existence of the complex nation, and it met the tyrannic plot as if it answered, "we are, and must be, a nation; and if the tyrant takes language only for the mark of nationality, then we are all magyars." and mark well, gentlemen! this happened, not under my governorship, but under the rule of austrian martial law. the cabinet of vienna became furious; it thought of a new census, but prudent men told them that a new census would give the whole twelve millions as magyars; thus no new census was taken. but on the european continent there unhappily has grown up a school, which bound the idea of nationality to the idea of language only, and joined political pretensions to it. there are some who advocate the theory that existing states must cease, and the territories of the world be divided anew by languages and nations, separated by tongues. you are aware that this idea, if it were not impracticable, would be a curse to humanity--a deathblow to civilization and progress, and throw back mankind by centuries. it would be an eternal source of strife and war: for there is a holy, almost religious tie, by which man's heart is bound to his home, and no man would ever consent to abandon his native land only because his neighbours speak another language than himself. his heart claims that sacred spot where the ashes of his fathers lie--where his own cradle stood--where he dreamed the happy dreams of youth, and where nature itself bears a mark of his manhood's toil. the idea were worse than the old migration of nations was. nothing but despotism would rise out of such a fanatical strife of all mankind. and really it is very curious. nobody of the advocates of this mischievous theory is willing to yield to it for himself--but others he desires to yield to it. every frenchman becomes furious when his alsace is claimed to germany by the right of language--or the borders of his pyrenees to spain--but there are some amongst the very men who feel revolted at this idea, who claim of germany that it should yield up large territory because one part of the inhabitants speak a different tongue, and would claim from hungary to divide its territory, which god himself has limited by its range of mountains and the system of streams, as also by all the links of a community of more than a thousand years; to cut off our right hand, transylvania, and to give it up to the neighbouring wallachia, to cut out like shylock one pound of our very breast--the banat--and the rich country between the danube and theiss--to augment by it turkish serbia and so forth. it is the new ambition of conquest, but an easy conquest not by arms, but by language. so much i know, at least, that this absurd idea cannot, and will not, be advocated by any man here in the united states; which did not open its hospitable shores to humanity, and greet the flocking millions of emigrants with the right of a citizen, in order that the union may be cut to pieces, and even your single states divided into new-framed, independent countries according to languages. and do you know, gentlemen, whence this absurd theory sprang up on the european continent? it was the idea of panslavismus--that is the idea that the mighty stock of sclavonic races is called to rule the world, as once the roman did. it was a russian plot--it was a dark design to make out of national feelings a tool to russian preponderance over the world. perhaps you are not aware of the historical origin of this plot. it was after that most immortal act of tyranny, the third division of poland, that the chance of fate brought the prince czartorinsky, to the court of catherine of russia. he subsequently became minister of alexander the czar. it was in this quality that, with the noble aim to benefit his fallen fatherland, he claimed from the young czar the restoration of poland, suggesting for equivalent the idea of russian preponderance over all nations of the old sclavonic race. i believe his intention was sincere; i believe he did not mean to overlook those natural borders, which, besides the affinity of language, god himself has drawn between the nations. but he forgot that he might be no longer able to master the spirits which he would raise, and that an undesired fanaticism might force sundry fantastical shapes into his framework, by which the frame itself must burst in pieces. he forgot that russian preponderance cannot be propitious to liberty; he forgot that it cannot be favourable even to the development of the sclave nationality, because sclavonic nations would by this idea be degraded into mere russians, that is, absorbed by despotism. russia got hold of the fanciful idea very readily! may be that young alexander had in the first moment noble inclinations; the warm heart of youth is susceptible to noble instincts. it is not common in history to find young princes so premature in tyranny as francis-joseph of austria. but a few years of power were sufficient to extinguish every spark of noble sentiment, if there was one, in alexander's heart. upon the throne of the romanoffs the man is soon absorbed by the autocrat. the traditional policy of st. petersburg is not an atmosphere in which the plant of regeneration can grow, and the fanciful idea became soon a weapon of oppression and of russian preponderance--russia availed herself of the idea of panslavism to break turkey down, and to make an obedient satellite out of austria. turkey still withstands her, but austria has fallen into the snare. russia sent out its agents, its moneys, its venomous secret diplomacy; it whispered to the sclave nations about hatred against foreign dominion--about independence of religion connected with nationality under its own supremacy; but chiefly it spoke to them of panslavism under the protectorate of the czar. the millions of his large empire also, all oppressed--all in servitude--all a tool to his ambition; them too he flattered with the idea of becoming rulers of the world, in order that they might not think of liberty: he knew that man's breast cannot maintain in ascendancy two great passions at once. he gave them ambition and excluded the spirit of liberty. this ambition got hold of all the sclave nations through europe; so panslavism became the source of a movement, not of nationality, but of the dominion of languages. that word "language" replaced every other sentiment, and so it became a curse to the development of liberty. only one part of the sclavonic races saw the matter clear, and withstood the current of this dark russian plot. these were the polish democrats--the only ones who understood that to fight for liberty is to fight for nationality. therefore they fought in our ranks, and were willing to flock in thousands upon thousands to aid us in our struggle; but we could not arm them, so i would not accept them. we ourselves had a hundredfold more hands ready to fight than arms--and there was nobody in the world to supply us with arms. now let me see what was the condition of hungary under these circumstances. eight hundred and fifty years ago, when the first king of hungary, st. stephen, becoming christian himself, converted the hungarian nation to christianity, it was the roman catholic clergy of germany whom he invited to assist him in his pious work. they did assist him, but the assistance, as happens with human nature, was accompanied by some worldly designs. hungary offered a wide field to the ambition of foreigners, and they persuaded the king to adopt a curious principle, which he laid down in his last will and testament--that it is not good for the people of a country to be but of one extraction and speak but one tongue. a second rule was, to adopt the language of the church--latin--for the language of government, legislature, law and all public proceedings. this is the origin of that fatality, that democracy did not grow up for centuries in hungary. the public proceedings being in latin, the laws given in latin, public instruction carried on in latin, the great mass of the people, who were agriculturists, did not partake in any of this; and the few who in the ranks of the people partook in it, became severed and alienated from the people's interests. this dead latin language, introduced into the public life of a living nation, was the most mischievous barrier against liberty. the first blow to it was stricken by the reformation. the protestant church, introducing the national language into the divine services, became a medium to the development of the spirit of liberty, and so our ancient struggles for religious liberty were always connected with the maintenance of political rights. but still, latin public life went on down to . at that time, joseph of hapsburg, aiming at centralization, replaced the latin by the german tongue. this roused the national spirit of hungary; and our forefathers seeing that the dead latin language, excluding the people from the public concerns, cannot be propitious to liberty, and anxious to oppose the design of the viennese cabinet to germanize hungary, and _so melt it into the common absolutism of the austrian dynasty_--i say, anxious to oppose this design by a cheerful public life of the people itself, from the year began to pass laws in the direction that by-and-by, step by step, the latin language should be replaced in the public proceedings of the legislature and of the government by a living language familiar to the people itself. and what was more natural, than that, being in the necessity to choose one language, they choose the magyar? the more so, since those who spoke hungarian were not only more than those who spoke any one of the other languages, but were if not more than, at least equal to, all those who spoke several other languages together. be so kind to mark well, gentlemen; no other language was oppressed--the hungarian language was enforced upon nobody. wherever another language was in use even in public life; of whatever church--whatever popular school--whatever community--it was not replaced by the hungarian language. it was only the dead latin, which by-and-by became eliminated from the diplomatic public life, and replaced by the living hungarian in hungary. in hungary, i say. gentlemen, be pleased to mark: never was this measure extended into the municipal life of croatia and sclavonia, which, though belonging for years to hungary, still were not hungary, but a race with distinct local institutions. the croatians and sclavonians themselves repeatedly urged us in the common parliament to afford them opportunity to learn the hungarian language, that, having the right, they might also enjoy the benefit, of being employed in the government offices of our common hungary. this opportunity was afforded to them, but nobody was forced to make use of it; while neither with their own municipal and public life, nor with the domestic, social, religious life, of any other people in hungary itself, did the hungarian language ever interfere. it replaced only the latin language, which no people spoke, and which was contrary to liberty, because it excluded the millions from public life. willing to give freedom to the people, we expelled that latin tongue; which was an obstacle to its future. we did what every other nation in the old world has done, clearing by it the way to the universal liberty. your country is happy even in that respect. being a young nation, you did not find the latin tongue in your way when you established this republic; so you did not want a law to eject it from your public life. you have a living language, which is spoken in your congress, in your state legislatures, and by which your government rules. it is not the native language of your whole people--and yet no man in the union takes it for an oppression that legislature and government is not carried on in every language spoken in the united states. and one thing i have to mention yet. this replacing of the latin language by the hungarian was not a work of our recent measures, it was done before, step by step, from . when we carried in our democratic reforms, and gave political, social, civil, and full religious freedom to the whole people, we extended our cares to the equal protection of every tongue and race, affording to all equal right to aid out of the public funds, for the moral, religious, and scientific development in churches and in schools. nay, we extended this even to political affairs, sanctioning the free use of every tongue, in the municipalities and communal corporations, as well as in the administration of justice. the promulgation of the laws in every tongue, the right to petition and to claim justice in each man's tongue, the duty of the government to answer in the same, all this was granted, and thus far more was done in that respect also, than any other nation ever accorded to the claims of tongues; by far more than the united states ever did, though there is no country in the world where so many different languages are spoken as here. it is therefore the most calumnious misrepresentation to say that the hungarians struggled for the dominion of their own _race_. no; we struggled for civil, political, social, and religious freedom, common to all, against austrian despotism. we struggled for the great principle of _self-government against centralization_; because centralization is absolutism; and is inconsistent with constitutional rights. austria has given the very proof of it. the house of austria had never the intention to grant constitutional life to the nations of europe. i will prove that on another occasion. but the friends of the hapsburgs say, it has granted a constitution--in march, . well, where is that constitution now? it was not only never executed, but it was, three months ago, formally withdrawn. even the word ministry is blotted out from the dictionary of the austrian government! schwarzenberg is again house, court, and state chancellor, as metternich was; only metternich ruled not with the iron rule of martial law over the whole empire of austria as schwarzenberg does. metternich _encroached upon_ the constitutional rights of hungary, transylvania, croatia, and slavonia. schwarzenberg has _abolished_ them, and young francis-joseph has melted all the nations together into common bondage, where the promised _equality of nationalities_ is carried out most literally, to be sure, for they are all equally oppressed, and all are equally ruled by absolutist principles and by the german language. and why was that illusory constitution withdrawn? because it was a lie from the beginning; an impossibility. it was founded on the principle of centralization. it centralized thirteen different nations, which had had no political history in common, except to have groaned under austrian rule. under such circumstances to have a common life was an absurdity augmented by deceit. i cannot exhaust this vast topic in one speech. we want republican institutions, so founded on self-government everywhere, that the people themselves may be sovereign everywhere. this is the cause, for which i humbly request your protecting aid. it is the cause of oppressed europe. it is the cause of germany, bleeding under some thirty petty tyrants who lean on that league of despots, the basis of which is petersburg. it is the cause of fair, but unfortunate italy, which in so many respects is now dear to our heart. we have a common enemy; so we are brothers in arms for freedom and independence. i know how italy is situated; and i dare confidently to declare, there is no hope for italy, but in that great republican party, at the head of which mazzini stands. it has nothing to do with communistical schemes, or the french doctrines of socialism: but it wills, that italy be free and republican. whither else could italy look for freedom and independence, if not to that party which mazzini leads? to the king of naples perhaps? let me be silent about that execrated man. or to the dynasty of sardinia and piedmont? this professes to be constitutional; yet it captures those poor hungarian soldiers who seek an asylum in piedmont,--captures, and delivers them to austria to be shot: and they _are_ shot, increasing the number of those martyrs whom radetzky murdered on the scaffold during three short years. the house of savoy is become the blood-hound of austria against fugitive hungarians. gentlemen, the generous sympathy of public opinion here (god be blessed!) is strongly aroused to the wrongs and sufferings of hungary. i look to _your_ aid to keep that sympathy alive,--to urge the formation of societies to collect funds and support a loan,--to move in favour of the propositions which i had the honour to express at the corporation banquet. consider not the weakness of my address, but only the strength of my cause; and following the generous impulse of your republican hearts, accord to it the protective aid of the free independent press. then i may yet see fulfilled the noble words of your chairman's poetry:-- truth crush'd to earth shall rise again; the eternal years of god are hers; but error, wounded, writhes in pain, and dies _among_.... (let me add, sir,).. _with all_ her worshippers. in the course of the same evening, one of the toasts drunk was, "to the political exiles of europe," to which michael doheny, esq., an irish exile, first responded, in a speech full of animosity against england. after him mr. dana made the following speech, which may be a useful comment on that of kossuth. my friend, who has taken his seat, spoke in his own right as a political exile from ireland, a country than which none has more deeply suffered from the woes of foreign domination. i speak here by no such title. and yet if any man may without presumption claim to speak in behalf of the political exiles and rebels against tyranny, of several nations, of all nations, indeed it is an american. for he is not only himself the heir of a nation of rebels, but his whole lineage is cosmopolitan, and he may boast that he is akin to all the races of europe. we have no exclusive origin, thank god! in the veins of our country there flows the blood of a thousand tribes, just as our language is made up of a thousand idioms. we hear a good deal from certain quarters about the greatness of races, the practical energy of this race, the artistic genius of the other, and the great intellectual qualities of another. america disproves of all these dogmas, and establishes in their stead the higher principle that all races are capable of a noble development under noble institutions. give freedom to the celt, the slavon, or the italian, or whatever other people; give them freedom and independence; establish among them the great principle of _local self-government_, and the earth does not more surely revolve in its orbit than they will in due time ripen into all the excellence and all the dignity of humanity. men make and control institutions, but institutions in their turn make men. and if a people under providence are endowed with institutions that have given free play and healthy growth to the most useful and admirable powers of man, it is not for that people to boast of its race as better than other races, and thank god, like the pharisee, that it is not as other men. no, it is for that people to see the cause of its good fortune in its institutions, and to remember that it has responsibilities, and that it owes a helping hand to others that honestly struggle for such benefits. especially is this the case with the american people, made up as they are from all races, and absorbing yearly as they do so much of the best blood of all. america has thriven and grown strong upon the misfortunes of europe. our toast specially refers to the political exiles of europe, but the truth is, that all the exiles of that continent are political. every shipload of emigrants that seeks our shores has been banished by political causes; for had the institutions of their country been such as to secure to them freedom and the prosperity of freedom, do you think they would have forsaken their homes and the homes of their fathers to seek new homes beyond the ocean? we owe then to europe a debt for all this population and power that it has flung upon our shores, and how else can we pay it except by doing what we can to help the european nations to gain their freedom and form institutions under which there will be no political exiles? for one i go for paying that debt, according to our means and opportunities. i saw the other day in the streets a large body of europeans of various nations, marching along with a red flag. in paris, or rome, or vienna, such a procession would have been impossible, or if it could have got into the streets, it would have been assailed by the soldiery, and its members either shot down or flung into prison. yet in new york they went peacefully on their way, made their demonstration in all freedom, and no trouble or harm came of it. very many of those men were political exiles. and why? not because they were bad men, for here in new york nothing could be more quiet and appropriate than their behaviour. but they prove, that from whatever country there are political exiles, there the institutions are bad. i know we are in the habit of hearing about red republicans and socialists as men who are dangerous on account of their opinions, and who have deserved to be banished from france, from germany, from italy. i will not now say anything about those opinions, but this i do say, that a country where all opinions and every opinion cannot be held and freely discussed, has a bad system of government and bad institutions. it is not the men nor their opinions that stand condemned, but the government and institutions. therefore it is that we must sympathize with such exiles, without regard to their opinions, and pray earnestly and labour earnestly for the elevation of all countries to freedom. * * * * * ix.--on military institutions. [_speech to the new york militia, december th._] the first division, consisting of four brigades, was presented to kossuth in the castle garden. major-general sandford then proceeded to address kossuth as follows:-- governor kossuth:--it is with no ordinary feeling of gratification that i have this opportunity of addressing you, in the name and on behalf of the citizen soldiers of the city of new york. with an unbounded admiration of your devotion to the great cause of constitutional liberty, and of that indomitable firmness with which you have persevered under all circumstances in sustaining it, they were most happy to testify, upon your arrival in our city, their sense of your services in that cause which they are organized to sustain, and now they are again assembled to greet you with a heart-felt welcome, and to listen to the voice of one whom they have learned to respect, to love, and to venerate. the body of men now presented to you, about five thousand in number, represents the first division of new york state militia. the division enrols about fifty thousand men in this city and upon staten island, and the law of our state only imposes upon the general body the duty of appearing armed and equipped once in each year, at an annual parade appointed for that purpose. but out of this large number the law provides for the organization of those who are willing and desirous to acquire that degree of military science, to fit them, upon any sudden emergency of domestic insurrection or of foreign aggression, to sustain the laws and support the institutions of our country. they uniform and equip themselves at their own expense, and they serve without pay, satisfied with the consciousness that they are discharging a duty to their country, and qualifying themselves to sustain the honour of our flag and the freedom won by our fathers. they represent fairly all classes of our citizens. our hard-working and ingenious mechanic--our enterprising and energetic merchant--our intelligent professional men--our grocers, butchers, bakers, and cartmen, are all to be found in our ranks, exhibiting in public spirit, energy, and intelligence, a body of men not to be surpassed, even in this country of active enterprise and widely diffused intelligence. it is amongst such men, devoted to such a service, that, you may feel well assured, the intelligence of the noble struggle of the hungarian people for their rights and liberties was received with the deepest feeling, and the progress of your contest watched with the most earnest solicitude. they exulted in your victories as the triumph of freedom over oppression and despotism--they saw in your almost superhuman energies and dauntless courage the hearts of a people determined to be free. they rejoiced that a great nation, with kindred principles and institutions, was established as an independent republic amidst the despotisms of europe. but, alas! all their hopes and anticipations were blasted. such an example amidst the down-trodden subjects of the arbitrary governments of europe, was viewed with alarm by their despotic rulers, and the enslaved hordes of the imperial russian were hurled upon the free sons of hungary. even with such mighty odds, we should not have despaired for hungary, had she been afforded but one year of peaceful preparation to complete her organization and develop her resources. her gallant sons upon her own soil, and battling for their homes, their altars, and their independence, would have been unconquerable. but treason and despotism combined, triumphed over freedom. then commenced a scene of horrors and cruelty, such as despots only and the minions of despots can perpetrate. hungarian liberty may be cast down, but cannot be destroyed. the sacred flame burns unquenched in the hearts of the people, and will again burst forth, a glorious light to enlighten the nation--but a consuming fire to their oppressors. but when? and how shall this be accomplished? sir, we believe and feel with you that this will be accomplished whenever the free people of america, uniting with those kindred nations of europe which sustain and shall secure free institutions, will support and insist upon that great moral principle of international law which you have recently so eloquently and ably expounded--that one nation should not interfere with the domestic concerns of another. establish this great and just principle, and hungary would again assume her station among the nations of the earth--free and independent. establish this great principle, and germany and italy would also soon be free. sir, we believe in this great principle; we believe it to be a principle of justice and humanity; we believe it to be the inalienable right of every people to establish such forms of government as are best adapted to their condition, and as they may deem best calculated to ensure their own rights, liberties, and pursuit of happiness. and we believe that this great principle of international law should be the basis of the intercourse of nations, and that we have no more right to make free with the forms of government of other nations, than with their forms of religion. but this principle being conceded and established, how is it to be enforced? how are the despotic dynasties of europe to be prevented from lending their combined energies to crush every germ of freedom amongst those who, if left to themselves, would, like hungary, be free and independent. solely by the method which you have so ably developed. solely by inducing those nations which are strong enough to maintain the principles of international law--to unite in their support, and by such union, effectually to guarantee the peace of the world. to effect this most desirable object, you have adopted the true method. you would operate upon the public opinion, and public opinion operating upon free government, creates and establishes public and international law. but when we see this great principle of non-intervention violated--when we see a free and united people crushed and trampled upon by foreign despots, because they have dared to proclaim and establish equal rights and privileges as the basis of their own institutions, must we look tamely on and see the life-blood of freedom crushed out by the iron heel of barbaric despotism, and hear the death-groans of the brave and free without daring to express our feelings or to extend the hand of sympathy and comfort to the suffering sons of liberty? no! in the name of outraged justice and humanity, no! we will openly, warmly, and freely express our sympathy in the cause of freedom, and our approbation of the devotion, the endurance, and the gallantry of her sons. we will, by all constitutional modes, endeavour to sustain those principles, which will terminate this outrage upon the sacred laws of justice and humanity. we will further aid this cause by contributing our share to the contributions offered by our people to enable you to advance the establishment of those principles so important to the emancipation of your beloved hungary, and so essential to the preservation of civil and religious liberty. and now upon this interesting occasion, i hail the presence of this noble company of faithful and devoted sons of hungary, your companions in exile and in prison, and present them to this division; men, who, like our fathers, pledged their sacred honours "to sustain the independence of their country." [here there was an outburst of cheering, and colonel berczenszy and the other hungarians, companions in arms of kossuth, all rose, and were again greeted with another burst of enthusiastic cheering.] we receive them as friends and brothers, and as martyrs in the same holy cause of constitutional liberty in which our fathers fought and bled, and suffered, and triumphed; and in which, we trust and believe, you will also live to triumph and rejoice, in the bosom of your own, your native land. loud applause followed the conclusion of this address. kossuth then rose and said-- general and gentlemen,--i accept with the highest gratitude, the honour to meet the first division of the new york state militia, who having, in their capacity of citizen soldiers, honoured me on my arrival by their participation in the generous welcome which i met with, have also, by the military honour bestowed on me, so much contributed to impart to this great demonstration that public character which cannot fail to prove highly beneficial to the cause which i hold up before the free people of this mighty republic, and which i dare confidently to state is the great question of freedom and independence to the european continent. i entreat you, gentlemen, not to expect any elaborate speech from me, because really i am unprepared to make one. you are citizen soldiers, a glorious title, to which i have the ambition of aspiring; so, i hope you will kindly excuse me, if i endeavour to speak to you _as_ soldiers. do you know, gentlemen, what is the finest speech i ever heard or read? it is the address of garibaldi to his roman soldiers in the last war, when he told them:--"soldiers, what i have to offer you is fatigue, danger, struggling, and death--the chill of the cold night, the open air, and the burning sun--no lodgings, no munitions, no provisions--but forced marches, dangerous watchposts, and continual struggling with bayonets against batteries. let those who love freedom and their country, follow me." that is the most glorious speech i ever heard in my life. but, of course, that is no speech for to-day. i will speak so, when i again meet the soldiers of hungary, to fight once more the battle of freedom and independence. [after various compliments to general sandford on the appearance of his soldiers, and the good order of the republic, kossuth continued as follows:] i thank you for the explanation of the organization and discipline of this gallant division. europe has many things to learn from america. it has to learn the value of free institutions--the expansive power of freedom--the practical value of local self-government, as opposed to centralization. but one of the most important lessons you give to europe, is in the organization of the militia of the united states. you have the best organized army in the world, and yet you have scarcely a standing army at all. that is a necessary thing for europe to learn from america---that great standing armies must cease. but they can cease, only _then_, when the nations are free; for great standing armies are not national institutions, they are the instruments of dynastic violence or foreign despotism. the existence of tyranny imposes on europe great standing armies. when the nations once become free, they will not want them, because they will not war with each other. freedom will become a friendly link among nations. but as far as they may want them, your example shows that a popular militia, like yours, is the mightiest national defence. thirty-seven years ago a great battle was fought at new orleans, which showed what a defence your country has in its militia. nay more, your history proves that this institution affords the most powerful means of offensive war, should war become indispensable. i am aware, gentlemen, that your war with mexico was chiefly carried on by volunteers. i know what a distinguished part the volunteers of new york took in that war. and who were these volunteers? who were those from new york city, and of other regiments? they were of your militia, the source of that military spirit which is the glory of your country, and its safety when needed in time of war or social disorder. i learned all this from the united states, and it was my firm intention to carry out this militia organization in hungary. my idea was and still is to do so, and i will endeavour, with the help of god, to carry it out. my idea is, there are duties towards one native land common to every citizen, and public instruction and education must have such a direction as to enable every citizen to perform them. one of these duties is to defend it in time of danger, to take up arms for its freedom and independence and security. my idea is to lay such a foundation for public instruction, in the schools, that every boy in hungary shall be educated in military skill, so much as is necessary for the defence of his native land, and those who feel inclined to adopt the profession of arms, might complete their education in higher public schools and universities, as is the case in the professions of the bar, and physic, and the pulpit. but i would have no distinction among the citizens. to defend our country is a common duty, and every one must know how to perform it. taking the basis of your organization as an example for hungary, hungary would have at least one million of men ready to defend it against the oppression of any power whatever. that the militia of hungary, thus developed, would be the most solid guardian of my country's freedom and independence, we have shown in our past struggles. the glorious deeds which the unnamed heroes of the people achieved, proves what with previous preparation they could do in defence of their native land. often they have gone into battle without knowing how to fire or cock a musket; but they took batteries by their bayonets, and they achieved glorious deeds like those that are classed among the deeds of immortality. we have not either wish or inclination for conquest. we are content with our native land if it be independent and free. for the maintenance of that independence and freedom, we established by law the institution of the national guard. it is like your militia. i consider the organization to be like a porcupine, which moves on its own road quietly, but when attacked or when danger approaches, stretches forth its thorns. may god almighty grant that i may soon see developed in my native land, the great institution of a national guard! the power of hungary, thus established, is a basis indispensable to the freedom of europe. i will prove this in a few words. the enemy of european freedom is russia. now, can hungary be a barrier to secure europe against this power of russia? i answer: yes. you are a nation of twenty-four millions, and you have an organized militia of some three millions; hungary is a nation of fifteen millions, and at least can have one million of brave citizen soldiers. i hope this may be regarded, then, as a positive proof of what i say about the ability of hungary to resist the power of despotism, and defend europe against russian encroachments. another thing is, the weakness of russia herself; for she is not so strong as people generally believe. it has taken her whole power to put down hungary, and all she can raise consists of , men. then you must consider that the russian territory is of immense extent, and that its population is oppressed; tranquillity and the order of the grave,--not the order of contentment,--is kept in russia itself, only by the armed soldiery of the czar. now, it is not much when i say that , men are indispensable to keep tranquillity in the interior of that empire; , men are necessary to guard its frontiers extending from siberia to turkey; , to keep down the heroic spirit of oppressed poland, take all this together, and you will see that russia scarcely can, at the utmost, employ , men in a foreign war, and, really, it had not more engaged, as history will prove, in the greatest struggle it made for existence--it could not bring more into the field. the million of citizen soldiers would not require to be so brave as they are, to be a match for those , men; and, therefore, the first result of restored independence in hungary would be--should the czar once more have the arrogant intention to put his foot upon mankind's neck, as he blasphemously boasted he had the authority of god to do--the repression of his power by hungary. not only would it be repressed, but hungary could assault him in a quarter where she would find powerful allies. his financial embarrassments are very great, for you know that even in the brief war in hungary he was necessitated to raise a loan in england. we should have for our allies the oppressed people, and our steps would be marked by the liberation of all who are now enslaved. first among our allies would be the polish nation, which is not restricted to the poland of the maps, but extends through the wide provinces of gallicia, lithuania, &c. these are proofs that the might of russia is not so immense that it should intimidate a nation fighting in a just cause. with hungary once free, russia would never dare to threaten european liberty again. but if russia is so weak as i have shown her to be, why, you may say, do i ask your support and aid against her interference? because russia is only thirty hours' distance from hungary, and one of her large armies stands prepared to move at any time against the liberties of our people, before we could have time to develop our resources. this is the motive why i ask, in the name of my country, the great and beneficial support of the united states to check and prevent russian interference in hungary, so that we may have _time_ to erect it into an insurmountable barrier and impregnable fortress against the despotism of the czar. this, i say, is the reason why i claim aid from the united states, and ask it to assume its rightful executive in the police of nations. that is the only glory which is wanting to the lustre of your glorious stars. the militia of the united states having been the assertors of the independence and liberties of this country and the guardians of its security, have now scarcely any other calling; and i confidently hope, that being your condition, you will not deny your generous support to the great principle of non-interference, in the next struggle which hungary will make for freedom and independence, which even now is felt in the air, and is pointed out by the finger of god himself. my _second_ earnest wish and hope is, that the people will see that their commerce with other people, whether in revolution or not, shall be secured. it is not so much my interest as it is your right; and i hope the militia of the united states will ever be ready to protect oppressed humanity. my _third_ humble claim is, that this great republic shall recognize the legitimate independence of hungary. the militia of this country fought and bled for that principle upon your own soil; so, by the glory of your predecessors--by all the blessings which have flowed from your struggle, which make your glory and happiness--you will feel inclined to support this my humble claim for the recognition of the legitimate independence of my fatherland. i thank you for the generous sympathy, and for the reception and welcome of my companions, the devoted sons of hungary, who were ready to sacrifice life and fortune to the independence of their native land. there are several among them who were already soldiers before our struggle, and they employed their military skill in the service of their country. but there were others who were not soldiers, yet whose patriotism led them to embrace the cause of their native land, and they proved to be brave and efficient supporters of the freedom for which they fought. thanking you for the sympathy you have expressed for them, i promise you, gentlemen, that they will prove themselves worthy of it. i will point out to them the most dangerous places, and i know they will acquit themselves honourably and bravely. as to myself, i have here a sword on my side given to me by an american citizen. this being a gift from a citizen of the united states, i take it as a token of encouragement to go on in that way by which, with the blessing of almighty god, i shall yet be enabled again to see my fatherland independent and free. i swear here before you, that this american sword in my hand shall be always faithful in the cause of freedom--that it shall be ever foremost in the battle--and that it shall never be polluted by ambition or cowardice. * * * * * x.--conditions essential for democracy and peace. [_reply to the address of the democrats of tammany hall, new york, dec. th_.] mr. sickles, who made the address, closed by stating that he contributed to the cause of hungary "a golden dollar, fresh from the free mines of the pacific;" adding that he trusted millions would follow, and that the "almighty dollar," if still the proverb of a money-making people, would become a symbol of its noblest instincts and truest ambition. kossuth, in reply, after warm thanks, declined the personal praises bestowed on him, and sketched the series of events by which the austrian tyranny had converted him from insignificance into a man of importance. he then proceeded to comment on france[*] as follows:--i hope that the great french nation will soon succeed to establish a true republic. but i have come to the conviction, that for freedom there is no duration in centralization, which is a legacy of ambitious men. to be conquerors, power must be centralized; but to be a free nation, self-government must reign in families, villages, cities, counties, states. as power now is lodged in france, the government has in its hand an army of half a million of men, under that iron discipline which is needed in a standing army. it has under its control a budget of more than a thousand million francs. it can dispose of every public office in france; it has a civil army of more than , men: the mayor of the least village derives his appointment from the government. all the police, all the _gens d'armes_, are in its hands. now, gentlemen, is it not clear that--with such authority and force,--not to become dangerous to liberty, every president needs to be a washington. and washingtons are not so thickly strewn around. woe to the country, whose institutions are such, that their freedom depends on the personal character of one man. be he the best man in the world, he will not overcome the essential repugnance of his position to freedom. when france abandons this _centralization_, and carries out her own principles of "liberty, equality, fraternity," by _local self-government_, she will be the great basis of european republics. as to sovereignty of the people, i take it that the right to cast a vote for the election of a president once in four years does not exhaust the sovereign rights of a nation. a people deciding about its own matters, must be everywhere master of its own fate, in village communes as much as in electing its chief officer. [footnote *: the news of the _coup d'état_ had not yet reached him.] you have spoken about certain persons who will have "peace at any price." of course you feel that permanent peace _cannot_ be had at any less price, than that which buys justice: nor can there be justice, where is no freedom. under oppression is neither contentment nor tranquillity. there are some who prefer being oppressed to the dangers of shaking off oppression; but i am sure there are millions who fear death less than enslavement. peace therefore will not exist, though all your rothschilds and barings help the despots. to withhold material aid from the oppressed will not avert the war, but by depriving the leaders of the means of concert will simply make the struggle more lingering: a result surely not desired by friends of peace. but, sir, i thank you for your dollar. the ocean is composed of drops. the greatest results are achieved, not by individuals, but by the humble industry of mankind, incessantly bringing man nearer to the aim providentially destined for him. not all the rothschilds together can wield such sums as poor people can; for the poor count by millions. those dollars of the people have another great value. one million of them given by a million of men gives hope to the popular cause: it gives the sympathy and support of a million men. i bless god for that word of yours, that the one dollar should be followed by many; for then your example would not only in a financial respect be a great benefit, but afford a foundation for that freedom which the almighty designs for the nations. here is a great glory for your country to aim at. it is glorious to stand at the top of the pyramid of humanity; more glorious to become yourselves the pillar on which the welfare of human nature rests. for this, mankind looks to your country with hope and confidence. * * * * * xi.--hungary and austria in religious contrast. [_address in the plymouth church at brooklyn, dec. th, _.] the rev. h. w. beecher having assured kossuth of the deep and religious interest long felt and expressed towards him within those very walls: kossuth replied, declaring that he felt himself always in the power of god, and believed christianity and freedom to be but one cause. he went on to add: the cause of hungary is strongly connected with the principle of religious liberty on earth. in the first war of the sixteenth century a battle was fought by the moslems in hungary, by which the power of our nation was almost overthrown. at that time the monarchy was elective. a hungarian, who was governor of transylvania, was chosen king, but another party elected ferdinand of austria to be king of hungary. a long struggle ensued, in which the princes of transylvania called in turkish aid against the house of austria. in the hour of necessity, the house of austria complied with the wishes of my nation, whenever my country had taken up arms; but no sooner was the sword laid down, than this dynasty always neglected to perform its promises. in the midst of the last century, under maria theresa, those who did not belong to the catholic faith were almost excluded from all offices. joseph succeeded, who was a tolerant man; but scarcely was he in his grave, when the emperor francis renewed persecution, and it was only in , that religious liberty was established to every creed. when the house of austria took arms against the laws of , they took arms against religious liberty. in our parliament, it was roman catholics who stood in the van of battle for religious liberty: but when i say this, i must state it without drawing any commentary from it. it was reserved to our revolution to show the development of the glorious cause of freedom. when my country imposed on me the duty to govern the land, i was ready to show the confidence i had in religious freedom. i chose a catholic minister to be minister of education in hungary, and he fully justified the confidence i reposed in him. he has shown that our constitution is founded upon equality; that it regards all men as citizens, and makes no distinction of profession. it is only under free institutions that a clergyman can remain a clergyman with burning heart towards his own duties, and yet, when called to perform the duties of a citizen, be no longer a clergyman but a citizen. could the church of rome have appreciated this principle, and have acted upon it, my friend mazzini were not now necessary for the freedom of italy. but as rome did not appreciate it, the temporal power of the pope will probably fall at the next revolution. my principles are, that the church shall not meddle with politics, and government will not meddle with religion. in every society there are political and civil concerns on one side, and on the other social concerns; for the first, civil authority must be established--in political and civil respects every one has to acknowledge the power of its jurisdiction. but, in respect to social interests, it is quite the contrary. religion is not an institution--it is a matter of conscience. for the support of these principles i ask your generous aid. you know that whenever the house of austria attains to any strength, its first step is to break down religious liberty. and austria is helped by russia, which is even still less propitious to these principles; you remember the insolence or hardship to which in russia those people are subject who do not belong to the greek church; at the present time the poor jews are subjected to great indignities, and compelled, if not to shave off their hair, to cut it in a particular manner, so as to distinguish them from members of the greek church. but hungary, by the providence of god, is destined to become once more the vanguard of civilization, and of religious liberty for the whole of the european continent against the encroachments of russian despotism, as it has already been the barrier of christianity, against islamism. kossuth then proceeded to explain, that any moneys contributed by the generosity of the american public would not be employed as a warlike fund, for which it would be utterly insignificant; but solely as a means of enabling the oppressed to concert their measures. after this he canvassed _the three props_ of austria, and pointed out the weakness of them all; viz. its loans,--its army,--and russia. its loans run fast to a bankruptcy. its army is composed of nations which hate it. under the austrian government, the tyrol perhaps alone has escaped bombardments, scaffolds, and jails filled with patriots. the armies are raised by forcible conscriptions, and contain some hundred thousand hungarians who recently fought and conquered austria, whom austria now keeps in drill to serve against her when the time comes. as to the third prop--russia,--possibly for some days yet in the future it may support austria; but not in a long war: austria can never stand in a long war. i am told (said kossuth) that some who call themselves "men of peace" cry out for _peace at any price_. but is the present condition peace? is the scaffold peace?--that scaffold, on which in lombardy during the "peaceful" years the blood of patriots has been shed. when the prisons of austria are filled with patriots, is that peace? or is the discontent of all the nations peace? i do not believe that the lord created the world for _such_ a kind of peace as that,--to be a prison,--to be a volcano, boiling up and ready to break out. no: but with justice and liberty there will be contentment, and with contentment, peace--lasting peace, consistent peace: while from the tyrants of the world there is oppression, and with oppression the breaking forth of war..... * * * * * xii.--public piracy of russia [_reply to the address of the bar of new york, dec. th, _.] a reception and a banquet to kossuth having been prepared by the bar at tripler hall, ex-justice jones introduced him with a short speech; after which judge sandford, in the name of the whole bar, read an ample address, of which the following is the principal part:-- governor kossuth.--the bar of new york, having participated with their fellow-citizens in extending to you that cordial and enthusiastic welcome which greeted your landing upon the shores of america, have solicited the opportunity to express to you, as a member of the legal profession, their respect for your great talents and eminent attainments, and their admiration for the ardour and enthusiasm with which you have devoted all your powers and energies to the sacred cause of the emancipation of your native land. wherever freedom has needed an advocate, wherever law has required a supporter, wherever tyranny and oppression have provoked resistance, and men have been found for the occasion, it is the proud honour of our common profession to have presented from our ranks some prominent individual who has generously and boldly engaged in the service; and hungary has furnished to the world one of the most striking in the brilliant series of illustrious examples. as early as the year , the public history of hungary had made us acquainted with the distinguished part which a mr. kossuth, an attorney, as he was then described, had performed in sustaining the laws of his country. mr. kossuth, the attorney of that day, has since matured into the counsellor, statesman, patriot, governor, and now stands before us the exile more distinguished for his firmness and undaunted courage in his last reverse than for his exaltation by the free choice of his countrymen. after the years of your imprisonment and painful anxiety had worn away, and the illegal measure of your arrest had been publicly acknowledged, we found you restored to your personal liberty, and again ardently engaged in the great cause of your country's freedom. at the meeting of the diet of hungary which was held in november, , and before the flame of revolution had illuminated europe, we found a series of acts resolved upon by that body, which declared an equality of civil rights and of public burdens among all classes, denominations, and races in hungary and its provinces, perfect toleration for every form of religion, an extension of the elective franchise, universal freedom in the sale of landed property, liberty to strangers to settle in the country, the emancipation of the jews, the sum of eight millions set apart to encourage manufactures and construct roads, and the nobles of hungary, by a voluntary act, abolishing the old tenure of the lands, thereby constituting the producing classes to be absolute owners of nearly one half of the cultivated territory in the kingdom. this great advance made by your country in a system of benign and ameliorating legislation, was checked by occurrences which are too fresh in your recollection to require a recapitulation. we welcome you among us; we tender you our admiration for your efforts; our sympathy for your sufferings; our cordial wishes that your persevering labours may be successful in restoring your country to her place among nations, and her people to the enjoyment of those blessings of civil and religious liberty, to which, by their intelligence and bravery, and by the _laws of nature and of nature's god_, they are justly entitled. our professional pursuits have led us to the study of the system of jurisprudence which has been matured by the wisdom and experience of ages, but which has been recognized by all eminent jurists to be founded upon the defined principles of christianity. from that great source of law we have learned, that as members of the family of mankind, our duties are not bounded by the territorial limits of the government which protects us, nor circumscribed as to time or space. we have framed a constitution of government, and under it have adopted a system of laws which we are bound to execute and obey. the stability and efficiency of our own government are dependent upon the intelligence, virtue, and moderation of our people. it has been justly remarked by one of our most distinguished jurists, that "in a republic, every citizen is himself in some measure entrusted with the public safety, and acts an important part for its weal or woe." trained as we have been in these principles of self-government, appreciating all the blessings which a bounteous creator has so profusely showered upon us, and desirous to see the principles of civil and religious liberty extended to other nations, we rejoice at every uprising of their oppressed people; we sympathize with their struggles, and within the limits of our public laws and public policy, we aid them in their efforts. if through weakness or treachery they fail, we grieve at their misfortunes. in you, sir, we behold a personification of that great principle which forms the corner stone of our own revered constitution--the right of self-government. darkened as has been the horizon of suffering hungary, in you, sir, still burns that living fire of freedom, which we trust will yet light up her firmament, and shed its lustrous flame over her wasted lands. "the unnamed demi-gods" whose blood has moistened her battle-fields, the martyrs whose lives have been freely offered up on the scaffold and beneath the axe, the living exiles now scattered through distant lands, have not suffered, are not suffering in vain. governments were created for the benefit of the many, and not of the few. a day, an hour of retribution will yet come; the almighty promise will not be forgotten--"vengeance is mine--i will repay it, saith the lord." kossuth thereupon replied:-- gentlemen,--highly as i value the opportunity to meet the gentlemen of the bar, i should have felt very much embarrassed to have to answer the address of that corporation before such a numerous and distinguished assembly, had not you, sir, relieved my well-founded anxiety by justly anticipating and appreciating my difficulties. let me hope, that herein you were the interpreter of this distinguished assembly's indulgence. gentlemen of the bar, you have the noble task to be the first interpreters of the law; to make it subservient to justice; to maintain its eternal principles against encroachment; and to restore those principles to life, whenever they become obliterated by misunderstanding or by violence. my opinion is, that law must keep pace in its development with institutions and intelligence, and until these are perfect, law is and must be with them in continual progress. justice is immortal, eternal, and immutable, like god himself; and the development of law is only then a progress, when it is directed towards those principles which, like him, are eternal; and whenever prejudice or error succeeds in establishing in customary law any doctrine contrary to eternal justice, it is one of your noblest duties, gentlemen,--having no written code to fetter justice within the bonds of error and prejudice,--it is one of your noblest duties to apply _principles_, --to show that an unjust custom is a corrupt practice, an abuse; and by showing this, to originate that change, or rather development in the unwritten, customary law, which is necessary to make it protect justice, instead of opposing and violating it. if this be your noble vocation in respect to the private laws of your country, let me entreat you, gentlemen, to extend it to that public law which, regulating the mutual duties of nations towards each other, rules the destinies of humanity. you know that in that eternal code of "nature and of nature's god," which your forefathers invoked when they raised the colonies of england to the rank of a free nation, there are no pettifogging subtleties, but only everlasting principles: everlasting, like those by which the world is ruled. you know that when artificial cunning of ambitious oppressors succeeds to pervert those principles, and when passive indifference or thoughtlessness submits to it, as weakness must submit: it is the noble destiny--let me say, duty--of enlightened nations, alike powerful as free, to restore those eternal principles to practical validity, so that justice, light, and truth may sway, where injustice, oppression, and error have prevailed. raise high the torch of truth; cast its beams on the dark field of arbitrary prejudice; become the champions of principles, and your people will be the regenerators of international law. it will. a tempestuous life has somewhat sharpened my eye, and had it even not done so, still i would dare to say, i know how to read your people's heart. it is conscious of your country's power; it is jealous of its own dignity; it knows that it is able to restore the law of nations to the principles of justice and right; and knowing its ability, its will shall not be lacking. let the cause of hungary become the opportunity for the restoration of true and just international law. mankind is come to the eleventh hour in its destinies. one hour of delay more, and its fate may be sealed, and nothing left to the generous inclinations of your people--so tender-hearted, so noble, and so kind--but to mourn over murdered nations, its beloved brethren in humanity. i have but to make a few remarks about two objections, which i am told i shall have to contend with. the first is, that it is a leading principle of the united states not to interfere with european nations. i may perhaps assume that you have been pleased to acquaint yourselves with what i have elsewhere said on that argument; viz. that the united states had never entertained or confessed such a principle, or at any rate had abandoned it, and had been forced to do so: which indicates it to have been only a temporary policy. i stated the mighty difference between neutrality and non-interference; so i will only briefly remark that a like difference exists between alliance and interference. every independent power has the right to form alliances, but is not under duty to do so: it may remain neutral, if it please. neither alliances nor neutrality are matters of principle, but simply of policy. they may hurt interest, but do not violate law; whereas with interference the contrary is the case. interference with the sovereign right of nations to resist oppression, or to alter their institutions and government, is a violation of the law of nations and of god: therefore non-interference is a duty common to every power and every nation, and is placed under the safeguard of every power, of every nation. he who violates that law is like a pirate: every power on earth has the duty to chase him down as a curse to human nature. there is not a man in the united states but would avow that a pirate must be chased down; and no man more readily than the gentlemen of trade. a gentleman who came yesterday to honour me with the invitation of cincinnati, that rising wonder of the west,--with eloquence which speaks volumes in one word, designated as _piracy_ the interference of foreign violence with the domestic concerns of a nation. there is such a moving power in a word of truth! that word has relieved me of many long speeches. i no longer need to discuss the principle of your foreign policy: there can be no doubt about what is lawful, what is a duty, against piracy. your naval forces are, and must be, instructed to put down piracy wherever they meet it, on whatever geographic lines, whether in european or in american waters. you sent your commodore decatur for that purpose to the mediterranean, who told the dey of algiers, that "if he claims powder, he will have it with the balls;" and no man in the united states imagined this to oppose your received policy. nobody then objected that it is the ruling principle of the united states not to meddle with european or african concerns; rather, if your government had neglected so to do, i am sure the gentlemen of trade would have been foremost to complain. now, in the name of all which is pleasing to god and sacred to man, if all are ready thus to unite in the outcry against a rover, who, at the danger of his own life, boards some frail ship, murders some poor sailors, or takes a few bales of cotton--is there no hope to see a similar universal outcry against those great pirates who board, not some small cutters, but the beloved home of nations? who murder, not some few sailors, but whole peoples? who shed blood, not by drops, but by torrents? who rob, not some hundred weight of merchandize, but the freedom, independence, welfare, and the very existence of nations? oh god and father of human kind! spare--oh spare that degradation to thy children; that in their destinies some bales of cotton should more weigh than those great moralities. alas! what a pitiful sight! a miserable pickpocket, a drunken highway robber, chased by the whole human race to the gallows: and those who pickpocket the life-sweat of nations, rob them of their welfare, of their liberty, and murder them by thousands--these high-handed criminals proudly raise their brow, trample upon mankind, and degrade its laws before their high reverential name, and term themselves "most sacred majesties." but may god be blessed, there is hope for human nature; for there is a powerful, free, mighty people here on the virgin soil of america, ready to protect the laws of man and of heaven against the execrated pirates and their associates. but again i am told, "the united states, as a power, are not indifferent; we sympathize deeply with those who are oppressed; we will respect the laws of nations; but we have no interest to make them respected by others towards others." interest! and always interest! oh, how cupidity has succeeded to misrepresent the word? is there any interest which could outweigh the interest of justice and of right? interest! but i answer by the very words of one of the most distinguished members of your profession, gentlemen, the present honourable secretary of state:--"the united states, as a nation, have precisely the same interest (yes, _interest_ is his word) in international law as a private individual has in the laws of his country." he was a member of the bar who advanced that principle of eternal justice against the mere fact of policy; and now that he is in the position to carry out the principle which he has advanced, i confidently trust he will be as good as his word,[*] and that his honourable colleagues, the gentlemen of the bar, will remember their calling to maintain the permanent principles of justice against the encroachments of accidental policy. [footnote *: see the extracts from mr. webster's speech at the washington banquet.] but i may be answered--"if we (the united states) avow that we will not endure the interference of russia in hungary (for that is the practical meaning, i will not deny), and if russia should not respect our declaration; then we _might_ have to go to war." well, i am not the man to decline the consequences of my principles. i will not steal into your sympathy by evasion. yes, gentlemen, i confess, _should_ russia not respect such a declaration of your country, then you are forced to go to war, or else be degraded before mankind. but, gentlemen, you must not shrink back from the mere _word_ war; you must consider what is the probability of its occurrence. i have already stated publicly my certain knowledge how vulnerable russia is; how weak she is internally. but the best clue to you as to what will be her future conduct, if you act decisively, will be gained by examining the extreme caution and timidity with which, in the late events, she felt her way, before she interposed by force. the last french revolution broke out in february, . the czar hates republics,--name and thing; but he did not interfere against the france of lamartine, any more than against the france of louis philippe in . why not? he dared not. but he resorted to his natural and his most dangerous weapon, _secret diplomacy_. he sent male and female intriguers to paris, and succeeded in turning the revolution into a mock republic. but from the pulsations of the great french heart every tyrant had trembled. the german nation took its destiny into its own hands, and proposed to itself to become one, in frankfort. the throne in berlin quaked; the austrian emperor fled from his palace, a few weeks after he had with his own hands waved the flag of freedom out of his window. in vienna an austrian parliament met. a constitution was devised for polish gallicia, linked by blood, history, and nature, to the poland domineered over by the czar; while on its western frontier another polish province, posen, was wrapt in revolutionary flames. you can imagine how the czar raged, how he wished to unite all mankind in one head, so that he might cut it off with a single blow; and still he nowhere interfered. why not? again i say, he was prudently afraid. however, the french republic became very innocent to him--almost an ally in some respects, really an ally in others, as in the case of unfortunate rome. the gentlemen of frankfort proved also to be very innocent. the hopes of germany failed--the people were shot down in vienna, prague, lemberg,--the austrian mock parliament was sent from vienna to kremsen, and from kremsen home. only hungary stood firm, steady, victorious--the czar had nothing more to fear from all revolutionary europe--nothing from germany--nothing from france. he had no fear from the united states, since he knew that your government then was not willing to meddle with european affairs: so he had free hands in hungary. but one thing still he did not know, and that was--what will _england_ and what will _turkey_ say, if he interferes?--and that consideration alone was sufficient to check him. so anxious was he to feel the pulse of england and of turkey, that he sent first a small army--some ten thousand men--to help the austrians in transylvania; and sent them in such a manner as to have, in case of need, for excuse, that he was called to do so, _not by austria only, but by that part of the people also, which deceived by foul delusion, stood by austria!_ oh, it was an infernal plot! we beat down and drove out his , men, together with all the austrians--but the czar had won his game. he was hereby assured that he would have no foreign power to oppose him when he dared to violate the law of nations by an armed interference in hungary. so he interfered with all his might. it is a torture even to remember, how like a dream vanished all our hopes that there is yet justice on earth. when i saw my nation, as a handful of brave men, forsaken to fight alone that immense battle for humanity; when i saw russian diplomacy stealing, like secret poison, into our ranks, introducing treason into them;--but let me not look back; it is all in vain; the past is past. _forward_ is my word, and forward i will go; for i know that there is yet a god in heaven, and there is a people like you on earth, and there is a power of decided will here also in this bleeding heart. it is my motto still, that "there is no difficulty to him who wills." but so much is a fact, so much is sure, that _the czar did not dare to interfere until he was assured that he would meet no foreign power to oppose him_. show him, free people of america--show him in a manly declaration, that he will meet your force if he dares once more to trample on the laws of nations--accompany this declaration with an augmentation of your mediterranean fleets, and be sure he will not stir. you will have no war, and austria falls almost without a battle, like a house without foundation, raised upon the sand; hungary--my poor hungary--will be free, and europe's oppressed continent able to arrange its domestic concerns. even without my appeal to your sympathy, you have the source in your own generous hearts. this meeting is a substantial proof of it. receive my thanks. i have done, gentlemen; i am worn out. i must reserve for another occasion what i would say further, were i able. i know that when i speak in this glorious country, there is the mighty engine of the press which enables me to address the whole people. let me now say that the ground on which the hopes of my native land rest, is the principle of justice, right, and law. to the maintenance of these you have devoted your lives, gentlemen of the bar. i leave them under your professional care, and trust they will find many advocates among you. * * * * * xiii.--claims of hungary on the female sex. [_speech to the ladies of new york_.] the rev. dr. tyng having spoken in the name of the ladies of new york, and concluded with the words: "and now, sir, the ladies whom i have the honour to represent, knowing your history, and fully aware of its vast importance, desire themselves to be the audience, and to hear the voice of kossuth, and the claims of hungary." kossuth replied as follows:-- i would i were able to answer that call. i would i were able suitably to fill the place which your kindness has assigned to me. you were pleased to say that austria was blind to let me escape. be assured that it was not the merit of austria. she would have been very glad to bury me alive, but the sultan of turkey took courage, and notwithstanding all the remonstrances of austria, i am free. ladies, worn out as i am, still i am very glad that the ladies of new york condescend to listen to my farewell. when in the midst of a busy day, the watchful care of a guardian angel throws some flowers of joy in the thorny way of man, he gathers them up with thanks: a cheerful thrill quivers through his heart, like the melody of an aeolian harp; but the earnest duties of life soon claim his attention and his cares. the melodious thrill dies away, and on he must go; on he goes, joyless, cheerless, and cold, every fibre of his heart bent to the earnest duties of the day. but when the hard work of the day is done, and the stress of mind for a moment subsides, then the heart again claims its right, and the tender fingers of our memory gather up again the violets of joy which the guardian angel threw in our way, and we look at them with delight; while we cherish them as the favourite gifts of life--we are as glad as the child on christmas eve. these are the happiest moments of man's life. but when we are not noisy, not eloquent, we are silent almost mute, like nature in a midsummer's night, reposing from the burning heat of the day. ladies, that is my condition now. it is a hard day's work which i have had to do here. i am delivering my farewell address; and every compassionate smile, every warm grasp of the hand, every token of kindness which i have received (and i have received so many), every flower of consolation which the ladies of new york have thrown on my thorny way, rushes with double force to my memory. i feel happy in this memory--there is a solemn tranquillity about my mind; but in such a moment i would rather be silent than speak. you know, ladies, that it is not the deepest feelings which are the loudest. and besides, i have to say farewell to new york! this is a sorrowful word. what immense hopes are linked in my memory with its name!--hopes of resurrection for my fatherland--hopes of liberation for the european continent! will the expectations which the mighty outburst of new york's heart foreshadowed, be realized? or will the ray of consolation pass away like an electric flash? oh, could i cast one single glance into the book of futurity! no, god forgive me this impious wish. it is he who hid the future from man, and what he does is well done. it were not good for man to know his destiny. the sense of duty would falter or be unstrung, if we were assured of the failure or success of our aims. it is because we do not know the future, that we retain our energy of duty, so on will i go in my work, with the full energy of my humble abilities, without despair, but with hope. it is eastern blood which runs in my veins. if i have somewhat of eastern fatalism, it is the fatalism of a christian who trusts with unwavering faith in the boundless goodness of a divine providence. but among all these different feelings and thoughts that come upon me in the hour of my farewell, one thing is almost indispensable to me, and that is, the assurance that the sympathy i have met with here will not pass away like the cheers which a warbling girl receives on the stage--that it will be preserved as a principle, and that when the emotion subsides, the calmness of reflection will but strengthen it. this consolation i wanted, and this consolation i have, because, ladies, i place it in your hands. i bestow on your motherly and sisterly cares, the hopes of europe's oppressed nations,--the hopes of civil, political, social, and religious liberty. oh let me entreat you, with the brief and stammering words of a warm heart, overwhelmed with emotions and with sorrowful cares--let me entreat you, ladies, to be watchful of the sympathy of your people, like the mother over the cradle of her beloved child. it is worthy of your watchful care, because, it is the cradle of regenerated humanity. especially in regard to my poor fatherland, i have particular claims on the fairer and better half of humanity, which you are. the _first_ of these claims is, that there is not perhaps on the face of the earth a nation, which in its institutions has shown more chivalric regard for ladies than the hungarian. it is a praiseworthy trait of the oriental character. you know that it was the moorish race in spain, who were the founders of the chivalric era in europe, so full of personal virtue, so full of noble deeds, so devoted to the service of ladies, to heroism, and to the protection of the oppressed. you are told that the ladies of the east are degraded to less almost than a human condition, being secluded from all social life, and pent up within the harem's walls. and so it is. but you must not judge the east by the measure of european civilization. they have their own civilization, quite different from ours in views, inclinations, affections, and thoughts. we in hungary have gained from the west the advantages of civilization for our women, but we have preserved for them the regard and reverence of our oriental character. nay, more than that, we carried these views into our institutions and into our laws. with us, the widow remains the head of the family, as the father was. as long as she lives, she is the mistress of the property of her deceased husband. the chivalrous spirit of the nation supposes she will provide, with motherly care, for the wants of her children; and she remains in possession so long as she bears her deceased husband's name. under the old constitution of hungary (which we reformed upon a democratic basis--it having been aristocratic) the widow of a lord had the right to send her representative to the parliament, and in the county elections of public functionaries widows had a right to vote alike with the men. perhaps this chivalric character of my nation, so full of regard toward the fair sex, may somewhat commend my mission to the ladies of america. our _second_ particular claim is, that the source of all the misfortune which now weighs so heavily upon my bleeding fatherland, is in two ladies--catharine of russia, and sophia of hapsburg, the ambitious mother of this second nero, francis-joseph. you know that one hundred and fifty years ago, charles the twelfth of sweden, the bravest of the brave, foreseeing the growth of russia, and fearing that it would oppress and overwhelm civilization, ventured with a handful of men to attack its rising power. after immortal deeds, and almost fabulous victories, one loss made him a refugee upon turkish soil, like myself. but, happier than myself, he succeeded in persuading turkey of the necessity of checking russia in her overweening ambition, and curtailing her growth. on went mehemet baltadji with his turks, and met peter the czar, and pent him up in a corner, where there was no possibility of escape. there mehemet held him with iron grasp till hunger came to his aid. nature claimed her rights, and in a council of war it was decided to surrender to mehemet. then catharine who was present in the camp, appeared in person before the grand vizier to sue for mercy. she was fair, and she was rich with jewels of nameless value. she went to the grand vizier's tent. she came back without her jewels, but she brought mercy, and russia was saved. from that celebrated day dates the downfall of turkey, and the growth of russia. out of this source flowed the stream of russian preponderance over the european continent. the depression of liberty, and the nameless sufferings of poland and of my poor native land, are the dreadful fruits of catharine's success on that day, cursed in the records of the human race. the second lady who will be cursed through all posterity in her memory, is sophia, the mother of the present usurper of hungary--she who had the ambitious dream to raise the power of a child upon the ruins of liberty, and on the neck of prostrate nations. it was her ambition--the evil genius of the house of hapsburg in the present day--which brought desolation upon us. i need only mention one fact to characterize what kind of a heart was in that woman. on the anniversary of the day of arad, where our martyrs bled, she came to the court with a bracelet of rubies set in so many roses as was the number of heads of the brave hungarians who fell there, declaring that she joyfully exhibited it to the company as a memento which she wears on her very arm, to cherish in eternal memory the pleasure she derived from the killing of those heroes at arad. this very fact may give you a true knowledge of the character of that woman, and this is the _second_ claim to the ladies' sympathy for oppressed humanity and for my poor fatherland. our _third_ particular claim is the behaviour of our ladies during the last war. it is no arbitrary praise--it is a fact,--that, in the struggle for our rights and freedom, we had no more powerful auxiliaries, and no more faithful executors of the will of the nation, than the women of hungary. you know that in ancient rome, after the battle of cannae, which was won by hannibal, the senate called on the people spontaneously to sacrifice all their wealth on the altar of their fatherland. every jewel, every ornament was brought forth, but still the tribune judged it necessary to pass a law prohibiting the ladies of rome to wear more than half an ounce of gold, or particoloured splendid dresses. now, we wanted in hungary no such law. the women of hungary brought all that they had. you would have been astonished to see how, in the most wealthy houses of hungary, if you were invited to dinner, you would be forced to eat soup with iron spoons. when the wounded and the sick--and many of them we had, because we fought hard--when the wounded and the sick were not so well provided as it would have been our duty and our pleasure to do, i ordered the respective public functionaries to take care of them. but the poor wounded went on suffering, and the proper officers were but slow in providing for them. when i saw this, one single word was spoken to the ladies of hungary, and in a short time there was provision made for hundreds of thousands of sick. and i never met a single mother who would have withheld her son from sharing in the battle; but i have met many who ordered and commanded their children to fight for their fatherland. i saw many and many brides who urged on the bridegrooms to delay their day of happiness till they should come back victorious from the battles of their fatherland. thus acted the ladies of hungary. a country deserves to live; a country deserves to have a future, when the women, as much as the men, love and cherish it. but i have a stronger motive than all these to claim your protecting sympathy for my country's cause. it is her nameless woe, nameless sufferings. in the name of that ocean of bloody tears which the impious hand of the tyrant wrung from the eyes of the childless mothers, of the brides who beheld the executioner's sword between them and their wedding day--in the name of all these mothers, wives, brides, daughters, and sisters, who, by thousands of thousands, weep over the graves of magyars so dear to their hearts,--who weep the bloody tears of a patriot (as they all are) over the face of their beloved native land--in the name of all those torturing stripes with which the flogging hand of austrian tyrants dared to outrage human nature in the womankind of my native land--in the name of that daily curse against austria with which even the prayers of our women are mixed--in the name of the nameless sufferings of my own dear wife [here the whole audience rose and cheered vehemently]--the faithful companion of my life,--of her, who for months and for months was hunted by my country's tyrants, with no hope, no support, no protection, but at the humble threshold of the hard-working people, as noble and generous as they are poor--in the name of my poor little children, who when so young as to be scarcely conscious of life, had already to learn what an austrian prison is--in the name of all this, and what is still worse, in the name of liberty trodden down, i claim, ladies of new york, your protecting sympathy for my country's cause. nobody can do more for it than you. the heart of man is as soft wax in your tender hands. mould it, ladies; mould it into the form of generous compassion for my country's wrongs, inspire it with the noble feelings of your own hearts, inspire it with the consciousness of your country's power, dignity, and might. you are the framers of man's character. whatever be the fate of man, one stamp he always bears on his brow--that which the mother's hand impressed upon the soul of the child. the smile of your lips can make a hero out of the coward, and a generous man out of the egotist; one word from you inspires the youth to noble resolutions; the lustre of your eyes is the fairest reward for the toils of life. you can kindle energy even in the breast of broken age, that once more it may blaze up in a noble generous deed before it dies. all this power you have. use it, ladies, in behalf of your country's glory, and for the benefit of oppressed humanity, and when you meet a cold calculator, who thinks by arithmetic when he is called to feel the wrongs of oppressed nations, convert him, ladies. your smiles are commands, and the truth which pours forth instinctively from your hearts, is mightier than the logic articulated by any scholar. the peri excluded from paradise, brought many generous gifts to heaven in order to regain it. she brought the dying sigh of a patriot; the kiss of a faithful girl imprinted upon the lips of her bridegroom, when they were distorted by the venom of the plague. she brought many other fair gifts; but the doors of paradise opened before her only when she brought with her the first prayer of a man converted to charity and brotherly love for his oppressed brethren and humanity. remember the power which you have, and which i have endeavoured to point out in a few brief words. remember this, and form associations; establish ladies' committees to raise substantial aid for hungary. now i have done. one word only remains to be said-a word of deep sorrow, the word, "farewell, new york!" new york! that word will for ever make every string of my heart thrill. i am like a wandering bird. i am worse than a wandering bird. he may return to his summer home, i have no home on earth! here i felt almost at home. but "forward" is my call, and i must part. i part with the hope that the sympathy which i have met here in a short transitory home will bring me yet back to my own beloved home, so that my ashes may yet mix with the dust of my native soil. ladies, remember hungary, and--farewell! * * * * * xiv.--results of the overthrow of the french republic. [_speech at the citizens' banquet, philadelphia, dec. th._] mr. dallas, the chairman, made an eloquent address advocating the cause of hungary against russia, and avowing the duty of america to give warlike aid. this speech was the more remarkable, as coming immediately after the arrival of the news of louis napoleon's usurpation. the mind of the public was naturally so full of the event, that kossuth could not avoid to discuss it; but the topic is so threadbare to the reader, that it will suffice here to preserve a few sentiments. in the opening, kossuth complained of forged letters and forged cheques sent to annoy him, and anonymous letters of false accusation circulated against him. proceeding from this to public topics, and the certainty of a new convulsion in europe, he said, that it might prove in the future highly dangerous to the moneyed interests, if the world be persuaded that the holders of great disposable wealth use it to aid despotism, and that the possession of it checks the generous propensity to forward the triumph of freedom. if the world be confirmed in this persuasion, the results will be painfully felt by those gentlemen, whose treasures are always open for the despots to crush liberty with. such moneylenders have excited boundless hatred in all that section of europe, which has had to suffer from their ready financial aid to despotism. i (said kossuth) am no socialist, no communist; and if i get the means to act efficiently, i shall so act that the inevitable revolution may not subvert the rights of property: but so much i confidently declare--that to the spreading of communist doctrines in certain quarters of europe nobody has so much contributed as those european capitalists, who by incessantly aiding the despots with their money have inspired many of the oppressed with the belief that financial wealth is dangerous to the freedom of the world. rothschild is the most efficient apostle of communism. in regard to louis bonaparte's temporary success, kossuth argued, that it would secure, when france makes her next move for freedom, two results beneficial to liberty: first, that in future, the french republicans would abandon their delusive and disastrous centralization. we have shown (said he) in hungary, that for a nation to be invincible, its life must not be bound up with its metropolis. henceforward, in european aspirations, centralization is replaced by federative harmony. i thank louis napoleon for it. _your_ principles of local self-government, gentlemen, were hitherto professed on the continent of europe chiefly by us hungarians: now they will conquer the world,--a new victory for humanity. had the old french republic stood, it would have perpetuated the curse of _great standing armies_, which are instruments of ambition and a wasting pestilence. again; the blow struck by louis napoleon has forced his nation into the common destiny of europe. it has forbidden france ever in future to play a separate game, and think to keep her own liberty, without effectively espousing the cause of foreign liberty. what is the sum of all this? first, that there is nothing in the news from france to alter any judgments which you might previously have formed, or cause you any suspense. secondly, it only more than ever claims from you an immediately decisive conduct. the success of freedom now depends entirely on what policy the united states of america will adopt. well! gentlemen. it may be that the united states have no reply to the hopes of the world. you will then see a mournful tear in the eye of humanity, and its breast heaving with sighs. we presume, you are so powerful that you can afford not to care about the treading down of the law of nations and the funeral of european freedom. you are so glorious at home, that you can afford to lose the glory (at so rare a crisis!) of saving liberty and justice on earth. yet in your own hour of trial you asked and received military and naval aid from france. your president has informed the world, that you are not willing to allow "the strong arm of a foreign power to suppress the spirit of freedom in any country." if after this you tell me that you are _afraid_ of russia, and are _too weak_ to help us,--and would rather be on good terms with the czar, than rejoice in the liberty and independence of hungary, italy, germany, france,--dreadful as it would be, i would wipe away my tear, and say to my brethren, "let us pray, and let us go to the lord's last supper, and thence to battle and to death." i would then leave you, gentlemen, with a dying farewell, and with a prayer that the sun of freedom may never drop below the horizon of your happy land. i am in philadelphia, the city of brotherly love, the city of william penn, whose likeness i saw this day in a history of your city, with this motto under it: "_si vis pacem, para bellum_"--(prepare for war, if thou wilt have peace)--a weighty memento, gentlemen, to the name of william penn. and i am in that city which is the cradle of your independence--where, in the hour of your need, the appeal was proclaimed to the law of nature's god, and that appeal for help from europe, which was granted to you. i stood in independence hall, whence the spirit of freedom lisps eternal words of history to the secret recesses of your hearts. man may well be silent where from such a place history so speaks. so my task is done--with me the pain, with you the decision--and, let me add the prophetic words of the poet, "the moral of the strain." kossuth took his seat amid the three times three of the audience. * * * * * xv.--interest of america in hungarian liberty. [_baltimore, dec. th_.] on the th december kossuth reached baltimore, and was met by an immense concourse of citizens and a long line of military, who escorted him to his quarters with much enthusiastic demonstration. in the evening he addressed the citizens in the hall of the maryland institute, which was densely crowded, great numbers standing outside the building, when unable to get admittance. after an apologetic introduction, kossuth proceeded to say:-- gentlemen! it is gratifying to me to receive this spontaneous welcome. i was already grateful, during my stay in new york, to receive the expression of your sentiments, and your generous resolutions. they become the more beneficial to me, because i am on my way and very near to washington city, where the elected of your national confidence stand in their proud position, as conservators of those lofty interests, which bind your thirty-one stars of sovereign states into one mighty constellation of freedom, power, and right; where the congress and government of this vast republic watch over the common weal of your united country, and hereby make you a power on earth, a fullgrown member of that great family of nations, which, having one father in heaven, are brethren, and should act as brethren. among the interests intrusted by you to the congress and government, your _foreign policy_ is nearly the most important. this, in a great and powerful nation, can have no other basis than eternal law and christian morality. even your peculiar interests are, in my belief, best served, when your foreign policy rests, not on transitory considerations, but on everlasting principles. even in private life no man can entirely cut himself off from others. a man willing to attempt it would be an exile in his own country, an exile in his own city, an exile in his family. just so with nations, which in the larger family of man are individual members. if a nation seclude itself, it is an exile in the midst of humanity. no man, ladies and gentlemen, is independent of his fellow-man; no nation, however powerful, is independent of other nations. put the richest, the strongest man for a single week wholly apart from family, city, country, and he will quickly learn his essential weakness. in a nation, the consequence of total isolation is not felt as soon, but it will at length be felt as surely. the _hours_ of nations are counted by _years_; yet the secluded nation, self-exiled from mankind, dwindles away. woe to the people, whose citizens care only for their own present, and not for the future of their country! the future, in which they have to live immortally by children and children's children, with whose glory and happiness and power they ought now to sympathize. men or nations secluded are like the silk-worm, which secretes itself in a self-woven case, and at length creeps out to die. so will it at length be with the nation which is wrapped up in self. it is one of your glories, that some portions of your united republic are farther from other portions than hungary is from baltimore: mere distance is therefore no reason why you should be unconcerned about our fate. you are not too far for commercial intercourse with the most distant coasts of europe; and especially since the invention of one of your citizens has been brought to higher perfection, the ocean rather unites you to us, than separates you. would you have the _advantages_ of the connection, without the _duties_ which spring out of it? disregard of duty sooner or later kills advantage. i need not remind you what a link of nature, blood, language, science, industry, religion, civilization, exists between you and us, and binds us ever tighter. you cannot help feeling at home our condition in europe. our peace or war, our civilization or barbarism, our freedom or oppression, our wealth or starvation, progress or retrogression, _must_ act upon you, just as your condition reacts upon us. the link between the destinies of christendom cannot be cut asunder. in fact, there never yet was a time when europe more demanded that you should have _some_ policy towards it; and indifference is none at all. at this moment it is under universal oppression of _social, political_, and _religious_ liberty,--the three treasures which make your glory and happiness. this oppression is ordered by russia, and executed by her satellites. the elected president of france has impiously stabbed the constitution, to make himself emperor. the austrian ministry has openly declared that the absolutist powers will maintain him. thus the impulse of revolution has been given; its vibration will be felt throughout europe and in my fatherland. never will you have an opportunity more glorious for you, and more favourable to mankind, for adopting a real policy founded upon principles. the people of hungary have abundant motives to risk life for freedom and independence. once we had a nationality; now we have none. once we had a constitution;--by the blessing of god we succeeded to transform it three years ago from an aristocratic to a democratic one;--now hungary has no constitution at all. for a thousand years we were a free people; we are now so no longer. like a flock of sheep, we are appropriated, not by the austrian empire, not by the nation, but by a despotic ambitious family. we had freedom of the press. not nineteen years ago, i began the struggle, and endured three years imprisonment for it; but we won that great right of mankind--free expression of thought. now there is no press at all in hungary; there is only the hangman and martial law. we established equal protection for every religion; now there is equal oppression for all. the protestant church had its own self-government for its churches and schools, won by victorious arms and secured by a hundred laws; now the laws are torn down, and the freedom of church and school is gone. the catholic church had control of its own estates; now, day by day, the nearly bankrupt austrian government is overgrowing that property by the poisonous weeds of a new loan, on which it vegetates, a curse to every nation on the continent. such is the condition of the catholic church, concerning which i--a protestant, not only by birth, but also by conviction--declare, that during a whole lifetime, when hungary was struggling for religious liberty, that church contended in the foremost rank for the rights of us protestants. so much do we value the freedom of conscience, that the very thought was repugnant to us all, that there should be unequal rights of citizenship between protestants and catholics and professors of the faith of moses. zeal for religious freedom will kindle magyars to struggle, as long as there is blood in our veins. as during three centuries, so the late war was for religious independence as well as civil; indeed, still earlier, we were the barrier of christendom against the invading mahommedan. we succeeded lately in freeing the agriculture of hungary, and transforming peasants into freeholders; now the austrian dynasty is stealthily bringing back feudal rights. in freeing the peasants, we provided for indemnification of landlords; austria taxes the peasants very heavily, and does not (for she cannot) indemnify the landlords; because her violence and wastefulness does not know how to turn our public estates to account. she favours a few landlords only, who are faithful tools of her oppression. during our struggle, we issued paper-money,--it was called the kossuth-bank-note; austria disavowed it, and commanded its surrender, yet twenty millions are firmly held by the people, as valuable after a new revolution. before we fell under the stroke of russian interference, the taxation permitted by our parliament was only four and a half millions of dollars; austria now imposes sixty. our people burn their tobacco-seed and cut down their vines, rather than endure her tax. such are the motives which austria gives to hungary _not_ to make a new revolution! there is not a single interest which she has not mortally wounded. the mind, the heart, dignity, conscience, self-esteem, hatred, love, revenge, besides every material interest of every class, is engaged to the struggle. the oppression of hungary has ratified the oppression of all our continent. since she has fallen, italy has been completely crushed, the moderate freedom of germany has been put down by austria with the support of russia; lastly, the usurpation of louis napoleon has been made possible. without the restoration of hungary europe cannot be freed from russian thraldom; under which nationalities are erased, no freedom is possible, all religions are subjected to like slavery. gentlemen! the emperor napoleon spoke a prophetic word, when he said that in fifty years all europe would be either republican or cossack. hungary once free, europe is republican; hungary permanently crushed, all europe is cossack. and what does hungary _need_ for freedom? not that other nations should fight our proper battle against our immediate oppressor. we have hearts loving freedom and ready to shed their blood for it; we have armies fully equal to austria, we want only "fair play." let the united states feel itself to be as it is, a power on earth, bound to aid in the police of the nations, and in the name of violated right let it say to the russian intruder, "keep back, hands off, let the brave magyars fight their own battle, _else_ we must take their part." for centuries, perhaps, you will have no more glorious opportunity than now. hitherto, the word glory has been connected with conquest and oppression. take the new glory for yours, by assuring to all nations exemption from the conspiracy of tyrants. that is what i _first_ humbly request and hope. [kossuth proceeded, as in former speeches, to explain his other requests, viz. _secondly_, free commerce with america, whether hungary was in war with austria or not; _thirdly_, that when the suitable moment arrived, the government should recognize the legitimate character of the declaration of independence made by hungary in april, . he added]:-- these requests i have very often explained since i have had the honour to be in the united states. i explained them yesterday in philadelphia--the cradle of your declaration of independence. there i was answered, not only by the unanimous adoption of these resolutions on the part of the city of harrisburg the capital of pennsylvania, but also by the people of philadelphia, at a great and important meeting. nor was that enough. i received more in philadelphia. i was told that, besides the granting of these my humble requests, whenever war breaks out for hungary's freedom and independence i shall find brave hearts and stout arms among the twenty-four millions of the people of the united states ready to go over to europe and fight side by side in the great battle for the freedom and independence of the european continent. i was told that it was not possible, when the battle for mankind's liberty is fought, for the sword of washington to rest in its scabbard. that sword, which struck the first blow here on this continent for the republican freedom of this great country, must be present there, where the last stroke for all humanity will be given. now, gentlemen, i will not abuse your kind indulgence and patience, which you have bestowed in your crowded situation. i will only say, that should this be the generous will of the people of the united states, in the name of the honour of my nation i can give the assurance that the hungarians will be found worthy to fight side by side with you for civil and political freedom on the european continent, and to take care, with the sword of washington, that no hair of that lock which i received as a present in philadelphia, and which i promised to attach to that very standard which i will bear to decide the victory against despotism--that no hair of that lock shall fall into the hands of tyrants. and now may the ladies who have honoured me with their presence graciously allow me to express to them my most humble thanks and one humble prayer. the destinies of mankind--the future of humanity--repose in the hands of womanhood. the mark which the mother imprints upon the brow of the child remains for his whole life. ladies of the united states, when the wandering exile passes away from your presence, take to your kind care the great cause of the liberty of the world with the tenderness with which a mother takes care of her child; and when _you_ take care of this great cause, the sympathy of the people of the united states will not vanish like the passing emotion of the heart, but will become substantial, active, and effectual. the speaker then took his seat, with three times three from the audience. judge legrand followed and proposed the harrisburg resolutions, which were adopted. they are as annexed:-- resolved,--that the citizens of harrisburg, the seat of government of pennsylvania, in town meeting assembled, hereby approve and endorse the three propositions promulgated by louis kossuth, governor of hungary, in his great speech before the mayor and authorities of the city of new york, viz.:-- "first. that feeling interested in the maintenance of the laws of nations, acknowledging the sovereign right of every people to dispose of its own domestic concerns to be one of the laws, and the interference with this sovereign right to be a violation of these laws of nations, the people of the united states--resolved to respect and to make respected these public laws--declares the russian past intervention in hungary to be a violation of these laws, which, if reiterated, would be a new violation, and would not be regarded indifferently by the people of the united states. "second. that the people of the united states are resolved to maintain its right of commercial intercourse with the nations of europe, whether they be in a state of revolution against their government or not; and that, with the view of approaching scenes on the continent of europe, the people invite the government to take appropriate measures for the protection of the trade of the people with the mediterranean. "third. that the people of the united states should declare their opinion in respect to the question of the independence of hungary, and urge the government to act accordingly." resolved, that the people of hungary are, and ought to remain a free and independent nation; that louis kossuth is their lawful governor, and that the hungarian people should not be prevented from exercising the rights of freemen by the tyranny of austria and russia. resolved, that we extend to louis kossuth, governor of hungary, and the hungarian nation, that has made such a noble stand in the cause of freedom, that sympathy, aid, and support, which freemen alone know how to grant. resolved, that a committee of fifteen, including the officers of this meeting, be appointed to repair to philadelphia, and invite the governor of hungary to visit the capital of pennsylvania at such times as may suit his convenience. * * * * * xvi.--novelties in american republicanism. [_washington banquet, jan. th_, .] the banquet given by a large number of the members of the two houses of congress to kossuth took place at the national hotel, in washington city. the number present was about two hundred and fifty. the hon. wm. r. king, of alabama, president of the senate, presided. on his right sat louis kossuth, and on his left the hon. daniel webster, secretary of state. on the right of kossuth at the same table, sat the hon. linn boyd, speaker of the house of representatives. besides other distinguished guests who responded to toasts, are named hon. thomas corwin, secretary of the treasury, and hon. alex. h. h. stuart, secretary of the interior. a few minutes after eight o'clock, a large number of ladies were admitted, and the president of the senate requested gentlemen to fill their glasses for the first toast, which was, "the president of the united states." to this, mr. webster responded. the president then announced the second toast: "the judiciary of the united states: the expounder of the constitution and the bulwark of liberty regulated by law." judge wayne, of the supreme court of the united states, replied, and after alluding to "the distinguished stranger" who was then among them, said: i give you, gentlemen, as a sentiment: "constitutional liberty to all the nations of the earth, supported by christian faith and the morality of the bible." the toast was received with enthusiastic applause. the third toast was,-- "the navy of the united states: the home squadron everywhere. its glory was illustrated, when its flag in a foreign sea gave liberty and protection to the hungarian chief." mr. stanton, of tennessee, in his reply, said: but recently, mr. president, a new significance has been given to this flag. heretofore, the navy has been the symbol of our power and the emblem of our liberty, but now it speaks of humanity and of a noble sympathy for the oppressed of all nations. _the home squadron everywhere_, to give protection to the brave and to those who may have fallen in the cause of freedom! your acquiescence in that sentiment indicates the profound sympathy of the people of the united states for the people of hungary, manifested in the person of their great chief; and i can conceive of no duty that would be more acceptable to the gallant officers of the navy of the united states except one, and that is, _to strike a blow for liberty themselves in a just cause, approved by our government_. the fourth toast was,-- "the army of the united states. in saluting the illustrious exile with magnanimous courtesy, as high as it could pay to any power on earth, it has added grace to the glory of its history." general shields, senator for illinois, chairman of the committee of military affairs in the senate, being loudly called for, replied in the necessary absence of general scott, the chief of the army; and after an appropriate acknowledgment of the toast, added: in paving this very high honor to our illustrious guest--this noble hungarian--let me observe that that army which has been toasted to-night spoke for his reception by the voice of their cannon; and the cannon that spoke there spoke the voice of twenty-five millions of people. sir, that salute which the american cannon gave the hungarian exile had a deep meaning in it. it was not a salute to the mere man louis kossuth, but it was a salute in favour of the great principle which he represents--the principle which he advocates, the principle of nationality and of human liberty. sir, i was born in a land which has suffered as an oppressed nation. i am now a citizen of a land which would have suffered from the same power, had it not been for the bravery, gallantry, and good fortune of the men of that time. sir, as an irishman by birth, and an american by adoption, i would feel myself a traitor to both countries if i did not sustain downtrodden nationalities everywhere--in hungary, in poland, in germany, in italy--everywhere where man is trodden down and oppressed. and, sir, i say again, that that army which maintained itself in three wars against one of the greatest and most powerful nations of the world, will, if the trying time should come again, maintain that same flag (the stars and stripes) and the same triumph, and the same victories in the cause of liberty. [great applause.] the president of the evening then, after a cordial speech, proposed the fifth toast: "hungary, represented in the person of our honoured guest, having proved herself worthy to be free by the virtues and valour of her sons, the law of nations and the dictates of justice alike demand that she shall have fair play in her struggle for independence." this toast was received with immense applause, which lasted several minutes. kossuth then rose and spoke as follows: sir: as once cineas the epirote stood among the senators of rome, who, with a word of self-conscious majesty, arrested kings in their ambitious march--thus, full of admiration and of reverence, i stand amongst you, legislators of the new capitol, that glorious hall of your people's collective majesty. the capitol of old yet stands, but the spirit has departed from it, and is come over to yours, purified by the air of liberty. the old stands a mournful monument of the fragility of human things: yours as a sanctuary of eternal right. the old beamed with the red lustre of conquest, now darkened by the gloom of oppression; yours is bright with freedom. the old absorbed the world into its own centralized glory; yours protects your own nation from being absorbed, even by itself. the old was awful with unrestricted power; yours is glorious by having restricted it. at the view of the old, nations trembled; at the view of yours, humanity hopes. to the old, misfortune was introduced with fettered hands to kneel at triumphant conquerors' feet; to yours the triumph of introduction is granted to unfortunate exiles who are invited to the honour of a seat. and where kings and caesars never will be hailed for their power and wealth, there the persecuted chief of a downtrodden nation is welcomed as your great republic's guest, precisely because he is persecuted, helpless, and poor. in the old, the terrible _voe victis!_ was the rule; in yours, protection to the oppressed, malediction to ambitious oppressors, and consolation to a vanquished just cause. and while from the old a conquered world was ruled, you in yours provide for the common federative interests of a territory larger than that old conquered world. there sat men boasting that their will was sovereign of the earth; here sit men whose glory is to acknowledge "the laws of nature and of nature's god," and to do what their sovereign, the people, wills. sir, there is history in these contrasts. history of past ages and history of future centuries may be often recorded in small facts. the particulars to which the passion of living men clings, as if human fingers could arrest the wheel of destiny, these particulars die away; it is the issue which makes history, and that issue is always coherent with its causes. there is a necessity of consequences wherever the necessity of position exists. principles are the _alpha_: they must finish with _omega_, and they will. thus history may be often told in a few words. before the heroic struggle of greece had yet engaged your country's sympathy for the fate of freedom, in europe then so far distant and now so near, chateaubriand happened to be in athens, and he heard from a _minaret_ raised upon the propylaeum's ruins a turkish priest in the arabic language announcing the lapse of hours to the christians of minerva's town. what immense history there was in the small fact of a turkish imaum crying out, "pray, pray! the hour is running fast, and the judgment draws near." sir, there is equally a history of future ages written in the honour bestowed by you on my humble self. the first governor of independent hungary, driven from his native land by russian violence; an exile on turkish soil, protected by a mahommedan sultan from the blood-thirst of christian tyrants; cast back a prisoner to far asia by diplomacy; was at length rescued from his asiatic prison, when america crossed the atlantic, charged with the hopes of europe's oppressed nations. he pleads, as a poor exile, before the people of this great republic, his country's wrongs and its intimate connection with the fate of the european continent, and, in the boldness of a just cause, claims that the principles of the christian religion be raised to a law of nations. to see that not only is the boldness of the poor exile forgiven, but that he is consoled by the sympathy of millions, encouraged by individuals, associations, meetings, cities, and states; supported by effective aid and greeted by congress and by government as the nation's guest; honoured, out of generosity, with that honour which only one man before him received (a man who had deserved them from your gratitude,) with honours such as no potentate ever can receive, and this banquet here, and the toast which i have to thank you for: oh! indeed, sir, there is a history of future ages in all these facts! they will go down to posterity as the proper consequences of great principles. sir, though i have a noble pride in my principles, and the inspiration of a just cause, still i have also the consciousness of my personal insignificance. never will i forget what is due from me to the _sovereign source_ of my public capacity. this i owe to my nation's dignity; and therefore, respectfully thanking this highly distinguished assembly in my country's name, i have the boldness to say that hungary well deserves your sympathy; that hungary has a claim to protection, because it has a claim to justice. but as to myself, i am well aware that in all these honours i have no personal share. nay, i know that even that which might seem to be personal in your toast, is only an acknowledgment of a historical fact, very instructively connected with a principle valuable and dear to every republican heart in the united states of america. as to ambition, i indeed never was able to understand how anybody can love ambition more than liberty. but i am glad to state a historical fact, as a principal demonstration of that influence which institutions exercise upon the character of nations. we hungarians are very fond of the principle of municipal self-government, and we have a natural horror against centralization. that fond attachment to municipal self-government, without which there is no provincial freedom possible, is a fundamental feature of our national character. we brought it with us from far asia a thousand years ago, and we preserved it throughout the vicissitudes of ten centuries. no nation has perhaps so much struggled and suffered for the civilized christian world as we. we do not complain of this lot. it may be heavy, but it is not inglorious. where the cradle of our saviour stood, and where his divine doctrine was founded, there now another faith rules: the whole of europe's armed pilgrimage could not avert this fate from that sacred spot, nor stop the rushing waves of islamism from absorbing the christian empire of constantine. _we_ stopped those rushing waves. the breast of my nation proved a breakwater to them. we guarded christendom, that luthers and calvins might reform it. it was a dangerous time, and its dangers often placed the confidence of all my nation into one man's hand. but there was not a single instance in our history where a man honoured by his people's confidence deceived them for his own ambition. the man out of whom russian diplomacy succeeded in making a murderer of his nation's hopes, gained some victories when victories were the chief necessity of the moment, and at the head of an army, circumstances gave him the ability to ruin his country; but he never had the people's confidence. so even he is no contradiction to the historical truth, that no hungarian whom his nation honoured with its confidence was ever seduced by ambition to become dangerous to his country's liberty. that is a remarkable fact, and yet it is not accidental; it springs from the proper influence of institutions upon the national character. our nation, through all its history, was educated in the school of local self-government; and in such a country, grasping ambition having no field, has no place in man's character. the truth of this doctrine becomes yet more illustrated by a quite contrary historical fact in france. whatever have been the changes of government in that great country--and many they have been, to be sure--we have seen a convention, a directorate, consuls, and one consul, and an emperor, and the restoration, and the citizen king, and the republic; through all these different experiments centralization was the keynote of the institutions of france--power always centralized; omnipotence always vested somewhere. and, remarkable indeed, france has never yet raised one single man to the seat of power, who has not sacrificed his country's freedom to his personal ambition! it is sorrowful indeed, but it is natural. it is in the garden of centralization that the venomous plant of ambition thrives. i dare confidently affirm, that in your great country there exists not a single man through whose brains has ever passed the thought, that he would wish to raise the seat of his ambition upon the ruins of your country's liberty, if he could. such a wish is impossible in the united states. institutions react upon the character of nations. he who sows wind will reap storm. history is the revelation of providence. the almighty rules by eternal laws not only the material but also the moral world; and as every law is a principle, so every principle is a law. men as well as nations are endowed with free-will to choose a principle, but, that once chosen, the consequences must be accepted. with self-government is freedom, and with freedom is justice and patriotism. with centralization is ambition, and with ambition dwells despotism. happy your great country, sir, for being so warmly attached to that great principle of self-government. upon this foundation your fathers raised a home to freedom more glorious than the world has ever seen. upon this foundation you have developed it to a living wonder of the world. happy your great country, sir! that it was selected by the blessing of the lord to prove the glorious practicability of a federative union of many sovereign states, all preserving their state-rights and their self-government, and yet united in one--every star beaming with its own lustre, but altogether one constellation on mankind's canopy. upon this foundation your free country has grown to prodigious power in a surprizingly brief period, a power which attracts by its fundamental principle. you have conquered by it more in seventy-five years than rome by arms in centuries. your principles will conquer the world. by the glorious example of your freedom, welfare, and security, mankind is about to become conscious of its aim. the lesson you give to humanity will not be lost. the respect for state-rights in the federal government of america, and in its several states, will become an instructive example for universal toleration, forbearance, and justice to the future states, and republics of europe. upon this basis those mischievous questions of language-nationalities will be got rid of, which cunning despotism has raised in europe to murder liberty. smaller states will find security in the principle of federative union, while they will preserve their national freedom by the principle of sovereign self-government; and while larger states, abdicating the principle of centralization will cease to be a blood-field to unscrupulous usurpation and a tool to the ambition of wicked men, municipal institutions will ensure the development of local elements; freedom, formerly an abstract political theory, will be brought to every municipal hearth; and out of the welfare and contentment of all parts will flow happiness, peace, and security for the whole. that is my confident hope. then will the fluctuations of germany's fate at once subside. it will become the heart of europe, not by melting north germany into a southern frame, or the south into a northern; not by absorbing historical peculiarities into a centralized omnipotence; not by mixing all in one state, but by federating several sovereign states into a union like yours. upon a similar basis will take place the national regeneration of sclavonic states, and not upon the sacrilegious idea of panslavism, which means the omnipotence of the czar. upon a similar basis shall we see fair italy independent and free. not unity, but _union_ will and must become the watchword of national members, hitherto torn rudely asunder by provincial rivalries, out of which a crowd of despots and common servitude arose. in truth it will be a noble joy to your great republic to feel that the moral influence of your glorious example has worked this happy development in mankind's destiny; nor have i the slightest doubt of the efficacy of that example. but there is one thing indispensable to it, without which there is no hope for this happy issue. it is, that the oppressed nations of europe become the masters of their future, free to regulate their own domestic concerns. and to this nothing is wanted but to have that "fair play" to all, _for_ all, which you, sir, in your toast, were pleased to pronounce as a right of my nation, alike sanctioned by the law of nations as by the dictates of eternal justice. without this "fair play" there is no hope for europe--no hope of seeing your principles spread. yours is a happy country, gentlemen. you had more than fair play. you had active and effectual aid from europe in your struggle for independence, which, once achieved, you used so wisely as to become a prodigy of freedom and welfare, and a lesson of life to nations. but we in europe--we, unhappily, have no such fair play. with us, against every pulsation of liberty all despots are united in a common league; and you may be sure that despots will never yield to the moral influence of your great example. they hate the very existence of this example. it is the sorrow of their thoughts, and the incubus of their dreams. to stop its moral influence abroad, and to check its spread at home, is what they wish, instead of yielding to its influence. we shall have no fair play. the cossack already rules, by louis napoleon's usurpation, to the very borders of the atlantic ocean. one of your great statesmen--now, to my deep sorrow, bound to the sick bed of far advanced age[*]--(alas! that i am deprived of the advice which his wisdom could have imparted to me)--your great statesman told the world thirty years ago that paris was transferred to st. petersburg. what would he now say, when st. petersburg is transferred to paris, and europe is but an appendage to russia? [footnote *: henry clay, since deceased.] alas! europe can no longer secure to europe fair play. england only remains; but even england casts a sorrowful glance over the waves. still, we will stand our ground, "sink or swim, live or die." you know the word; it is your own. we will follow it; it will be a bloody path to tread. despots have conspired against the world. terror spreads over europe, and persecutes by way of anticipation. from paris to pesth there is a gloomy silence, like the silence of nature before the terrors of a hurricane. it is a sensible silence, disturbed only by the thousandfold rattling of muskets by which napoleon prepares to crush the people who gave him a home when he was an exile, and by the groans of new martyrs in sicily, milan, vienna, and pesth. the very sympathy which i met in england, and was expected to meet here, throws my sisters into the dungeons of austria. well, god's will be done! the heart may break, but duty will be done. we will stand our place, though to us in europe there be no "fair play." but so much i hope, that no just man on earth can charge me with unbecoming arrogance, when here, on this soil of freedom, i kneel down and raise my prayer to god: "almighty father of humanity, will thy merciful arm not raise up a power on earth to protect the law of nations when there are so many to violate it?" it is a prayer and nothing else. what would remain to the oppressed if they were not even permitted to pray? the rest is in the hand of god. sir, i most fervently thank you for the acknowledgment that my country has proved worthy to be free. yes, gentlemen, i feel proud at my nation's character, heroism, love of freedom and vitality; and i bow with reverential awe before the decree of providence which has placed my country into a position such that, without its restoration to independence, there is no possibility for freedom and independence of nations on the european continent. even what now in france is coming to pass proves the truth of this. every disappointed hope with which europe looked towards france is a degree more added to the importance of hungary to the world. upon our plains were fought the decisive battles for christendom; _there_ will be fought the decisive battle for the independence, of nations, for state rights, for international law, and for democratic liberty. we will live free, or die like men; but should my people be doomed to die, it will be the first whose death will not be recorded as suicide, but as a martyrdom for the world, and future ages will mourn over the sad fate of the magyar race, doomed to perish, not because we deserved it, but because in the nineteenth century there was nobody to protect "the laws of nature and of nature's god." but i look to the future with confidence and with hope. manifold adversities could not fail to impress some mark of sorrow upon my heart, which is at least a guard against sanguine illusions. but i have a steady faith in principles. once in my life indeed i was deplorably deceived in my anticipations, from supposing principle to exist in quarters where it did not. i did not count on generosity or chivalrous goodness from the governments of england and france, but i gave them credit for selfish and instinctive prudence. i supposed them to value parliamentary government, and to have foresight enough to know the alarming dangers to which they would be exposed, if they allowed the armed interference of russia to overturn historical, limited, representative institutions. but france and england both proved to be blind, and deceived me. it was a horrible mistake; and has issued in a horrible result. the present condition of europe, which ought to have been foreseen by those governments, exculpates me for having erred through expecting them to see their own interests. well, there is a providence in every fact. without this mistake the principles of american republicanism would for a long time yet not have found a fertile soil on that continent, where it was considered wisdom to belong to the french school. now matters stand thus: that either the continent of europe has no future at all, or this future is american republicanism. and who can believe that two hundred millions of that continent, which is the mother of such a civilization, are not to have any future at all? such a doubt would be almost blasphemy against providence. but there is a providence indeed--a just, a bountiful providence, and in it i trust, with all the piety of my religion. i dare to say my very self was an instrument of it. even my being here, when four months ago i was yet a prisoner of the league of european despots in far asia, and the sympathy which your glorious people honours me with, and the high benefit of the welcome of your congress, and the honour to be your guest, to be the guest of your great republic--i, a poor exile--is there not a very intelligible manifestation of providence in it?--the more, when i remember that the name of your guest is by the furious rage of the austrian tyrant, nailed to the gallows. i confidently trust that the nations of europe have a future. i am aware that this future is vehemently resisted by the bayonets of absolutism; but i know that though bayonets may give a defence, they afford no seat to a prince. i trust in the future of my native land, because i know that it is worthy to have one, and that it is necessary to the destinies of humanity. i trust to the principles of republicanism; and, whatever may be my personal fate, so much i know, that my country will preserve to you and your glorious land an everlasting gratitude. a toast in honour of mr. webster, the secretary of state, having then been proposed, that gentleman responded in an ample speech, of which the following is an extract:-- gentlemen, i do not propose at this hour of the night, to entertain you by any general disquisition upon the value of human freedom, upon the inalienable rights of man, or upon any general topics of that kind; but i wish to say a few words upon the precise question, as i understand it, that exists before the civilized world, between hungary and the austrian government, and i may arrange the thoughts to which i desire to give utterance under two or three general heads. and in the first place i say, that wherever there is in the christian and civilized world a nationality of character--wherever there exists a nation of sufficient knowledge and wealth and population to constitute a government, then a national government is a necessary and proper result of nationality of character. we may talk of it as we please, but there is nothing that satisfies the human being in an enlightened age, unless he is governed by his own countrymen and the institutions of his own government. no matter how easy be the yoke of a foreign power, no matter how lightly it sits upon the shoulders, if it is not imposed by the voice of his own nation and of his own country, he will not, he cannot, and he _means_ not to be happy under its burden. there is not a civilized and intelligent man on earth that enjoys entire satisfaction in his condition, if he does not live under the government of his own nation--his own country, whose volitions and sentiments and sympathies are like his own. hence he cannot say "this is not my country; it is the country of another power; it is a country belonging to somebody else." therefore, i say that whenever there is a nation of sufficient intelligence and numbers and wealth to maintain a government, distinguished in its character and its history and its institutions, that nation cannot be happy but under a government of its own choice. then, sir, the next question is, whether hungary, as she exists in our ideas, as we see her, and as we know her, is distinct in her nationality, is competent in her population, is also competent in her knowledge and devotion to correct sentiment, is competent in her national capacity for liberty and independence, to obtain a government that shall be hungarian out and out? upon that subject, gentlemen, i have no manner of doubt. let us look a little at the position in which this matter stands. what is hungary? hungary is about the size of great britain, and comprehends nearly half of the territory of austria. [according to one authority its population is millions and a half.] it is stated by another authority that the population of hungary is _nearly_ , , ; that of england (in ) nearly , , ; that of prussia about , , . thus it is evident that, in point of power, so far as power depends upon population, hungary possesses as much power as england _proper_, or even as the kingdom of prussia. well, then, there is population enough--there are people enough. who, then, are they? they are distinct from the nations that surround them. they are distinct from the austrians on the west, and the turks on the east; and i will say in the next place that they are an _enlightened_ nation. they have their history; they have their traditions; they are attached to their own institutions--institutions which have existed for more than a thousand years. gentlemen, it is remarkable that, on the western coasts of europe, political light exists. there is a sun in the political firmament, and that sun sheds his light on those who are able to enjoy it. but in eastern europe, generally speaking, and on the confines between eastern europe and asia, there is no political sun in the heavens. it is all an arctic zone of political life. the luminary, that enlightens the world in general, seldom rises there above the horizon. the light which they possess is at best crepuscular, a kind of twilight, and they are under the necessity of groping about to catch, as they may, any stray gleams of the light of day. gentlemen, the country of which your guest to-night is a native is a remarkable exception. she has shown through her whole history, for many hundreds of years, an attachment to the principles of civil liberty, and of law and order, and obedience to the constitution which the will of the great majority have established. that is the fact; and it ought to be known wherever the question of the practicability of hungarian liberty and independence are discussed. it ought to be known that hungary stands out from it above her neighbours in all that respects free institutions, constitutional government, and a hereditary love of liberty. gentlemen, my sentiments in regard to this effort made by hungary are here sufficiently well expressed. in a memorial addressed to lord john russell and lord palmerston, said to have been written by lord fitzwilliam, and signed by him and several other peers and members of parliament, the following language is used, the object of the memorial being to ask the mediation of england in favour of hungary. "while so many of the nations of europe have engaged in revolutionary movements, and have embarked in schemes of doubtful policy and still more doubtful success, it is gratifying to the undersigned to be able to assure your lordships that the hungarians demand nothing but the recognition of ancient rights and the stability and integrity of their ancient constitution. to your lordships it cannot be unknown that that constitution bears a striking family-resemblance to that of our own country." gentlemen, i have said that a national government, where there is a distinct nationality, is essential to human happiness. i have said that in my opinion, hungary is thus capable of human happiness. i have said that she possesses that distinct nationality, that power of population, and that of wealth, which entitles her to have a government of her own; and i have now to add what i am sure will not sound well upon the upper danube; and that is, that, in my humble judgment, the imposition of a foreign yoke upon a people capable of self-government, while it oppresses and depresses that people, adds nothing to the strength of those who impose that yoke. in my opinion, austria would be a better and a stronger government to-morrow if she confined the limits of her power to hereditary and german dominions. especially if she saw in hungary a strong, sensible, independent neighbouring nation; because i think that the cost of keeping hungary quiet is not repaid by any benefit derived from hungarian levies or tributes. and then again, good neighbourhood, and the goodwill and generous sympathies of mankind, and the generosity of character that ought to pervade the minds of governments as well as those of individuals, is vastly more promoted by living in a state of friendship and amity with those who differ from us in modes of government, than by any attempt to consolidate power in the hands of one over all the rest. gentlemen, the progress of things is unquestionably onward. it is onward with respect to hungary. it is onward everywhere. public opinion, in my estimation at least, is making great progress. it will penetrate all resources; it will come more or less to animate all minds; and in respect to that country, for which our sympathies to-night have been so strongly invoked, i cannot but say that i think the people of hungary are an enlightened, industrious, sober, well-inclined community; and i wish only to add, that i do not now enter into any discussion of the form of government which may be proper for hungary. of course, all of you, like myself, would be glad to see her, when she becomes independent, embrace that system of government which is most acceptable to ourselves. we shall rejoice to see our american model upon the lower danube, and on the mountains of hungary. but that is not the first step. it is not that which will be our first prayer for hungary. the first prayer shall be, that hungary may become independent of all foreign power, that her destinies may be entrusted to her own hands, and to her own discretion. i do not profess to understand the social relations and connections of races, and of twenty other things that may affect the public institutions of hungary. all i say is, that hungary can regulate these matters for herself infinitely better than they can be regulated for her by austria, and therefore i limit my aspirations for hungary, for the present, to that single and simple point hungarian independence:-- "hungarian independence; hungarian control of her own destinies; and hungary as a distinct nationality among the nations of europe." the toast was received with enthusiastic applause. the president then announced the next toast-- "the rights of states are only valuable when subject to the free control of those to whom they appertain, and utterly worthless if to be determined by the sword of foreign interference." mr. douglas of illinois, one of the candidates for the presidency, in responding, spoke at length, and denounced the injustice and folly of england. in the close he said:-- he regarded the intervention of russia in the affairs of hungary as a palpable violation of the laws of nations, that would authorize the united states to interfere. if russia, or austria, or any other power, should interfere again, then he would determine whether or not we should act, his action depending upon the circumstances as they should then be presented. in the mean time, however, he would proclaim the principle of the laws of nations: he would instruct our ministers abroad to protest the moment there was the first symptom of the violation of these laws. he would show to europe that we had as much right to sympathize in a system of government similar to our own, as they had in similar circumstances. in his opinion, hungary was better adapted for a liberal movement than any other nation in europe. in conclusion, mr. douglas begged leave to offer the following sentiment:-- "hungary: when she shall make her next struggle for liberty, may the friends of freedom throughout the world proclaim to the ears of all european despots, hands off, a clear field and a fair fight, and god will protect the right." the toast was received with the greatest applause. colonel florence submitted the following sentiment:-- "the american minister to france, whose intervention defeated the quintuple treaty." general cass replied in a very energetic speech, in which he stated that he was approaching the age of three score years and ten. turning to kossuth, he said:-- leader of your country's revolution--asserter of the rights of man--martyr of the principles of national independence--welcome to our shores! sir, the ocean, more merciful than the wrath of tyrants, has brought you to a country of freedom and of safety. that was a proud day for you, but it was a prouder day for us, when you left the shores of old hellespont and put your foot upon an american deck. protected by american cannon, with the stars of our country floating over you, you could defy the world in arms! and, sir, here in the land of washington, it is not a barren welcome that i desire to give you; but much further than that i am willing to go. i am willing to lay down the great principles of national rights, and adhere to them. the sun of heaven never shone on such a government as this. and shall we sit blindfolded, with our arms crossed, and say to tyranny, "prevail in every other region of the world?" [cries of "no, no!"] i thank you for the response. every independent nation under heaven has a right to establish just such a government as it pleases. and if the oppressed of any nation wish to throw off their shackles, they have the right, without the interference of any other; and, with the first and greatest of our presidents--the father of his country--i trust we are prepared to say, that "we sympathize with every oppressed nation which unfurls the banner of freedom." and i am willing, as a member of congress, to pass a declaration to-morrow, in the name of the american people, maintaining that sentiment. a toast was then proposed: "turkey: her noble hospitality extended to a fallen patriot, even at the risk of war, proves her to be worthy of the respect and friendship of liberal nations." kossuth replied as follows:-- sir, i feel very thankful for having the opportunity to express in this place my everlasting gratitude to the sultan of turkey and to his noble people. i am not a man to flatter any one. before god, nations, and principles i bow--before none else. but i bow with warm and proud gratitude, before the memory of the generous conduct i met in turkey. and i entreat your kind permission to state some facts, which perhaps may contribute something to a better knowledge of that country, because i am confident that, when it is once better known, more attention will be bestowed on its future. firstly, as to myself. when i was in that country, and russia and austria, in the full pride of their victory, were imposing their will upon the sultan, and claiming the surrender of me and my associates, it is true that a grand divan was held at constantinople, and not very favourable opinions were pronounced by a certain party opposed to the existing government in turkey, whereby the sublime porte itself was led to believe that there was no help for us poor exiles, but to abandon our faith and become mohammedans, in order that turkey might be able to protect us. i thereupon made a declaration, which i believe i was bound in honesty to make. but i owe it to the honour of the sultan to say openly, that even before i had declared that i would rather die than accept this condition--before that declaration was conveyed to constantinople, and before any one there could have got knowledge that i had appealed to the public opinion of england in relation thereto--before all this was known at constantinople, when the decision of that great divan was announced to the sultan to be unfavourable to the exiles, he out of the generosity of his own heart, without knowing what we were willing to accept or not to accept, declared: "they are upon the soil; they have trusted to my honour, to my justice--to my religion--and they shall not be deceived. rather will i accept war than deliver them up." that is entirely his merit. but notwithstanding these high obligations which i feel towards turkey, i never will try to engage public sympathy and attention towards a country--towards a power--upon the basis of one fact. but there are many considerations in reference to turkey which merit the full attention of the united states of america. when we make a comparison between the turkish government and that of austria and russia in respect to religious liberty, the scale turns entirely in favour of turkey. there is not only toleration for all religions, but the government does not mix with their religious affairs, but leaves these entirely to their own control; whereas under austria, although self-government was secured by three victorious revolutions, by treaties which ensured these revolutions, and by hundreds of laws; still austria has blotted out from hungary the self-government of the protestant church, while turkey accords and protects the self-government of every religious denomination. russia (as is well known) taking religion as a political tool, persecutes the roman catholics, and indeed the greeks and jews, in such a manner that the heart of man must revolt against it. the sultan, whenever a fanatic dares to encroach on the religious freedom of any one at all in his wide dominions, is the inexorable champion of that religious liberty which is permitted everywhere under his rule. again, i must cite from the history of hungary this fact; that when one-half of hungary was under turkish dominion, and the other half under austrian, religious liberty was always encouraged in that part which was under the turkish rule; and there was not only a full development of protestantism, but unitarianism also was protected; yet by austria the unitarians were afterwards excluded from every civil right, because they were unitarians, although our revolution restored their natural rights. such was the condition in respect to religious liberty under the austrian and under the turkish dominion. now, in respect to municipal self-government, hungary and all those different provinces which are now opposed to the austrian empire,--if indeed an empire which only rests upon the goodwill of a foreign master, can be said to exist, or even to vegetate,--all those different provinces are absorbed by austria. there was not one which had not in former times a constitutional life, not one which austria did not deprive of it by centralizing all power in her own court. such is the principle of christian rule! take, on the other hand, the turk. in turkey i have not only seen the municipal self-government of cities developed to a very considerable degree, but i have seen administration of justice very much like the institution of the jury. i have seen a public trial in a case where one party was a turk, and the other party a christian; where the municipal authorities of the christian and of the turkish population were called together to be not only the witnesses of the trial, but mutually to control and direct it with perfect publicity. but more yet: there exist wallachia and moldavia, under turkish dominion; and the turkish nation, which has conquered that province and is dominant, yet, out of respect for national self-government, has prescribed to its own self not to have the right of a house to dwell in, or a single foot of soil in that land. in all the domestic concerns of the province--which for centuries has had a charter, by which the self-government of wallachia and moldavia was ensured--it is worthy to mention that the turk has never broken his oath. whereas in the european continent there is scarcely a single dynasty, whether king, prince, duke, or emperor, which has not broken faith before god and man. now, the existence of this turkey, great as the present power of europe is, is indispensable to the security of europe. you know that in the crimea, in the time of catherine, potemkin wrote the words, "here passes the way to constantinople." the policy indicated by him at that time is always the policy of st. petersburg; and it is of constantinople that napoleon rightly said, that the power which has it in command, if it is willing, is able, to rule three-quarters of the world. now, it is the intention, it is the consistent policy of the russian cabinet, to lay hold of constantinople; and therefore to protect the independent existence of turkey is necessary to europe: for if turkey be crushed, russia becomes not only entirely predominant, as she already is, but becomes the single mistress of asia and of europe. and to uphold this independence of turkey, gentlemen, nothing is wanted but some encouragement from such a place as the united states. since turkey has lost the possession of buda in hungary, its power is declining. but why? because from that time european diplomatists began to succeed in persuading turkey that she had no strength to stand by herself; and by and bye it became the rule in constantinople that every petty interior question needed european diplomacy. now i say, turkey has vitality such as not many nations have. it has a power that not many have. turkey wants nothing but a consciousness of its own powers and encouragement to stand upon its own feet; and this encouragement, if it comes as counsel, as kind advice, out of such a place as the united states, i am confident will not only be thankfully heard, but also very joyfully followed. that is the only thing which is wanted there. and besides this political consideration that the existence of turkey, as it is, is necessary to the future of europe, there are also high commercial considerations proper to interest and attract the united states. the freedom of commerce on the danube is a law of nations guaranteed by treaties; and yet there exists _no_ freedom. it is in the hands of russia. turkey, to be sure, is very anxious to re-establish freedom; but there is nobody to back her in her demands. turkey can also present to the manufacturing industry of such a country as the united states a far larger and more important market than all china, with her two hundred and fifty millions of inhabitants. but one consideration i can mention--and though it has no reference to the public opinion here, i beg permission to avail myself of this opportunity to pronounce it and give it publicity--and that is, that i hope in the name of the future freedom and independence of the european nations, those provinces of turkey which are inhabited by christians will not, out of theoretical passion, and out of attachment to a mere word, neglect that course of action which alone can lead them to freedom and independence. gentlemen, i declare that should the next revolutionary movement in europe extend to the turkish provinces of moldavia and servia,--and should turkey hereby fall,--this would not become a benefit to those provinces, but would benefit russia only; because then, turkey no more existing, all those provinces will be naturally absorbed by russia; whereas, to hold fast to turkey--that turkey, which respects religious liberty, gives them entirely and fully self-government. so much, gentlemen, i desired to express. i believe you will excuse me for the inappropriate manner in which i have acquitted myself of this, which i considered to be my duty in expressing my thanks to turkey. i declare before you that i am fully convinced of the identity of interest between hungary and turkey. we have a common enemy--therefore hungary and turkey are by natural ties drawn into a close alliance against that enemy. i declare that not only out of gratitude, but also out of a knowledge of this community of interest, i will never in my life let an opportunity escape where i in my humble capacity can contribute to the glory, welfare, and happiness of turkey, but will consider it the duty of honour toward my country to be the truest, most faithful friend of the turkish empire. * * * * * xviii.--aspects of america toward england. [_speech at the anniversary of the battle of new orleans, jan. _.] f.p. blair, esq., in the name of the democratic association, pronounced an elaborate address, vindicating the interposition of the king of france to aid the american colonies when they revolted from england, and pointing out that america, in defence of her institutions, may be called on to support the masses of the european nations as a breakwater between herself and despotism. he showed the certain danger to which english freedom would be exposed from the triumph of despotism, and asked:-- what have we to expect from neutrality? we may anticipate the treatment which we received from both belligerents when napoleon pressed on to empire over all the nation as russia does now.... can we hope, that when the war is intended to exterminate the principle of which our government is the great exemplar, our people will be allowed the immunity of free trade with the belligerents to grow rich and strong by their calamities?... the impending danger can only be averted from us by the ability of the people of europe, now kept down by military mercenaries, to rise and assert their own rights. to encourage such efforts is the duty of every free people, and of all that would be free.... shall our government hesitate to denounce, as a violation of the law of nations, the intervention of the czar? shall it hesitate to declare it a justification of a counter-intervention?... our countrymen will not assent to the one-sided doctrine. they will intervene to lift up those stricken down by intervention,-- the exiles from europe--_liberty_ and _louis kossuth_. the band struck up the well-known marseilles hymn, and kossuth, rising to respond, was received with prolonged cheers. the music having ceased, three hearty cheers were given, and louis kossuth responded to the toast and the address in the following remarks, which were received with warm enthusiasm:-- gentlemen: i feel sincerely gratified with the honour of being invited to be present on this solemn occasion, dedicated to the memory of a glorious as well as highly responsible fact in your history. there is high political wisdom in the custom yearly to revive the memory of civil virtue and national glory in the mind of the living generation, because nothing else is so efficient to keep alive the spirit of patriotism--that powerful genius, which, like the angels of scripture, guards with flaming sword the paradise of national liberty and independence. happy the land where the history of the past is the history of the people, and not a mere flattery of kings; and doubly happy the land where the rewards of the past are brightened by present glory, present happiness; and where the noble deeds of the dead, instead of being a mournful monument of vanished greatness which saddens the heart, though it ennobles the mind, are a lasting source of national welfare to the age and to posterity. but where, as in this your happy land, national history is the elementary basis of education--where the very schoolboy is better acquainted with the history of his country than in monarchies almost the professors are--in such a country it would be indeed but a ridiculous parading of vanity for a stranger to dwell upon facts which every child is better acquainted with than he can be. allow me therefore, gentlemen, rather briefly to expound what is the practical philosophy of that great victory which you are assembled to celebrate--what is the moral of the strain as it presents itself to the inquirer's mind. as a man has to pass through several periods of age, each of them marked with its own peculiarities, before he comes to a settled position in life, even so a nation. a nation has first to be born, then to grow; then it has to prove its passive vitality by undergoing a trial of life. afterwards it has to prove its active force to rise within its own immediate horizon. at last, it must take its proper seat amongst the nations of the world as a power on earth. every one of these periods of national life must be gone through. there is no help for it. it is a necessary process of life. and every one of these life-periods has its own natural condition, which must be accepted as a necessity, even if we should not be pleased with it. gentlemen, having passed through the ordeal of an earnest life, with the prospect of yet having to steer through stormy gales, it is natural that, while i grasp my helm, i gaze at history, as my compass. and there is no history more instructive than yours, because you have concentrated within the narrow scope of a few years that natural process of national life, which elsewhere was achieved only through centuries. it would be a mistake, and a mistake not without danger, to believe that your nation is still in its youth because it has lived but seventy-five years. the natural condition of nations is not measured by years, but by those periods of the process of life which i have mentioned. and there is no nation on earth in whose history those periods were so distinctly marked as in yours. first, you had to be born. that is the period of your glorious struggle for independence. endless honour be to those who conducted it! you were baptized with blood, as it seems to be the destiny of nations; but it was the genius of freedom which stood god-father at your baptism, and gave to you a lasting character by giving you the christian name of "_republic_." then you had to grow, and, indeed, you have grown with the luxuriant rapidity of the virgin nature of the american soil. washington knew the nature of this soil, fertilized by the blood of your martyrs and warmed by the sun of your liberty. he knew it, when he told your fathers that you wanted but twenty years of peaceful growth to defy any power whatsoever in a just cause. you have grown through those twenty years, and wisely avoided to endanger your growth by undertaking a toil not becoming to your growing age; and there you stood about another twenty years, looking resolutely but unpretendingly around, if there be anybody to question that you were really a nation. the question was put in , and decided by that glorious victory, the anniversary of which you celebrate to-day. that victory has a deeper meaning in your history than only that of a repulsed invasion. it marks a period in your national life--the period of acknowledged, unshakeable security of your national existence. it is the consummation of your declaration of independence. you have proved by it that the united states possess an incontestable vitality, having the power to preserve that independent national position which your fathers established by the declaration of independence. in reality, it was the victory of new orleans by which you took your seat amongst the independent nations of the world never to be contested through all posterity. if the history of new orleans showed the security of your national existence, the victorious war against mexico proved that also your national interests must be respected. the period of active vitality is attained. it remains yet to take your seat, not amongst the _nations_ of the earth, for _that_ you have since the day of new orleans, but amongst the _powers_ on earth. what is the meaning of that word "power on earth?" the meaning of it is, to have not only the power to guard your own particular interests, but also to have a vote in the regulation of the common interests of humanity, of which you are an independent member--in a word, to become a tribunal enforcing the law of nations, precisely as your supreme court maintains your own constitution and laws. and, indeed, all argument of statesmanship, all philosophy of history, would be vain, if i were mistaken that your great nation is arrived at this unavoidable period of life. the instinct of the people is in the life of a nation precisely that which conscience is in the life of man. before we, in our private life, arrive at a clear conviction what course we have to adopt in this or that occurrence, the conscience--that inexplicable spirit in our breast--tells us in a pulsation of our heart what is right or what is wrong. and this first pulsation of conscience is very trustworthy. then comes the reflective operation of the mind: it now and then lulls conscience to sleep, now and then modifies particulars, and now and then raises it to the degree of conviction. but conscience was in advance of the mind. so is the instinct of the people--the conscience of nations. nor needs the highest intellectual power of individuality to feel offended at the idea that the instinct of the people is always the first to feel the right and wrong. it is the pulsation of the heart of the nation; it is the advertisement of conscience, which never heaves without reason, without necessity. indeed, gentlemen, it is not my presence here which elicited that majestic interest for national law and international rights. nay, i had not been here, but for the pre-existence of this interest. it raised glorious interpreters during the struggles of greece, when, indeed, i was yet too young to be in public life. it flashed up, kindled by poland's heroic struggles, and it blazed high and broad when we were fighting the sacred battle of independence for the european continent. had this interest and sympathy not existed long ago, i were not now here. my very freedom is the result of it. and may i be permitted to mention that there were several concerns quite unconnected with the cause of hungary, which have much contributed to direct public opinion to feel interested in the question of foreign policy, so naturally connected with the question, what is international law? your relations with mexico and central america; the threatened intervention of european powers in the possible issue of a recent case which brought so much mourning into many families in the united states; the question about the sandwich islands, which european diplomacy appeared to contemplate as an appropriate barrier between your pacific states and the indian and chinese trade; the sad fate of an american citizen now condemned to the galleys in africa; and several other considerations of pressing concern, must necessarily have contributed to excite the interest of public opinion for the settlement of the question, what is and what shall be law amongst nations?--law not dictated by the whims of ambitious despots, but founded upon everlasting principles, such as republics can acknowledge who themselves live upon principles. the cause of hungary is implicated with the very questions of right, in which your country in so many respects is concerned. it happens to lie so broad across the principles of international law, as to occupy not only the instinct of the people but also the calm reflection of your statesmen, conspicuous by mature wisdom and patriotism; and herein is the key, besides the generosity congenial to freemen, why the cause which i plead is honoured with so rapid a progress in public sentiment. and let me entreat your permission for one topic more. i received, during my brief stay in england, some one hundred and thirty addresses from cities and associations, all full of the same warm sympathy for my country's cause, which you also have so generously testified. that sympathy was accorded to me, notwithstanding my frank declaration that i am a republican, and that my country, when restored to independence, can be nothing but a republic. now this is a fact gratifying to every friend of progress in public sentiment, highly proving that the people are everywhere honourable, just, noble, and good. and do you know, gentlemen, which of these numerous addresses were the most glorious to the people of england and the most gratifying to me? it was one in which i heard your washington praised, and sorrow avowed that england had opposed that glorious cause upon which is founded the noble fame of that great man; and the addresses--(numerous they were indeed)--in which the hope and resolution were expressed, that england and the united states, forgetting the sorrows of the past will in brotherly love go hand in hand to support the eternal principles of international law and freedom on earth. yes indeed, sir, you were right to say that the justice of your struggle, which took out of england's hand a mighty continent, is openly acknowledged even by the english people itself. the memory of the day of new orleans must of course recall to your mind the wrongs against which you so gloriously fought. oh, let me entreat you, bury the hatred of past ages in the grave where all the crimes of the past lie mouldering with the ashes of those who sinned, and take the glorious opportunity to benefit the great cause of humanity. one thing let me tell you, gentlemen. _people_ and _governments_ are different things in such a country as great britain is. it is sorrowful enough that the people have often to pay for what the government sinned. let it not be said in history, that even the people of the united states made a kindred people pay for the sins of its government. and remember that you can mightily react upon the public opinion of britain, and that the people of britain can react upon the course of its own government. it were indeed a great misfortune to see the government of great britain pushed by irritation to side with the absolutist powers against the oppressed nations about to struggle for independence and liberty. even ireland could only lose by this. and besides its own loss, this might perhaps be just the decisive blow against liberty; whereas if the government of england, otherwise remaining as it is, do but unite with you not to allow foreign interference with our struggles on the continent this would become almost a sure guarantee of the victory of those struggles; and, according as circumstances stand, that would be indeed the most practical benefit to the noble people of ireland also, because freedom, independence, and the principles of natural law could not fail to benefit their cause, which so well merits the sympathy of every just man and they have also the sympathy--i know it--of the better half of england itself. hatred is no good counsellor, gentlemen. the wisdom of love is a better one. what people has suffered more than my poor hungary has from russia? shall i hate the people of russia for it? oh never! i have but pity and christian brotherly love for it. it is the government, it is the principle of the government, which makes every drop of my blood boil and which must fall, if humanity is to live. we were for centuries in war against the turks, and god knows what we have suffered by it! but past is past. now we have a common enemy, and thus we have a common interest, a mutual esteem, and love rules where our fathers have fought. gentlemen, how far this supreme duty toward your own interest will allow you to go in giving life and effect to the principle which you so generously proclaim, and which your party (as i have understood) have generously proclaimed in different parts--_that_ you will in your wisdom decide, remaining always the masters of your action and of your fate. but that principle will rest; that principle is true; that principle is just; and you are just, because you are free. i hope therefore to see you cordially unite with me once more in the sentiment--"intervention for non-intervention." * * * * * xix.--meaning of recognizing. [_last speech at washington_.] in returning thanks to all the citizens here assembled, and to yourself, sir, in particular,[*] i beg to add some remarks. that i have not here been honoured with the same demonstrations of local cordiality as in other places, i do not, with you, attribute to diplomatic influences. i know well the skill of russian diplomacy, which indeed at moldovarica instructs all its representatives to marry moldovarican ladies. but i also know that the framers of your constitution wisely discouraged the development of municipal life in the district of columbia, lest local influences and pressure from without on the seat of the central legislature might unduly sway the national councils. just so, we have often known a single street in paris coerce the deliberations of the nation. columbia having, as i understand, by an exceptional arrangement, no true local self-government, is deficient in local movement. nevertheless, i have received _private_ expression of sentiment and of generous kind sympathy from various parts of this district, and chiefly from the city of washington. [footnote *: chancellor walworth of new york.] in respect to the declaration which you make as to nonintervention, i have only to thank you, and to express my earnest hope that all those in whose name you speak, will proceed to give effect to their principle in public life. the second right of nations,--that of mutual commerce--still more closely touches your domestic interests, regard it as a clear national right of your citizens to hold commerce with the thirty-five millions of men oppressed by austria, if those thirty-five millions desire it, though to emperor of austria, having occupied an immoral position refuse it to you: and if the people of hungary, bohemia, and italy take arms to punish his atrocities, that is no good reason why your citizens should submit to abstain from commerce with these injured nations. in regard to my third desire, to see the _legitimacy_ of our declaration of independence acknowledged by congress that did not mean that i (a poor exile!) am _de facto_ governor of hungary! you little conceive how valuable to us it would have been, if your envoy, who came to inquire and report, during our struggle, had been authorized to recognize the legitimacy of our cause and of our proceeding. and even now, the moral effect would be great; for such an act cannot stand alone, it points to your future policy towards every other nation. moreover, it would enlarge the lawful field of action for private sympathy, and would enable me to accept many things which i cannot now; i do not mean titles,--which i value not. i care only for my country's dignity; but it appertains to its dignity that its solemnly expressed will be recognized by your government. legislatures of your states (with warm gratitude i acknowledge) have declared these principles: cities and associations have received them; so have many eminent persons. but if you wish foreign powers to know that it is not mr. a. or mr. b. but the nation itself which pronounces them, i venture to suggest that it may be convenient in your various associations of every kind to make separate declarations to this effect, as by contributions of money ever so small; and this will really be _national_ aid. if the united states carry out this determination with their characteristic energy it will be effectual. * * * * * xx.--contrast of the american to the hungarian crisis. [_speech before the senate at annapolis, jan. _.] kossuth, having arrived at annapolis, capital of maryland, was entertained in the government house by governor lowe, and was next day introduced to the senate, who welcomed him with a cordial address. he responded as follows:-- mr. president: in the changes of my stormy life, many occasions, connected with associations of historical interest, have impressed a deep emotion upon my mind: but perhaps never yet has the memory of the past made such a glowing impression upon me as here. i bow reverentially, senators of maryland, in this glorious hall, the sanctuary of immortal deeds, hallowed by immortal names. before i thank the living, let me look to those dead whose spirits dwell within these walls [looking at the portraits that hung upon the walls], living an imperishable life in the glory, freedom, and happiness of your great united republic, which is destined, as i confidently hope, to become the corner-stone of the future of humanity. yes, there they are, the glorious architects of the independence of this republic. there is _thomas stone_; there, your demosthenes, _samuel chase_; there, _charles carroll, of carrollton_, who designedly added that epithet to the significance of his name, that nobody should be mistaken about who was the _carroll_ who dared the noble deed, and was rewarded by being the last of his illustrious companions, whom god called to the heavenly paradise, after he had long enjoyed the paradise of freedom on earth; and here, _william paca_;--all of them signers of the declaration of american independence--that noblest, happiest page in mankind's history. how happy that man must have been [pointing to the portrait of governor paca] having to govern this sovereign state on that day when, within these very halls the act was ratified which, by the recognition of your very enemy, raised your country to an independent nation. ye spirits of the departed! cast a ray of consolation by the voice of your nation over that injured land, whose elected chief, a wandering exile for having dared to imitate you, lays the trembling hopes of an oppressed continent before the generous heart of your people--now not only an independent nation but also a mighty and glorious power. alas! what a difference in the success of two like deeds! have we not done what ye did? yes, we have. was the cause for which we did it not alike sacred and just as yours? it was. or have we not fought to sustain it with equal resolution as your brethren did? bold though it be to claim a glory such as america has, i am bold to claim, and say--yes, we did. and yet what a difference in the result! and whence this difference? only out of that single circumstance that, while you, in your struggle, meet with _assistance_, we in ours met not even with _"fair play:"_ since, when we fought, there was nobody on earth to maintain "the laws of nature's god." during our struggle, america was silent and england did not stir; and while you were assisted by a french king, we were forsaken by a french republic--itself now trodden down because it has forsaken us? well, we are not broken yet. there is hope for us, because there is a god in heaven and an america on earth. may be that our nameless woes were necessary, that the glorious destiny of america may be fulfilled; that after it had been an asylum for the oppressed, it should become, by regenerating europe, the pillar of manhood's liberty. oh! it is not a mere capricious change of fate, that the exiled governor of the land whose name, four years ago, was scarcely known on your glorious shores, and which now (oh, let me have the blessings of this belief!) is dear to the generous heart of america. it is not a mere chance that hungary's exiled chief thanks the senators of maryland for the high honour of public welcome in that very hall where the first continental congress met; where your great republic's glorious constitution was framed; where the treaty of acknowledged independence was ratified, and where you, senators, guard with steady hand the rights of your sovereign states which is now united to thirty others, not to make you less free, but to make you more mighty--to make you a power on earth. i believe there is the hand of god in history. you assigned a place in this hall of freedom to the memory of chatham, for having been just to america, by opposing the stamp act, which awoke your nation to resistance. now, the people of england think as once pitt the elder thought, and honours with deep reverence the memory of your washington. but suppose the england of lord chatham's time had thought as chatham did: and his burning words had moved the english aristocracy to be just towards the colonies: those our men there [turning to the portraits] had not signed your country's independence. washington were perhaps a name "unknown, unhonoured, and unsung," and this proud constellation of your glorious stars had perhaps not yet risen on mankind's sky--instead of being now about to become the sun of freedom. it is thus providence acts. let me hope, sir, that hungary's unmerited fate was necessary, in order that your stars should become such a sun. sirs, i stand, perhaps, upon the very spot where your washington stood, consummating the greatest act of his life. the walls which now listen to my humble words, listened to the words of his republican virtue, immortal by their very modesty. let me, upon this sacred spot, express my confident belief that if he stood here now, he would tell you that his prophecy is fulfilled; that you are mighty enough "to defy any power on earth in a just cause," and he would tell you that there never was and never will be a cause more just than the cause of hungary, being, as it is, the cause of oppressed humanity. sir, i thank the senate of maryland, in my country's name for the honour of your generous welcome. i entreat the senate kindly to remember my prostrate fatherland. sir, i bid you farewell, feeling heart and soul purified, and my resolution strengthened, by the very air of this ancient city of providence. * * * * * xxi.--thanks for his great success. [_speech at harrisburg, pennsylvania, on his reception in the capitol. jan. th_.] on jan. th kossuth was received in harrisburg, capital of pennsylvania, in the capitol. governor johnston in the name of the state, addressed to him a copious and energetic speech, in the course of which he said:-- we have declared the law, that man is capable of self government, and possesses the inherent and indestructible right of altering, amending, and changing his form of government at his pleasure, and in furtherance of his happiness. we have sworn hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man. these truths we have made a part of the laws of nations. despots combine and interfere by force and fraud, to prevent the erection of republican institutions by a nation struggling successfully against its local usurping oppressor, for independence. fidelity to our principles and institutions demands that we prevent such interference by solemnly proclaiming that the laws of nations and humanity shall be preserved inviolate and sacred. in the performance of this duty the faint-hearted may falter; the domestic despot and cold diplomatist may linger behind; the man of world-extended and fearful traffic may hesitate; but the warm and great heart of the american masses will feel no moment of hesitation and doubt in defence of truth. the great author of nations will find the means to carry out his wise designs. how glorious our destiny, if to us is given the solemn charge of carrying into effect the beneficent purpose of heaven in the establishment upon earth of universal liberty, universal education, universal happiness, and peace. when governor johnston had concluded with a very cordial welcome, kossuth replied as follows:-- senators and representatives of pennsylvania.--i came with confidence, i came with hope to the united states--with the confidence of a man who trusts to the certainty of principles, knowing that where freedom is sown, there generosity grows--with the hope of a man who knows that there is life in his cause, and that where there is life there must be a future yet. still hope is only an instinctive throb with which nature's motherly care comforts adversity. we often hope without knowing why, and like a lonely wanderer on a stormy night, direct our weary steps towards the first glimmering window light, uncertain whether we are about to knock at the door of a philanthropist or of a heartless egotist. but the hope and confidence with which i came to the united states was not such. there was a knowledge of fact in it. i did not know what _persons_ it might be my fate to meet, but i knew that meet i should with two living _principles_--with that of freedom and that of national hospitality. both are political principles here. freedom is expansive like the light: it loves to spread itself: and hospitality here in this happy land, is raised out of the narrow circle of private virtue into political wisdom. as you, gentlemen, are the representatives of your people, so the people of the united states at large are representative of european humanity--a congregation of nations assembled in the hospitable hall of american liberty. your people is linked to europe, not only by the common tie of manhood--not only by the communicative spirit of liberty--not only by the commercial intercourse, but by the sacred ties of blood. the people of the united states is europe transplanted to america. and it is not hungary's woes alone--it is the cause of all europe which i am come to plead. where was ever a son, who in his own happy days could indifferently look at the sufferings of his mother, whose heart's blood is running in his very veins? and europe is the mother of the united states. i hope to god, that the people of this glorious land is and will ever be, fervently attached to this their free, great and happy home. i hope to god that whatever tongue they speak, they are and will ever be american, and nothing but american. and so they must be, if they will be free--if they desire for their adopted home greatness and perpetuity. should once the citizens of the united states cease to be americans, and become again english, irish, german, spanish, italian, danish, swedish, french--america would soon cease to be what it is now--freedom elevated to the proud position of a power on earth. but while i hope that all the people of the united states will never become anything but americans; and that even its youngest adopted sons, though fresh with sweet home recollections, will know here no south, no north, no east and no west--nothing but the whole country, the common nationality of freedom--in a word, america; still i also know that blood is blood--that the heart of the son must beat at the contemplation of his mother's sufferings. these were the motives of my confident hope. and here in this place i have the happy right to say, god the almighty is with me; my hopes are about to be realized. sir, it is a gratifying view to see how the generous sympathy of individuals for the cause which i respectfully plead is rising into public opinion. but nowhere had i the happy lot to see this more clearly expressed than in this great commonwealth of pennsylvania, the mighty "_keystone_ state" of the union. the people of harrisburg spoke first: no city before had so distinctly articulated the public sympathy into acknowledged principles. it has framed the sympathy of generous instinct into a political shape. i will for ever remember it with fervent gratitude. then came the metropolis--a hope and a consolation by its very name to the oppressed--the sanctuary of american independence, where the very bells speak prophecy--which is now sheltering more inhabitants than all pennsylvania did, when, seventy-five years ago, the prophetic bell of independence hall announced to the world that free america was born; which now, with the voice of thunder, will, i hope, tell the world that the doubtful life of that child has unfolded itself into a mighty power on earth. yes, after harrisburg, the metropolis spoke, a flourishing example of freedom's self-developing energy; and after the metropolis, now so mighty a centre of nations, and it ally of international law--next came pittsburg, the immense manufacturing workshop, alike memorable for its moral power and its natural advantages, which made it a link with the great valley of the west, a cradle of a new world, which is linked in its turn to the old world by boundless agricultural interests. and after the people of pennsylvania have thus spoken, here now i stand in the temple of this people's sovereignty, with joyful gratitude acknowledging the inestimable benefits of this public reception, where--with the elected of pennsylvania, entrusted with the legislative and executive power of the sovereign people, gather into one garland the public opinion, and with the authority of their high position, announce loudly to the world the principles, the resolution, and the will of the two millions of this great commonwealth. sir, the words your excellency has honoured me with will have their weight throughout the world. the jeering smile of the despots, which accompanied my wandering, will be changed, at the report of these proceedings, to a frown which may yet cast fresh mourning over families, as it has cast over mine; nevertheless the afflicted will wait to be consoled by the dawn of public happiness. from the words which your excellency spoke, the nations will feel double resolution to shake off the yoke of despotism. [footnote: philadelphia (_brotherly love_) is evidently intended. "metropolis" strictly means mother city, not chief city.] the proceedings of to-day will, moreover, have their weight in the development of public opinion in other states of your united republic. governor! i plead no dead cause, europe is no corpse: it has a future yet, because it wills. sir, from the window of your room, which your hospitality has opened to me, i saw suspended a musket and a powder horn, and this motto--"material aid." and i believe that the speaker of the house of representatives of pennsylvania is seated in that chair whence the declaration of american independence was signed. the first is what europe wants in order to have the success of the second. permit me to take this for a happy augury; and allow me with the plain words of an earnest mind, to give you the assurance of my country's warm, everlasting gratitude, in which, upon the basis of our restored independence, a wide field will be opened to mutual benefit, by friendly commercial intercourse ennobled by the consciousness of imparted benefit on your side, and by the pleasant duty of gratitude on the side of hungary, which so well deserves your generous sympathy. * * * * * xxii.--on the present weakness of despotism. [_speech at the harrisburg banquet_.] about three hundred persons sat down to dinner, a large portion of them members of the legislature. governor johnston presided, assisted by ex-senator cameron. a toast complimentary to governor johnston having been drunk with great enthusiasm, the governor briefly responded. after returning his thanks for the compliment, he alluded to the mission of kossuth. the great magyar came here not for _sympathy_ alone, but for _aid_ for the cause of republican freedom. he not only wanted that, but encouragement of our government in aid of the cause of down-trodden hungary. no profession, but action was wanted; and he exhorted his hearers never to cease acting, until the government took the high ground necessary to secure to hungary the simple justice she demanded. in conclusion he gave the third toast: "hungary--betrayed but not subdued; her constitution violated, her people in chains, her chief in exile. the star of freedom will yet shine through the dark night of her adversity." kossuth, in response, opened by lamenting that the perpetual claims upon his time, and the pressure of sorrowful feelings on his heart, made it impossible for him to study how to address them suitably. he proceeded to say: but to what purpose is eloquence here? have you not anticipated my wishes? have you not sanctioned my principles? are you not going on to action, as generous men do, who are conscious of their power and of their aim? well, to what purpose, then, is eloquence here? i have only to thank--and that is more eloquently told by a warm grasp of the hand than by all the skilful arrangement of words. i beg therefore your indulgence for laying before you some mere facts, which perhaps may contribute to strengthen your conviction that the people of the united states, in bestowing its sympathy upon my cause, does not support a dead cause, but one which has a life, and whose success is rationally sure. let me before all cast a glance at the enemy. and let those imposed upon by the attitude of despotism in , consider how much stronger it was in - . france was lolled by louis philippe's politics, of "peace at any price," into apathy. men believed in the solidity of his government. no heart-revolting cruelty stirred the public mind. no general indignation from offended national self-esteem prevailed. the stability of the public credit encouraged the circulation of capital, and by that circulation large masses of industrious poor found, if not contentment, at least daily bread. the king was taken for a prudent man; and the private morality of his family cast a sort of halo around his house. the spirit of revolution was reduced to play the meagre game of secret associations; not seconded by any movement of universal interest--the spirit of radical innovation was restrained into scientific polemic, read by few and understood by fewer. there was a faith in the patriotic authority of certain men, whose reputation was that of being liberal. one part of the nation lived on from day to day without any stirring passion, in entire passiveness; the other believed in gradual improvement and progress, because it had confidence in the watchful care of partizan leaders. the combat of parliamentary eloquence was considered to be a storm in a glass of water, and the highest aspiration of parties was to oust the ministry and take their place. and yet the prohibition of a public banquet blew asunder the whole complex like mere chaff. germany was tranquil, because the honest pretensions of the ambition of her statesmen were satisfied by the open lists of parliamentary eloquence. the public life of the nation had gained a field for itself in legislative debates--a benefit not enjoyed for centuries. the professors being transferred to the legislative floor, and the college to the parliament, the nation was gratified by improvements in the laws, and by the oratory of her renowned men, who never failed to flatter the national vanity. it believed itself to be really in full speed of greatness, and listened contented and quiet--like an intelligent audience to an interesting lecture--even in respect to the unity of great germany. the custom-association (zollverein) became an idol of satisfied national vanity, and of cheerful hopes; science and art were growing fast; speculative researches of political economy met an open field in social life; men conscious of higher aims wandered afar into new homes, despairing to find a field of action in their native land. material improvement was the ruling word, and the lofty spirit of freedom was blighted by the contact of small interests. and yet a prohibited banquet at paris shook the very foundation of this artificial tranquillity, and the princely thrones of germany trembled before the rising spirit of freedom, though it was groping in darkness, because unconscious of its aim. italy--fair, unfortunate italy--looking into the mirror of its ancient glory, heaved with gloomy grief; but the sky of the heaven was as clear and blue above, as it ever was since creation's dawn: and it sung like the bird in a cage placed upon a bough of the blooming orange tree. and then pius ix, placing himself at the head of italian regeneration, became popular as no man in rome since rienzi's time, in men heard with surprise, on the coast of the adriatic, my name coupled in _vivas_ with the name of pius ix. but the sarcasm of madame de stael--that in italy men became women--was still believed true; so that too many of the italians themselves despaired of conquering austria without charles albert. austria had not for centuries, and prussia never yet has, experienced what sort of a thing a revolution is, and the falling of the vault of the sky would have been considered less improbable than a popular revolution in berlin or vienna, where metternich ruled in triumphant proud security. the house of austria was considered as a mighty power on earth; respected, because thought necessary to europe against the preponderance of russia. no people under the dominion of this dynasty, had a national army, and all were divided by absurd rivalries of language, kept up by metternich's machiavelism. the nations were divided; none of them was conscious of its strength, but all were aware of the united strength of a disciplined and large imperial army, the regiments of which had never yet fought one against another, and never yet had broken the spell of the black and yellow flag by tearing it to pieces with their own hands. and yet, when paris stirred and i made a mere speech in the hungarian parliament, the house of austria was presently at the mercy of the people of vienna; metternich was driven away, and his absolutism replaced by a promise of constitutional life. in gallicia the odium connected with the despotic austrian rule had, by satanic craft, been thrown upon those classes which represent the ancient polish nationality; and the well-deserved hatred of aristocratic oppression, though living only in traditional remembrances, had prevailed in the sentiments of the common people over the hatred against austria, though despotic and a stranger; so much so, that, to triumph over the ill-advised, untimely movement of , austria had nothing to do but open the field to murder, by granting a two dollars' reward for every head of a polish land proprietor. and in hungary the people of every race was equally excluded from all political right--from any share of constitutional life. the endeavours of myself and my friends for internal improvements--for emancipation of the peasantry--for the people's restoration to its natural rights in civil, political, social, and religious respects, were cramped by the hapsburg policy. but the odium of this cramping was thrown by austria upon our own conservative party: and thus our national force was divided into antagonistic elements. besides, the idea of panslavism and of national rivalries, raised by russia and fostered by austria, diverted the excitement of the public mind from the development of common political freedom. and hungary had no _national_ army. its regiments were filled with foreign elements and scattered over foreign countries, while our own country was guarded with well-disciplined foreign troops. and what was far worse than all this, hungary, by long illegalities corrupted in its own character, deprived of its ancient heroic stamp, germanized in its saloons, sapped in its cottages and huts, impressed with the unavoidable _fatality_ of austrian sovereignty, and the knowledge of austrian power, secluded from the attention of the world, which was scarcely aware of its existence,--hungary had no hope in its national future, because it had no consciousness of its strength, and was highly monarchical in its inclinations, and generous in its allegiance to the king. no man dreamed of the possibility of a revolution there, and he who would have suggested it would only have gained the reputation of a madman. such was the condition of europe in the first half of february, . never yet seemed the power of despots more steady, more sure. yet, one month later, every throne on the continent trembled except the czar's. the existence of dynasties depended upon the magnanimity of their people, and europe was all on fire. and in what condition is europe now? every man on earth is aware that things cannot endure as they are. _formerly millions believed that a peaceful development of constitutional monarchy was the only future reserved for europe. now nobody on the european continent any longer believes that constitutional monarchy can have a future there._ absolutist reaction goes with all that arrogance which revolts every sentiment, and infuriates the very child in its mother's arms. the promise, the word, the oath of a king are become equivalent to a lie and to perjury. faith in the morality of kings is plucked out, even to the last root, from the people's heart. the experiment of constitutional concessions was thought dangerous to the dynasties, as soon as they became aware that the people of europe is no imbecile child, that can be lulled to sleep by mockery; but that it will have reality. thus the kings on the greater part of the continent, throwing away the mask of liberal affectations, deceived every expectation, broke every oath, and embarked with a full gale upon the open sea of unrestricted despotism. they know that love they can no longer get; so we have been told openly, that _they will not have_ love, _but_ money, to maintain large armies, and keep the world in servitude. on the other hand, the nations, assailed in their moral dignity and material welfare, degraded into a flock of sheep kept only to be shorn--equally with the kings detest the mockery of constitutional royalty which has proved so ruinous to them. royalty has lost its sacredness in france, germany, italy, austria, and hungary. both parties equally recognize that the time has come when the struggle of principles must be decided. absolutism or republicanism--the czar or the principles of america--there is no more compromise, no more truce possible. the two antagonist principles must meet upon the narrow bridge of a knife-edge, cast across the deep gulf which is ready to swallow him who falls. it is a struggle for life and death. that is the condition of the european continent in general. a great, terrible, bloody uprising is unavoidable. that is known and felt by every one. and every sound man knows equally well that the temporary success of louis napoleon's usurpation has only made the terrible crisis more unavoidable. ye men of "peace at any price," do not shut your eyes wilfully to the finger of god pointing to the _mene, tekel, upharsin_ written with gigantic letters upon the sky of europe. despots never yield to justice; mankind, inspired with the love of freedom, will not yield up its manhood tamely. peace is impossible. gentlemen, the success of my mission here may ensure the victory of freedom; may prevent torrents of martyrs' blood; may weaken the earthquake of impending war; and restore a solid peace. but be sure, the certainty of the european struggle does not depend upon your generous support; nor would my failure here even retard the outbreak of the hurricane. should we, not meeting here with that support, which your glorious republic in its public capacity and your generous citizens in their private capacity can afford without jeopardizing your own welfare and your own interest (and assuredly it never came into my mind to desire more)--should we, meeting with no support here, be crushed again, and absolutism consolidate its power upon the ruins of murdered nations, i indeed cannot but believe that it would become a historical reproach of conscience, lying like an incubus upon the breast of the people of the united states from generation to generation. i mean, the idea, that had you not withheld that support which you might have afforded consistently with your own interest, hungary perhaps would be a free, flourishing country, instead of being blotted out from the map; and europe perhaps free, and absolutist tyranny swept from the earth. you then would in vain shed a tear of compassion over our sad fate, and mourn over the grave of nations: nor only so; but the victory of absolutism could not fail to be felt even here in your mighty and blessed home. you would first feel it in your commercial intercourse, and ere long you would become inevitably entangled; for as soon as the czar had secured the submission of all europe, he would not look indifferently upon the development of your power, which is an embodiment of republican principles. i am not _afraid_ to answer the question, as to what are our means and chances of success--but prudence commands me to be discreet. still, some considerations i may suggest. the spell of austria is broken. it is now notorious that the might of the dynasty, though disciplined, well provided, and supported by deluded races, which had been roused to the fury of extermination against us--it is now notorious that all this satanically combined power proved unable to withstand the force of hungary, though we were surprized and unprepared, and had no army and no arms, no ammunition, no money, no friends, and were secluded and forsaken by the whole world. it was proved that austria could not conquer us magyars, when we were taken unaware; who can believe that we could not match her now that we are aware and predetermined? yes, if unprepared in material resources, we are yet prepared in self-consciousness and mutual trust; we have learned by experience what is required for our success. in former times hungary was the strength of austria. now, austria is weak, _because_ it has occupied hungary. it was strong by the unity of its army, the power of which was founded upon the confidence in this unity. that confidence is broken, since one part of that army raised the tri-colour flag, and cast to the dust the double-headed eagle, the black and yellow flag, which was the emblem of the army's unity. formerly the austrian army believed that it was strong enough to uphold the throne; now it knows that it is nothing by itself, and rests only upon the support of the czar. that spirit-depressing sentiment is so diffused among the troops, that, only take the reliance upon russia away, or make it doubtful whether russia will interfere or not, and the austrian army will disperse and fall asunder almost without any fight; because it knows that it has its most dangerous enemies within its own ranks; and is so far from having any cement, that no man, himself attached to that perjured dynasty, can trust the man beside him in the ranks, but watches every movement of his arm. in such an army there is no hope for tyrants. the old soldiers feel humiliated by the issue of our struggle. they are offended by having no share in the reward thrown away on despised court favourites. the old croat regiments feel outraged in their national honour by being deceived in their national expectations. the recruits brought with them recollections of their bombarded cities and of the oppression of their families; and in that army are , hungarians who fought under our tri-coloured flag against austria, and whose burning feelings of national wrong are inspired by the glorious memory of their victories. oh, had we had in such an army of disciplined soldiers as austria itself keeps now for us, never had one cossack trod the soil of hungary, and europe would now be free. or, let austria dismiss them, and they will be disciplined soldiers at home. the trumpet of national resurrection will reach them wherever they are. hungary has the conviction of her strength. _the formerly hostile races, all oppressed like us, now feel themselves to have been deceived, and unite with us._ we have no opposite party in the nation. some there are, ambitious men, or some incorrigible aristocrats perhaps: but these are no party; they always turn towards the sun, and they melt away like snow in march. and besides hungary, the people in austria too, in italy, in prussia, in all germany, is conscious of its strength. every large city on the continent has been in the power of the people, and has had to be regained by bombardings and by martial law. italy has redeemed its heroic character, at milan, venice, brescia, and rome--all of them immortal pages in italian history, glorious sources of inspiration, heroism, and self-conscious strength. and now they know their aim, and are united in their aim, and burn to show to the world that the spirit of ancient rome again rises in them. and then to take into consideration the financial part. without money there is no war. now, the nations, when once engaged in the war, will find means enough for home-support of the war in the rich resources of their own land; whereas the despots lose the disposal of those resources by the outbreak of insurrection, and are reduced entirely to foreign loans, which no emperor of austria will find again in any new revolution. and, mark well, gentlemen, every friendly step by which your great republic and its generous people testifies its lively interest for our just cause, adding to the prospects of success, diminishes the credit of the despots, and by embarrassing their attempts to find loans, may be of decisive weight in the issue. though absolutism was much more favourably situated in than in , it was overtaken by the events of , when, but for the want of unity and concert, the liberal party must have triumphed everywhere. that unity and concert is now attained; why should not absolutism in be as easily shaken as in ! the liberal cause is stronger everywhere, because conscious of its aim and prepared. absolutism has no more bayonets now than in . without the interference of russia our success is not only probable, but is almost sure. and as to russia--remember, that if at such a crisis she thinks of subduing hungary, she has poland to occupy, finland to guard, turkey to watch, and circassia to fight. herein is the reason why i confidently state, that if the united states declare that a new intervention of russia will be considered by your glorious republic a violation of the law of nations, that declaration will be respected, and russia will not interfere. be pleased to consider the consequence of such renewed interference, after the passive acceptance of the first has proved so fatal to europe, and so dangerous even to england itself. we can scarcely doubt, that, if ever russia plans a new invasion, england could not forbear to encourage turkey, not to lose again the favourable opportunity to shake off the preponderance of russia. i have lived in turkey. i know what enthusiasm exists there for that idea, and how popular such a war would be. turkey is a match for russia on the continent. the weak point of turkey lies in the nearness of sevastopol, the russian harbour and arsenal, to constantinople. well, an english fleet, or an american fleet, or both joined, stationed at the mouth of the bosphorus, may easily prevent this danger without one cannon's shot; and if this be prevented, turkey alone is a match for russia. and turkey would not stand alone. the brave circassians, triumphant through a war of ten years, would send down , of their unconquerable horsemen to the plains of moscow. and poland would rise, and sweden would remember finland and charles the xii. with hungary in the rear, screened by this very circumstance from her invasion, and austria fallen to pieces from want of foreign support, russia _must_ respect your protest in behalf of international law, or else she will fall never to rise again. gentlemen, i thank you for the patience with which you have listened to this exposition--long and tedious, because i had no time to be brief. and begging leave to assure you of my lasting gratitude for all the generous favours you have been and will yet be pleased to bestow upon my cause, let me proclaim my fervent wishes in this sentiment: "pennsylvania, the keystone state--may it, by its legitimate influence upon the destinies of this mighty power on earth, and by the substantial generosity of its citizens, soon become the keystone of european independence." hon. j. h. walker, speaker of the senate, and several other speakers followed, all decidedly sympathizing with the hungarians, and advocating intervention for non-intervention. the speaking continued until after midnight. * * * * * xxiii.--agencies of russian ascendancy and supremacy. [_pittsburg festival, jan. th_.] kossuth was received in the masonic hall, which was filled to overflowing. after an eloquent address to him from the chairman, a. w. loomis, esq., he replied: sir, the highly interesting instruction which your kindness has afforded me about that new and wonderful world of the west, in the entrance of which i now stand, impresses me with a presentiment of unlooked for events. since i have been in the united states, i have felt as if my guardian angel whispered, that in _the west_ the hopes of my bleeding country will be realized. it was an unconscious instinct,--a ray shooting above the horizon from the yet unseen sun. you, sir, have shown me the sun itself in full majesty. you have transformed my instinct into conviction. here then, upon the threshold of the west, i bow with awe and joy, as the fireworshipper of old persia to the source of life and light. it is indeed joyful, sir, as you said, to see politicians, sectarians, philanthropists of all classes uniting in spontaneous sympathy for a cause pleaded by a stranger. i recognize in it the bounty of providence. i see the truth revealed, that as magnetism pervades the universe, so there is a sentiment, which, independent of party affections and bubbling passion, pervades the breast of mankind; and that is, the love of freedom, justice, and right. the chord of freedom passes through all hearts, and whoever touches it, elicits harmony. the harmony is in the chord, not in him who touches it. there is no skill in the breeze which sweeps over the aeolian harp, yet a sweet harmony bursts forth from its vibrations. the harmony of sympathy which i meet is the most decisive proof, gentlemen, that the cause which i plead is indeed the cause of liberty, the love of which gushes up spontaneously in human bosoms. gentlemen, the cause of hungary, even were it _not_ the cause of europe and of all earthly freedom, deserves your sympathy and active protection. like other free nations, we were brave. the austrian dynasty was perjured and treacherous; and our bravest bled on the scaffold. tyrannies are cruel: only the people knows how to be generous in victory.--let me rather say, the people _was_ generous: for the future i hope it will be _just_. i hope this, not because there is any deep truth in the irish poet, who sang "revenge on a tyrant is sweetest of all:" not for that reason. but i hope that the oppressed nations will not again stop half way, and sacrifice their future to untimely generosity; for they have all paid too cruelly for the lesson, that _with tyrants there is no faith_. so there must be no dealing with them. yet, gentlemen, it is not for hungary's worth, nor for hungary's sufferings that i claim protection for her; but because as in _her_ the law of nations has been strikingly trampled down, so in _her_ this law must be vindicated. else, the league of despots will be able to enforce it as a precedent against all free nations; no law will henceforth be sure on earth, and oppression will rule the world. it is indeed a new doctrine that all despots have a right to interfere with every attempt of a people to regulate its own institutions; and that oppression in each separate nation is to be upheld by a foreign czar. according to this, freedom and independence are everywhere proscribed, as inconsistent with the security of absolutism,--to which every other consideration is to yield. i have been indeed astonished to meet the reply, that the cause which i plead is not worthy of much consideration, "since, after all, it is only the cause of _one country_!" i have read that the borgias were wont to say, that italy is like the artichoke, which must be eaten leaf by leaf. let me tell those, with whom hungary is but one leaf of the artichoke, that the despot who is allowed to nibble each leaf separately, will manage to dispose of the whole. my opponents say; i myself confess my cause to be that of one country only: for in claiming "non-interference," i show my desire to abandon all other countries but my own to their oppressors! i may be permitted to ask,--is there any truth in the world which may not be distorted into a mockery? russia is the strength of oppression. her force in the background emboldens every petty tyrant and makes every oppressed nation despond: _not_ because she is so very powerful, but because all foresee distinctly that she will act unshrinkingly in the tyrant's favour so soon as he needs it. we fought, beat, crushed the austrian emperor, of course not without sacrifice. you know that your own brave duquesne greys lost in one action more than half their men. now, if after a victory gained at such a price, russia steps in with a fresh force, well provided with every means of war, though that force be not such as one could not resist, it is formidable as a rearguard, falling fresh upon a nation exhausted with its very victories. suppose that at the close of your own mexican victories, you had to meet a fresh host of , well-disciplined men, what would have been the fate of your gallant army, which entered the city of montezuma? that is the key of russian preponderance. but consider the consequences of our defeat. austria was restored,--_not_ to its independent position--_that_ is lost forever; but, to the position of a tyrant at home, obedient to the wink of his master abroad. relying on the precedent established by russia,--naples, spain, and degraded france interfered in rome. after this, austria and prussia quarrelled for german supremacy, but before they drew the sword, went to the czar for permission. the czar at warsaw replied: "i forbid you to quarrel. reconstruct the german confederacy of and add to it no constitutional element. send your two armies to hesse cassel; crush the people who there resist by law the grand duke's attempt to overthrow the sworn constitution. as to schleswig holstein, i want to have it reserved to denmark, as a satrapy for my servant and nephew. the german confederacy having dared to countenance its rebellion, shall be punished by having to request austria to send an army against it." so ordered the czar, and so it was done. and after it was done, the czar ordered the withdrawal of the pageant of a constitution, which in the hour of need the emperor of austria had promised to his empire. it was withdrawn. when thus every popular movement was crushed, every shadow of freedom withdrawn, the scaffolds of hungary and italy saturated with blood, the prisons filled with martyrs, the exiles driven from every asylum in the european continent, and germany reduced to a condition worse than when the unholy alliance was at the full tide,--_then_ the czar wrote an autograph letter to louis napoleon, the perjured president of france, assuring him of his imperial grace and benevolent support, if he would strike a deathblow to the french republic. and louis napoleon struck the blow. such are the results of the overwhelming preponderance of russia, imposed upon europe by its interference in hungary. suppose now that i succeed in my sacred mission,--sacred, because it is the cause of law and of all the oppressed;--suppose russian interference checked; then hungary will crush the tottering austrian dynasty: italy, delivered from foreign dominion, will sportively dispose of its petty tyrants. the nation of austria will become free, and a valuable ingredient in german liberty. at the result of a glorious struggle in hungary, burning shame will mount to the cheek of the french, and louis napoleon will be shaken off. let interference by the combination of despots be checked, let nations become masters of their own fate,--and rely upon the magic power of your glorious example. republican institutions will spread as the light of the sun. yes, gentlemen. it is not for _one_ country that i ask your support. my ground is as broad as the world; for it is the ground of eternal principles, common to all humanity. no man, on the pretext that his heart is with some other nation,--german, italian, pole, french; no man, on the pretext that he is a universal philanthropist, ought to refuse his sympathies to hungary; for its cause happens in this crisis to comprise the rest. if i were a pole, a german, or an italian, egotistically patriotic, i could not serve my country better than by attacking russia, the only substantial enemy. what would the petty princes of germany have been in without prussia? and what was prussia, when her capital was in the hands of the people, but for the certainty of the czar's support? what were the petty despots of italy without austria? and what was austria, when her armies, driven from the soil of hungary in a series of pitched battles, were so demoralized, that nothing but the treacherous disobedience of a general prevented our brave militia from extinguishing in vienna and olmutz the decrepit absolutism of the hapsburgs? what hindered _me_ from afterwards crushing it? the intervention of russian despotism,--always the primal cause of evil. absolutism has understood and declared, that its repose is impossible, whilst a free press and free institutions exist any where. formerly the absolutists adhered to the principle of "legitimacy," or, the divine right of an hereditary dynasty; and provided this false principle was respected, they did not object to the development of constitutions which preserved attachment to monarchies. but now they have thrown away their own principle of dynastical legitimacy, and have no rule but to oppress freedom everywhere. whoever will join them in that work is welcome, though he be a usurper. thus it came to pass, that henry of bourbon was rejected by the despots, while louis napoleon has received from the czar an autograph letter of approval, and from austria complimentary gifts. will the united states remain inactive, while free institutions are systematically extinguished? can they look on indifferently, because seventy years ago it was a wise doctrine, appropriate to their childhood, not to care about european politics? it is publicly reported, that russia has decided to absorb turkey; and means to grant italy to austria; belgium, and the rhenish provinces to france; and the rest of germany to prussia. the czar, acting like the persian kings of old when they sent garments of honour to their satraps, flings in the addition of a few provinces of kingdoms to their satrapies. and oh! almighty father of humanity! is there no power on earth to stop this execrable annihilation of human and national rights, of freedom and independence?--though there is a republic powerful enough to do so--a republic founded upon the very principles which the despotic powers have put under an inexorable ban! gentlemen, i have dwelt perhaps too long on the condition of europe; but it was necessary to show that though there be no russian eagles, painted over the public offices in germany, italy, france, still the russian frontier is really extended to the atlantic. people of free america, beware, ere it be too late! hurriedly and by sudden violence, all civil and religious liberty must, for the repose of absolutism, be trampled out of europe; and by more deliberate perpetration, by diplomacy, persuasion, and gold, the way must be prepared to trample it out elsewhere by ulterior violence. and here i claim permission to say something about the most dangerous power of russia, its diplomacy. it is worthy of consideration that while russia starves her armies and underpays her officials, who live by peculation, still, abroad she devotes greater resources to her diplomacy than any other power has ever done. acting on the maxim that "men are not influenced by facts, but by opinions respecting facts"--not by "things as they are," but by "things as they are believed to be," she finds it easier and cheaper, through a diplomatic agency, to impress the world with a belief in a strength she has not, than to try to organize or attain that strength. and to come to that aim, russian diplomacy is not restricted to diplomatic proceedings. brilliant saloons of fascinating ladies, as well as marriages, are equally departments of russian diplomacy. the secret-service money at the disposal of all other diplomatists, is always limited, and has only been exceptionably used. but every russian diplomatist, in whom confidence is reposed, has _unlimited credit_, and is allowed to disburse any sum to achieve an adequate result. their traditional experience teaches them how to attain their point; their discretion can be relied on, and they understand every possible means of reaching men directly and indirectly, pulling frequently the strings of thoroughly unconscious puppets. constantinople is the great workshop of diplomatic skill, worthy of more close interest than has hitherto been bestowed upon it from america--because there will be struck the most dreadful blow to the independence of europe. in constantinople, when russia wishes to turn a grand vizier out of office, it does not attack him: it praises him rather, and spreads the rumour of having him in its pay; and it is sure that foreign influential diplomatists will then turn out for it the hated grand vizier. when on the other hand a grand vizier is wavering in his position, and russia likes him to continue in office, it attacks him with ostentatious publicity. russia hates not always the man whom it appears to hate, and loves not always the man whom it appears to love. russian diplomacy is a subterraneous power, slippery like a snake, burrowing like the mole; and when it has to come out in broad daylight, it watches to the left when it looks to the right. russia gives instructions never to allow her to be directly defended by the press. that would lead to discussion and further exposure. with regard to herself, she wants silence--the silence of the grave. but her agents devote months of scheming, and any sums required to attack her opponents, to get up discord, or the appearance of division amongst them, or to popularize any momentary view which suits her policy, and she delights in doing so through apparently hostile and therefore unsuspected agents. thus russia is powerful by an army held ready as a rearguard to support needy despots with; powerful by its ascendancy over the european continent; powerful by having pushed other despots into extremities where they have lost all independent vitality, and cannot escape throwing themselves into the iron grasp of the czar; but above all, russia is powerful by its secret diplomacy. still this colossus, gigantic as it appears to be--like to the idol "with front of brass but feet of clay," may be overturned--easily overturned, from its fragile pedestal, if the glorious republic of the united states opposes to it, with resolute attitude, the law of nations, and does not abandon principles in favour of _accomplished_ criminal _facts_. the mournful condition of hungary seems to be pointed out by providence to the united states as an opportunity to save mankind from russia without any sacrifice at all; whereas if this opportunity be lost--i say it with the inspiration of prophecy--there are many here in this hall who will yet see the day when the united states shall have to wrestle for life and death with all europe absorbed by russia. i know where i stand, gentlemen; i know your power and the indomitable, heroic spirit of your people. it is not with the intention to create apprehension that i say this: the people of the united states fears nobody on earth. it may be that russia, even after having absorbed europe, will not dare to attack the united states directly. but it may be that it will dare even this. some domestic dissension may come--(no nation is safe against it)--the passion of particular interest may cause some momentary discord. russia will foster it, by its secret diplomacy, to which nothing is sacred on earth; and when irritation comes to the pitch, and the ties of affection become for a moment loose, then perhaps russia may step in at a moment of interior weakness, from which not the greatest nations are exempt. russia will begin by "_divido_," and will perhaps come to "_impero_." all this may happen; i can say neither yes nor no; but one thing i am sure of, and that is, that russia triumphant in europe can and will attack you in your most vital interests, and can hurt you mortally, _without even resorting to war_. be sure, gentlemen, so soon as russia has consolidated its undisputed preponderance, the first step will be to exclude the commerce of america from europe by a prohibitory system of custom duties. it will do it; it must do it. firstly, because commerce is the convoyer of principles. that is more sure yet than what a gentleman of new york so eloquently said,--that "the _steam engine is a democrat_." absolutism could not for a single moment rule europe with security, if europe remained in commercial intercourse with republican america. and secondly, russia will exclude your trade from europe, because (and let the great valley of the west mark it) because your immensely expanding agriculture is the most dangerous competitor to russian wheat, or corn, in the markets of europe. either you must be excluded from the trade with europe, or russia cannot find a market for its corn. if you ask, _how soon_ is such an exclusion of your produce from europe by russian influence possible? i reply: possibly within a single year; for within a year, if we cannot recommence the struggle, russia may accomplish the partition of europe. principles can only be balanced by principles--absolutism by republican institutions--unrighteous interference by the law of nations--despotism by civil and religious liberty. this is the cause which i advocate. it is not the cause of hungary alone; it is yours--it is the world's. it has a determination as absolute and extreme as despotism. hungary would have been too content, if russia had not interfered, merely to defend herself against austria, the immediate instrument of her oppression. now the independence of europe, and the independence of hungary with it, can only be secured on the moskwa, and on the neva, in the kremlin, and in the great hall of st. george. for this purpose, in which you yourselves are so vitally interested, we do not claim for you to fight our battles for us. look to the nations of europe, groaning under russia's weight. look, in the first line to sweden, and from sweden, across poland to hungary, and from hungary to turkey, and to brave circassia. pronounce in favor of the law of nations, with the determination which shows that you mean to act, and i say, russia _will_ respect your declaration, or else it will have a war from sweden down to turkey and circassia. so soon as it moves with , to , men against hungary (and with less it could not), all those nations will be aware that there is the last opportunity afforded to them by providence to shake off russia's yoke, and they will avail themselves of this opportunity--be sure of it. the momentary fall of hungary was too painful a lesson to them. but again i am answered, "in case of such a war you will be entangled in it." to this i say that you will have to fight a war single-handed and alone, within less than five years against russia and all europe, if you do not take the position which i humbly claim. but if you take this position, the necessity of this war will be averted from you, and russian preponderance will be checked and your protestation respected, without having to go to war. because there is another sanction which you may add to your protestation--a sanction powerful as a threat of war, and yet no war at all. that sanction will be the declaration of congress, that, as the intervention of a foreign power in the domestic affairs of any nation is a violation of the laws of nations, by the fact of such intervention your neutrality laws of are suspended in as far as the interfering or interference-claiming power is concerned. in other words, that the citizens of the united states are at liberty to follow their own inclination in respect to such a foreign power which violates the laws of nations. this sanction would be sufficient, because the enterprizing spirit of your high-minded people is too well known not to be feared by all the despots of the world. your laws, which forbid your citizens to partake in an armed expedition abroad, are founded upon the sentiment, that to a foreign power with which you are on terms of _amity_ the regards of friendship are due. but you, without becoming inconsistent with your own fundamental principles, cannot consider yourself to be in good friendship with a power which violates the laws of nations: so you may well withdraw the regards of friendship from it without resorting to war. between friendship and hostility there is yet a middle position--that of being neither friend nor enemy--therefore permitting to every private individual to act as he pleases. thus the conditional recall of your neutrality laws would enforce the respect to your protestation without bringing your country into the moral obligation to maintain your protestation by war. i hope those who share my principles but hesitate to pronounce on account of the possibility of a war, will be pleased to consider this humble suggestion, and will see, that with my principles war will be averted from the united states, and by opposing my principles the united states will soon be forced into dangerous difficulties, out of which they cannot be extricated but by a war, which they will have to fight single-handed and alone. [after this, kossuth proceeded to speak on _catholicism;_ but this subject is treated afterwards more amply in his speech at st. louis against the jesuits.] * * * * * while kossuth was addressing his audience at pittsburg, a special envoy from massachusetts arrived, mr. erastus hopkins of northampton, one of the representatives of the state legislature. at the vote of the legislature, the governor (jan. th) deputed mr. hopkins to convey to kossuth a solemn public invitation; and at the close of kossuth's speech (jan. th) permission was granted by the president of the evening to allow mr. hopkins' credentials to be read; upon which that gentleman said:-- "mr. president, after the soul-stirring proceedings of this afternoon, i dare hardly venture to obtrude upon your attention. it was indeed very far from my expectation, when i came a pilgrim on a toilsome journey at this inclement season of the year, that i would be enabled to mingle the congratulations of the citizens of the 'old bay state' to governor kossuth with those of the people of alleghany county. but sir, my message, although not addressed to this meeting, is addressed to one, whom we, in common with you, love, and whom we all delight to honour." turning to kossuth, mr. hopkins then addressed him as follows: "governor kossuth: i am directed by his excellency the governor of massachusetts to present to you the accompanying resolve of the legislature, inviting you to visit their capital during the present session. the resolve is _in fact_, no less than in its terms, _in the name and in behalf of the people of the commonwealth_. "having with this announcement delivered to you the documents entrusted to my charge, i must be considered as having exhausted my official functions. yet, sir, having had the honour of introducing the resolve to the legislature of massachusetts [cheers], and witnessing with pleasure the unanimous and instant concurrence of her four hundred representatives [renewed cheers], i will venture to add a few words beyond the record--only such words, however, as cannot fail to be consonant with the sentiment and hearts of her people. "the people of massachusetts would have you accept this act of her constituted authorities as _no unmeaning compliment._ never, in her history as an independent state, with one single and illustrious exception, has massachusetts tendered such a mark of respect to any other than the chief magistrates of these united states. and even in the present instance, much as she admires your patriotism, your eloquence, your untiring devotedness and zeal,--deeply as she is moved by your plaintive appeals and supplications in behalf of your native and oppressed land--greatly as she is amazed by the irrepressible elasticity with which you rise from under the heel of oppression, with fortitude increased under sufferings, with assurance growing stronger as the darkness grows deeper [cheers], still, it is not one or all these qualities combined that can lead her to swerve from her dignity as an independent state to the mere worship of man. [applause.] no! but it is because she views you as the advocate and representative of certain great _principles_ which constitute her own vitality as a state;--because she views you as the representative of human rights and freedom in another and far distant land,--it is because she views you as the rightful but exiled governor of a people, whose past history and whose recent deeds show them to be worthy of some better future than that of russian tyranny and austrian oppression,--that she seeks to welcome you to her borders: that she seeks to attest to a gazing world that to the cause of freedom she is not insensible, and that to the oppression of tyrants she is not indifferent." mr. hopkins then proceeded to recount the public glories of massachusetts, which he summed up in "religion, education, and freedom,--a tricolour for the world." he avowed massachusetts to be "the birth-place of american liberty;" and stated that her government is carried on in cities and townships, literally democratic assemblies, which levy their own taxes, sustain their own schools, police, tribunals &c., and receive and pay local funds four or five times larger than those of the state treasury. "the seat of government," said he, "is a fiction in massachusetts, save as it signifies the hearts of the people. come to her borders; witness the truth of all and more than i have uttered; as you shall find it attested by our institutions, by the plenitude of our hospitality, and by the acclamations of one million souls." kossuth replied briefly, with thanks and cordial assent. * * * * * xxiv.--reply to the pittsburg clergy. [_jan. th_.] the substance of his speech is reported as follows:-- he said that he received with a thankful heart this testimonial of respect and welcome from the reverend ministers of the gospel, whose hearts and minds were deeply imbued with regard and desire for _truth_. he had been taught to reverence the word of god, because it guaranteed freedom to man; and there was nothing more intimately associated with the idea of freedom than the right of every mind to search for truth in its own way--the right of private judgment. therefore in receiving the approbation of so reverend and learned a body, he felt that he received the approbation of religion itself; and as if an angel voice from heaven had declared to him--"the cause you plead has found favour before heaven. you may encounter hostility; you may be overtaken by calumny; you may endure sufferings, and trials, and temptations; you may even suffer martyrdom;--but the cause will triumph. trust to him who strengthened the arm of david against the mighty goliath; and learn to say in truth: lord, thy will be done!" when he thought thus, and felt thus, he was not weak, but strong. the sufferings and trials which he had endured had strengthened his body, even as the holy influences of religion had strengthened his soul. he was not left as the fragile flower, that remained bowed and bent before the blast; for he could now look forward with more of hope and of trust for the future of his own beloved land, when he heard such glorious truths so warmly proclaimed; and when he saw such evidences of real sympathy for the cause of hungary. they spoke of the protestant church. he claimed no merit on account of his belief; but he, too, was a protestant--not by education merely, but from his own studied convictions. he could believe nothing merely because he might be commanded to do so; but solely as the result of his own convictions. truth is as uncorruptible and imperishable as god himself; and he will spread it throughout all the world. but the triumph of truth cannot be achieved by persecution, opposition, or political oppression. this glorious principle can only be triumphant when the nations of the earth shall become free from oppression; because it is only under the protection of free institutions--a free press, free controversy, freedom of speech, and free popular education,--where it is your privilege to preach and that of the neighbour to hear,--that the political independence of a people can be preserved. oppression is everywhere accompanied by the demoralization of the masses, and their adoption of infidelity or fanaticism; while under the teachings of freedom religion becomes a growth of the soul. he would urge them to go on and support that cause which they believed to be sanctified by truth. it has been said that true religion can never cease to be republican. if this be true, he would ask what could more promote the glorious cause, than the influence of the united states exerted among the nations of the world, toward the general acknowledgment of that doctrine among nations which is laid down for the government of men,--"what ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them." this fundamental truth should be declared a part of the international law of the world; and the gospel would then become the bulwark of liberty to all mankind. thus we may see that the triumph of genuine liberty can best be secured by recognizing religion as the true basis of the law of nations. he who shall be instrumental in incorporating this grand doctrine among those laws, will be equal, or perhaps superior to, a luther, or a melancthon, a calvin, or a huss, a cranmer, or any other of the world's greatest reformers. the people of this republic have all this within their grasp; and he hoped the almighty would hasten the day when it shall be done. he had often heard that the people of this country loved to be called a great people, and he had many times heard them called a great people. to _be_ a great people, however, the people of this country must really _act_ as a great people. he urged upon the ministers of the gospel that they should warn their flocks against the horrid doctrines of _materialism_. nothing is more hostile to national greatness than when the poor see the rich governed only by pecuniary considerations--leaving nothing for the mind and the soul, or undervaluing virtue and talents. he thankfully acknowledged the deep solemnity of his feelings, when for his humble self, such solemn manifestations were observed; and while commending his bleeding country to their love, he could only refer them to the saviour's words as the guide for their prayers and their watchfulness. * * * * * xxv.--hungarian loan. [_melodeum, cleveland_.] kossuth having been presented at the melodeum to the mayor, was publicly addressed by mr. starkweather in a highly energetic speech, which ended by saluting him as "rightful governor of hungary." kossuth replied:-- sir, if i am not mistaken it is now the th time [since i entered america], i am sure that it is the th time since i left washington on the th of january,--that i have had the honour to address an american audience in that tongue which i learned from shakespeare, while confined in an austrian prison for having dared to claim the right of a free press, which now, like the hundred-handed briareus of old, pours my words by thousands of channels into the hearts of millions of freemen, who comprize in their national capacity a mighty republic, destined to enforce the law of nations, upon which rests the deliverance of the world from an overwhelming despotism. the press is nobly recompensing me. the ways of providence are wonderful! may the free press never forget its living principle, "justice and truth." may it always be watchful with its thousand eyes, that the secret craft of diplomacy may never succeed to degrade one organ of the american press into an unconscious russian tool, acted on by blind animosity or by exclusive predilections. sir--after having spoken so often, and so much; and the free press having conveyed my principles, my arguments, and my prayers, in almost every homestead of this great republic; i may be well permitted to believe, that the stage of speaking is passed, and the stage of practical action has come. almost every packet brings such news of absolutist reaction in europe, and almost every new step of the despotic powers is accompanied by such incidents, that it were indeed unpardonable neglect, if, when providence has placed so much influence in my hands by the confidence of nations bestowed upon me, i should not use all possible energy to circumvent the influence of evil, to combine the efforts of the good, to check the plots of vile, and the waywardness of erring or weak characters--often the unconscious tools of the vile, to direct the action of inconsiderate friends, and above all, to accomplish those preparations which are indispensable to meet the exigencies of the future--in short, to attain that crisis, at which i humbly claim protection for principles from the people of the united states, in their public capacity, and substantial aid from their private generosity. you of course are aware that all these things together present a vast field, for which every moment of my time would scarcely suffice. often am i asked, what are the instrumentalities for this my activity? but this question cannot be answered publicly, as i am quite unwilling to let the enemy learn my secrets. however, so much i may state, that it is not without a definite aim and clear hope that i devote all that yet remains in me of energy and strength. if i did not hope,--if under certain conditions i had not an assurance of success,--i would prefer tranquillity to action, though it were the tranquillity of the grave. there are _two_ modes in which free nations may aid the cause of european independence,--namely, _politically_ and _privately_. as to the first, i avow with intense gratitude that the great national jury, the people, gave and gives incessantly its favourable verdict. your state legislature is pronouncing its vote, and the cause is moved before the high court of your national congress. in regard to aid by _private funds_ i rejoice to see local associations clustering round the central one of northern ohio, in cleveland; but i desire that such efforts may not be delayed until i come in person: for i can possibly come only to a few. already in new york i started the idea of a national hungarian loan, in shares of one, five and ten dollars, with the facsimile of my signature, and of larger shares of fifty and of a hundred dollars with my autograph. i prepared the smaller shares for generous men, who are not rich, yet desire to help the great cause of freedom. it is a noble privilege of the richer to do greater good. but remember, it is not a gift, it is a loan: for either freedom has no name on earth, or hungary has a future yet; and let hungary be once again independent, and she has ample resources to pay that small loan, if the people of the united states, remembering the aid received in their own dark hour, vouchsafe to me such a loan. hungary has no public debt, it has fifteen millions of population, a territory of more than one hundred thousand square english miles, abundant in the greatest variety of nature's blessings, if the doom of oppression be taken from it. the state of hungary has public landed property administered badly, worth more than a hundred millions of dollars, even at the low price, at which it was already an established principle of my administration to sell it in small shares to suit the poorer classes. hungary has rich mines of gold, silver, copper, quicksilver, antimony, iron, sulphur, nickel, opal, and other mines. hungary has the richest salt mines in the world--where the extraction of one hundred weight of the purest stone salt, amounts to but little more than one shilling of your money--and though that is sold by the government at the price of two to three and a half dollars, and thus the consumption is of course very restricted, this still yields a net revenue of five millions of dollars a year--to the government--but no! there is not government, it is usurpation now! sucking out the lifeblood of the people, crushing the spirit of freedom by soldiers, hangmen, policemen, and harassing the people in its domestic life and the sanctuary of its family with oppression worse than a free american can conceive. you see by this, gentlemen, that when hungary is once free--and free it will be--she has ample resources to repay your generous loan within a year without any taxation of the people itself; and pay it well, because every shilling of your generous aid will faithfully be employed for its restoration to freedom and independence. i may point to my whole life as a guarantee to that purpose. i had millions at my disposal, entrusted to me by my people's confidence, and here i stand penniless and poor, not knowing what my children will eat to-morrow, if i die to-day; and i am proud that i am poor, and i pledge my honour to you, that every shilling of what your generosity gives for hungary will be employed for hungary's benefit. in fact, as i have provided for the contingency of anything befalling me, so also i am ready, if it be your people's will, to admit any control, consistent with the necessary conditions of success. [after this, kossuth proceeded to speak on the aspect of republicanism towards catholicism and the fortunes of ireland; a subject more fully treated in other speeches.] * * * * * address to kossuth from the state committee of ohio. governor kossuth:--as chairman of the committee appointed for that purpose by a resolution of the general assembly of the state of ohio, i have the honour to tender to you, in the name and in behalf of the state, a cordial welcome to the capital. we proffer this greeting as a small tribute of that admiration which your courage, your integrity, and above all, your self-denying devotion to the cause of hungarian freedom has roused in our breasts. wonder not, sir, at the enthusiasm which your presence excites in a people who cherish, with fond recollection and reverence, the smallest relic of that time, when liberty wrestled with oppression in america, and who hail the anniversaries of her triumphs with such grateful remembrance of those brave and patriotic men who wrought out our full measure of national happiness. in you we behold a living embodiment of those great principles which we cherish with such tender affection. you are the realization of that virtue, that courage, that civil and military genius, which sheds such lustre on our early history. you call to mind more freshly than poetic or historic page, song, or speaking canvass, that glorious record which was graven more than two centuries ago by the first exiles from european oppression upon the granite rocks of new england,--_"resistance to tyrants is obedience to god."_ our affection is warmed by the lively interest which we feel in the spread of this cardinal principle, and the fitness for its championship which you have evinced, revealing constantly a resemblance to that immortal man, the impress of whose greatness you behold on every side. when liberty, scourged from the old, sought out a new world wherein to raise her sacred temple, it was to his master hand she confided the noble work. had he been less great, that glorious shrine might never have been beaconed in the sky, or at least its proportions might have been uncouth and insecure. now therefore, since liberty has secured the manifold blessings that flow from human equality, and proudly flung back the taunts of tyrants, it is a joyous reflection to the children of this her first home, that she has at length found a man in foreign lands fitly gifted to appreciate those blessings, industrious to search out and follow the path by which they were attained, and virtuous to take no selfish advantage from the thanksgiving that her mission will arouse. sir, it is a splendid characteristic of our national government, that ohioans are as keenly touched by the history of your wrongs as the borders of the atlantic states. yes, sir, the hearts of two millions of freemen at the centre of our country's population leap fast at the shrieks of freedom in every clime, believing in no cold, unbrother-like law of distance; and, sir, we yield to no state in the sincerity with which the following resolution was adopted: resolved,--that we declare the russian past intervention in the affairs of hungary a violation of the law of nations, which, if repeated, would not be regarded indifferently by the people of the state of ohio. in conclusion, sir, i present to you a copy of the resolutions of the general assembly, and again welcome you to the valley of the west, trusting that the warmth of your reception in ohio is but an earnest of that glorious sympathy which will spring in your path should you go still farther westward in your holy mission. * * * * * xxvi.--panegyric of ohio. [_speech at his reception at columbus, feb. th_.] kossuth was conducted by governor wood to the place fitted up for his reception, and was there addressed by the hon. samuel galloway in an ample and glowing speech, which opened by assuring him that the enthusiasm which he now witnessed was no new creation; inasmuch as, more than two years before, the general assembly of the state had resolved that congress be requested to interpose for kossuth's deliverance from captivity. kossuth replied:-- sir, i thank you for the information of what i owe to ohio. i stood upon the ruins of vanquished greatness in asia, where tidings from young america are so seldom heard that indeed i was not acquainted with the fact. still, i loved ohio before i knew what i had yet to hear. now i will love her with the affection and tenderness of a child, knowing what part she took in my restoration to liberty and life. sir, permit me to decline those praises which you have been pleased to bestow on me personally. i know of no _merit_--i know only the word _duty_, and you are acquainted with the beautiful lines of the irish poet-- "far dearer the grave or the prison, illumed by a patriot's name, than the glories of all who have risen, on liberty's ruins, to fame." i was glad to hear that you are familiar with the history of our struggles, and of our achievements, and of our aims. this dispenses me from speaking much,--and that is a great benefit to me, because indeed i have spoken very much. sir, entering the young state of ohio--though my mind is constantly filled with homeward thoughts and homeward sorrows, still my sorrows relax while i look around me in astonishment, and rub my eyes to ascertain that it is not the magic of a dream, which makes your bold, mighty, and flourishing commonwealth rich with all the marks of civilization and of life, here, where almost yesterday was nothing but a vast wilderness, silent and dumb like the elements of the world on creation's eve. and here i stand in columbus, which, though ten years younger than i am, is still the capital of that mighty commonwealth, which--again in its turn,--ten years before i was born, nursed but three thousand daring men, scattered over the vast wilderness, fighting for their lives with scalping indians; but now numbers two millions of happy freemen, who, generous because free, are conscious of their power, and weigh mightily in the scale of mankind's destiny. how wonderful that an exile from a distant european nation of asiatic origin, which, amidst the raging waves of centuries that swept away empires, stood for a thousand years like a rock, and protected christendom and civilization against barbarism--how wonderful that the exiled governor of that nation was destined to come to this land, where a mighty nation has grown up, as it were, over night, out of the very earth, and found this nation protecting the rights of humanity, when offended in his person,--found that youthful nation ready to stretch its powerful arm across the atlantic to protect all hungary against oppression,--found her pouring the balm of her sympathy into the bleeding wounds of hungary, that, regenerated by the faithful spirit of america, she may rise once more independent and free, a breakwater to the flood of russian ambition, which oppresses europe and threatens the world. citizens of columbus--the namesake of your city, when he discovered america, little thought that by his discovery he would liberate the old world.--and those exiles of the old world, who sixty-four years ago, first settled within the limits of ohio, at marietta, little thought that the first generation which would leap into their steps, would make despots tremble and oppressed nations rise. and yet, thus it will be. the mighty outburst of popular feeling which it is my wonderful lot to witness, is a revelation of that future too clear not to be understood. the eagle of america flaps its wings; the stars of america illumine europe's night; and the star-spangled banner, taking under its protection the hungarian flag, fluttering loftily and proudly, tells the tyrants of the world that the right of freedom must sway, and not the whim of despots but the law of nations must rule. gentlemen, i may not speak longer. [cries of _go on!_] yes, gentlemen, but i am ill, and worn out. give me your lungs, and then i will go on. citizens, your young and thriving city is conspicuous by its character of benevolence. there is scarcely a natural human affliction for which your young city has not an asylum of benevolence. to-day you have risen in that benevolence from alleviating private affliction to consoling oppressed nations. be blessed for it. i came to the shores of your country pleading the restoration of the law of nations to its due sway, and as i went on pleading, i met flowers of sympathy. since i am in ohio i meet fruits; and as i go on thankfully gathering the fruits, new flowers arise, still promising more and more beautiful fruits. that is the character of ohio--and you are the capital of ohio. if i am not mistaken, the birth of your city was the year of the trial of war, by which your nation proved to the world that there is no power on earth that can dare any more to touch your lofty building of independence. the glory of your eastern sister states is, to have conquered that independence for you. let it be your glory to have cast your mighty weight into the scale, that the law of nations, guarded and protected by you, may afford to every oppressed nation that "fair play" which america had when it struggled for independence. gentlemen, i am tired out. you must generously excuse me, when i conclude by humbly recommending my poor country's future to your generosity. * * * * * xxvii.--democracy the spirit of the age. [_reception by the two houses of legislature of ohio_.] kossuth, attended by the joint committee, was then introduced, and addressed by the president of the senate, hon. wm. medill, as follows: governor kossuth: on learning that you were about to visit the western portion of our country, the general assembly of this state adopted the following preamble and resolutions:-- whereas, louis kossuth, governor of hungary, has endeared himself to the people of ohio by his great military and greater civic services rendered to the cause of liberty; by the transcendent power and eloquence with which he has vindicated the right of every nation to determine for itself its own form of government, by the perils he has encountered and the suffering he has endured to achieve the freedom of his native country: therefore, in the name, and on behalf of the people, _be it resolved by the general assembly of the state of ohio_, that the war in which hungary was lately seemingly overcome, was a struggle in behalf of the great principles which underlie the structure of our government, vindicated by the bloody battles of eight years, and that we cannot be indifferent to their fate, whatever be the arena in which the struggle for their vitality goes on. _resolved_, that an attack in any form upon them is implicitly an attack upon us, an armed intervention against them, is in effect an insult to us; that any narrowing of the sway of these principles is a most dangerous weakening of our own influence and power; and that all such combinations of kings against people should be regarded by us now as they were in , and so far as circumstances will admit, the parallel should and will be so treated. _resolved_, that we are proud to recognize in louis kossuth constitutional governor of hungary, the heroic personification of these great principles, and that as such, and in token and pledge of our profound sympathy with him, and the high cause he so nobly represents, we tender to him, in behalf of two millions of freemen, a hearty welcome to the capital of the state of ohio. _resolved_, that we declare the russian past intervention in the affairs of hungary, a violation of the laws of nations which, if repeated, would not be regarded indifferently by the people of the state of ohio. _resolved_, that a joint committee of three on the part of the senate, and five on the part of the house of representatives, be appointed to tender governor kossuth, in the name and on behalf of the people of ohio, a public reception by their general assembly, now in the session of the capital of the state. this preamble, and these resolutions, set forth the views and sentiments of the people of ohio in a far more forcible, authoritative, and enduring form, than can possibly be done by any declaration or expression of mine. in no part of the united states has your course been more warmly approved or your great talents, persevering energy, and devoted patriotism, more universally admired. this, sir, is sufficiently evinced in the cordial and heartfelt welcome that has everywhere awaited you, since your entrance into the state. free and independent themselves, the people of ohio can not look with indifference on the great contest in which you are engaged. the history of that fearful struggle which resulted in the achievement of their own independence is still fresh in their recollection. always on the side of the oppressed, no cold or calculating policy can suppress or control their sympathies. the cause of hungary, which you so eloquently plead, and which it is your high and sacred mission to maintain, is the cause of freedom in every quarter of the world. the principles involved in that cause, form the basis of our own institutions, the source of our present prosperity and greatness, and the foundation of all our hopes and anticipations of the future. it would be strange, indeed, if a cause so pure and holy, or a champion so gifted, should fail to command the highest regard and admiration of freemen. in the name, then, and on behalf of the general assembly of ohio, i bid you welcome to our midst. i welcome you, sir, to the capital of a great and flourishing commonwealth--to its halls of legislation, which, in your own fatherland, were the scenes of some of your proudest triumphs, and to the hearts of a free, generous, and sympathizing people. kossuth's reply. mr. president--the general assembly of ohio, having magnanimously bestowed upon me the high honour of this national welcome, it is with profound veneration that i beg leave to express my fervent gratitude for it. were even no principles for the future connected with the honour which i now enjoy, still the past would be memorable as history, and not fail to have a beneficial influence, continuously to develop the spirit of the age. almost every century has had one predominant idea, which imparted a common direction to the activity of nations. this predominant idea is the spirit of the age, invisible yet omnipresent; impregnable, all-pervading; scorned, abused, opposed, and yet omnipotent. the spirit of our age is democracy. all _for_ the people and all _by_ the people. nothing _about_ the people _without_ the people. that is democracy, and that is the ruling tendency of the spirit of our age. to this spirit is opposed the principle of despotism, claiming sovereignty over mankind, and degrading nations from the position of a self-conscious, self-consistent aim, to the condition of tools subservient to the authority of ambition. one of these principles will and must prevail. so far as one civilization prevails, the destiny of mankind is linked to a common source of principles, and within the boundaries of a common civilization community of destinies exists. hence the warm interest which the condition of distant nations awakes now-a-days in a manner not yet recorded in history because humanity never was yet aware of that common tie as it now is. with this consciousness thus developed, two opposite principles cannot rule within the same boundaries--democracy and despotism. in the conflict of these two hostile principles, until now it was not right, not justice, but only success which met approbation and applause. unsuccessful patriotism was stigmatized with the name of crime. revolution not crowned by success was styled anarchy and revolt, and the vanquished patriot being dragged to the gallows by victorious despotism, men did not consider _why_ he died on the gallows; but the fact itself, that _there_ he died, imparted a stain to his name. and though impartial history, now and then, casts the halo of a martyr over an unsuccessful patriot's grave, yet even this was not always sure. tyrants have often perverted history by adulation or by fear. but whatever that late verdict might have been; for him who dared to struggle against despotism at the time when he struggled in vain, there was no honour on earth.--victorious tyranny marked the front of virtue with the brand of a criminal. even when an existing "authority" was mere violence worse than that of a pirate, to have opposed it unsuccessfully was sufficient to ensure the disapproval of all who held any authority. the people indeed never failed to console the outcast by its sympathy, but authority felt no such sympathy, and rather regarded this very sympathy as a dangerous symptom of anarchy. when the idea of justice is thus perverted--when virtue is thus deprived of its fair renown, and honour is thus attacked--when success like that of louis napoleon's is gained through connivance--all this becomes an immeasurable obstacle to the freedom of nations, which never yet was achieved but by a struggle,--a struggle, which success raised to the honour of a glorious revolution, but failure lowered to the reputation of a criminal outbreak. mr. president, i feel proud at the accident, that in my person public honours have been restored to that on which alone they ought to be bestowed--righteousness and a just cause; whereas, until now, honours were lavished only upon success. i consider this as a highly important _fact_, which cannot fail to encourage the resolution of devoted patriots, who, though not afraid of death, may be excused for recoiling before humiliation. senators, representatives of ohio, i thank you for it in the name of all who may yet suffer for having done the duty of a patriot. you may yet see many a man, who, out of your approbation, will draw encouragement to noble deeds; for there are many on earth ready to meet misfortune for a noble aim, but not so many ready to meet humiliation and indignity. besides, in honouring me, you have approved what my nation has done. you have honoured all hungary by it, and i pledge my word to you that we will yet do what you have approved. the approbation of our conscience we have--the sympathy of your generous people has met us--and it is no idle thing, that sympathy of the people of ohio--it weighs as the sovereign will of two millions of freemen. you have added to it the sanction of your authority. your people's sympathy you have framed into a law, sacred and sure in its consequences, on which humanity may rely. but, sir, high though be the value of this noble approbation, it becomes an invaluable benefit to humanity by these resolutions by which the general assembly of ohio, acknowledging the justice of those principles which it is my mission to plead in my injured country's name, declares that the mighty and flourishing commonwealth of ohio is resolved to resist the eternal laws of nations to their due sway, too long contemned by arbitrary power. it was indeed a sorrowful sight to see how nations bled, and how freedom withered in the iron grasp of despotisms, leagued for universal oppression of humanity. it was a sorrowful sight to see that there was no power on earth ready to maintain those eternal laws, without which there is no security for any nation on earth. it was a sorrowful sight to see all nations isolating themselves in defence, while despots leagued in offence. the view has changed. a bright lustre is spreading over the dark sky of humanity. the glorious galaxy of the united states rises upon oppressed nations, and the bloody star of despotism fading at your very declaration, will soon vanish from the sky like a meteor. legislators of ohio, it may be flattering to ambitious vanity to act the part of an execrated conqueror, but it is a glory unparalleled in history to protect rights and freedom on earth. the time draws near, when, by virtue of such a declaration as yours, shared by your sister states, europe's liberated nations will unite in a mighty choir of hallelujahs, thanking god that his paternal cares have raised the united states to the glorious position of a first-born son of freedom on earth. washington prophesied, that within twenty years the republic of the united states would be strong enough to defy any power on earth _in a just cause_. the state of ohio was not yet born when the wisest of men and purest of patriots uttered that prophecy; and god the almighty has made the prophecy true, by annexing, in a prodigiously short period, more stars to the proud constellation of your republic, and increasing the lustre of every star more powerfully, than washington could have anticipated in the brightest moments of his patriotic hopes. rejoice, o my nation, in thy very woes! wipe off all thy tears, and smile amidst thy tortures, like the dutch hero, de wytt. there is a providence which rules. thou wast, o my nation, often the martyr, who by thy blood didst redeem the christian nations on earth. even thy present nameless woes are providential. they were necessary, that the star-spangled banner of america should rise over a new sinai--the mountain of law for all nations. thy sufferings were necessary, that the people of the united states, powerful by their freedom and free by the principle of national independence, that common right of all humanity, should stand up, a new moses upon the new sinai, and shout out with the thundering voice of its twenty-five millions--"hear, ye despots of the world, henceforward this shall be law, in the name of the lord your god and our god. ye shall not kill nations. ye shall not steal their freedom. and ye shall not covet what is your neighbour's." ohio has given its vote by the resolutions i had the honour to hear. it is the vote of two millions, and it will have its constitutional weight in the councils of washington city, where the delegates of the people's sovereignty find their glory in doing the people's will. sir, it will be a day of consolation and joy in hungary, when my bleeding nation reads these resolutions, which i will send to her. they will flash over the gloomy land; and my nation, unbroken in courage, steady in resolution, and firm in confidence, will draw still more courage, more resolution from them, because it is well aware that the legislature of ohio would never pledge a word to which the people of ohio will not be true in case of need. sir, i regret that my illness has disabled me to express my fervent thanks in a manner more becoming to this assembly's dignity. i beg to be excused for it; and humbly beg you to believe, that my nation for ever, and i for all my life, will cherish the memory of this benefit. * * * * * xxviii.--the miseries and the strength of hungary. [_columbus, feb. th, to the association of friends of hungary_.] on feb. th was held the first regular meeting of the ohio association of the friends of hungary, in the city hall of columbus. governor wood addressed the association, as its president; and in the course of his speech said:-- this is a cause in which the people of the united states feel much interest. much has been said on the doctrine of intervention and non-intervention. there was a time when if i ventured to speak a word on any question in this state it was received with authority. the opinions i now express have been formed with the same deliberation as those i expressed with authority in another capacity. there has seemed to be a combined effort on the part of despots in europe to put down free institutions. it is the duty of freemen to oppose this effort--to resist the principle that every civic community has not a right to regulate its own affairs. whenever one nation interferes with the internal concerns of another, it is a direct insult to all other nations. there is a combined effort in continental europe to overthrow all free and liberal institutions. this accomplished, what next?--the efforts of tyrants will be directed to our institutions. it will be their aim to break us down. must not we prevent this event--_peaceably if we can--forcibly if we must?_ no power will prevail with tyrants and usurpers but the power of gunpowder or steel. kossuth in reply, turning to governor wood, said: before addressing the assembly, i humbly entreat your excellency to permit me to express, out of the very heart of my heart, my gratitude and fervent thanks for those lofty, generous principles which you have been pleased now to pronounce. i know those principles would have immense value even if they were only an individual opinion; but when they are expressed by him who is the elect of the people of ohio, they doubly, manifoldly increase in weight. the restoration of hungary to its national independence is my aim, to which i the more cheerfully devote my life, because i know that my nation, once master of its own destiny, can make no other choice, in the regulation of its institutions and of its government, than that of a republic founded upon democracy and the great principle of municipal self-government, without which, as opposed to centralization, there is no practical freedom possible. other nations enjoying a comparatively tolerable condition under their existing governments--though aware of their imperfections, may shrink from a revolution of which they cannot anticipate the issue, while they know that in every case it is attended with great sacrifices and great sufferings for the generation which undertakes the hazard of the change. but that is not the condition of hungary. my poor native land is in such a condition that all the horrors of a revolution, when without the hopes of happiness to be gained by it, are preferable to what it lives to endure now. the very life on a bloody battle-field, where every whistling musket-ball may bring death--affords more security, more ease, and is less alarming than that life which the people of hungary has to suffer now. we have seen many a sorrowful day in our past, we have been by our geographical position, destined as the breakwater against every great misfortune, which in former centuries rushed over europe from the east. it is not only the turks, when they were yet a dangerous, conquering race, which my nation had to stay, by wading to the very lips in its own heroic blood. no. the still more terrible invasion of batu khan's (the mongol) raging millions, poured down over europe from the steppes of tartary,--who came not to conquer but to destroy, and therefore spared not nature, not men, not the child in its mother's womb. it was hungary which had to stay its flood from devouring the rest of europe. nevertheless, all which hungary has ever suffered is far less than it has to suffer now from the tyrant of austria, himself in his turn nothing but the slave of ambitious russia. oh! it is a fair, beautiful land, my beloved country, rich in nature's blessings as perhaps no land is rich on earth. when the spring has strewn its blossoms over it, it looks as the garden of eden may have looked, and when the summer ripens nature's ocean of crops over its hills and plains, it looks like a table dressed for mankind by the lord himself; and still it was here in columbus that i read the news that a terrible dearth, that famine is spreading over the rich and fertile land. how should it not? where life-draining oppression weighs so heavily, that the landowner offers the use of all his lands to the government, merely to get free from the taxation--where the vintager cuts down his vineyards and the gardener his orchard, and the farmer burns his tobacco seed to be rid of the duties, and their vexations--there of course must dearth prevail, and famine raise its hideous head. yet the tyrant adds calumny to oppression, by attributing the dearth to a want of industry, after having created it by oppression. there exists no personal security of property. nor is the verdict "not guilty," when pronounced by an austrian court, sufficient to ensure security against prison, nay, against death by the executioner--through a new trial ordered to find a man guilty at any price. poor louis bathyanyi was thus treated. even now persecution is going on--hundreds are arrested secretly and sent to prison and their property confiscated, though they were already acquitted by the very haynaus. _even to whisper that a man or woman was arrested in the night is considered a crime_, and punished by prison, or if the whisperer be a young man, by sending him to the army, there to taste, when he dares to frown, the corporal's stick. _no man knows what is forbidden, what not_, because there exists no law but the arbitrary will of martial courts--no protecting institution--no public life--free speech forbidden--the press fettered--complaint a crime,--when we consider all this, indeed it is not possible not to arrive at the conviction, that, come what may, a new war of revolution in hungary is not a matter of choice, but a matter of unavoidable necessity, because all that may come is not by far so terrible as that which is! but i am often asked,--"what hope has hungary should she rise again?" pardon me, gentlemen, for saying, that i cannot forbear to be surprized as often as i hear this question. why! the emperor of austria, fresh with his bloody victories over italy, vienna, lemberg, prague, attacked us in the fulness of his power, when we had no expectation, and were least in the world prepared to meet it. we were assaulted on several sides; our fortresses were in the hands of traitors, we had as yet no army at all. we were secluded from all the world--forsaken by all the world--without money--without arms--without ammunition--without friends--having nothing for us but the justice of our cause and the people burning with patriotism--men who went to the battlefield almost without knowing how to cock their guns; but still, within less than six months, we beat all the force of austria,--we crushed it to the dust, and in despair, the proud tyrant fled to the feet of the czar, begging his assistance for his sacrilegious purpose, and paying him by the sacrifice of honour, independence, and all his future! in contemplating these facts, who can doubt that we are now a match for austria. then we had no army--now we have , brave magyars, who fought for freedom and motherland, enlisted in the ranks of austria, forming their weakness and our strength. then hostile nations were opposed to us, now they are friendly, and are with us. then no combination existed between the oppressed nations--now the combination exists. then our oppressor took his own time to strike--when he was best and we were worst prepared:--now we will take our time and strike the blow when it is best for us and worst for him. in a word, then every chance was against us, and we almost in a condition that the stoutest hearts faltered; and we only took up the gauntlet because our very soul revolted against the boundless treachery;--now every chance is for us, and it is the native which throws the gauntlet into the tyrant's face. our very misfortune ensures our success--because then we had some something to lose, now we have nothing. we can only gain--for i defy the sophistry of despotism to invent anything of public or private oppression which is not already inflicted upon us. but i was upon the question of success.--when i moot that question--upon what reposes the success of hungary, it always occurs to my mind that the last administration of the united states sent a gentleman over to europe during the hungarian struggle, _not_ with orders to recognize the independence of hungary, but just to look to what chance of success we had. now, suppose that the united states, taking into consideration the right of every nation to dispose of itself, and true to that policy which it has always followed to take established facts as they are, and not to investigate what chances there might or might not be for the future, but always recognize every new government everywhere--suppose that it had sent that gentleman with such an instruction to hungary: what would have been the consequence? if the government of hungary which existed then and indeed existed very actively, for it had created armies, had beaten austria, and driven her last soldier from hungarian territory,--if that government had been recognized by the united states, of course commercial intercourse with the united states, in every respect, would have been lawful, according to your existing international laws. the emperor of austria, the czar of russia, because they are recognized powers, have full liberty to buy your cannons, gunpowder, muskets--everything. that would have been the case with hungary. that legitimate commerce with the people of the united states with hungary, of course would have been protected by the navy of the united states in the mediterranean. now, men we had enough--but arms we had none. that would have given us arms, and having beaten austria already, we would have beaten russia, and i, instead of having now the honour of addressing you here, would perhaps have dictated a peace in moscow. but the gentleman was sent to _investigate the chances_ of success. upon his investigation hungary perished. let me entreat you, friends of hungary, do not much hesitate about success. while rome deliberated, saguntum fell. i fear that by too long investigating what chances we have, the chances of success will be compromised, which by speedy help could have been ensured. well, i am answered--"there is no doubt about it.--hungary is a match for austria. you have beaten austria, it is true; but russia--there is the rub." precisely, because there is the rub, i come to the united states, relying upon the fundamental principles of your great republic, to claim the protection and maintenance of the law of nations against the armed interference of russia. that is precisely what i claim. that accorded, no intervention of russia can take place; the word of america will be respected, not out of consideration for your dignity, but because the czar and the cabinet of russia, atrocious and unprincipled as they are, are no fools, and will not risk their existence. therefore your word will be respected. you have an act of congress, passed in , by which the people of the united states are forbidden by law to take any hostile steps against a power with which the united states are at amity. well, suppose congress pronounces such a resolution--that in respect to any power which violates the laws of nations we recall this neutrality law and give full liberty to follow its own will. (applause.) now, in declaring this, congress has prevented a war, because it has been pointed out to the people in what way that pronunciation of the law of nations is to be supported, and the enterprizing spirit of the people of the united states is too well known as its sympathy for the cause of hungary is too decidedly expressed, not to impart a conviction to the czar of russia that though the united states do not wish to go to war, so the law of nations will be enforced, _peaceably if possible_ (turning to governor wood) _forcibly if necessary_. but as i again and again meet the doubt whether your protest even with such sanction will be respected, i farther answer--let me entreat you to try. it costs nothing. you are not bound to go farther than you will;--try. _perhaps_ it will be respected, and if it be, humanity is rescued, and freedom on earth reigns where despotism now rules. it is worth a trial. besides, i beg to remind you of my second and third requests, either of which might bring a practical solution of this doubt. at present, whoever will may sell arms to austria, but you forbid your own citizens to sell arms to hungary; and this, though the rule of austria has no legitimate basis, but rests on unjust force; while you have avowed the cause of hungary to be just. such a state of your law is not neutrality, and is not righteous towards _us_ nor is it fair towards your _own people_. if venice were to-day to shake off the yoke of austria, austria will forthwith forbid all of you to buy and sell with venice. well: i say that is not fair towards your own citizens, any more than to the venetians. true; you have not the right to open any market by force, towards a nation which is unwilling to deal with you, but you have a clear right to deal with one which desires it, in spite of any belligerent who chooses to forbid you. how could the fact of hungary or venice rising up against their oppressor justify austria in damaging the lawful commerce of america with those nations? on this turns my second principle, which i consider of high importance for the coming struggle; that the united states would declare their resolve to uphold their commercial intercourse with every nation which is ready to accept it. thirdly, i claimed that you would recognize the hungarian declaration of independence as having been legitimate. my enemies have misrepresented this, as if i desired to be recognized as _de facto_ the governor of hungary. this is mere absurdity. that is not the question--_am_ i governor or not governor? the question is--_was_ the declaration of independence of hungary, in the judgment of the people of the united states, a legitimate one, to which my nation had a right--or was it not? i believe america cannot answer no, because your very existence rests on a similar act. and if that declaration is made, what will be the consequence of it? what will be the practical result? why, that very moment when i or whoever else, upon the basis of this declaration, recognized to be legitimate by your republic, shall take a stake upon hungarian independence, and issue a proclamation declaring that a national government exists, that very moment the existence of the government will be recognized, and the gentleman who will be sent to europe will not be sent to investigate what chances we have of success, but into what diplomatic relation we shall come. and what will be the consequence? a legitimate commercial intercourse of america. then i can fit out men of war--steamers and everything--and your laws will not prevent me. the government of hungary will then be a friendly power, and therefore according to your laws everything might be done for the benefit of my country--and who knows what a benefit it might secure to yourselves? as regards my use of any pecuniary aids, i declare that i will respect the laws of every nation where i have the honour even temporarily to be. i will employ that aid, which the friends of hungary may place at my disposal, for the benefit of my country, to be sure, but only in such a way as is not forbidden by, or contrary to, your laws. now, to make an armed expedition against a friendly power--that is forbidden. but if hungary rises upon the basis of a recognized, legitimate independence, then what is necessary for it to prepare for coming into that position is lawful. i have taken the advice of the highest authorities in that respect. i was not so bold as to become the interpreter of your laws, but i have asked, is that lawful, or is it not? from the highest authorities in law matters of the united states. now to return to hungary. in what condition is it! in the beginning of my talking i mentioned the invasion of tartarian hordes. then the wild beasts spread over the land, and caused the few remnants of the people to take refuge in some castles, and fortresses, and fortified places and in the most remote and sterile ground. the wild beasts fed on human blood. now again the wild beasts are spreading terribly; and why? because to have a single pistol, to have a sword, or a musket, is a crime which is punished by several years' imprisonment. such is now the condition of hungary! therefore, you may now see that the country is disarmed, and of what importance is it for that success, about which i hear now and then doubts, to have arms prepared in a convenient lawful manner. [after this, kossuth spoke in some detail concerning the pecuniary contributions; and closed with complaints of his painfully over-worked chest, which had much impeded his speech.] * * * * * xxix.--ohio and france contrasted as republics. [_reception at cincinnati_.] kossuth having been received by a vast assemblage of the people of cincinnati was addressed in their name by the honourable caleb smith, from whose speech the following are extracts:-- your progress through a portion of the whole states which originally constituted the american confederacy, has called forth such manifestations of public feeling as leave no doubt that the liberty enjoyed by the people of those states, has created in their hearts a generous sympathy for the advocates of civil liberty who have endeavoured to establish free institutions in europe. the brilliant success which attended the first efforts of the hungarian patriots, excited the hope that the tricoloured flag unfurled on the shores of the danube, would, like the stars and stripes of our own republic, become the emblem and the hope of freedom. the intervention of russia, in violation of the law of nations, in defiance of justice and right, and in disregard of the public sentiment of the civilized world, for a time, at last, disappointed this hope; and the exultation it excited was followed by a mournful sadness, when russian arms and domestic treason combined, caused the hungarian flag to trail in the dust. hungary failed to establish her independence, but failed only, when success was impossible. the efforts she has made have not been wholly lost. the seed which she has sown in agony and blood, will yet sprout and bring forth fruit. the memory of her devoted sons who have fallen in the cause of liberty, will be perpetuated upon the living tablets of the hearts of freedom's votaries throughout the world. the spirits of the martyrs shall whisper hope and consolation to the hearts of her surviving children; and from out the dungeons of her captive patriots shall go forth the spirit of liberty to cheer and animate their countrymen. you are engaged in a high and holy mission. the redemption of your fatherland from oppression is worthy of your efforts, and may god prosper them; and may you find in this free land such sympathy and aid as will strengthen your heart for the stern trials which await you in your own country. kossuth replied:-- sir,--before i answer you, let me look over this animated ocean, that i may impress upon my memory the look of those who have transformed the wilderness of a primitive forest into an immense city, of which there exists a prediction that, by the year of our lord , it will be the greatest city in the world. "the west! the west! the region of the father of rivers," there thou canst see the cradle of a new-born humanity. so i was told by the learned expounders of descriptive geography, who believe that they know the world, because they have seen it on maps. the west a cradle! why? a cradle is the sleeping place of a child wrapped in swaddling clothes and crying for the mother's milk. people of cincinnati, are you that child which, awakening in an unwatched moment, liberated his tender hands from the swaddling band, swept away by his left arm the primitive forest planted by the lord at creation's dawn, and raised by his right hand this mighty metropolis. why, if that be your childhood's pastime, i am awed by the presentiment of your manhood's task; for it is written, that it is forbidden to men to approach too near to omnipotence. and that people here which created this rich city, and changed the native woods of the red man into a flourishing seat of christian civilization and civilized christianity--into a living workshop of science and art, of industry and widely spread commerce; and performed this change, not like the drop, which, by falling incessantly through centuries, digs a gulf where a mountain stood, but performed it suddenly within the turn of the hand, like a magician; that people achieved a prouder work than the giants of old, who dared to pile ossa upon pelion; but excuse me, the comparison is bad. those giants of old heaped mountain upon mountain, with the impious design to storm the heavens. you have transformed the wilderness of the west into the dwelling-place of an enlightened, industrious, intelligent christian community, that it may flourish a living monument of the wonderful bounty of divine providence--a temple of freedom, which glorifies god, and bids oppressed humanity to hope. and yet, when i look at you, citizens of cincinnati, i see no race of giants, astonishing by uncommon frame: i see men as i am wont to see all my life, and i have lived almost long enough to have seen cincinnati a small hamlet, composed of some modest log-houses, separated by dense woods, where savage beast and savage indian lurked about the lonely settlers, who, as the legend of jacob wetzel and his faithful log tells, had to wrestle for life when they left their poor abode. what is the key of this rapid wonderful change? the glorious cities of old were founded by heroes whom posterity called demi-gods, and whose name survived their work by thousands of years. who is your hero? who stood god-father at the birth of the queen of the west? i looked to history and found not his name. but instead of one mortal man's renowned name, i find in the records of your city's history an immortal being's name, and that is, _the people_. the word sparkles with the lustre of a life invigorating flame, and that flame is liberty. freedom, regulated by wise institutions, based upon the great principle of national independence and self-government; this is the magical rod by which the great enchanter, "_the people_," has achieved this wonderful work. sir, there is a mighty change going on in human development. formerly great things were done by great men, whose names stand in history like milestones, marking the march of mankind on the highway of progress. it was mankind which marched, and still it passed unnoticed and unknown. of him history has made no record, but of the milestones only, and has called them great men. the lofty frame of individual greatness overshadowed the people, who were ready to follow but not prepared to go without being led. humanity and its progress was absorbed by individualities; because the people which stood low in the valley got giddy by looking up to the mountain's top, where its leaders stood. it was the age of childhood for nations. children cling to the leading strings as to a necessity, and feel it a benefit to be led. but the leaders of nations changed soon into kings. ambition claimed as a right what merit had gained as a free offering. arrogance succeeded to greatness; and out of the child-like attachment for benefits received, the duty of blind obedience was framed by the iron hand of violence, and by the craft of impious hypocrisy, degrading everything held for holy by men--religion itself--into a tool of oppression on earth. it was the era of uncontroverted despotism, which, with sacrilegious arrogance, claimed the title of divine rank; and mankind advanced slowly in progress, because it was not conscious of its own aim. oppression was taken for a gloomy fatality. the scene has changed. nations have become conscious of their rights and destiny, and will tolerate no masters, nor will suffer oppression any longer. the spirit of freedom moves through the air; and remember, that you are morally somewhat responsible for it, inasmuch as it is your glorious struggle for independence which was the first upheaving of mankind's heart roused to self-conscious life. even by that first effort she gloriously achieved the national independence of america. though gifted with all the blessings of nature's virginal vitality, you would never have succeeded to achieve this wonderful growth which we see, if you had employed your conquered national independence merely to take a new master for the old one. and mark well, gentlemen! a nation may have a master even if it has no king--a nation may be called a republic, and yet be not free--_wherever centralization exists, there the nation has either sold or lent, either alienated or delegated its sovereignty_; and wherever this is done, the nation has a master--and he who has a master is of course not his own master. power may be centralized in many--the centralization by and by will be concentrated in few, as in ancient venice, or in one, as in france at the time of the "_uncle_," some forty years ago, and again in france, now that the "_nephew_" has his bloody reign for a day. yes, gentlemen, if that generation of devoted patriots who achieved the independence of the united states, had merely changed the old master for a new one with the name of an emperor or a king, or of an omnipotent president, your country were now just something like brazil or mexico, or the republic of south america, all of them independent, as you know, and all except brazil even republics, and all rich with nature's blessings, and offering a new home to those who fly from the oppression of the old world--and yet all of them old before they were young, and decrepit before they were strong. had the founders of your country's independence followed this direction which led the rest of america astray, cincinnati would be a hamlet yet as it was in jacob wetzel's time; and ohio, instead of being a first-rate star in the constellation of your republic, would be an appendage of neighbouring eastern states--a not yet explored desert, marked in the map of america only by lines of northern latitude and western longitude. the people, a real sovereign; your institutions securing real freedom, because founded on the principles of self-government; union to secure national independence and the position of a power on earth; and all together, having no master but god; omnipotence not vested in any man, in any assembly,--and an open field to every honest exertion--because civil, political, and religious liberty is the common benefit to all, not limited but by itself (that is, by the unseen, but not unfelt, influence of self-given law); that is the key of the living wonder which spreads before my eyes. let me recall to your memory a curious fact. it is just a hundred years ago, that the first trading house upon the great miami was built by daring english adventurers, at a place later known as laramie's store, then the territory of the twigtwee indians. the trade house was destroyed by frenchmen, who possessed then a whole world on the continent of america. well, twenty-four years later, france aided your america in its struggle for independence; and oh! feel not offended in your proud power of to-day, when i say that independence would not then have been achieved without the aid of france. since that time, france has been twice a republic, and changed its constitutions thirteen times; and, though thirty-six millions strong, it has lost every foot of land on the continent of america, and at home it lies prostrated beneath the feet of the most inglorious usurper that ever dared to raise ambition's bloody seat upon the ruins of liberty. and your republic? it has grown a giant of power. and ohio? out of the ruins of a trading-house into a mighty commonwealth of two millions of free and happy men, who shout out with a voice like the thunderstorm, to the despots of the old world, "ye shall stop in your ambitious way before the power of freedom, ready to protect the common laws of all humanity." what a glorious triumph of your institutions over the principles of centralized government! oh! may all the generations yet unborn, and all the millions who will yet gather in this new world of the west, which soon will preponderate in the scale of the union, where all the west weighed nothing fifty years ago--may they all ever and ever remember the high instruction which the almighty has revealed in this parallel of different results. sir, you say that ohio can show no battle field connected with recollections of your own glorious revolution. let me answer, that the whole west is a monument, and cincinnati the fair cornice of it. if your eastern sister states have instructed the world how nations become independent and free, the west shows to the world what a nation once independent and really free can become. allow me to declare, that by standing before the world as such an instructive example, you exercise the most effective revolutionary propaganda; for if the mis-result of french revolutions discourage the nations from shaking off the 'oppressors' yoke, your victory,--and still more, your unparalleled prosperity,--has encouraged oppressed nations to dare what you dared. egotists and hypocrites may say that you are not responsible for it; you have bid nobody to follow you:--and it may be true that you are not responsible before a tribunal. still, you are sufficiently free not to feel offended by a true word; therefore i say you are responsible before your own conscience, for, your example having started a new doctrine, the teacher of a new doctrine is morally bound not to forsake his doctrine when assailed in the person of his disciples. * * * * * xxx.--war a providential necessity against oppression. [_to the clergy of cincinnati_.] the clergy of cincinnati addressed kossuth by the mouth of the rev. mr. fisher. among other topics, this gentleman said:-- we wish to _you_ first, and through you, to the world, to express our respect for those heroic clergymen who dared to offer public prayers to almighty god for the success of your arms. we have not forgotten the manner in which austria attempted to dragoon their tongues into silence, and their souls into abject submission. nor can we believe that a country with such pastors--that a country whose religious interests are confided to men ready to pray against the despot, will be suffered by our heavenly father to remain trodden down, and to have her name blotted out of the history of nations. if in the great battle of freedom, the heart of the minister of religion at the altar, beats in sympathy with the heart of the minister at the council board, and the soldier in the battle-field, there is then a union of the moral, intellectual, and physical forces of a nation, which we have been taught to believe would generally and ultimately be victorious. we frankly confess to you that our hope that hungary is not to share the fate of unhappy poland, is grounded first on the large element of a protestant ministry she embraces, and secondly on the advance which the nations are making in a true understanding of the principles of republican freedom. we believe the cause of hungary to be just. against the usurpations of kings and perjured princes--against the interference of foreign powers to assist in treading on the sparks of liberty anywhere on the earth, and especially in such a land as yours, we claim the privilege at the fit time of entering our protest and expressing toward such acts our deepest abhorrence. and while we desire most earnestly the advent of universal peace, and rejoice that the power of moral principles is increasing in the world, and anticipate the day when the nations shall learn war no more, yet we are fully convinced, both from the holy scriptures and the history of the past, that under the overruling providence of god wars occasioned by the oppression, the ambition, and the covetousness of men, are often the means of breaking up the stagnant waters of superstition and irreligion, and securing to the truth a position from which it may most successfully send abroad its light, and mould the heart of a nation to religion and peace. _despotism is_ in our view _a perpetual war of a few upon the many_; and we must unlearn some of the earliest lessons that our mothers taught us and our fathers illustrated in their lives, before we can cease to sympathize with the assertors of their rights against the force or the fraud of their fellow-men. and since the sad issue of revolution after revolution in infidel france, there are not a few of us, who have indulged the hope (especially since your visit to our shores), that in central europe, in your native land, among an undebauched and a bible-reading people, a government might arise that would accord freedom of conscience to all, and shine as a light of virtuous republicanism upon the darkness around. in meeting you thus we design no mere display, no ineffective parade of words. we wish to give whatever weight of influence we may bear in this community, to the cause of freedom in your native land, to assist in securing to you and your nation, such aid as a nation situated as we are can _wisely_ give, so as best to subserve the interests of liberty and humanity in all the world. we regard the moral influence of this country as of the first importance; and the peaceful working of republican institutions as a daily protest against despotism. and for ourselves we pledge to you and your country, that we will, in public and private, bear your cause upon our hearts, and invoke in your behalf, the intervention of an arm that no earthly power can resist. kossuth replied at length. the following is an extract from his speech:-- you have been pleased to refer to war as, under certain circumstances, an instrumentality of divine providence--and indeed so it is. great things depend upon the exact definition of a word. there is, i suppose, nobody on earth who takes war for a moral or happy condition. every man must wish peace; but peace must not be confounded with oppression. it is our duty, i believe, to follow the historical advice of the scriptures, which very often have pointed out war as an instrumentality against oppression and injustice. you have very truly said that despotism is a continued war of the few against the many, of ambition against mankind. now if that be true--(and true it is--for war is nothing else than an appeal to force)--then how can any persons claim of oppressed nations not to resort to war? who makes war? those who defend themselves? or those who attack others? now if it be true that despotism is a continued attack upon mankind, then war comes from that quarter, and i have no where in the world heard that an unjust attack should not be opposed by a just defence. it is absurd to entreat nations not to disturb a peace which does not exist. what would have become of christianity in europe (and in further consequence, also in america), if in those times, when mohammedanism was yet a conquering power, hungary out of love of peace had not opposed mohammedanism in defence of christianity? what would have become of protestantism when assailed by charles v, by philip ii, and others? did luther or others forbid the use of arms against arms, to protect for men the right of private judgment in matters of salvation. i have seen war. i know what an immense machine it is. what an immense misfortune and with what sufferings it is connected. believe me, there is no nation which loves war, but many that fear war less than they hate oppression, which prevents both their happiness on earth and the development of private judgment for salvation in eternity. you have been pleased to assure me that you take the cause of hungary for a just cause. i most respectfully thank you for it. i consider your judgment of immense value in that respect. why? because you are too deeply penetrated by the sacred mission to which you have devoted your lives, ever to approve anything which you would not consider consistent and in harmony with your position as ministers of the gospel; and therefore when you give me the verdict of justice for the cause of hungary, i take your approbation as a sanction from the principles of the christian religion. let me therefore entreat you, gentlemen, to bestow your action, your prayers, and that which in the gospel is connected with prayers--watchfulness, upon my country's cause. it is not without design that i mention this word watchfulness; for it would be not appropriate for me to speak any word which might excite mere passion. i rely upon principles in their plainness, and make no appeal to blind excitement; but i venture to throw out the hint, that in certain quarters even the word _religion_ is employed as a tool against that cause which you pronounce to be just; and therefore i may be permitted to claim from ministers of christ--from protestant clergymen--from american protestant clergymen, that they will not only pray for that cause, but also be watchful against that abuse of religion for the oppression of a just cause. you have farther stated that as american clergymen, you entertain the conviction that a free gospel can only be permanently enjoyed under a free civil government. now what is free gospel? the trumpet of the gospel is of course sounded from the moral influence of the truths, which are deposited by divine providence in the holy scriptures. no influence can be more powerful than that of the truth which god himself has revealed, and nevertheless you say, that for permanent enjoyment of this moral influence, the field of free civil government is necessary. so it is. now, let me make the application of these very truths in respect to the moral institutions of your country. i entirely trust that all other institutions which we know now will by and bye disappear before the moral influence of _your_ institutions, as is proved by the wonderful development of this country--but under one condition, that the nations be restored to national independence: since, so long as absolutist power rules the world, there is no place, no field _for_ the moral influence of your institutions. precisely as the moral influence of the gospel cannot spread without a free civil government, so the influence of your institutions can spread only upon the basis of national independence, as a common benefit to every nation. you will, i hope, generously excuse me for having answered your generous sentiments in such a plain manner. my indisposition has given me no time to prepare for the honour of meeting you in such a way as i would have wished. you have given joy, consolation, and hope to my heart, and encouragement to go on in that way which you honour with your welcome and your sympathy; and i shall thank this your generosity in the most effective manner, by following your advice and by further using those exertions which have met your approbation. * * * * * xxxi.--on washington's policy. [_speech on the anniversary of washington's birthday, cincinnati_.] a splendid entertainment was prepared, to which six hundred persons sat down. after the toasts many energetic speeches were made. mr. corry said:-- the time has come for our mighty republic to stand by its friends and brave its enemies. there is a confederation of tyrants now marching across the cinders of europe. are we to take no heed of their aggressions at our doors? it is for us to aid the people of the old world against their tyrants, as we were aided to get rid of ours. ohio will not fail in her duty. the president of the evening, mr. james j. foran, observed:-- in we held in this city the first meeting, i believe, in the united states on this subject, and expressed our indignation at the unwarrantable interference of russia. we declared it to be our duty, as a free and powerful government, to notify to russia, that her interference in the affairs of hungary must cease, or the united states would cast their strength on the side of justice and right against tyranny and oppression.... in the great struggle which is approaching between liberty and absolutism we shall be compelled to act a part. it will not do to rely altogether on either a just cause or the interposition of providence. it is well to have both of these; but to add to them our own exertions, is indispensable to human success. here, "in the wilderness," in the bosom of the great west, in the city of one hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, whence emanated the first public move in america for his personal cause, and also his liberation from captivity, do we welcome louis kossuth, the champion of self-government in europe. kossuth in response said:-- mr. president: i consider it a particular favour of providence that i am permitted to partake, on the present solemn occasion, in paying the tribute of honour and gratitude to the memory of your immortal washington. an architect having raised a proud and noble building to the service of the almighty, his admirers desired to erect a monument to his memory. how was it done? his name was inscribed upon the wall, with these additional words: "you seek his monument--look around." let him who looks for a monument of washington, look around the united states. the whole country is a monument to him. your freedom, your independence, your national power, your prosperity, and your prodigious growth, is a monument to washington. there is no room left for panegyric, none especially to a stranger whom you had full reason to charge with arrogance, were he able to believe that his feeble voice could claim to be noticed in the mighty harmony of a nation's praise. let me therefore, instead of such an arrogant attempt, pray that that god, to whose providential intentions washington was a glorious instrument, may impart to the people of the united states the same wisdom for the conservation of the present prosperity of the land and for its future security which he gave to washington for the foundation of it. allow me, sir, to add, washington's wisdom consisted in doing all which, according to the circumstances _of his time_ and the condition of his country, was necessary to his country's freedom, independence, welfare, glory, and future security. i pray to god that the people of this republic, and all those whom the people's confidence has entrusted with the honourable charge of directing the helm of the commonwealth, may be endowed with the same wisdom of doing all which _present_ circumstances and the _present_ condition of your country point out to be not only consistent with but necessary to your country's present glory, present prosperity, and future security. surely, that is the fittest tribute to the memory of washington, that is the most faithful adherence to the doctrine which he bequeathed to you, by far a better tribute, and by far a more faithful adherence, than to do, literally, the same that he did, amid circumstances quite different from those you are now surrounded with, and in a condition entirely different from that in which you and the world are now. the principles of washington are for ever true, and should for ever be the guiding star to the united states. but to imitate literally the accidental policy of washington, would be to violate his principles. if the spirit of washington could raise its voice now, in this distinguished circle of american patriots, it would loudly and emphatically protest against such a course, and would denounce it as not only injurious to his memory, but also as dangerous to the future of this republic which he founded with such eminent wisdom and glorious success. i have seen, sir, the people of the united states advised to regard the writings of washington as the mahommedan regards the koran, considering everything which is not to be found in the koran as useless to heed. now this parallel i, indeed, take for a very curious compliment to the _memory of washington_--a compliment at which his immortal spirit must feel offended, i am sure. why? to what purpose is the immortal light of heaven beaming in man's mind, if it be wise not to make any use of it? to what purpose all that assiduous care about public instruction, and about the propagation of knowledge and intelligence, if the writings of washington are the koran of america; forbidding the right of private judgment, which the great majority of your nation claim as a natural right, even in respect to the holy bible, that book of divine origin? look to the east where the koran rules, obstructing with its absolutism the development of human intellect: what do you behold there? you behold mighty nations, a noble race of men, interesting in many respects, teeming with germs of vitality, and still falling fast into decay, because doomed to stagnation of their intelligence by that blind faith in their koran's absolute perfection, which we see recommended as a model to the people of this republic, whose very existence rests on progress. indeed, gentlemen, i dare to say that i yield to nobody in the world, in reverence and respect to the immortal memory of washington. his life and his principles were the guiding star of my life; to that star i looked up for inspiration and advice, during the vicissitudes of my stormy life. hence i drew that devotion to my country and to the cause of national freedom, which you, gentlemen, and millions of your fellow-citizens and your national government, are so kind as to honour by unexampled distinction, though you meet it not brightened by success, but meet it in the gloomy night of my existence, in that helpless condition of a homeless wanderer, in which i must patiently bear the title of an "_imported rebel_" and of a "_beggar_" in the very land of washington, for having dared to do what washington did; for having dared to do it with less skill and with less success, but, heaven knows, not with less honesty and devotion than he did. well, it is useless to remark that washington would probably have ended with equal failure, had his country not met that foreign aid for which they honourably _begged_. it is useless to remark that he would undoubtedly have failed, if after the glorious battle of yorktown he had met a fresh enemy of more than two hundred thousand men, such as we met, and had been forsaken in that new struggle by all the world. it is useless to remark that success should not be the only test of virtue on earth, and fortune should not change the devotion of a patriot into an outrage and a crime; and particularly not, when success is only torn out of the hands of patriotism by foreign violence, and by the most sacrilegious infraction of the common laws of all humanity. all this is useless to say. i must bear many things--must bear even malignity--but can bear it more easily, because against the insult of some who plead the cause of despots in your republic, i have for consolation the tranquillity of my conscience, the love of my countrymen, the approbation of generous friends, and the sympathy of millions in that very land where i meet the title of an "_imported rebel_." i was saying, sir, that i yield to no man on earth in reverence to the memory of the immortal washington! indeed, i consider it not inconsistent with this reverence to say: never let past ages bind the life of future;--let no man's wisdom be _koran_ to you, dooming progress to stagnation, and judgment to the meagre task of a mere rehearsing memory. thus i would speak, should even that which i advocate, be contrary to what washington taught--even then i would appeal from the thoughts of a man, to the spirit of advanced mankind, and from the eighteenth century to the present age. but fortunately i am not in that necessity; what i advocate is not only not in contradiction, but in strict harmony with washington's principles, so much so that i have nothing else to wish than that washington's doctrine should be quoted fairly as a system, and not by picking out single words, and concealing that which gives the interpretation to these words. indeed i can wish nothing more than that the _principles_ of washington should be followed. and i may also be permitted to say, that not every word of washington is a principle, and that what he recommended as a policy according to the exigencies of his time, he never intended to recommend as a rule for ever to be followed even in such circumstances which he, with all his wisdom, could neither foresee nor imagine. and i may be perhaps permitted to wish the people of the united states should take for a truth, even in respect to the writings of washington, what we are taught by the ministers of the gospel in respect to the holy scriptures--that, by the discretion of private judgment, a distinction must be made between what is essential and what is not, between what is substantial and what is accidental, between what is a principle and what is but a history. [kossuth proceeded to argue concerning the just interpretation of washington's words, as in his new york speech; and continued:] but what is the present condition upon the basis of which i humbly plead? allow me, in answer, to quote the words of one of your most renowned statesmen, the present secretary of state. you will find then, gentlemen, that every word he then spoke, is yet more true and more appropriate to-day. "the holy alliance," says mr. webster, "is an alliance of crowns against the people--of sovereigns against their own subjects;--the union of the physical force of all governments against the rights of all people, in all countries. its tendency is to put an end to all nations as such. extend the principles of that alliance, and the nations are no more. there are only kings. it divides society horizontally, and leaves the sovereigns above, and all the people below; it sets up the one above all rule, all restraint, and puts down the others to be trampled beneath our feet." this is the condition of things to which i claim the attention of republican america: moreover, for its own interest's alike, i claim its attention to the following words from the same statesman, worthy of the most earnest consideration precisely now-a-days to every american. "the declaration of ---- says: the powers have an undoubted right to take a hostile attitude in regard to those states in which the overthrow of the government may operate as an example." mark! oh! mark! gentlemen, how this abominable doctrine is carried out in hungary, in prussia, in schleswig holstein, and in hesse cassel. now, the american statesman proceeds to maintain, that every sovereign in europe who goes to war _to repress an example_, is monstrous. indeed, if this principle be allowed, what becomes of the united states? are you not as legitimate objects for the operation of that principle as any we attempt to set an example on the other side of the atlantic. you thought that when oppressed you might lawfully resist oppression. we, in hungary, thought the same; but against us is that monstrous principle of armed intervention _against setting up an example_. so let me therefore ask with mr. webster: are you so sick of your liberty and its effects, as to be willing to part with that doctrine upon which your very existence rests? do you forget what you, as a people, owe to _lawful resistance_? and are you willing to abandon the law and rights of society to the mercy of the allied despots, who have united to crush them everywhere? neutrality? why, indeed, that would be a strange explanation of neutrality, if you would sanction by your indifference, the hostile alliance of all despots against republican, nay, against constitutional principles on earth. but suppose hungary rises once more to do what washington did (and be sure it will), and russia interferes again and you remain again (what some of you call) neutral--that is, you remain indifferent--what is the consequence? czar nicholas and emperor francis-joseph may buy and carry away arms, ammunition, armed ships--nay, even armed sympathizers (if they find them)--to murder hungary with and you will protect that commerce, and consider it a lawful one. but if i buy the same, you don't protect that commerce; and if i would enlist an "armed expedition," for what the czar may do against hungary, you would send me to prison for ten years. is that neutrality? the people of hungary crushed by violence, shall be nothing, its sovereign right nothing; but the piracy of the czar, encroaching upon the sacred rights of mine and many other nations, shall be regarded as legitimate, against which the united states, though grown to mighty power on earth, able without any risk of its own security to maintain the law of nations and the influence of its glorious example, should still have nothing to object, only because washington, more than half a century ago, declared neutrality appropriate to the infant condition of his country then; and was anxious to gain time, that your country might settle and mature its recent institutions, and progress to that degree of strength, when it would be able to defy any power on earth in a just cause. no, gentlemen, my principles may be rejected by the united states, but never will impartial history acknowledge that by doing thus the united states followed the principles of washington. the ruling policy of washington may be summed up in the word "_national self-preservation_," to which he, as the generous emotions of his noble breast prompted, was ever inclined to subordinate everything. and he was right. self-preservation must be the chief principle of every nation. but the _means_ of this self-preservation are different in different times. to-day, i confidently dare state, the duty of self-preservation commends to the united states, not to allow that the principle of absolutism should become omnipotent by having a charter guaranteed to violate the laws of nature and of nature's god, which washington and his heroic associates invoked, when they proclaimed the independence of this republic. a second principle of washington, and precisely in regard to foreign nations, is, to extend your commercial relations. that is, again, a principle, gentlemen, which i boldly can invoke to the support of my humble claims; because if the league of despots becomes omnipotent in europe, it is certain that the commerce of republican america will very soon receive a death blow on the other side of the atlantic; whereas, the maintenance of the law of nations, by affording a fair field to hungary, italy, and germany, to settle their accounts with their own domestic oppressors, would open a vast field to your commercial relations, larger than imagination can conceive. the third principle of washington is to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world. well, sir, i do not solicit alliances; i solicit the maintenance of the laws of nations, that the unholy alliance of despots may not interfere with the natural right of nations, upon which yourselves have established the lofty hall of your national independence. it is on the stream of these rights that you are borne on in a rapid and irresistible course of prosperity. believe me, gentlemen, that course you cannot check--you could not abandon the privileges upon which you embarked, without exposing to a shipwreck the glorious future of your existence and allow me to state that my poor country has some particular claim to be protected by the consistency of your principles, because _we are the first nation towards which you have not exercised your principles._ you say you recognize every _de facto_ government. well, why was this not done with hungary? we shook off the yoke of the austrian dynasty, we declared our national independence, and did thus not in an untimely movement of popular excitement, but after we became _de facto_ independent, after we had, by crushing our enemy in our struggle of legitimate defence and driving him out from our country, proved to the world that we have sufficient strength to take our position amongst the independent nations of the earth. and still the united states (which they never yet have done) withheld the benefit of their recognition, which we have full reason to believe would have been immediately followed by other recognitions, and thus would have prevented the foreign interference of russia, by encouraging our national independence within those boundaries of diplomatic communication which no isolated power dared yet to disregard. sir, i have studied the history of your immortal washington and have, from my early youth, considered his principles as a living source of instruction to statesmen and to patriots. i now ask you to listen to washington himself. when, in that very year, in which washington issued his farewell address, m. adet, the french minister, presented him the flag of the french republic, washington, as president of the united states, answered officially, with these memorable words: "born in a land of liberty, having early learned its value, having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it, having devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my country, my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are irresistibly attracted, whensoever in any country i see an oppressed nation unfurl the banner of freedom." thus spoke washington. have i not then full reason to say, that if he were alive his generous sympathy would be with me, and the sympathy of a washington never was, and never would be, a barren word. washington who raised the word "honesty" as a rule of policy, never would have professed a sentiment which his wisdom as a statesman would not have approved. sir! here let me end. i consider it already as an immense benefit that your generous attention connected the cause of hungary with the celebration of the memory of washington. spirit of the departed! smile down from heaven upon this appreciation of my country's cause; watch over those principles which thou hast taken for the guiding star of thy noble life, and the time will yet come when not only thine own country, but liberated europe also, will be a living monument to thy immortal name. [many other toasts, and highly energetic speeches followed, which our limits force us to exclude.] * * * * * xxxii.--kossuth's credentials. [_farewell to ohio, feb. th_.] sir,--i am about to bid an affectionate farewell to cincinnati, and through cincinnati to the commonwealth of ohio--that bright morning star of consolation and of hope risen from the west over the gloomy horizon of hungary's and of europe's dark night! ohio! how that name thrills through the very heart of my heart, with inexpressible pleasure, like the first trumpet sound of resurrection in the ears of the chosen just! ohio! how i will cherish that very name, the dearest of my soul, after the name of my beloved own dear fatherland. how i long for words of flame to express all the warmth of my heartfelt gratitude! and still how poor i feel in words, precisely because my heart is so full; so full, that i can scarcely speak--because every pulsation of my blood is fervent prayer to god for ohio's glory and happiness. let me dispense with empty words--let what ohio _did_, _does_, and _will do_, for the cause of european freedom, be its own monument! i have met many a fair flower of sympathy in this great united republic, but all ohio has been to me a blooming garden of sympathy. from the first step on ohio's soil to the last,--along all my way up to cleveland down to columbus, and across to cincinnati, and also beyond the line of my joyful way,--in every city, in every town, in every village, in every lonely farm, i have met the same generosity, the same sympathy. the people, penetrated by one universal inspiration of lofty principles, told me everywhere that hungary must yet be free; that the people of ohio will not permit the laws of nations, of justice, and of humanity, to be trampled down by the sacrilegious combination of despotism; that the people of ohio takes the league of despots against liberty and against the principle of national self-government, for an insult offered to the great republic of the west; that it takes it for an insult which ohio will not bear, but will put all the weight of its power into the political scale. would that all the united states with equal resolution might spurn that insult to humanity. that is the language which ohio spoke to me through hundreds of thousands of freemen--that is the language which ohio spoke to me through her senators and representatives in their high legislative capacity--that is the language which ohio spoke to me through her chief, whom it has elevated to govern the commonwealth and to execute the people's sovereign will. the executive power, the legislature, the people, all united in that harmony of generous protection to the just cause which i humbly plead; but that is not all yet. sympathy and political protection i have met also everywhere; and have met it as well in the public opinion of the people as in the executive and legislative departments of several states, though it is a due tribute of acknowledgment to say, that nowhere to that extent and in equal universality as in ohio, but that is yet not all. the sympathy of ohio was rich in fair fruits of substantial aid--from the hall of the state legislature down to the humble abode of noble-minded working men--and associations of the friends of hungary, spread through that powerful commonwealth, promise a permanent, noble protection to the cause i plead. even the present occasion of bidding farewell to ohio is of such a nature as to entitle me, by its very organization to the hope that you consider your noble task of aiding the cause of hungary not yet done; but that you have determined to go on in a practical direction, till the future, developed by your active protection, proves to be richer yet in fruit than the present is. considering the almost universal pronouncement of public opinion in this great and prosperous commonwealth--considering the practical character of the people of the west, the natural efficiency of this organization, and _who_ are those who with generous zeal have devoted themselves to carry it out on a large extent,--i may be well excused for entertaining some expectations of no common success--of a success which also in other parts of this great union, may prove decisive in its effects. no greater misfortune could be met with than disappointment in such expectations, which we have been by the strongest possible motives encouraged to conceive. to be disappointed in hopes we have justly relied on, would be beyond all imagination terrible in its consequences. i shudder at the very idea of the boundless woes it could not fail to be attended with, not for myself--i attach not much value to my own life,--but for thousands, nay for millions of men. i know, gentlemen, that _here_ the question is entirely matter of time. but in regard to time, i am permitted to say so much. the outbreak of the unavoidable, decisive struggle between the two opposite principles of freedom and despotism is hurried on in europe by two great impulses. the first is the insupportability of oppression connected with the powerfully developed organization of the oppressed, which by its very progress imposes the necessity of no delay. be pleased earnestly to reflect upon what i rather suggest than explain. and be pleased also to read between the lines. i, of course, speak not of anything relating to your country. i state simply european fact, of which every thinking man, the czars and their satellites themselves, are fully aware, though the how and the where they cannot grasp. the second impulse, hurrying events to a decision, is that very combined scheme of activity which the despots of europe too evidently display. they know full well that they are on the brink of an inevitable retribution; that their crimes have pushed them to the point, where either their power will cease for ever to exist, or they must risk all for all. in former times they relied at the hour of danger upon the generous credulity of nations. by seemingly submitting, when the people arose irresistible, they conjured the fury of the storm they saved themselves by promises, and when the danger was over, they restored their abused power by breaking their oath and by deceiving their nations. by this atrocious impiety you have seen several victorious revolutions in europe deprived of their fruits and sinking to nothing by having made compromise with royal perjury. i am too honest, gentlemen, not to confess openly, that i myself shared this error of the old world--i myself plead guilty of that fatal european credulity. the tyrants who by falsehood have gained their end, are aware that they have no security; that the nations have lost faith in their oaths, and will never be cheated again. hence, gentlemen, a very essential novelty in the present condition of europe. formerly every revolution was followed by some slight progress in the development of constitutionalism. a little more liberty to the press, some sort of a trial by jury, a nominal responsibility of ministers, or a mockery of popular representation in the legislature--something of that sort always resulted, momentarily, out of former revolutions; and then the consciousness of being deceived by vile mockery led to new revolutions. but when in and , our victories in hungary had shaken to the very foundation the artificial building of oppression, so that there was no more hope left to tyranny, but to shelter itself under the wings of russia, the czar told them--well, i accept the part of becoming your master, ye kings, and i will help you, but _you must be obedient_ you, yourselves have encouraged revolutions, by making concessions to them. i like not this everlasting resurrection of revolutions; it disturbs my sleep. i am not sure not to find it at my own home some fine morning. i therefore will help you, my servants, but under the condition, that it is not only the bold hungarians who must be crushed, it is _revolution_ which must be crushed, its very spirit, in its very vitality, everywhere; and to come to this aim, you must abandon all shame as to sworn promises; withdraw every concession made to the spirit of revolution; not the slightest freedom, no privilege, no political right, no constitutional aspirations must be permitted; all and everything must be levelled by the equality of passive obedience and absolute servitude. "look to my russia; i make no concessions, i rule with an iron rod, and i am obeyed. all you must do the same and not govern, but domineer by universal oppression. that is my sovereign will--obey." thus spoke the czar. it is no opinion which i relate. it is a fact, a historical fact, which the czar openly proclaimed on several occasions, particularly in that characteristic declaration, to which the high-minded general cass alluded in his remarkable speech on "_non-intervention_" in the senate of the united states, on the th day of february. the czar nicholas, complaining, that "_insurrection has spread in every nation with an audacity which has gained new force in proportion to the concessions of the governments_" declares that he considers it his divine mission to crush the _spirit of liberty_ on earth, which he arrogantly terms the spirit of insurrection and of anarchy. by this you have the definition of what is meant by the words of "war for what principle shall rule." _the issue must be felt, not only in europe, but here also and everywhere_; the issue will not leave a chance for a new struggle, either to kings or to nations, for a long time perhaps, and probably for centuries. in that condition you can see the key of the remarkable fact, that when i left my asiatic prison under the protection of the star-spangled flag--nations of different climates, different languages, different institutions, different inclinations, united in the pronunciation of sympathy, expectation, encouragement, and hope around my poor humble self,--italians, french, portuguese, the people of england, belgians, germans, swiss and swedes. it was the instinct of common danger, it was the instinct of necessary union. it was no mere tribute of recognition paid to the important weight of hungary in the scale of this intense universal struggle. it was still more a call of distress, entrusted by the voice of mankind to my care, to bring it over to free america, as to the natural and most powerful representative of that "spirit of liberty" against which the leagued tyrants are waging a war of extermination with inexorable resolution. yes, it was a call of distress entrusted to my care, to remind america that there is a tie in the destinies of nations; and that those are digging a bottomless abyss who forsake the spirit of liberty, when within the boundaries of common civilization half the world utters in agony the call of universal distress. that is the mission with which i come to your shores; and believe me, gentlemen, that is the key of that wonderful sympathy with which the people of this republic answers my humble appeal. there is blood from our blood in these noble american hearts; there is the great heart of mankind which pulsates in the american breast; there is the chord of liberty which vibrates to my sighs. let ambitious fools, let the pigmies who live on the scanty food of personal envy, when the very earth quakes beneath their feet, let even the honest prudence of ordinary household times, measuring eternity with that thimble with which they are wont to measure the bubbles of small party interest, and, taking the dreadful roaring of the ocean for a storm in a water glass, let those who believe the weather to be calm because they have drawn a nightcap over their ears, and, burying their heads into pillows of domestic comfort, do not hear satan sweeping in a hurricane over the earth; let envy, ambition, blindness, and the pettifogging wisdom of small times, artistically investigate the question of my official capacity, or the nature of my public authority; let them scrupulously discuss the immense problem whether i still possess, or possess no longer, the title of my once-governorship; let them ask for credentials, discuss the limits of my commission, as representative of hungary. i pity all such frog and mouse fighting. i claim no official capacity--no public authority--no representation; boast of no commission, of no written and sealed credentials. i am nothing but what my generous friend, the senator of michigan, has justly styled me, "a private and banished man." but in that capacity i have a nobler credential for my mission than all the clerks of the world can write, the credential that i am a "man,"--the credential that i am "a patriot"--the credential that i love with all sacrificing devotion my oppressed fatherland and liberty; the credential that i hate tyrants, and have sworn everlasting hostility to them; the credential that i feel the strength to do good service to the cause of freedom; good service as perhaps few men can do, because i have the iron will, in this my breast, to serve faithfully, devotedly, indefatigably, that noble cause. i have the credential that i trust to god in heaven, to justice on earth; that i offend no laws, but cling to the protection of laws. i have the credential of my people's undeniable confidence and its unshaken faith, to my devotion, to my manliness, to my honesty, and to my patriotism; which faith i will honestly answer without ambition, without interest, as faithfully as ever, but more skilfully, because schooled by adversities. and i have the credential of the justice of the cause i plead, and of the wonderful sympathy, which, not my person, but that cause, has met and meets in two hemispheres. these are my credentials, and nothing else. to whom this is enough, he will help me, so far as the law permits and is his good pleasure. to whom these credentials are not sufficient, let him look for a better accredited man. i have too lively a sentiment of my own modest dignity, ever to condescend to polemics about my own personal merits or abilities. i believe my life has been public enough to appertain to the impartial judgment of history, but it may have perhaps interested you to hear, how, in a small and inconsiderable circle of the hungarian emigration, the idea was started that i must be opposed, because i have declared against all compromise with the house of austria, or with royalty, and because by declaring that my direction will be in every case only republican, i make every arrangement, without revolution, impossible. that i should be thus attacked at this crisis, does look like an endeavour to check a benefit to my country, but i cannot forbear humbly to beseech you, do not therefore think less favourably of my nation and of the hungarian emigration, for which i am sorry that i can do very little, because i devote myself and all the success i may meet with to a higher aim--to my country's freedom and independence. believe me, gentlemen, that my country and its exiled martyr sons are highly worthy of your generous sympathy, though some few of the number do not always act as they should. they are but few who do so, and it would be unjust to measure all of us by the faults of some few. upon the whole, i am proud to say that the hungarian emigration was scrupulous to merit generous sympathy, and to preserve the honour of the hungarian name. remember that though you are republicans, still here, in the very metropolis of ohio, a man was found to lecture for russo-austrian despotism, and to lecture with the astonishing boldness of an immense ignorance. but that good man i can dismiss with silence, the more because it is with high appreciation and warm gratitude that i saw an honourable gentleman, animated with the most generous sentiments of justice and right, take immediately upon himself the task of refutation. i may perhaps be permitted to remark, that that learned and honourable gentleman, besides having nobly advocated the cause of freedom, justice, and truth, has also well merited of his co-religionaries, who belong together with himself, _to the roman catholic church_. gentlemen, i have but one word yet, and it is a sad one--the word of farewell. cincinnati, ohio, farewell! may the richest blessings of the almighty rest upon thee! in every heart, and in the hearts of my people, thy name will for ever live, a glorious object for our everlasting love and gratitude. * * * * * xxxiii.--harmony of the executive and of the people in america. [_speech at indianapolis_.] kossuth was received at the state house of indianapolis by governor wright, who, in the course of his address said: although i participate with my fellow-citizens in the pleasure occasioned by your presence among us, yet it is not as an _individual_ that i greet you with the words of welcome and hospitality. no, sir,--it is in the name of the people of the state, whom i represent, and whose warrant i feel that i have; and i bid you welcome to-day, and assure you not only of my own but of their sympathy and encouragement in the great cause you so ably represent. he closed with the words: if it shall be your fortune to lead your countrymen again in the contest for liberty, be assured that the people of the united states, at least, will not be indifferent, nor, if need be, inactive spectators of a conflict that may involve, not only the independence of hungary, but the freedom of the world. again i bid you a most cordial welcome to the state of indiana. kossuth replied:-- governor,--amongst all that i have been permitted to see in the united state's, nothing has more attracted my attention than that part of your democratic institutions which i see developed in the mutual and reciprocal relations between the people and the constituted public authorities. in that respect there is an immense difference between europe and america, for the understanding of which we have to take into account the difference of the basis of the political organization, and together with it what the public and social life has developed in both hemispheres. the great misfortune of europe is, that the present civilization was born in those cursed days when republicanism set and royalty rose. it was a gloomy change. nearly twenty centuries have passed, and torrents of blood have watered the red-hot chains, and still the fetters are not broken; nay--it is our lot to have borne its burning heat--it is our lot to grasp with iron hand the wheels of its crushing car. destiny--no; providence--is holding the balance of decision; the tongue is wavering yet; one slight weight more into the one, or into the other scale, will again decide the fate of ages, of centuries. upon this mischievous basis of royalty was raised the building of authority; not of that authority which commands spontaneous reverence by merit and the value of its services, but of that authority which oppresses liberty. hence the authority of a public officer in unfortunate europe consists in the power to rule and to command, and not in the power to serve his country well--it makes men oppressive downwards, while it makes them creeping before those who are above. law is not obeyed out of respect, but out of fear. a man in public office takes himself to be better than his countrymen, and becomes arrogant and ambitious; and because to hold a public office is seldom a claim to confidence, but commonly a reason to lose confidence; it is not a mark of civic virtue and of patriotic devotion, but a stain of civic apostacy and of venality; it is not a claim to be honoured, but a reason to be distrusted; so much so, that in europe the sad word of the poet is indeed a still more sad fact.-- "when vice prevails and impious man bears sway the post of honour is a private station." so was it even in my own dear fatherland. before our unfortunate but glorious revolution of , the principle of royalty had so much spoiled the nature and envenomed the character of public office, that (of course except those who derived their authority by election--which we for our municipal life conserved amongst all the corruption of european royalty through centuries) no patriot accepted an office in the government: to have accepted one was to have resigned patriotism. it was one of the brightest principles of our murdered revolution--that public office was restored to the place of civic virtue, and opened to patriotism, by being raised from the abject situation of a tool of oppression, to the honourable position of serving the country well. alas! that bright day was soon overpowered by the gloomy clouds of despotism, brought back to our sunny sky by the freezing gale of russian violence. and on the continent of europe there is night again. there is scarcely one country where the wishes and the will of the people are reflected in the government. there is no government which can say: "my voice is the echo of the people's voice--i say what my people feels; i proclaim what my people wills; i am the embodiment of his principles, and not the controller of his opinion: the people and myself--we are one." no, on the continent of europe people and governments are two hostile camps. what immense mischief, pregnant with oppression and with nameless woe, is encompassed within the circle of this single fact! how different the condition of america! it is not _men_ who rule, but _the law;_ and law is obeyed, because the people is respecting the general will by respecting the law. public office is a place of honour, because it is the field for patriotic devotion. governments have not the arrogant pretension to be the masters of the people; but have the proud glory to be its faithful servants. a public officer ceases not to be a citizen; he has doubly the character of a citizen, by sharing in and by executing the people's will. and whence this striking difference? it is because the civilization of america is founded upon the principle of democracy. it was born when royalty declined, and republicanism rose. hence the delightful view, not less instructive than interesting, that here in america, instead of the clashing dissonance between the words "government" and "people" we see them melting into one accord of harmony. thus here the public opinion of the people never can fail to be a direct rule for the government, and reciprocally the word of the government has the weight of a fact by the people's support. when your government speaks, it is the people which speaks. sir, i most humbly thank your excellency, that you have been pleased to afford to me the benefit of hearing and seeing that delightful as well as happy harmony between the people and the government of the state of indiana, in the support of that noble and just cause which i plead, on the issue of which, not the future of my country only depends, but together with it, the future condition of all those parts of our globe which are confined within the boundaries of christian civilization, which, be sure of it, gentlemen, in the ultimate issue, will have the same fate. sir, it is not without reason, that at indianapolis in particular,--and to your excellency, the truly faithful, the high-minded, and the deservedly popular chief magistrate of this commonwealth, i speak that word. it is not the first time that your excellency, surrounded as now, has spoken as the honoured organ of the public opinion of indiana. it is not yet two years since your excellency did the same on the occasion of a visit of the favourite son of kentucky, governor crittenden. i well remember the topic of your eloquence. it was the solicitude of indiana in regard to the glorious union of these republics. may god preserve it for ever! but precisely because you, the favourite son of indiana and the honoured representatives of the sovereign people of indiana--in one accord of perfect harmony esteem the gordian knot of the union above all, allow me to say once more, that if the united states permit the principle of non-interference to be blotted out from the code of nations on earth, foreign interference mingling with some domestic discord, perhaps with that which two years ago called forth your patriotic solicitude for the union; yes, foreign interference mingling with some of your domestic discords, will be the alexander who will cut asunder the gordian knot of your union, in this our present century. republics exist upon principles: they are secure only when they act upon principles. he who does not accept a principle, asserted by another, will not long enjoy the benefit of it himself; and nations always perish by their own sin. oh may those whom your united people entrusted with the noble care to be guardians of your union--be pleased to consider that truth ere it be too late. sir, to the state of indiana i am in many respects particularly obliged. true, i have had invitations to visit many other states, but the invitation from the state of indiana was first received. please to accept my warmest thanks. i have seen in other states a harmony between the people and the government, but nowhere has the governor of a state condescended to represent the people in a public welcome, nowhere stepped out as the orator of the people's sympathy and its sentiment. i most humbly thank you for this honour. in maryland, the governor introduced me to the legislature. in pennsylvania the chief magistrate was the organ of a common welcome of the legislature and citizens. in massachusetts he took the lead as the people's elect in recommending my principles to the legislature--and in ohio the chief magistrate, by accepting the presidency of the association of the friends of hungary, became generally the executive of the people's practical sympathy, which so magnanimously responded to the many political manifestations of its representatives in the legislature. let me hope, sir, that as you have been generously pleased to be the interpreter of indiana's welcome and sympathy, you will also not refuse to become the chief executive magistrate to the practical development of the same. i may cordially thank, in the name of my cause, the people of indiana, its governor, and representatives, for the high honour of the legislature's invitation, and of this public welcome. * * * * * xxxiv.--importance of foreign policy, and of strengthening england. [_speech at louisville, march th_.] at the court house, louisville, kossuth was addressed by bland ballard, esq., and replied as follows: whatever be the immediate issue of that discussion about foreign policy, which now so eminently occupies public attention throughout the united states, from the capitol and white-house at washington down to the lonely farms of your remotest territories, one fact i have full reason to take for sure, and that is: that when the trumpet-sound of national resurrection is once borne over the waves of the atlantic announcing to you that nations have risen to assert those rights to which they are called by nature and nature's god--when the roaring of the first cannon-shot announces that the combat is begun which has to decide which principle is to rule over the christian world--absolutism or national sovereignty--there is no power on earth which could induce the people of the united states to remain inactive and indifferent spectators of that great struggle, in which the future of the christian world--yes, the future of the united states themselves is to be decided. the people of the united states will not remain indifferent and inactive spectators and will not authorize, will not approve, any policy of indifference. you yourself have told me so, sir. in the position of every considerable country there is a necessity of a certain course, to adopt which cannot be avoided, and may be almost called destiny. the duty as well as the wisdom of statesmen consists in the ability to steer, in time, the vessel into that course, which, if they neglect to do in time, the price will be higher and the profit less. there is scarcely anything which has more astonished me than the fact--that, for the last thirty-seven years, almost every christian nation has shared the great fault of not caring much about what are called foreign matters, foreign policy. precisely the great nations, england, france, america, which might have regulated the course of their governments for a very considerable period, abandoned almost entirely that part of their public concerns, which with great nations is the most important of all, because it regulates the position of the country in its great national capacity. the slightest internal interest was discussed publicly and regulated previously by the nation, before the government had to execute it; but, as to the most important interest--the national position of the country and its relations to the world, secret diplomacy, a fatality of mankind, stepped in, and the nations had to accept the consequences of what was already done, though they subsequently reproved it. in england, i four months ago, avowed that all the interior questions together cannot equal in importance the exterior; _there_ is summed up the future of britain: and if the people of england do not cut short the secrecy of diplomacy--if it do not in time take this all absorbing interest into its own hands, as it is wont to do with every small home interest, it will have to meet immense danger very soon, as this danger has already seriously accumulated by former neglect. here too, in the united states, there is no possible question equal in importance to foreign policy, and especially in regard to european matters. and i say that, if the united states do not in due time adopt such a course, as will prevent the czar of russia, and his despotic satellites, from believing that the united states give them entirely free field to regulate the condition of europe, which cannot fail to react morally and materially on your condition, then indeed embarrassments, sufferings, and danger will accumulate in a very short time over you. great britain, it is clear as matters now stand, can avoid a war with the continental powers of europe only by joining their alliance, or at least by giving them security, that england will not only not support the liberal movement on the continent, but that it will submit to the policy of the absolutist powers. it is not impossible that england will yield. do not forget, gentlemen, that an english ministry, be it tory or whig, is always more or less aristocratic, and it is in the nature of aristocracy that it may love its country well, but indeed aristocracy more. there is therefore always some inclination to be on good terms with whoever is an enemy to what aristocracy considers its own enemy, that is, democracy. this consideration, together with the above mentioned carelessness of the people about foreign policy, gives you the key to many events which else it would be impossible to understand. people against another people should never feel hatred, but brotherly sympathy. the memory of oppression suffered from governments should never be imparted to nations, and children should never be hated, despised, or punished, because their fathers have sinned. we hungarians wrestled for centuries with turkey, and now we are friends, true friends, and natural allies against a common enemy. several of my own ancestors lost their lives in turkish wars, or their property in ransom out of turkish captivity; yet to me it is a turkish sultan who saved my life and gave bread to thousands of my countrymen, which no other power did on earth. such is the change of time. it is russia which crushed my bleeding fatherland, yet the inexorable hatred of my heart does not extend to the people of russia. i love that people--i pity its poor, unfortunate instruments of despotism. wherever there is a people, there is my love. therefore, let the passionate excitement of past times subside before the prudent advice of present necessities. you are blood from england's blood, bone from its bone, and flesh from its flesh. the anglo-saxon race was the kernel around which gathered this glorious fruit--your republic. every other nationality is oppressed. it is the anglo-saxon alone which stands high and erect in its independence. you, the younger brother, are entirely free, because republican. they, the elder brother, are monarchical, but they have a constitution, and they have many institutions which even you retained, and, by retaining them, have proved that they are institutions congenial to freedom, and dear to freemen. the free press, the jury, free speech, the freedom of association, the institution of municipalities, the share of the people in the legislature, are english institutions; the inviolability of person and the inviolability of property are english principles. england is the last stronghold of these principles in europe. is this not enough to make you stand side by side with those principles in behalf of oppressed humanity? if the united states and england unite in policy now and make by their imposing attitude a breakwater to the ambitious league of despotism, the anglo-saxon race, with all who gathered around that kernel, will not only have the glorious pleasure of having saved the christian world from being absorbed by despotism, but you especially will have the noble satisfaction of having contributed to the progress and to the development of freedom in england, scotland, and ireland themselves: for the principles of national sovereignty, independence, and self-government, when restored on the continent of europe, must in a beneficent manner reach upon those islands themselves. they may remain monarchical, if it be their will to do so, but the parliamentary omnipotence, which absorbs all that _you_ call _state_ rights and self-government, will yield to the influence of europe's liberated continent. england will govern its own domestic concerns by its own parliament, and scotland its own, and ireland its own, just as the states of your galaxy do; the three countries are destined to mutual connection, by their geographical relations, by far more than new york with louisiana or carolina with california. by conserving the state-rights of self-government to all of them they will unite in a common government for the common interest, as you have done. _union, and not unity, must be the guiding star of the future_ with every power composed of several distinct bodies, and though i am a republican more perhaps than thousands who are citizens of a republic, inasmuch as i have known all the curse of having had a king--still such a development of great britain's future, were it even connected with monarchy, i, a true republican, would hail with fervent joy. to contribute to such a future, i indeed should consider more practical support to the cause of freedom, to the cause of ireland itself, than, out of passionate aversions either for past or present wrongs, to discourage, nay, almost force great britain to submit to the threatening attitude of despots or even to side with them against liberty. out of such a submission there can never result any good to any one in the world, and certainly none to you--none to the nations of europe--none to ireland--but increased oppression to europe and ireland, and danger to you yourselves. i therefore say that a war side by side with england against the leagued despots, if war should become a necessity, is not an idea to look on in advance with aversion. you have united with england on a far less important occasion. and should england _not_ yield to the despots, i most confidently ask whoever in the united states inclines to judge matters according to the true interests of his country and not by private passion, whether you _could_ remain indifferent in a struggle, the issue of which either would make england omnipotent on earth, or crush liberty down throughout the world, leave america exposed to the pressure of victorious despotism, and before all, exclude republican america from every political and commercial relation with all europe. should england see that she will not stand alone in protesting against interference, she will, she must protest against it, because it is the condition of her own future. but if the united states should again adhere to the policy of indifference (which is no policy at all), then indeed england may perhaps yield to the threatening attitude of the absolutist powers. the policy of the united states may now decide the direction of the policy of england, and thus prevent immense mischief, incalculable in its consequences, even for the future of the united states themselves. it is here i take the opportunity briefly to refer to an assertion of an american statesman, who holds a high place in your affections and in my respect. he advances the theory, that, should, you now take the course which i humbly claim, the despots of europe would be provoked by your example to interfere with your institutions and turn upon you in the hour of your weakness and exhaustion, because you have set an example of interference. i indeed am at a loss to understand that. is it interference i claim? no; precisely the contrary, if you now declare "that your very existence being founded on that principle of the eternal laws of nature and of nature's god--that every nation has the independent right to regulate its domestic concerns, to fix its institutions and its government"--you cannot contemplate with indifference that the absolutist powers form a league of mutual support against this principle of mankind's common law. you therefore protest against this principle of "foreign interference." i indeed cannot understand by what logic such a protest could be taken up by the despotic powers as a pretext for interference in your domestic concerns. my logic is entirely different. it runs thus; if your country remains an indifferent spectator of the violation of the laws of nations by foreign interference, _then_ it has established a precedent--it has consented that the principle of interference become interpolated into the book of international law, and you will see the time when the league of despots commanding the whole force of oppressed europe will remind you thus: "russia has interfered in hungary, because it considered the example set up by hungary dangerous to russia. america has silently recognized the right of that interference. france has interfered in rome, because the example of the roman democracy was dangerous to prance. america has silently agreed. the absolutist governments, in protection of their divine right, have leagued in a saintly alliance, with the openly avowed purpose to aid one another by mutual interference against the spirit of revolution and the anarchy of republicanism. america has not protested against it; therefore the principle of foreign interference against every dangerous example has, by common consent of every power on earth--contradicted by none, not even by america--become an established international law." and reminding you thus, they will speak to you in the very words of that distinguished statesman to whom i respectfully allude. "you have quitted the ground upon which your national existence is founded. you have consented to the alteration of the laws of nations--the existence of your republic is dangerous to us; _we therefore, believing that your anarchical (that is, republican) doctrines are destructive of, and that monarchical principles are essential to, the peace and security and happiness of our subjects, will obliterate the bed which has nourished such noxious weeds; we will crush you down as the propagandists of doctrines too destructive to the peace and good order of the world."_ i have quoted the very words, very unexpectedly given to publicity,--words, which i out of respect and personal affection, did not answer then, precisely because i took the interview for a private one. even now i refrain from entering into further discussion, out of the same considerations of respect, though i am challenged by this unlooked for publicity. i will say nothing more. but after having quoted the very words, i leave to the public opinion to judge whether their authority is against or for a national protest against the principle of foreign interference. let once the principle become established with your silent consent and you will soon see it brought home to you, and brought home in a moment of domestic discord, which russian secret diplomacy and russian gold will skilfully mix. you may be sure of it; and this mighty union will be shaken by that very principle of foreign interference which you silently let be established as an uncontroverted rule for the despots of the earth. great countries are under the necessity of holding the position of a power on earth. if they do not thus, foreign powers dispose of their most vital interests. indifference to the condition of the foreign world is a wilful abdication of their duty, and of their independence. neutrality, as a constant rule, is impossible to a great power. only small countries, as switzerland and belgium, can exist upon the basis of neutrality. great powers may remain neutral in a particular case, but they cannot take neutrality for a constant principle, and they chiefly cannot remain neutral in respect to principles. great powers can never play with impunity the part of no power at all. neutrality when taken _as a principle_ means indifference to the condition of the world. indifference of a great power to the condition of the world is a chance given to foreign powers to regulate the interests of that indifferent foreign power. look in what light you appear before the world with your policy of indifference. look at the instructions of your navy in the mediterranean, recently published, forbidding american officers even to speak politics in europe. look at the correspondences of your commodores and consuls, frightened to their very souls that a poor exile on board an american ship is cheered by the people of italy and france, and charging him for the immense crime of having met sympathy without any provocation on his part. look at the cry of astonishment of european writers, that americans in europe are so little republican. look how french napoleonist papers frown indignantly at the idea that the congress of the united states dare to honour my humble self. look how they consider it almost an insult, that an american minister, true to his always professed principles, dares to speak about european politics. look how one of my aristocratical antagonists, who quietly keeps house in france, where i was not permitted to pass, and who, a tool in other hands, would wish to check my endeavours to benefit my country, because he would like to get home in some other way than by a revolution and into a republic--look how he, from paris in london papers, dares to scorn the idea that america could pretend to weigh anything in the scale of european events. do you like this position, free republicans of america? and yet that is your position in the world now, and that position is the consequence of your adhering to your policy of indifference, at a time when you needed to act like a power on earth. remember the sibylline books. the first three were burned when you silently let russian interference be accomplished in hungary, and did not give us your recognition when we had achieved and declared our independence. six books yet remain. the spirit of the age, the sibylla of opportunity, holds a second three books over the fire. do not allow her to burn them--else only the last three remain, and i fear you will have, without profit, more to pay for them than would have bought all the nine, and with them the glory and happiness of an _eternal, mighty republic!_ gentlemen, i humbly thank you for your kindness, and bid you an affectionate farewell. * * * * * xxxv.--catholicism _versus_ jesuitism. [_at st. louis, (missouri.)_] mr. kasson addressed kossuth in an ample speech; in which he said:-- everywhere have the untrammelled masses of this people, as you passed, lifted up their hands and voices, and supplicated the almighty to give to you blessing, and to your country redemption. let this be some recompense for the privations you have encountered, while, like aeneas, you have been wandering an exile from your native, captured, prostrate troy. i should not do my whole duty without saying, in behalf of the thousands assembled here, that we have an unshaken confidence in hungary's chosen leader. we are not so blind that we cannot observe how no envenomed shaft was fixed to the bow-string against him, in england and america, while he was yet a helpless and powerless refugee, within turkish hospitality. but when the people were gathering around him in free countries, shoulder to shoulder--when even the hearts of statesmen began to open to him, and hope dawned in the hungarian sky once more, then it was these arrows of detraction darkened the air, shot from the court of the french usurper, or from the pensioners of autocratic bounty. your patient labours and forbearance in your country's cause, while thus assailed, have won for you, sir, our sincere respect, and another wreath at the hand of the muse of history. kossuth replied: gentlemen,--during my brief sojourn in your hospitable city, i have heard so much local pettiness and so much hypocritical tactics of men imported from austria to advocate the cause of russo-austrian despotism in republican america, and chiefly in your city here, that indeed i began to long for the pure air where the merry sunshine, as well as the melancholy drop of rain, the roaring of the thunder storm, equally as the sigh of the breeze, tell to the oppressors and their tools, and not only to the oppressed, that there is a god in heaven who rules the universe by eternal laws; the almighty father of humanity, omnipotent in wisdom, bountiful in his omnipotence, just in his judgment, and eternal in his love; the lord who gave strength to the boy david against goliath, who often makes out of humble individuals efficient instruments to push forward the condition of mankind towards that destiny which his merciful will has assigned to it--his will, against which neither the proud ambition of despots, nor the skill of their obsequious tools can prevail--in him i put my trust and go cheerfully on in my duties. i am in the right way to benefit the cause, noble and just and great, to which i devoted my life; for if there were no success in what i am engaged, the despots would neither fear, nor hate, nor persecute me. their persecution imparts more hope to my breast than all your kindness; and i give you my word that if i have the consciousness of having well merited in my past the hatred and the fear of tyrants and their instruments, so may god bless me as i will do all a mortal man can do to merit that hatred and that fear still more. why? am i not standing on the banks of the mississippi, cheered, welcomed, and supported, as warmly and as heartily as when i stepped first upon your glorious shores? opposition, hostility, venomous calumny, have exhausted all means to check the sympathy of the people. and has that sympathy subsided? has it abated? is it checked? no, it rolls on swelling as i advance--here i have again an imposing evidence before my eyes, here in st. louis, my namesake city, where so much, and that so perseveringly, was done to prevent this evidence. yes, it rolls, and will roll on, swelling till it will finally submerge all endeavours to mislead the instincts of freemen, to fetter the energies of the nation, to stifle its spirit, and to check the growing aspirations of the people's upright heart. when the struggle is about principles, indifference is suicide. nay, indifference is impossible: for indifference about the fate of that principle upon which your national existence and all your future rests--is passive submission to the opposite principle--it is almost equivalent to an alliance with the despots. _he who is not for freedom is against freedom_. there is no third choice. the people's instinct feels the danger of losing an irreparable opportunity, and hence the fact, never yet met in history, that a homeless exile becomes an object of such sympathy, rolling on like a sea, in spite of all the passionate rage of my enemies, and all the christian tolerance of the reverend father jesuits, which they in such an evident manner show to me. it is time to advertise them by a few remarks that i am aware of their hostility, and ready to meet it openly. i make this advertisement by design here, because it is not my custom to attack from behind or in the dark. mine is not the famous doctrine, _that the end sanctifies the means_. i like to meet the enemy face to face--a fair field and fair arms. and in one thing more i will not imitate my reverend opponents. i will never indulge in any personalities, never act otherwise than becoming to a gentleman. if they choose to pursue a different course, let them do so, and let them earn the fruits of it. my humble person i entirely submit to the good pleasure of their passion. if they tell you, gentlemen, that i am no great man, they speak the truth. being on good terms with my conscience, i do not much care to be on bad terms with czars and emperors, their obedient servants, and the reverend father jesuits. nay, if i were on good terms with them, i scarcely could remain on good terms with my conscience. so much for myself--now a few words as to the question between us. i am claiming moral and material aid against that czar of russia who is the most bloody persecutor of roman catholics. the present pope himself, before the revolution, when he was yet more of a high priest than of an italian despot, and cared more about spiritual than temporal business, openly and bitterly complained in the councils of the cardinals against that bloody persecution which the roman catholics have suffered from the czar of russia. now, considering that i plead for republican principles, to which the reverend father jesuits should be _here_ warmly attached, if they are willing to have the reputation of good citizens, and not to be traitors to your republic, which affords to them not only the protection of its laws, but also the full enjoyment of all the privileges of your republican freedom;--it is indeed a strange, striking fact, to see these reverend fathers here in a republic so warmly advocating the cause of despotism, and so passionately persecuting the cause i humbly plead, which at the same time is the cause of political freedom and religious liberty for numerous millions of roman catholics throughout europe. as i am somewhat acquainted with the terrible history of that order, i thought to find the explanation of this striking fact, in the historical ambition of that order to rule the world--this, their everlasting standard idea, to which they in all times sacrificed everything, and misused even the holiest of all religion, as an instrument to that ambition. but here in st. louis i got hold of a definite circumstance which makes the matter quite clear. i hold in my hand the printed catalogue of the society of jesuits in the province of missouri, as they term your state. herein i see that amongst the thirty-five members officiating in the college of the father jesuits, in st. louis, there are not less than _eight_ reverend father jesuits imported from austria. now you see why i am so persecuted here. this plain fact tells the story of a big book. but amongst all that the reverend gentlemen oppose to me there are only two considerations to which the honour of my cause and of my nation forces me to answer in a few remarks. they charge against me that my cause is hostile to the roman catholic religion, and to get the irish citizens to side with them for the support of russo-austrian despotism they charge me that i am no friend of ireland. i. as to the catholic religion--i indeed am a protestant, not only by birth, but also by conviction; and warmly penetrated by this conviction, i would delight to see the same shared by the whole world. but before all, i am mortally opposed to intolerance and to sectarism. i consider religion to be a matter of conscience which every man has to arrange between god and himself. and therefore i respect the religious conviction of every man. i claim religious liberty for myself and my nation, and must of course respect in others the right i claim for myself. there is nothing in the world capable to rouse a greater indignation in my breast than religious oppression. but particularly i respect the catholic religion, as the religion of some seven millions of my countrymen, to whom i am bound in love, in friendship, in home recollections, in gratitude, and in brotherhood, with the most sacred ties. and i am proud to say, that as in general it is a pre-eminent glory of my country, to be attached to the principle of full religious liberty without any restriction, for all to all, so it is the particular glory of my roman catholic countrymen not to be second to any in the world, on the one side in attachment to their own religion, and on the other side in toleration for other religions. the austrian dynasty having been continually encroaching upon the chartered right of protestantism, who were those who struggled in the first rank for our rights? our roman catholic countrymen! it was a glorious sight, almost unparalleled in history, but was also fully appreciated by the hungarian protestants. all of us, man by man, would rather sacrifice life, and blood, and goods, than to allow that a hair's breadth should be crushed from the religious liberty of our roman catholic countrymen. now, what position took the roman catholics of hungary in our past struggle? there was not only no difference between them and the protestants in their devotion for our country's freedom and independence, but they, according to the importance of their number, took in the struggle a very pre-eminent part. the roman catholic bishops of hungary protested against the perjurious treachery of the dynasty; many of them suffer even now for their devotion to justice, liberty, and right; and who is the jesuit who dares to affirm that he is more devoted to the catholic religion than the bishops of hungary? our battalions were filled with roman catholic volunteers; catholic priests led their faithful flocks to the battle field; our national convention was composed in majority of catholics--all the catholic population, without any exception, consented to and cheered enthusiastically my being elected governor of hungary, though i am a protestant. i had and i have their friendship, their devotion, their support; and when i formed the first ministry of independent hungary, not only a full half of the new ministry i entrusted to roman catholics, but especially i nominated a roman catholic bishop to be minister of public instruction, and all the protestants of my country hailed the nomination with applause. such is the cause of hungary. who dares now to charge me that that cause is hostile to the roman catholic religion? but i am allied with mazzini, with the romans, and with the italians; thus goes on the charge: and these cursed italians are enemies to the pope. not to the pope as high priest of the roman catholic church, but as despotic sovereign of rome and his corrupted temporal government--the worst of human inventions. how long has it been a principle of the roman catholic religion, that the romans should not be republicans? and that the high priest of the roman church should be a despotic sovereign over the roman nation? and in that capacity be a devoted ally and obedient servant to the czar of russia, the sworn enemy and bloody persecutor of roman catholicism? why, when in , the french republic sent an army against the roman republic to restore the pope, not to his spiritual authority, because that was by nobody contradicted, but to his temporal despotism, the whole danger could have been averted by the romans by becoming, _en masse_, protestants. the idea was pronounced in rome and not a single roman accepted it. they preferred to struggle without hope of victory--they preferred to bleed and to die rather than to abandon their faith. now, who can dare to insult that people--who can dare to insult the roman catholics of hungary, croatia, italy, germany, poland, france--who can dare to insult the thousands of thousands of roman citizens of the united states--senators, governors, judges--men of all public and private positions--who can dare to insult them, as hostile to their own religion, because they unite to support that cause which i plead? and because they side with republican freedom, with civil and religious liberty, against russo-austrian despotism? who can dare to affirm that he represents the catholic religion, if three millions of catholic romans do not represent it? the reverend father jesuits perhaps! i take the liberty to say in a few words: they are that society which clement xiv, the high priest of the roman catholic church, abolished as dangerous to the roman catholic religion; they are those whom every roman catholic king excluded from his territories as dangerous to religion and social order; they are those, the ascendancy of whom has always been a period of disaster and confusion to the roman catholic church; they are those who now make an alliance or rather a compact of submission with the czar of russia, like that which evil-doers, according to the superstition of past ages, made with the evil spirit. and here, in free republican america, they plead the cause of russian despotism; the cause of that czar, who is the relentless persecutor of catholicism; who forced the united greek catholics, in the polish provinces, by every imaginable cruelty, to abjure their connection with rome, and carried out, at a far greater expense of human life than ferdinand and isabella or louis xiv, the most stupendous proselytism which violence has yet achieved. more than a hundred thousand human beings had died of misery, or under the lash, as the minsk nuns were proved to have been killed, before he terrified these unhappy millions into a submission against which their consciences revolted. yet with this man, red with catholic blood, and damned with the million curses of their co-religionists, the rev. father jesuits are in alliance; and why? because it is a characteristic of that order, to be ambitious to rule the world. to achieve this, they have now made the pope the obedient satrap of the czar. into the enormity of this, enlightened catholics see clearly. roman catholics of hungary, of poland, of italy, germany, and france have understood this. is it possible that those of this republic should less understand it? why, in italy and rome itself, a majority of the catholic clergy are hostile to the temporal authority of the pope, and sympathize with mazzini so generally, that of _seventeen_ conspirators recently arrested for conspiring in favour of the republic against austria, _sixteen_ were _priests_ belonging to the humbler orders of the clergy. gentlemen, i am sorry to have to argue such a question in the united states. if it be indeed true, that amongst the roman catholics here an opposition is got up against our cause, let them remember that in opposing me, they oppose the independence and freedom of millions of hungarian catholics,--of catholic italy,--of the catholic half of germany, and of catholic france; they are supporting the czar, the most bloody enemy of their religion. yet i am glad to be able to say, that not all the roman catholics here are opposed to me. i have warm friends and kind protectors among them. the gallant general shields,--mr. downs, the senator from louisiana,--the warm-hearted governor of maryland,--judge le grand at baltimore, and many other of my kindest friends, are roman catholics. from new york onward, multitudes of roman catholics have shared the general sympathy. and why not? surely freedom is a treasure to every religious denomination whatsoever.[*] [footnote *: some sentences have been added from the pittsburg speech, at the end of which the same subject was treated.] so much for the charge that the cause which i plead--the cause of millions of roman catholics--is hostile to the roman catholic religion. should i be forced to enter upon this topic once more, i will take the heart-revolting history of those who have thus calumniated our cause, into my hands, and recall to the memory of public opinion the terrible pages of blood, ambition, countless crimes, and intolerance; but i hope there will be no occasion for it. ii. now as to ireland. where is a man on earth, with uncorrupted soul and with liberal instincts in his heart, who would not sympathize with poor, unfortunate ireland? where is a man, loving freedom and right, in whom the wrongs of green erin would not stir the heart? who could forbear warmly to feel for the fatherland of the grattans, of o'connells, and of wolfe tones? i indeed am such, that wherever is oppression and a people, there is my love. but why do i not plead erin's wrongs? i am asked. my answer is: am i not pleading the principle of liberty? and is the cause of freedom not the cause of ireland? i see all the despots of the european continent united in a crusade against liberty; there are two powers still neutral, the position of which may well decide for or against despotism; these two powers are great britain and america. if the almighty blessed my endeavours--if i could succeed to contribute something, that america, and by its influence over the public opinion of the people of england, great britain itself, should side with liberty, from whatever consideration-- from whatever interest, against despotism--then indeed i boldly declare before god and men, that i have achieved a greater benefit and done a better service to the future of ireland, than all who go about loudly crying about erin's wrongs, and not doing anything for the triumph of that cause which is about to be decided, and is the cause of all nations, who are oppressed, and of all who are, or will be free. whereas, if, by uniting in the chorus of empty words, i should contribute to alarm not only the government, but also the people of england, and to force that government to side with despotism in the decisive struggle against liberty, (to which that government, being as it is, aristocratical, feels but too much inclined,) then indeed i am sure i should do such a wrong to the future of ireland, as the sacrifice of my life and torrents of blood, and the sufferings of generations, could not expiate. be sure therefore, gentlemen, that every man who pleads for liberty, pleads for ireland; be sure, that every blow stricken for liberty is stricken also for ireland; that not always the most noisy are the best friends; and prudent activity is often better service than any show of eloquent words. and so let me hope, that while it is sure that he who is for freedom is for ireland, it also will be found that irish blood can never be against liberty. and as to you all, gentlemen, let me hope that, however the advocates of despotism may try to mislead public opinion in free america, the uncorrupted noble instinct of the people will prove to the world that it is not in vain, that the down-trodden spirit of liberty raises the sign of distress towards you, and that the wronged and the oppressed can confidently appeal for help, for justice and for redress, to the free and powerful republic of america. i thank you, gentlemen, for the patience with which you have listened during this torrent of rain. it shows that your sympathy is warm and sincere--one which cannot be cooled down or washed away. * * * * * xxxvi.--the ides of march. [_farewell speech at st. louis, march th_.] ladies and gentlemen: to-day is the fourth anniversary of the revolution in hungary. anniversaries of revolutions are almost always connected with the recollection of some patriots, death-fallen on that day, like the spartans at thermopylae, martyrs of devotion to their fatherland. almost in every country there is some proud cemetery, or some modest tomb-stone, adorned on such a day by a garland of evergreen, the pious offering of patriotic tenderness. i past the last night in a sleepless dream. and my soul wandered on the magnetic wings of the past, home to my beloved bleeding land, and i saw in the dead of the night, dark veiled shapes, with the paleness of eternal grief upon their brow, but terrible in the tearless silence of that grief, gliding over the churchyards of hungary, and kneeling down to the head of the graves, and depositing the pious tribute of green and cypress upon them; and after a short prayer rising with clenched fists, and gnashing teeth, and then stealing away tearless and silent as they came--stealing away, because the blood-hounds of my country's murderer lurks from every corner on that night, and on this day, and leads to prison those who dare to show a pious remembrance to the beloved. to-day, a smile on the lips of a magyar is taken for a crime of defiance to tyranny, and a tear in his eye is equivalent to a revolt. and yet i have seen, with the eye of my home-wandering soul, thousands performing the work of patriotic piety. and i saw more. when the pious offerers stole away, i saw the honoured dead half risen from their tombs, looking to the offerings, and whispering gloomily, "still a cypress, and still no flower of joy! is there still the chill of winter and the gloom of night over thee, fatherland? are we not yet revenged? and the sky of the east reddened suddenly, and quivered with bloody flames, and from the far, far west, a lightning flashed like a star-spangled stripe, and within its light a young eagle mounted and soared towards the quivering flames of the east, and as he drew near, upon his approaching, the flames changed into a radiant morning sun, and a voice from above was heard in answer to the question of the dead: "sleep yet a short while; mine is the revenge. i will make the stars of the west, the sun of the east; and when ye next awake, ye will find the flower of joy upon your cold bed." and the dead took the twig of cypress, the sign of resurrection, into their bony hands and lay down. such was the dream of my waking soul, and i prayed, and such was my prayer: "father, if thou deemest me worthy, take the cup from my people, and give it in their stead to me." and there was a whisper around me like the word "amen." such was my dream, half foresight and half prophecy; but resolution all. however, none of those dead whom i saw, fell on the th of march. they were victims of the royal perjury which betrayed the th of march. the anniversary of our revolution has not the stain of a single drop of blood. we, the elect of the nation, sat on that morning busily but quietly in the legislative hall of old presburg, and without any flood of eloquence, passed our laws in short words, that the people shall be free; the burdens of feudality cease; the peasant become free proprietor; that equality of duties, equality of rights, shall be the fundamental law; and civil, political, social, and religious liberty, the common property of all the people, whatever tongue it may speak, or in whatever church pray, and that a national ministry shall execute these laws, and guard with its responsibility the chartered ancient independence of our fatherland. two days before, austria's brave people in vienna had broken its yoke; and summing up despots in the person of its tool, old metternich, drove him away, and the hapsburgs, trembling in their imperial cavern of imperial crimes, trembling, but treacherous, and lying and false, wrote with yard-long letters, the words, "constitution" and "free press," upon vienna's walls; and the people in joy cheered the inveterate liars, because the people knows no falsehood. on the th i announced the tidings from vienna to our parliament at presburg. the announcement was swiftly carried by the great democrat, the steam-engine, upon the billows of the danube, down to old buda and to young pesth, and while we, in the house of representatives, passed the laws of justice and freedom, the people of pesth rose in peaceful but majestic manifestation, declaring that the people should be free. at this manifestation, all the barriers raised by violence against the laws, fell of themselves. not a drop of blood was shed. a man who was in prison because he had dared to write a book, was carried home in triumph through the streets. the people armed itself as a national guard, the windows were illuminated, and bonfires burnt; and when these tidings returned back to presburg, blended with the cheers from vienna, they warmed the chill of our house of lords, who readily agreed to the laws we proposed. and there was rejoicing throughout the land. for the first time for centuries the farmer awoke with the pleasant feeling that his time was now his own--for the first time went out to till his field with the consoling thought that the ninth part of his harvest will not be taken by the landlord, and the tenth by the bishop. both had fully resigned their feudal portion, and the air was brightened by the lustre of freedom, and the very soil budding into a blooming paradise. such is the memory of the th of march, . one year later there was blood, but also victory, over the land; the people, because free, fought like demi-gods. seven great victories we had gained in that month of march. on this very day, the remains of the first , russians fled, over the frontiers of transylvania, to tell at home how heavily the blow falls from free hungarian arms. it was in that very month that one evening i lay down in the bed, whence in the morning windischgrätz had risen: and from the battle-field (isaszeg) i hastened to the congress at debreczin, to tell the representatives of the nation: "it is time to declare our national independence, because it is really achieved. the hapsburgs have not the power to contradict it more." nor had they. but russia, having experienced by the test of its first interference, that there was no power on earth caring about the most flagrant violation of the laws of nations, and seeing by the silence of great britain and of the united states, that she may dare to violate those laws, our heroes had to meet a fresh force of nearly , russians. no power cheered our bravely won independence, by diplomatic recognition; not even the united states, though they always professed their principle to be that they recognise every de-facto government. we therefore had the right to expect a speedy recognition from the united states. our struggle rose to european height, but we were left alone to fight for the world; and we had no arms for the new battalions, gathering up in thousands with resolute hearts and empty hands. the recognition of our independence being withheld, commercial intercourse for procuring arms abroad was impossible--the gloomy feeling of entire forsakedness spread over our tired ranks, and prepared the field for the secret action of treachery; until the most sacrilegious violation of those common laws of nations was achieved and the code of "nature and of nature's god," was drowned in hungary's blood. and i, who on the th of march, , saw the principle of full civil and religious liberty triumphing in my native land--who, on the th of march, , saw this freedom consolidated by victories--one year later, on the th of march, , was on my sorrowful way to an asiatic prison. but wonderful are the works of divine providence. it was again in the month of march, , that the generous interposition of the united states cast the first ray of hope into the dead night of my captivity. and on the th of march, , the fourth anniversary of our revolution, guided by the bounty of providence, here i stand in the very heart of your immense republic; no longer a captive, but free in the land of the free, not only not desponding, but firm in confidence of the future, because raised in spirits by a swelling sympathy in the home of the brave, still a poor, a homeless exile, but not without some power to do good to my country and to the cause of liberty, as my very persecution proves. such is the history of the th of march, in my humble life. who can tell what will be the character of the next th of march? nearly two thousand years ago the first caesar found a brutus on the ides or th of march. may be that the ides of march, , will see the last of the caesars fall under the avenging might of a thousand-handed brutus--the name of whom is "the people"--inexorable at last after it has been so long generous. the seat of caesars was first in the south, from the south to the east, from the east to the west, and from the west to the north. that is their last abode. none was lasting yet. will the last, and worst, prove luckier? no, it will not. while the seat of caesars was tossed around and thrown back to the icy north, a new world became the cradle of a new humanity, where in spite of the caesars, the genius of freedom raised (let us hope) an everlasting throne. the caesar of the north and the genius of freedom have not place enough upon this earth for both of them; one must yield and be crushed beneath the heels of the other. which is it? which shall yield?--america may decide. allow me to add a few remarks in dry and plain words, on other subjects. it is not necessary to explain why i am attacked by russia, austria, and their allies. but some of you, gentlemen, may have felt surprised to see that two hungarians have joined in the attack, both of whom accepted of the office of ministers from my hands, and held that office under my good pleasure, and from my will, till we all three proceeded into exile on the same evening. my two assailants now live and act under the protection of louis napoleon, who did not permit me even to pass through france. you may yet find perhaps some more joining them, but the number will not be large. oh! the bitter pangs of an exile's daily life are terrible. i have seen many a character faltering under the constant petty care of how to live, which stood firm like a rock under the storm of a quaking world, therefore i should not be surprised to find yet some few joining in those attacks, as i have neither means nor time to care for the wants of individuals, not even of my own children. what i get is not mine, but my country's; and must be employed to secure its future prospects; and it may be that others may avail themselves of this circumstance, and show some temporary compassion to private misfortune, _under the condition of secession from me_, with the purpose of being then able to say that the cause of hungary is hopeless, because not even the hungarian exiles live in concord. that may happen thus with some few; for hunger is painful: but few they will be. the immense majority of my brother exiles will rather starve than yield to such a snare. there may be some also that will fall victims to the craft of skilful aristocratic diplomatists, who would fain keep or get the reputation of liberal men, but without the necessity of becoming really liberal. that class of influential persons may give some hope--even some half indefinite promise of support to the cause of hungary (which they never intend to fulfil), under the condition of a peaceful compromise with the house of austria upon a monarchical-aristocratical basis, and not in that way which i have proclaimed openly in england, knowing that every root of the monarchical principle is torn out from the breasts of the people of hungary, so that we can never be knit again. therefore the future of hungary can only be republican, and there is no door to that future, but to continue the struggle. there may perhaps be some few honest but weak men, who, weary of a homeless life, would fain return home, even under the condition of monarchical-aristocratical compromise which some skilful diplomatists make glitter into their eyes. but as to those two who do good service to the tyrant of their and my country, the very circumstance that they were silent when i (because a prisoner) was not able to work much, but are trying to check my endeavours, now that i am about to achieve something which can only prove to be a benefit to hungarians,--smaller or greater, but only a benefit and in no case a harm; this very circumstance shows the nature of their attacks. but as to the pretence, by which they try to lull to sleep their own consciences, that was revealed to me by a copy of a confidential communication of one of their silent associates to a private circle of friends, where it is stated, that, as i have declared exclusively for a republic, a party must be got up under the nominal leadership of bathyanyi, on a monarchical basis, _because my views leave no hope to get home in an honourable manner, otherwise than by a revolution_. that is the key of the dispute. as to myself, i am a republican, and will never be a subject to a king, any more than be a king myself. but i love my country too sincerely to favour the course i would pursue, on my own private sentiments alone. i know the hapsburg, and i know my country. i have weighed my people's revolution, wishes and will, and weighed the condition of the only possible success. upon this basis i act, and am happy to say that the considerate prudence of a statesman, and the duties of a patriot, not only act in full harmony with my own personal republican convictions, but indeed cannot allow me in any other course. either freedom and our popular rights have no future, not only in hungary, but indeed in europe, or that future will be, can be, and shall be only republican for the hungarians. it is more than foolish to think that either an insurrectionary war can be prevented in europe, or that that war can terminate otherwise than either by a consolidated despotism or republicanism. no other issue is possible. therefore, however mean be the private motives of the hostility of those, my very few hungarian enemies, i pity them. out of too great a desire to get home, they have made their return in every case impossible. not all the power of earth could afford them security at home against the indignation of the people. not, if i succeed to liberate my country, for the people will consider them as traitors, who have done all they could to prevent that liberation; not, if i should fail, because then the people will believe that their counter-machinations are what caused me to fail. so much for them. but the confidence with which i look to the republican freedom of hungary has been confirmed, by considering how weak must the case be of those who urge you to indifference, when they are forced to resort to the argument that we have no chance of success. i have often answered that objection, which in itself is a distrust in god, in justice, in right, and in the blessings of humanity. allow me to-day in addition, only one remark. two days ago the rumour was spread that louis napoleon was killed. it was remarkable to see how those who countenance despotism, grew livid by despair, and how those who doubt about our success rose in spirits and in confidence. some time ago a similar false rumour caused almost a commercial crisis in the cotton market of new orleans. now how can the security of that cause be trusted, where the mere possible death of a single individual, and of such an individual, can so crush every calculation upon the solidity of the peace of oppression? allow me to draw your attention to a circumstance which one of your countrymen, william henry trescott, of south carolina, has recommended to public attention, already in the year , in his pamphlet, entitled 'a few thoughts on the foreign policy of the united states.' the position of the united states underwent an immense change, as soon as your boundaries extended to the pacific; extensive commercial relations with asia became a necessity. you feel it--the very movements now commenced in respect to japan bear witness to it. let those movements be completed, and whom will you meet? russia. that is the old story. everybody who is willing to have some influence in the east must meet russia, whose sterling thought is to exclude all other powers from the east. england is to you the competitor in the commerce of the east; and competitors may well have a fair field for them both; but russia is not a competitor there, she is an _enemy_. look to the mediterranean sea, and remember the everlasting thought of russia to crush turkey, and to get hold of constantinople. what is the key of this eternal fond desire, inherited from peter the great? it is not the mere desire of territorial aggrandizement; the real key is, that it is only by the possession of constantinople that russia, a great territorial power already, can become also a great maritime power. the mediterranean is what russia wants, to be the mistress of europe, asia, of africa, and of the world. but the sultan, sitting on the bosphorus, confines the navy of the czar to the black sea, an interior lake, without any outlet but by the beautiful bosphorus. constantinople taken, it is russia which controls the mediterranean:--a circumstance of such immense importance, that mr. trescott says, it would be a sufficient reason for direct and positive interference--that is, for war. there--there--_in turkey, will be decided the fate of the world_. perhaps there will be not only the end, but also the beginning of the end; and some american politicians say, the united states can do nothing for europe's liberty, but turkey can,--holding only the bosphorus against an inroad from sebastopol!--turkey, with its brave four hundred thousand men--the natural ally of all those european nations who will, who must, struggle against russian preponderance. how wonderful! the bosphorus in the hands of the sultan, saves the world from russian dominion; and yet i am asked, what can america do for europe? how many men-of-war have you in the mediterranean? i would you had more. would you had some other anchorage in the mediterranean for your glorious flag! turkey has many a fine harbour, and a great deal of good will. the turkish aghas now would not be afraid to see cheered, for instance, by the inhabitants of mytilene, the american flag, should it ever happen that that flag were cast in protection around my humble self; nay, i am sure they would smilingly join in the harsh but cordial "_khôsh guelden, sepa gueldin_," which is more than a thrice welcome in your language. but the word welcome reminds me that i have to say to you farewell--and that is a sad word in the place where i have met so warm a welcome, but it must be done. can i hope to have the consolation of knowing that in bidding farewell to my namesake city, i leave high-minded men, who, remembering that they have seen the hungarian exile on the ides of march, will have faith in the future of freedom's just cause, and make the central city of the great united republic the centre of numerous associations of the friends of hungary in the great west, whence i confidently hope the sun of freedom will move towards the east. ladies and gentlemen, i bid you farewell, a heartfelt, affectionate farewell. [from st. louis, kossuth proceeded farther south; but we do not find any novelty in his speech at new orleans, march th. the most notable thing in that meeting, is the cordial pronouncement of the hon. e. w. moise, in the name of the city authorities and people of new orleans, in favour of hungary and governor kossuth: thus distinctly showing that the commercial metropolis of the south sympathizes with european liberty equally as the north. but it is sufficient here to have indicated the fact.] * * * * * xxxvii.--history of kossuth's liberation. [_jackson, mississippi--(visit to senator foote) april st_.] kossuth had felt it a duty of gratitude, on his return from new orleans, to visit jackson, the chief city of mississippi, in order to express his thanks in person to senator foote, then governor of the state, for having moved a resolution in the senate to send a steamer to constantinople for kossuth, and afterwards, a resolution tendering to him a cordial national welcome at washington. on his proposing this visit, he received an enthusiastic invitation from the citizens at large, as was expounded to him by governor foote in a very cordial speech, which ended with the words: in the name of the sovereign people of mississippi, and by the special request of those of our citizens whom you see before you and around you, i now bid you welcome to our own capital, and pray that a bounteous providence may vouchsafe to you and the sacred cause of which you are the advocate, its most auspicious countenance and protection. kossuth replied: your excellency has been pleased to bestow a word of approbation upon the manner in which i have spoken and acted since i am here in the united states, especially as to frankness: which frankness, on another side, has occasioned much hostility toward me. allow me, on the present occasion, to exercise that same frankness. if i were less frank, i should perhaps tell you i had a fond desire to see mississippi, and thank the citizens for sympathy to my country. but i claim not a merit which i do not possess. i did not come to meet the people. my only motive was one of gratitude toward you, sir. one anxiety has weighed upon my breast ever since i have been in the united states, and that is, lest i lose the opportunity to say to you, with a warm grasp of the hand, and in a few but heartfelt words, how thankful i feel for the important part you have been pleased to take in my liberation from captivity. i hope to god, you will never have reason to regret what you have done for me. allow me to state that there was something providential in the fact, and in the time of intercession in my behalf. the sultan is a generous man; i can bear testimony to that. when russia and austria, proudly relying upon their armies and the flush of victory, arrogantly demanded that we should be surrendered to the hangman of my fatherland; and when the majority of the divan (the great council of turkey) taking a shortsighted view of the case, and influenced by the impending danger, had already consented to the arrogant demand, and when, in consequence thereof, the abandonment of our religion was proposed as the only means to save our lives, then the sultan, informed of the matter, and following the noble impulse of his generous heart, declared that he would prefer to perish rather than dishonour his name--he would therefore accept the dangers of war rather than disregard the great duty of humanity--thus if he be doomed to perish, he would at least perish in an honourable way. by that noble resolution our lives were saved. but european diplomacy stepped in, to convert the accorded hospitality into a prison;[*] the sultan being left alone, not supported, not encouraged by any one soever, but assailed by complications, ill advised by fear, and threatened by many, yielded at last, but yielded with the intention to restore us to our natural rights, as soon as he could be sure that he stood not forsaken and alone in acknowledging the right of humanity. for a long while, no encouragement came, and we lingered in our prison, forsaken and without hope. you, sir, moved a resolution in the senate of the united states. in consequence thereof, the great republic of the west, by its generous offer, cast a ray of consolation into my prison, and gave encouragement to the sublime porte. the english and the french governments, unwilling to appear less liberal, both approved the course of the united states. england made even a similar offer as america, and the sultan, glad to see that he was no longer alone in asserting what is right, agreed to the offer, notwithstanding all the machinations of my enemies, and i and my countrymen became free. [footnote *: i am permitted to explain, that kossuth had in view not the action of one power only, but the total result of all the powers. while the sultan knew what the arms of russia were meant for, and could not learn whether the fleet of england was meant for anything but _a mere show_ (for sir stratford canning "had no orders" to _use_ it), the practical advice of diplomacy was, not, to do what was just, but, to make the least disgraceful and least dangerous compromise.] now suppose, sir, you had not introduced that resolution then, and the star-spangled flag had not been cast in protection around me--suppose that the _coup d'état_ of louis napoleon had found me in prison still--that _coup d'état_ which caused a change of the ministry in england,--what would have been the consequence? england would probably have remained indifferent, and france would have certainly opposed the proposition of the united states--or rather, supported the cause of austria; and the sultan abandoned by the constitutional powers of europe, would have been forced to make kutaya what the arrogant despots desired--a physical, or at least, a moral grave for me--and instead of the new hope and fresh resolution which my liberation inspired into nations groaning under the weight of a common oppression, there would be now a gloom of despondency spread over all who united with me in spirit, in resolution, and in sentiments. therefore, in whatsoever i may yet be _useful through my regained activity, it is due to you, sir_. without the intercession of the united states, there would have been no field of activity left me. allow me now to speak on another matter connected with this. among the calumnies perpetually thrown out at me, is one which i cannot pass in silence, because it charges me with ingratitude to the united states, saying that i misuse the generosity of your country, which granted me protection and an asylum, _upon my accepting the condition not to meddle any more with politics_, but to abandon the cause to which i have devoted my life--to retire from public life, and to lay down my head to rest. now, before god and man, this representation is entirely false. no such condition was added to the generous offer of the united states; and i declare, that however much i regard such an offer, had this condition been attached, i would in no case, have accepted it. life is of no value to me, except inasmuch as i can do some service to my country's cause. therefore, under the condition of forsaking my country, i would not accept happiness--not liberty--not life. this i have said before. it is due from me to the honour of the turkish government to declare, that the sublime porte not only attached no condition at all to my liberation, but explicitly and officially intimated to me, that having once decided to set us free, it was unwilling to do things by halves;--we had therefore full and unrestricted liberty, on leaving turkey, to go and to stay where we pleased--to take such a course as we chose, and that to that purpose, an american and an english vessel would be ready at the dardanelles, and it would depend on our choice, on board of which we embarked. indeed i have an official communication on the part of the english government in my hands, by which i was informed, that the only reason why the appointed english vessel came not to the dardanelles was, that i and my associates had declared that we preferred to embark on board the american ship. but again: in respect to that embarkation, i must state that, in the resolution of the congress, one word being contained which might have been subject to different interpretation, i considered it my duty to declare frankly to the legation of the united states at constantinople, that i neither was, nor would be, willing to assume the character of an _emigrant_; but would only be considered an _exile_, driven away by foreign violence from my native land, but not without the hope to get home again to free and independent hungary; therefore, that i not only would not pledge my word to go directly to the united states, or to remove thither permanently, but, upon regaining my liberty, intended to devote it to win back for my country its sovereign independence, which we had achieved and proclaimed, and which was wrested from us by the most sacrilegious violation of the laws of nations. i got an answer fully satisfactory on the part of your legation, assuring me that the united states would never consent to give me a new prison, instead of liberty; and that there was, and could be, no intention on the part of the united states to restrain my freedom or my activity, beyond the limits of your common laws, which are equally obligatory and equally protective to every one, so long as he chooses to stay in the united states. upon this. i accepted thankfully the generous offer of the united states. i wrote a letter of thanks to his excellency the president, and ordered my diplomatic agent in england to write a similar one to the honourable secretary of state, expressing, that i considered the struggle for our national independence not yet finished, and that i would devote my regained liberty to the cause of my fatherland. _nearly three months after these declarations_, the mississippi steam-ship arrived, and i embarked, having again, previously and on board, constantly declared, that it was my fervent wish to visit the united states, but not without previously visiting england, on board the same frigate, if the favour should be granted to me; else on board another ship from a mediterranean port, if needs must be. this is the true history of the case. i hope you will excuse me for having answered for once a misrepresentation which charges me with bad faith and ingratitude, such as neither have i merited, nor can i bear * * * * * * * * xxxviii.--pronouncement of the south. [_mobile, alabama, april d_.] ladies and gentlemen,--i did not expect to have either the honour of a public welcome, or the opportunity of addressing such a distinguished assembly at mobile--not as if i had entertained the slightest doubt about the generous sentiments of this enlightened community, but because i am called by pressing duties to hasten back to the east of the united states. indeed only the accident of not finding a vessel ready to leave when i arrived here, has enabled me to see the fair flower of your generosity added to the garland of sympathy which the people of your mighty republic has given me, and which will shine from the banner of resistance to all-encroaching despotism, that banner which the expectations of millions call me to raise. but however unexpected my arrival, the congenial kindness of your warm hearts left me not unnoticed and uncheered; and besides the joyful consolation which i feel on this occasion, there is also important benefit in the generous reception you honour me with. firstly, because one of the united states senators of alabama, mr. clemens, was pleased to pronounce himself not only opposed to my principles, but hostile to my own humble self. i thank god for having well deserved the hatred of czars and emperors; and so may god bless me, as i will all my life try to deserve it still more; but i cannot equally say, that i have deserved the inclemency of mr. clemens, though it be not the least passionate of all. well, ladies and gentlemen, after the spontaneous sympathy which i here so unexpectedly meet, i may be permitted to believe that it is not the state of alabama, but mr. clemens only whom i have to count amongst my persecutors and my enemies. secondly, i must mention, that it is my good fortune not often to meet arguments opposed to my arguments, but only personal attacks. well, that is the best acknowledgment which could have been paid to the justice of my cause. for even if i were all that my enemies would like to make me appear, would thereby the cause i plead and the principles i advocate be less just, less righteous, and less true? now amongst those personal attacks there is one which says, that i am so impertinent as to dare appeal from the government to the people: and that _i try to sow dissension between the people and the government_. i declare in the most solemn manner, this imputation to be entirely unfounded and calumniatory. who ever heard me say one single word of complaint or dissatisfaction against your national government? when have i spoken otherwise than in terms of gratitude, high esteem, and profound veneration about the congress and government of the united states? and how could i have spoken otherwise; being, as i am, indebted to congress and government, for my liberation, for the most generous protection, and for the highest honours a man was ever yet honoured with? and besides, i have full reason to say that _it is entirely false to insinuate that in political respects i had been disappointed with my visit to washington city_,--no, it is not respect alone, but the intensest gratitude that i feel. the principles and sentiments of the chief magistrate of your great republic, expressed to the congress in his official messages; the principles of your government so nobly interpreted by the hon. secretary of state, at the congressional banquet, confirming expressly the contents of his immortal letter to mons. hulsemann; the further private declarations, in regard to the practical applications of those governmental principles; all and everything could but impress my mind with the most consoling satisfaction and the warmest gratitude;--as may be seen in the letter of thanks which on the eve of my departure i sent to his excellency the president and to both houses of congress. that being my condition, who can charge me with sowing dissension between the people and the government, when i, accepting such opportunities, as you also have been pleased kindly to offer to me, plead the cause of my down-trodden country (for which both people and government of the united states have manifested the liveliest sympathy;) and advocate principles, entirely harmonizing with the official declarations of your government? and what is it i say to the people in my public addresses? i say, "the exigency of circumstances has raised the question of foreign policy to the highest standard of importance,--the question is introduced to the congress, it must therefore be brought to a decision, it cannot be passed in silence any more. your representatives in congress take it for their noblest glory to follow the sovereign will of the people; but to be able to follow it, they must know it; yet they cannot know it without the people manifesting its opinion in a constitutional way; since they have not been elected upon the question of foreign policy, that question being then not yet discussed. i therefore humbly entreat the sovereign people of the united states to consider the matter, and to pronounce its opinion, in such a way as it is consistent with law, and with their constitutional duties and rights." may i not be tranquillized in my conscience, that in speaking thus i commit no disloyal act, and do in no way offend against the high veneration due from me to your constituted authorities? if it be so, then the generous manifestation of your sympathy i am honoured with in mobile, is again a highly valuable benefit to my cause, because it has such a character of spontaneity, that, here at least, no misrepresentation can charge me with having even endeavoured to elicit that high-minded manifestation from the metropolis of the state of alabama. so doubly returning my thanks for it, i beg leave to state what it is i humbly entreat. firstly, when the struggle which is to decide on the freedom of europe has once broken out, hungary has resources to carry it on: but she wants initial aid, because her finances are all grasped by our oppressors. you would not refuse to me, a houseless exile, _alms_ and commiseration if i begged for myself. surely then you cannot refuse it for my bleeding fatherland, when i beg of you, as individuals, trifling sums, such as each can well spare, and the gift of which does not entangle your country in any political obligation. whatever may be my personal fate, millions would thank and coming generations bless it as a source of happiness to them, as once the nineteen million francs, , muskets, and thirty-eight vessels of war which france gave to the cause of your own independence, have been a source of happiness to you. i rely in that respect upon the republican virtue which your immortal washington has bequeathed to you in his memorable address to m. adet, the first french republican minister sent to washington. "_my anxious recollections and my best wishes are irresistibly attracted whensoever in any country i see an oppressed nation unfurl the banner of freedom_." so spoke washington; and so much for _private_ material aid; to which nothing is required but a little sympathy for an unfortunate people, which even mr. clemens may feel, whatever his personal aversion for the man who is pleading not his own, but his brave people's cause. as to the _political_ part of my mission, i humbly claim that the united states may pronounce what is or should be the law of nations--such as they can recognize consistently with the basis upon which their own existence is established, and consistently with their own republican principles. and what is the principle of such a law of nations, which you as republicans can recognize? your greatest man, your first president, washington himself, has declared in these words: "_every nation has a right to establish that form of government under which it conceives it may live most happy, and no government ought to interfere with the internal concerns of another._" and according to this everlasting principle, proclaimed by your first president, your last president has again proclaimed in his last message to the congress, that "_the united states are forbidden to remain indifferent to a case, in which the strong arm of a foreign power is invoiced to repress the spirit of freedom in any country." it is this declaration that i humbly claim to be sanctioned by the sovereign will of the people of the united states, in support of that principle which washington already has proclaimed. and in that respect, i frankly confess i should feel highly astonished, if the southern states proved not amongst the first, and amongst the most unanimous to join in such a declaration. because, of all the great principles guaranteed by your constitution, there is none to which the southern states attach a greater importance,--there is none which they more cherish,--than the principle of self-government; the principle that their own affairs are to be managed by themselves, without any interference from whatever quarter, neither from another state, though they are all estates of the same galaxy, nor from the central government, though it is an emanation of all the states, and represents the south as well as the north, and the east and the west; nor from any foreign power, though it be the mightiest on earth. well, gentlemen, this great principle of self-government, is precisely the ground upon which i stand. it is for the defence of this principle that my nation rose against a world in arms; to maintain this principle in the code of "nature and of nature's god," the people of hungary spilt their blood on the battlefield and on the scaffold. it is this principle which was trodden down in hungary by the centralization of austria and the interference of russia. it is the principle which, if hungary is not restored to her sovereign independence, is blotted out for ever from the great statute book of the nations, from the common law of mankind. like a pestilential disease, the violation of the principle of self-government will spread over all the earth until it is destroyed everywhere, in order that despots may sleep in security, for they know that this principle is the strongest stronghold of freedom, and therefore it is hated by all despots and all ambitious men, and by all those who have sold their souls to despotism and ambition. gentlemen, you know well that the principle of self-government has two great enemies--centralization and foreign interference. hungary is a bleeding victim to both. you have probably perceived, gentlemen, that the great misfortune of europe is the spirit of centralization encroaching upon all municipal institutions and destroying self-government, not only by open despotism, but also under the disguise of liberty. fascinated by this dangerous tendency, even republican france went on to sweep away all the traces of self-government, and this is the reason why all her revolutions could not assert liberty for her people, and why she lies now prostrate under the feet of a usurper, without glory, without merit, without virtue. blind to their interests, the nations abandoned their real liberty, the municipal institutions, for a nominal responsibility of ministers and for parliamentary omnipotence. instead of clinging to the principle of self-government--the true breakwater against the encroachments of kings, of ministers, of parliaments--they abandoned the principle which enforces the real responsibility of ministers and raises the parliament to the glorious position of the people's faithful servant; they exchanged the real liberty of self-government for the fascinating phantom of parliamentary omnipotence, making the elected of the people the masters of the people, which, if it is really to be free, cannot have any master but god. the old anglo-saxon municipal freedom has even in england been weakened by this tendency; parliament has not only fought against the prerogative of the crown, but has conquered the municipal freedom of the country and of the borough. green erin sighs painfully under this pressure, and english statesmen begin to be alarmed. hungary, my own dear fatherland, was the only country in europe which, amidst all adversaries, amidst all attacks of foreign encroachment and all inducements of false new doctrines, remained faithful to the great principle of self-government, at which the perjurious dynasty of austria has never ceased to aim deadly blows. to get rid of these incessant attacks we availed ourselves of the condition of europe in , and got our old national self-government guarantied in a legal way, with the sanction of our then king, by substituting _individual_ for collective responsibility of ministers; having experienced that a board of ministers, though responsible by law and composed of our own countrymen, was naturally and necessarily in practice irresponsible. when the tyrants of austria, whom our forefathers had elected in an ill-fated hour to be our constitutional kings, saw that their designs of centralization were obstructed, they forsook their honour, they broke their oath, they tore asunder the compact by which they had become kings; the diadem had lost its brightness for them if it was not to be despotic. they stirred up robbers and rebels against us: and when this failed, then with all the forces of the empire attacked hungary unexpectedly, not thinking to meet with a serious opposition, because we had no army, no arms, no ammunition, no money, no friends. they therefore declared our constitution and our self-government, which we have preserved through the adversities of ten centuries, at once and for ever abolished. but my heart could not bear this sacrilege. i and my political friends, we called our people to arms to defend the palladium of our national existence, the privilege of self-government, and that political, civil, and religious liberty, and those democratic institutions, which, upon the glorious basis of self-government, we had succeeded to assert for all the people of hungary. and the people nobly answered my call. we struck down the centralizing tyrant to the dust; we drove him and his double-faced eagle out from our country; our answer to his impious treachery was the declaration of our independence and his forfeiture of the crown. were we right to do so, or not? we were; and _we had accomplished already our lawful enterprise victoriously_; we had taken our competent seat amongst the independent nations on earth. but the other independent powers, and alas! even the united states, lingered to acknowledge our dearly but gloriously bought independence; and beaten austria had time to take her refuge under the shelter of the other principle, hostile to self-government, of the sacrilegious principle of foreign armed interference. the czar of russia declared that the example of hungary is dangerous to the interests of absolutism! he interfered, and aided by treason, he succeeded to crush freedom and self-government in hungary, and to establish a centralized absolutism there, where, through all the ages of the past, the rule of despotism never had been established, and the united states let him silently accomplish this violation of the common law of nations. gentlemen, the law of nations, upon which you have raised the lofty hall of your independence, does not exist any more. the despots are united and leagued against national self-government. they declare it inconsistent with their divine (rather satanic) rights; and upon this basis all the nations of the european continent are held in fetters; the government of france is become a vanguard to russia, st. petersburg is transferred to paris, and england is forced to arm and to prepare for self-defence at home. these are the immediate consequences of the downfall of the principle of self-government in hungary, by the violence of foreign interference. but if this great principle is not restored to its full weight by the restoration of hungary's sovereign independence, then you will see yet other consequences in your own country. _your_ freedom and prosperity is hated as dangerous to the despots of europe. if you do not believe me, believe at least what the organs of your enemies openly avow themselves. pozzo di borgo, the great russian diplomatist, and hulsemann, the little austrian diplomatist, repeatedly in and , published that despotism is in danger, unless yourselves become a king-ridden people. if you study the history of the hungarian struggle, you can also see the way by which the despots will carry their design. the secret power of foreign diplomacy will foster amongst you the principle of centralization; and, as is always the case, many who are absorbed in some special aims of your party politics will be caught by this snare; and when you, gentlemen of the south, oppose with energy this tendency, dangerous to your dear principle of self-government, the despots of europe will first foment and embitter the quarrel and kindle the fire of domestic dissensions, and finally they will declare that your example is dangerous to order. then foreign armed interference steps in for centralization here, as for monarchy in the rest of america. indeed, gentlemen, if there is any place on earth where this prospect should be considered with attention, with peculiar care, it is here in the southern states of this great union, because their very existence is based on the great principle of self-government. but some say there is no danger for the united states, in whatever condition be the rest of the world. i am astonished to hear that objection in a country, which, by a thousand ties, is connected with and interested in the condition of the foreign world. it is your own government which prophetically foretold in , that _the absolutism of europe will not be appeased until every vestige of human freedom has been obliterated even here_. and is it upon the ruins of hungary that the absolutist powers are now about to realize this prophecy? you are aware of the fact that every former revolution in europe was accompanied by some constitutional concessions, promised by the kings to appease the storm, but treacherously nullified when the storm passed. out of this false play constantly new revolutions arose. it is therefore that russian interference in hungary was preceded by a proclamation of the czar,--wherein he declares "that insurrection having spread in every nation with an audacity which has gained new force in proportion to the concessions of the governments," every concession must be withdrawn; not the slightest freedom, no political rights, and no constitutional aspirations must be left, but everything levelled by the equality of passive obedience and absolute servitude; he therefore takes the lead of the allied despots, to crush the spirit of liberty on earth. it is this impious work, which was begun by the interference in hungary, and goes on spreading in a frightful degree; it is this impious work which my people, combined with the other oppressed nations, is resolved to oppose. it is therefore no partial struggle which we are about to fight; it is a struggle of principles, the issues of which, according as we triumph or fall, must be felt everywhere, but nowhere more than here in the united states, because no nation on earth has more to lose by the all-overwhelming preponderance of the absolutist principle than the united states. if we are triumphant, the progress and development of the united states will go on peacefully, till your republicanism becomes the ruling principle on earth (god grant it may soon become); but if we fail, the absolutist powers, triumphant over europe, will and must fall with all their weight upon you, precisely because else you would grow to such a might as would decide the destinies of the world. and since the absolutistical powers, with russia at their head, desire themselves to rule the world, it is natural for her to consider you as their most dangerous enemy, which they must try to crush, or else be crushed sooner or later themselves. the _pozzo di borgos_ tell you so: the _hulsemanns_ tell you so: and it were indeed strange if the people of the united states, too proudly relying upon their power and their good luck, should indifferently regard the gathering of danger over their head, and hereby invite it to come home to them, forcing them to the immense sacrifices of war, whereas we now afford to them an opportunity to prevent that danger, without any entanglement, and without claiming from you any moral and material aid, except such as is not only consistent with, but necessary to your interests. allow me to make yet some remarks about the commercial interests as connected with the cause i plead. nothing astonishes me more than to see those whose only guiding star is commerce, considering its interests only from the narrow view of a small momentary profit, and disregarding the threatening combination of next coming events. permit me to quote in this respect one part of the public letter which mr. calhoun, the son of the late great leader of the south, the inheritor of his fame, of his principles, and of his interests, has recently published. i quote it because i hope nobody will charge him with partiality in respect to hungary. mr. calhoun says: "there is a universal consideration that should influence the government of the united states. the palpable and practical agricultural, manufacturing, commercial and navigating interests, the pecuniary interests of this country, will be promoted by the independence of hungary more than by any other event that could occur in europe. if hungary becomes independent it will be her interest to adopt a liberal system of commercial policy. there are fifteen millions of people inhabiting what is or what was hungary, and the country between her and the adriatic. these people have not now, and never had, any commerce with the united states. hungarian trade and commerce has been stifled by the 'fiscal barriers' of austria that encircle her. she has used but few of american products. your annual shipments of cotton and cotton manufactures to trieste and all other austrian ports, including the amount sent to hungary, as well as austria, has never exceeded nine hundred thousand dollars per annum. all other merchandize and produce sent by you to austria and hungary do not exceed one hundred thousand dollars a year. hungary obtains all her foreign imports through austrian ports. the import and transit duties levied by austria are exceedingly onerous, and nearly prohibitory as to hungary of your cotton and cotton goods." hungary independent, and a market is at once opened for your cotton, rice, tobacco, and manufactures of immense value. that market is now closed to you, and has always been, by austrian restrictions. and can it be doubted that besides supplying the fifteen millions of _industrious and intelligent_ people of hungary (_and they are, as a people, perhaps, the most intelligent of any in europe_), the adjacent and neighbouring countries, will not also be tempted to encourage trade with you? hungary needs your cotton. she is rich in resources--mineral, agricultural, manufacturing, and of every kind. she is rich in products for which you can exchange your cotton, rice, &c. will it, i ask, injuriously affect you if the english should compete with you and send their manufactures of cotton thither? not, i presume, as long as the raw material is purchased from america; but in fact, your market will be extended through her. "if therefore those of our statesmen (says mr. calhoun), who can only be influenced by the almighty dollar, will cypher up the value of this trade--this new market for our products, worth perhaps twenty millions of dollars yearly--they may find an excuse for incurring even the tremendous and awful risk of a war with austria, but which there is less danger of than there is with governor brigham young, in utah. they may find a substantial interest involved that is worth taking care of. governor kossuth may be assured it is of more consequence than sympathy. it is a wonderfully sensitive nerve in this country: it controls most of the others.--sympathy, in this case, can take care of itself. it does not require any nursing. the interests involved should be attended to. it seems to me that this position as to our commerce with hungary cannot be attacked in front, in rear, or on either flank. it is by far more forcible and powerful than the _ex post facto_ argument in favour of the mexican war, that it got us california and its gold. so far as the general welfare of the country is concerned, free trade with independent hungary, and its certain ultimate results, would be more invaluable than all the cargoes of gold that may be brought from the pacific coast, if ten times the present amount." that is the opinion of a distinguished american citizen, identified chiefly with the interests of the south. as to me, i beg permission to sketch in a few lines the reverse of the picture. if we fail in our enterprize to check the encroaching progress of absolutism, if the despots of europe succeed to accomplish their plot, the chief part of which for russia is to get hold of constantinople, and thus to become the controlling power of the mediterranean sea, what will be the immediate result of it in respect to your commerce? no man of sound judgment can entertain the least doubt that the first step of russia will and must be, to exclude america from the markets of europe by the renewal of what is called the continental system. not a single bushel of wheat or corn, not a single pound of tobacco, not a single bale of cotton, will you be permitted to sell on the continent of europe. the leagued despots must exclude you, because you are republicans, and commerce is the conveyer of principles; they must exclude you, because by ruining your commerce they ruin your prosperity, and by ruining this they ruin your development, which is dangerous to them. russia besides must exclude you, because you are the most dangerous rival to her in the european markets where you have already beaten her. and it will be the more the interest of russia to exclude you, because by taking constantinople, she will also become the master of asiatic and african regions, where also cotton is raised. well, you say, perhaps, though you be excluded from the european continent, england still remains to your cotton commerce.--who could guarantee that the english aristocracy will not join in the absolutist combination, if the people of the united states, by a timely manifestation of its sentiments, does not encourage the public opinion of england itself? but suppose england does remain a market to your cotton, you must not forget that if english manufacture is excluded from all the coasts of europe and of the mediterranean, she will not buy so much cotton from you as now, because she will lose so large a market for cotton goods. well, you say neither england nor you will submit to such a ruin of your prosperity. of course not; but then you will have a war, connected with immense sacrifices; whereas now, you can prevent all that ruin, all those sacrifices, and all that war. is it not more prudent to prevent a fire, than to quench it when your own house is already in flames? ladies and gentlemen, let me draw to a close. i most heartily thank you for the honours of this unlooked-for reception, and for your generous sympathy. i feel happy that the interests, political as well as commercial, of the united states, are in intimate connexion with the success of the struggle of hungary for independence and republican principles; and i bid you a sincere and cordial farewell, recalling to your memory, and humbly recommending to your sympathy that toast, which the more clement senator of alabama, colonel king, as president of the united states senate, gave me at the congressional banquet, on the th of january, in these words:-- "hungary having proved herself worthy to be free, by the virtue and valour of her sons, the law of nations and the dictates of justice alike demand that she shall have fair play in her struggle for independence." it was the honourable senator of alabama who gave me this toast, expressing his conviction that to this toast every american will cordially respond. his colleague has not responded to it, but mobile has responded to it, and i take, with cordial gratitude, my leave of mobile. * * * * * xxxix.--kossuth's defence against certain mean imputations. [_jersey city_.] kossuth was here welcomed with an address by the hon. d. s. gregory, whose guest he became. great efforts had been made to prejudice the public against him; notwithstanding which he was received with enthusiasm. in the evening, in his speech at the presbyterian church, he alluded to the attacks of his opponents as follows: mr. mayor, and ladies and gentlemen,--there have been some who, to the great satisfaction of despots, and their civil and religious confederates, have moved heaven and hell to lower my sacred mission to the level of a stage-play; and to ridicule the enthusiastic outburst of popular sentiments, by defaming its object and its aim. that was a sorrowful sight indeed. to meet opposition we must be prepared. there is no truth yet but has been opposed: the car which leads truth to triumph must pass over martyrs; that is the doom of humanity. mankind, though advanced in intellectual skill, is pretty much the same in heart as it was thousands of years ago--if not worse; for wealth and prosperity do not always improve the heart. it is sorrowful to see that not even such a cause as that which i plead, can escape from being dragged down insultingly into the mud. with the ancient greeks, the head of an unfortunate was held sacred even to the gods. now-a-days, with some,--but let us be thankful! only with some few degenerate persons,--even calamity like ours is but an occasion for a bad joke. jesus christ felt thirsty on the cross, and received vinegar and wormwood to quench the thirst of his agony. oh ye spirits of my country's departed martyrs, sadden not your melancholy look at mean insult. the soil which you watered by your blood will yet be free, and that is enough! ye will hear glad tidings about it when i join your ranks. but now, as for myself. when i was in private life, i despised to become rich, and sacrificed thousands to the public, and often saw my own family embarrassed by domestic cares. i refused indemnifications, and lived poor. when raised to the highest place in my country, and provided with an allowance four times as great as your president's, i still lived in my old modest way. i had millions at my disposal, yet i went into exile penniless. who now are _ye_, or what like proof have _ye_ given of not adoring the "almighty dollar," who dare to insult my honour and call me a sturdy beggar, and ask in what brewery i will invest the money i get from americans? and why? because i ask a poor alms to prepare the approaching struggle of my country; because i cannot and may not tell the public (which is to tell my country's enemy), how i dispose of the sums which i receive. and americans, pretending to be republicans, pretending to sympathize with liberty, and wield that light artillery of freedom,--the press,--try to put on me mean stigmas, in order to make it impossible for me to aid the contest of hungary for its own and mankind's liberty. indeed, it is too sad. the consul of ancient rome, spurius postumius, was once caught in a snare by the samnites, and was ordered to pass under the yoke with all his legions. when he hesitated to submit, a captain cried to him: "stoop, and lead us to disgrace for our country's sake." and so he did. the word of the captain was true: our country may claim of us, to submit even to degradations for its benefit. but i am sorry that it is in america i had to learn, there are in a patriot's life trials still bitterer than even that of exile. well: i can bear all this, if it be but fruitful of good for my beloved fatherland. but i look up to almighty god, and ask in humility, whether unscrupulous and mean suspicion shall succeed in stopping the flow of that public and private aid to me, from republican america and from american republicans, without which i cannot organize and combine our forces. mr. mayor and citizens of jersey, i indeed apprehend you will have much disappointed those who endeavoured by ridicule to drive our cause out of fashion. you have shown them to-day that the cause of liberty can never be out of fashion with americans. i thank you most cordially for it; the more because i know that long before yesterday sympathy with the cause of liberty has been in fashion with you. i am here on the borders of a state noted for its fidelity and sacrifices in the struggle for your country's freedom and independence: to which the state of new jersey has, in proportion to its population, sacrificed a larger amount of patriotic blood and of property, than any other of your sister states. i myself have read the acknowledgment of this in washington's own yet unedited hand-writings. and i know also that your state has the historical reputation of having been a glorious battle-field in the struggle for the freedom you enjoy. there may be some in this assembly with whom the sufferings connected with one's home being a battle-field, may be a family tradition yet. but is there a country in the world where such traditions are more largely recorded than my own native land is? is there a country, on the soil of which more battles have been fought--and battles not only for ourselves, but for all the christian, all the civilized world? oh, home of my fathers! thou art the golgotha of europe. i defy all the demoniac skill of tyranny to find out more tortures,--moral, political, and material,--than those which now weigh down my fatherland. it will not bear them, it cannot bear them, but will make a revolution, though all the world forsake us. but i ask, is there not private generosity enough in america, to give me those funds, through which my injured country would have to meet fewer enemies, and win its rights with far less bloodshed; or shall the venom of calumny cause you to refuse that, which, without impairing your private fortunes or risking your public interests, would mightily conduce to our success? allow me to quote a beautiful but true word which ex-governor vroom spoke in trenton last night. he said: "let us help the man; his principles are those engrafted into our declaration of independence. we cannot remain free, should all europe become enslaved by absolutism. the sun of freedom is but one, on mankind's sky, and when darkness spreads it will spread over all alike." the instinct of the people of hungary understood, that to yield at all to unjust violence, was to yield everything; and to my appeals they replied, cursed be he who yields! though unprepared, they fought; our unnamed heroes fought and conquered,--until russia and treachery came. and though now i am an exile, again they will follow me; i need only to get back to them and bring them something sharper than our nails to fight with for fatherland and humanity; then in the high face of heaven we will fight out the battle of freedom once more. this is my cause, and this my plea. it is there in your hearts, written in burning words by god himself, who made you generous by bestowing on you freedom. * * * * * xl.--the brotherhood of nations. [_newark_.] the rev. dr. eddy introduced kossuth to the citizens of newark, and made an address to him in their name. after this, kossuth replied: gentlemen,--it was a minister of the gospel who addressed me in your name: let me speak to you as a christian who considers it to be my heartfelt duty to act, not only in my private but also in my public capacity, in conformity with the principles of christianity, as i understand it. i have seen the people of the united states almost in every climate of your immense territory. i have marked the natural influence of geography upon its character. i have seen the same principles, the same institutions assuming in their application the modifying influences of local circumstances; i have found the past casting its shadows on the present, in one place darker, in the other less; i have seen man everywhere to be man, partaking of all aspirations, which are the bliss as well as the fragility of nature in man,--but in one place the bliss prevailing more and in the other the fragility. i saw now and then small interests of the passing hour, less or more encroaching upon the sacred dominion of universal principles; but so much is true, that wherever i found a people, i found a great and generous heart, ready to take that ground which by your very national position is pointed out to you as a mission. your position is to be a great nation; therefore your necessity is to act like a great nation; or, if you do not, you will not be great. to be numerous, is not to be great. the chinese are eight times more numerous than you, and still china is not great, for she has isolated herself from the world. nor does the condition of a nation depend on what she likes to call herself. china calls herself "celestial," and takes you and europe for barbarians. not what we call ourselves, but how we act, proves what we are. great is that nation which acts greatly. and give me leave to say, what an american minister of the gospel has said to me: "_nations_, by the great god of the universe, are individualized, as well as men. he has given each a mission to fulfil, and he expects every one to bear its part in solving the great problem of man's capacity for self-government, which is the problem of human destiny; and if any nation fails in this, he will treat it as an unprofitable servant, a barren fig-tree, whose own end is to be rooted up and burnt." jonah sat under the shadow of his gourd rejoicing, in isolated, selfish indifference, caring nothing for the millions of the ninevites at his feet. what was the consequence? god prepared a worm to smite the gourd, that it withered. god has privileged you, the people of the united states, to repose, not under a gourd, but beneath the shadow of a luxuriant vine and the outspreading branches of a delicious fig-tree. give him praise and thanks! but are you, jonah-like, on this account to wrap yourselves up in the mantle of insensibility, caring nothing for the nations smarting under oppression? stretching forth no hand for their deliverance, not even so much as to protest against a conspiracy of evil doers, and give an alms to aid deliverance from them? are you to hide your national talent in a napkin, or lend it at usury? read the saviour's maxim: "_do unto others as ye would that others do unto you!_" this is the saviour's golden rule, applicable to nations as well as to individuals. suppose when the united states were struggling for their independence, the spanish government had interfered to prevent its achievement --sending an armament to bombard your cities and murder your inhabitants. what would your forefathers have thought--how felt? precisely as hungary thought and felt when the russian bear put down his overslaughtering paw upon her. they would have invoked high heaven to avenge the interference--and had there been a people on the face of the earth to protest against it, that people would have shown out, like an eminent star in the hemisphere of nations--and to this day you would call it blessed. what you would have others do unto you, do so likewise unto them. and though you met no foreign interference, yet you met far more than a protest in your favour; you met substantial aid: thirty-eight vessels of war, nineteen millions of money, , muskets, , soldiers, and the whole political weight of france engaged in your cause. i ask not so much, by far not so much, for oppressed europe from you. it is a gospel maxim "_be not partaker of other men's sins._" it is alike applicable to individuals and nations. if you of the united states see the great law of humanity outraged by another nation, and see it _silently_, raising no warning voice against it, you virtually become a party to the offence; as you do not reprove it, you embolden the offender to add iniquity unto iniquity. let not one nation be partaker of another nation's sins. when you see the great law of humanity, the law upon which your national existence rests, the law enacted in the declaration of your independence, outraged and profaned, will you sit quietly by? if so (excuse me for saying) part of the guilt is upon you, and while individuals receive their reward in the eternal world, nations are sure to receive it here. there is connection of cause and effect in a nation's destiny. a nation should not be a mere _lake_, a glassy expanse, only reflecting foreign, light around--but a _river_, carrying its rich treasures from the fountain to distant regions of the earth. a nation should not be a mere _light-house_, a stationary beacon, erected upon the coast to warn voyagers of their danger--but a moving _life-boat_, carrying treasures of freedom to the doors of thousands and millions in their lands. i confess, gentlemen, that i shared those expectations, which the nations of europe have conceived from america. was i too sanguine in my wishes to hope, that in these expectations i shall not fail? so much i dare say, that i conceived these expectations not without encouragement on your own part. with this let me draw to a close. one word often tells more than a volume of skilful eloquence. when crossing the alleghany mountains, in a new country, scarcely yet settled, bearing at every step the mark of a new creation, i happened to see a new house in ruins. i felt astonished to see a ruin in america. there must have been misfortune in that house--the hand of god may have stricken him, thought i, and inquired from one of the neighbours, "what has become of the man?" "nothing particular," answered he: "he went to the west--he was too comfortable here. american pioneers like to be uncomfortable." it was but one word, yet worth a volume. it made me more correctly understand the character of your people and the mystery of your inner prodigious growth, than a big volume of treatises upon the spirit of america might have done. the instinct of indomitable energy, all the boundless power hidden in the word "_go ahead_," lay open before my eyes. i felt by a glance what immense things might be accomplished by that energy, to the honour and lasting welfare of all humanity, if only its direction be not misled--and i pray to god that he may preserve your people from being absorbed in materialism. the proud results of egotism vanish in the following generation like the fancy of a dream; but the smallest real benefit bestowed upon mankind is lasting like eternity. people of america! thy energy is wonderful; but for thy own sake, for thy future's sake, for all humanity's sake, beware! oh! beware from measuring good and evil by the arguments of materialists. i have seen too many sad and bitter hours in my stormy life, not to remember every word of true consolation which happened to brighten my way. it was nearly four months ago, and still i remember it, as if it had happened but yesterday, that the delegation, which came in december last to new york, to tender me a cordial welcome from and to invite me to newark, called _me a brother, a brother in the just and righteous appreciation of human rights and human destiny; brother in all the sacred and hallowed sentiments of the human heart_. these were your words, and yesterday the people of newark proved to me that they are your sentiments; sentiments not like the sudden excitement of passion, which cools, but sentiments of brotherhood and friendship, lasting, faithful, and true. you have greeted me by the dear name of brother. when i came, you entitled me to the right to bid you farewell in a brother's way. and between brethren, a warm grasp of hand, a tender tear in the eye, and the word "_remember_," tells more than all the skill of oratory could do. and remember, oh remember, brethren! that the grasp of my hand is my whole people's grasp, the tear which glistens in my eyes is their tear. they are suffering as no other people--for the world, the oppressed world. they are the emblem of struggling liberty, claiming a brother's love and a brother's aid from america, who is, happily, the emblem of prosperous liberty! let this word "_brother_," with all the dear ties comprized in that word, be the impression i leave upon your hearts. let this word, "_brethren, remember!_" be my farewell. * * * * * xli.--the history and heart of massachusetts. [_worcester,[*] massachusetts_.] [footnote *: "heart of the commonwealth," is the american title of the town of worcester.] gentlemen,--just as the holy scriptures are the revelation of religious truth, teaching men how to attain eternal bliss, so history is the revelation of eternal wisdom, instructing nations how to be happy, and immortal on earth. unaccountable changes may alter on a sudden the condition of individuals, but in the life of nations there is always a close concatenation of cause and effect--therefore history is the book of life, wherein the past assumes the shape of future events. the history of old massachusetts is full of instruction to those who know how to read unwritten philosophy in written facts. besides, to me it is of deep interest, because of the striking resemblances between your country's history and that of mine. in fact, from the very time that the "colonial system" was adopted by great britain, to secure the monopoly of the american trade, down to washington's final victories;--from james otis, pleading with words of flame the rights of america before the supreme court of massachusetts, breathing into the nation that breath of life out of which american independence was born; down to the declaration of independence, first moved by a son of massachusetts;--i often believe i read of hungary when i read of massachusetts. but next, when the kind cheers of your generous-hearted people rouse me out of my contemplative reveries, and looking around me i see your prosperity, a nameless woe comes over my mind, because that very prosperity reminds me that i am not at home. the home of my fathers--the home of my heart--the home of my affections and of my cares, is in the most striking contrast with the prosperity i see here. and whence this striking contrast in the results, when there exists such a striking identity in the antecedents? whence this afflicting departure from logical coherence in history? it is, because your struggle for independence met the good luck, that monarchical france stipulated to aid with its full force america struggling for independence, whereas republican america delayed even a recognition of hungary's independence at the crisis when it had been achieved. however! the equality of results may yet come. history will not prove false to poor hungary, while it proves true to all the world. i certainly shall never meet the reputation of franklin, but i may yet meet his good luck in a patriotic mission. it is not yet too late. my people, like the damsel in the scriptures, is but sleeping, and not dead. sleep is silent, but restores to strength. there is apparent silence also in nature before the storm. we are downtrodden, it is true: but was not washington in a dreary retreat with his few brave men, scarcely to be called an army, when franklin drew nigh to success in his mission? my retreat is somewhat longer, to be sure, but then our struggle went on from the first on a far greater scale; and again, the success of franklin was aided by the hatred of france against england; so i am told, and it is true; but i trust that the love of liberty in republican america will prove as copious a source of generous inspiration, as hatred of great britain proved in monarchical france. or, should it be the doom of humanity that even republics like yours are more mightily moved by hatred than by love, is there less reason for republican america to hate the overwhelming progress of absolutism, than there was reason for france to hate england's prosperity? in fact, that prosperity has not been lessened, but rather increased by the rending away of the united states from the dominion of england; but the absorption of europe into predominant absolutism, would cripple your prosperity, because you are no china, no japan. america cannot remain unaffected by the condition of europe, with which you have a thousand-fold intercourse. a passing accident in liverpool, a fire in manchester, cannot fail to be felt in america--how could then the fire of despotic oppression, which threatens to consume all europe's freedom, civilization, and property, fail to affect in its results america? how can it be indifferent to you whether europe be free or enslaved?--whether there exists a "law of nations," or no such thing any more exists, being replaced by the caprice of an arrogant mortal who is called "czar?" no! either all the instruction of history is vanity, and its warnings but the pastime of a mocking-bird, or this indifference is impossible; therefore i may yet meet with franklin's good luck. franklin wrote to his friend charles thompson, after having concluded the treaty of peace--"if we ever become ungrateful to those who have served and befriended us, our reputation, and all the strength it is capable of procuring, will be lost, and new dangers ensue." perhaps i could say, poor hungary has well served christendom, has well served the cause of humanity; but indeed we are not so happy as to have served your country in particular. but you are generous enough to permit our unmerited misfortunes to recommend us to your affections in place of good service. it is beautiful to repay a received benefit, but to bestow a benefit is divine. it is your good fortune to be _able_ to do good to humanity: let it be your glory that you are _willing_ to do it. then what will be the tidings i shall have to bear back to europe, in answer to the expectations with which i was charged from turkey, italy, france, portugal, and england? let me hope the answer will be fit to be reanswered by a mighty hallelujah, at the shout of which the thrones of tyrants will quake; and when they are fallen, and buried beneath the fallen pillars of tyranny, all the christian world will unite in the song of praise--"glory to god in heaven, and peace to right-willing men on earth, and honour to america, the first-born son of liberty. for no nation has god done so much as for her; for she proved to be well deserving of it, because she was obedient to his divine law--she has loved her neighbour as herself, and did unto others as, in the hour of her need, she desired others to do unto herself." gentlemen,--i know what weight is due to massachusetts in the councils of the nation; the history, the character, the intelligence, the consistent energy, and the considerate perseverance of your country, give me the security that when the people of massachusetts raises its voice and pronounces its will--it will carry its aim. i have seen this people's will in the manifestation of him whom the people's well-deserved confidence has raised to the helm of its executive government; i have seen it in the sanction of its senators; i have seen it in the mighty outburst of popular sentiments, and in the generous testimonials of its sympathy, as i moved over this hallowed soil. i hope soon to see it in the legislative hall of your representatives, and in the cradle of american liberty. i hope to see it as i see it now here, throbbing with warm, sincere, generous, and powerful pulsation, in the very heart of your commonwealth. i know that where the heart is sound the whole body is sound--the blood is sound throughout all the veins. never believe those to be right who, bearing but a piece of metal in their chests, could persuade you, that to be cold is to be wise. warmth is the vivifying influence of the universe, and the warm heart is the source of noble deeds. to consider calmly what you have to do is well. you have done so. but let me hope that the heart of massachusetts will continue to throb warmly for the cause of liberty, till that which you judge to be right is done, with that persistent energy, which, inherited from the puritan pilgrims of the mayflower, is a principle with the people of massachusetts. remember the afflicted,--farewell. * * * * * xlii.--panegyric of massachusetts. [_speech at faneuil hall_.] kossuth entered boston on the th april, escorted by twenty-nine companies of infantry and four of artillery, in the midst of flags and other festive display. he was welcomed by gov. boutwell at the state house. in the afternoon he reviewed the troops on the common, in the midst of an immense multitude. the members of the legislature and of the council came in procession from the state house, and joined him in the field. in the evening he was entertained at the revere house, as the guest of the legislative committee. on april th he was escorted by the independent cadets to the state house, where governor boutwell received him with a brief but emphatic speech, avowing that kossuth had "imparted important instruction" to the people of the united states. the governor then conducted kossuth to the senate, where he was warmly welcomed by the president, general wilson; and thence again to the house of representatives, where the speaker, mr. banks, addressed him in words of high honour, in the name of the representatives. to each of these addresses kossuth replied; but the substance of his speeches has scarcely sufficient novelty to present here. on the evening of the th of april it was arranged that he should speak in faneuil hall. the hall filled long before his arrival, and an incident occurred which deserves record. the crowd amused itself by calling on persons present for speeches: among others senator myron lawrence was called for, who, after first refusing, stept on the platform and declared that _he had some sins to confess_. he had been guilty of thinking kossuth to be what is called "a humbug;" but he had seen him now, and thought differently. he had seen the modest, truthful bearing of the man,--that he had no tricks of the orator, but spoke straightforward. mr. lawrence now believed him to be sincere and honest, and prayed almighty god to grant him a glorious success. this frank and manly acknowledgment was received with unanimous and hearty applause. at eight o'clock governor boutwell, his council, and the committee of reception, as also the vice-presidents and secretaries, received kossuth in faneuil hall.[*] when applause had ceased, the governor addressed kossuth as follows:-- [footnote *: faneuil hall is entitled by the americans "the cradle of american liberty."] gentlemen,--we have come from the exciting and majestic scenes of the reception which the people of massachusetts have given to the exiled son of an oppressed and distant land, that on this holy spot, associated in our minds with the eloquence, the patriotism, the virtue of the revolution, we may listen to his sad story of the past and contemplate his plans and hopes for the future. and shall these associations which belong to us, and this sad story which belongs to humanity, fail to inspire our souls and instruct our minds in the cause of freedom? europe is not like a distant ocean, whose agitations and storms give no impulse to the wave that gently touches our shore. the introduction of steam power and the development of commercial energy are blending and assimilating our civilities and institutions. europe is nearer to us in time than the extreme parts of this country are to each other. as all of us are interested in the prevalence of the principles of justice among our fellow men, _so_, as a nation, we are interested in the prevalence of the principles of justice among the nations and states of europe. never before was the american mind so intelligently directed to european affairs. we have not sought, nor shall we seek, the control of those affairs. but we may scan and judge their character and prepare ourselves for the exigencies of national existence to which we may be called. _i do not hesitate to pronounce the opinion that the policy of europe will have a visible effect upon the character, power, and destiny of the american republic_. that policy as indicated by russia and austria, is the work of centralization, consolidation and absolutism. american policy is the antagonist of this. we are pledged to liberty and the sovereignty of states. shall a contest between our own principles and those of our enemies awaken no emotions in us? we believe that government should exist for the advantage of the individual members of the body politic, and not for the use of those who, by birth, fortune, or personal energy, may have risen to positions of power. we recognize the right of each nation to establish its own institutions and regulate its own affairs. our revolution rests upon this right, and otherwise is entirely indefensible. the policy of this nation, as well foreign as domestic, should be controlled by american principles, that the world may know we have faith in the government we have established. while we cannot adopt the cause of any other people, or make the quarrels of european nations our own, it is our duty to guard the principles peculiar to america, as well as those entertained by us in common with the civilized world. one principle, which should be universal in states as among individual men is, that each should use his own in such a way as not to injure that which belongs to another. _russia violated this principle when she interfered in the affairs of hungary_, and thus weakened the obligations of other states to respect the sovereignty of the russian empire. the independent existence of the continental states of europe, is of twofold importance to america. important politically, important commercially. as independent states they deprive russia, the central and absorbing power of europe, of the opportunity on the mediterranean to interfere in the politics and civilities of this continent. russia and the united states are as unlike as any two nations which ever existed. if russia obtains control of europe by the power of arms, and the united states shall retain this continent by the power of its principles, war will be inevitable. as inevitable as it was in former days that war should arise between carthage and rome,--carthage, which sought to extend her power by commerce, and rome, which sought to govern the world by the sword. the independence of the states of europe is then the best security for the peace of the world. if these states exist, it must be upon one condition only--that each state is permitted to regulate its own affairs. if the voice of the united states and great britain is silent, will russia allow these states to exist upon this principle?--has she not already partitioned poland--menaced turkey--divided with the sultan the sovereignty of wallachia--infused new energy into the despotic councils of austria--and finally aided her in an unholy crusade against the liberties of hungary? have we not then an interest in the affairs of europe? and if we have an interest, ought we not to use the rights of an independent state for its protection? the second consideration is commercial. centralization, absolutism, destroys commerce. the policy of russia diminishes production and limits markets. whenever she adds a new state to her dominions the commerce of the world is diminished. great britain and the united states, which possess three-fourths of the commercial marine of the globe, are interested to prevent it. our commerce at this moment with despotic states is of very little importance, and its history shows that in every age it has flourished in proportion to the freedom of the people. these, gentlemen, are poor words and barren thoughts upon the great european question of the time. a question which america in her own name, and for herself, must meet at some future day, if now she shall fail to meet it firmly, upon well settled principles of national law, for the protection and assistance of other states. i have done. the exiled patriot shall speak for himself. not for himself only, nor for the land and people of hungary he loves so well, but for europe, and america even, he speaks. before you he pleads your own cause. it is to a just tribunal i present a noble advocate. and to him it shall be a bright spot in the dreary waste of the exile's life, that to-night he pleads the cause of hungary and humanity, where once otis and adams, and hancock and quincy, pleaded the cause of america and liberty. i present to you governor kossuth of hungary. in reply to governor boutwell, when the tumultuous applause had subsided, kossuth spoke, in substance as follows:-- he apologized for profaning shakespeare's language in faneuil hall, the cradle of american liberty. yet he ventured to criticize that very phrase; for liberty ought not to be _american_, but _human_; else it is no longer a right, but a privilege; and privilege can nowhere be permanent. the nature of a privilege (said he) is exclusiveness, that of a principle is communicative. liberty is a principle: its community is its security; exclusiveness is its doom. what is aristocracy? it is exclusive liberty; it is privilege; and aristocracy is doomed, because it is contrary to the destiny of men. as aristocracy should vanish within each nation, so should no nation be an aristocrat among nations. until that ceases, liberty will nowhere be lasting on earth. it is equally fatal to individuals as to nations, to believe themselves beyond the reach of vicissitudes. by this proud reliance, and the isolation resulting therefrom, more victims have fallen than by immediate adversities. you have grown prodigiously by your freedom of seventy-five years; but what is seventy-five years as a charter of immortality? no, no, my humble tongue tells the records of eternal truth. a _privilege_ never can be lasting. liberty restricted to one nation never can be sure. you may say, "we are the prophets of god;" but you shall not say, "god is only our god." the jews said so, and their pride, old jerusalem, lies in the dust. our saviour taught all humanity to say, "our father in heaven," and his jerusalem is lasting to the end of days. "there is a community in mankind's destiny"--that was the greeting which i read on the arch of welcome on the capitol hill of massachusetts. i pray to god, the republic of america would weigh the eternal truth of those words, and act accordingly; liberty in america would then be sure to the end of time; but if you say, "american liberty," and take that grammar for your policy, i dare to say the time will yet come when humanity will have to mourn a new proof of the ancient truth, that without community national freedom is never sure. however, the cradle of american liberty is not only famous from the reputation of having been always on the lists of the most powerful eloquence; it is still more conspicuous for having seen that eloquence attended by practical success. to understand the mystery of this rare circumstance one must see the people of new england, and especially the people of massachusetts. in what i have seen of new england there are two things, the evidence of which strikes the observer at every step--prosperity and intelligence. i have seen thousands assembled, following the noble impulses of a generous heart: almost the entire population of every town, of every village where i passed, gathered around me, throwing flowers of consolation on my path. i have seen not a single man bearing that mark of poverty upon himself which in old europe strikes the eye sadly at every step. i have seen no ragged poor--have seen not a single house bearing the appearance of desolated poverty. the cheerfulness of a comfortable condition, the result of industry, spreads over the land. one sees at a glance that the people work assiduously, not with the depressing thought just to get through the cares of a miserable life from day to day by hard toil, but they work with the cheerful consciousness of substantial happiness. and the second thing which i could not fail to remark, is the stamp of intelligence impressed upon the very eyes and outward appearance of the people at large. i and my companions have seen them in the factories, in the workshops, in their houses, and in the streets, and could not fail a thousand times to think "how intelligent this people looks." it is to such a people that the orators of faneuil hall had to speak, and therein is the mystery of success. they were not wiser than the public spirit of their audience, but they were the eloquent interpreters of the people's enlightened instinct. no man can force the harp of his own individuality into the people's heart, but every man may play upon the chords of his people's heart, who draws his inspiration from the people's instinct. well, i thank god for having seen the public spirit of the people of massachusetts, bestowing its attention on the cause i plead, and pronouncing its verdict. in respect to the question of national intervention, his excellency the high-minded governor of massachusetts wrote a memorable address to the legislature; the joint committee of the legislative assembly, after a careful and candid consideration of the subject, not only concurred in the views of the executive government, but elucidated them in a report, the irrefutable logic and elevated statesmanship of which will for ever endear the name of hazewell to oppressed nations; and the senate of massachusetts adopted the resolutions proposed by the legislative committee. after such remarkable and unsolicited manifestations of conviction, there cannot be the slightest doubt that all these executive and legislative proceedings not only met the full approbation of the people of massachusetts, but were the solemn interpretation of public opinion. a spontaneous outburst of popular sentiment tells often more in a single word than all the skill of elaborate eloquence could; as when, amidst the thundering cheers of a countless multitude, a man in worcester greeted me with the shout: "_we worship not the man, but we worship the principle_." it was a word, like those words of flame spoken in faneuil hall, out of which liberty in america was born. that word reveals the spirit, which, applying eternal truth to present exigencies, moves through the people's heart--that word is teeming with the destinies of america. give me leave to mention, that having had an opportunity to converse with leading men of the great parties, which are on the eve of an animated contest for the presidency--i availed myself of that opportunity, to be informed of the principal issues, in case the one or the other party carries the prize; and having got the information thereof, i could not forbear to exclaim--"all these questions together cannot outweigh the all-overruling importance of _foreign policy_." it is there, in the question of foreign policy, that the heart of the immediate future throbs. security and danger, prosperity and stagnation, peace and war, tranquillity and embarrassment--yes, life and death, will be weighed in the scale of foreign policy. it is evident things are come to the point where they were in ancient rome, when old cato never spoke privately or publicly about whatever topic, without closing his speech with these words: "_however, my opinion is that carthage must be destroyed_"--thus advertising his countrymen, that there was one question outweighing in importance all other questions, from which public attention should never for a moment be withdrawn. such, in my opinion, is the condition of the world now. carthage and rome had no place on earth together. republican america and all-overwhelming russian absolutism cannot much longer subsist together on earth. russia active--america passive--there is an immense danger in that fact; it is like the avalanche in the alps, which the noise of a bird's wing may move and thrust down with irresistible force, growing every moment. i cannot but believe it were highly time to do as old cato did, and finish every speech with these words--"_however, the law of nations should be maintained, and absolutism not permitted to become omnipotent._" it is however a consolation to me to know, that the _chief_ difficulty with which i have to contend,--viz. the overpowering influence of domestic questions with you,--is neither lasting, nor in any way an argument against the justice of our cause. another difficulty which i encounter is rather curious. many a man has told me that if i had only not fallen into the hands of _abolitionists_ and _free soilers_, they would have supported me; and had i landed somewhere in the south, instead of at new york, i should have met quite different things from that quarter; but being supported by the free-soilers, of course i must be opposed by the south. on the other side, i received a letter, from which i beg leave to quote a few lines:-- "you are silent on the subject of slavery. surrounded as you have been by slaveholders ever since you put your foot on english soil, if not during your whole voyage from constantinople, and ever since you have been in this country surrounded by them, whose threats, promises, and flattery made the stoutest hearts succumb, your position has put me in mind of a scene described by the apostle of jesus christ, when the devil took him up into a high mountain," &c. now, gentlemen, thus being charged from one side with being in the hands of abolitionists, and from the other side with being in the hands of slaveholders, i indeed am at a loss what course to take, if these very contradictory charges were not giving me the satisfaction to feel that i stand just where it is my duty to stand--on a truly american ground. and oh, have i not enough upon these poor shoulders, that i am desired yet to take up additional cares? if the cause i plead be just, if it is worthy of your sympathy, and at the same time consistent with the impartial consideration of your own moral and material interests, (which a patriot never should disregard, not even out of philanthropy,) then why not weigh that cause in the scale of its own value, and not in a foreign one? have i not difficulties enough before me here, that i am desired to increase them with my own hands?--father mathew goes on preaching temperance, and he may be opposed or supported on his own ground; but who ever thought of opposing him because he takes not into his hands to preach fortitude or charity? and indeed, to oppose or to abandon the cause i plead, only because i mix not with the agitation of an interior question, is a greater injustice yet, because to discuss the question of foreign policy i have a right,--my nation is an object of that policy; we are interested in it;--but to mix with interior party movements i have no right, not being a citizen of the united states. [after this kossuth proceeded to urge, as in former speeches, that the interests of american commerce were not opposed to, but were identified with, the cause of hungary and of european liberty. he also adduced new considerations, which are afterwards treated more fully in his speech at buffalo.] * * * * * xliii.--self-government of hungary. [_banquet in faneuil hall_.] on april th, kossuth was entertained at a grand banquet, by the governor and council, and the members of the two houses. eight hundred and seventy tickets besides were issued, and were all taken up. the honourable henry wilson, president of the senate, was president for the evening. it is not possible here to print all the speeches, but it may be noted that governor boutwell, in reply to a toast, elicited affirmative replies from the guests to many questions directed to show the necessity of american armed interference on the side of hungary. also, the venerable josiah quincy, aged eighty, in reply to a toast, declared that liberty remained only in the united states and great britain, and that in great britain herself the spirit of freedom is weakened. "let great britain fail and be beaten down, and all the navies of europe will be bristling against the united states." finally, president wilson, introducing the guest of the evening, said:-- "gentlemen, allow me to present to you the illustrious guest of massachusetts, governor kossuth. he has won our admiration as a man by the advocacy of the cause of his country, and he has won all our hearts by the purity of his principles." kossuth, in reply, noticed that the toast with which he had been honoured was almost entirely personal; and while disclaiming merit, he was nevertheless induced to advert to personal incidents, (now generally known,) as,--how he published in ms. the hungarian debates,--was unlawfully imprisoned for it, and learned english in prison by means of shakespeare; how when he was necessarily released, the government imposed an unlawful censorship on his journal, which journal nevertheless became the basis of the great and extensive reforms which received their completion in the laws of march and april, . after this he proceeded as follows:-- gentlemen, allow me to say a few words on the ancient institutions of hungary. i have often heard it said that the people of europe are incapable of self-government. let me speak of the people of hungary, to show whether they are capable of self-government or not. in thirty-six years, with god's help, and through your generous aid, the free people of hungary will celebrate the th anniversary of the establishment of their home--the millennium of hungary in europe. yes, gentlemen, may i hope that celebration will take place under the blessings of liberty in the year ? it is a long period--one thousand years--and oh! how it has teemed with adversities to my countrymen! and yet through this long time, amid all adversities there was no period when the people of hungary did not resist despotism. our boast is, that through the vicissitudes of a thousand years there was not a moment when the popular will and the legal authorities had sanctioned the rule of absolutism. and, gentlemen, what other people, for years, has not consented to be ruled by despotism? even in the nineteenth century i am glad to look back to the wisdom of our fathers through a thousand years--who laid down for hungarian institutions a basis which for all eternity must remain true. this basis was upon that latin proverb _nil de nobis, sine nobis_--"nothing about us without us." that was, to claim that every man should have a full share in the sovereignty of the people and a full share in the rights belonging to his nation. in other times a theory was got up to convince the people that they might have a share in _legislation_ just so far as to control that legislation, but denying the right of the people to control the _executive_ power. the hungarian people never adopted that theory. they ever claimed a full share in the _executive_ as well as in the legislative and judicial power. out of this idea of government rose the municipal system of hungary. in respect to hungarian aristocracy, you must not consider it in the same light as the aristocracy of england. the word _nobleman_ in hungary originally was equivalent to _soldier_. every man who defended his country was a nobleman, and every man who had a vote was called to defend his country. i believe the duty of defending a man's country, and also political right, should be common. after our people had conquered a home, the leaders took the lion's share, of course. but it should be considered that those who had the largest share of the property, were compelled to furnish soldiers according to the extent of their possessions. therefore such men gave a part of their land to people to cultivate, and desired aid of them whenever the necessity for war came. so all who defended their country were considered noblemen. hungary was divided into fifty-two counties, but not counties like yours--some of them were so populous as to be comparable to your states, containing perhaps half a million or more of people, and those who became the aristocracy in some of these counties amounted to , . in every county was a fortress, and whenever defence became necessary, the rich men went into these fortresses under their own banner, and the others went under the king's colours, and were commanded by the sheriff of the county, who might be here governor--at least who was the chief of the executive. certain of the cities were raised to constitutional rights. a smaller city, if surrounded by fortifications, or if an important post, was represented in the diet, whilst larger places, if not posts of importance for national defence, were represented only by the county delegates. every place that had the elements of defence had political rights. so it came to pass that the aristocracy were not a few men, but half a million. i had contended to beat down this barrier of aristocracy. before the revolution, in municipal governments only the nobility had a share--they only were the men who could vote: but the change was easy. the frame of self-government was ready. we had only to say, _the people_ instead of _the nobility_ had the right to vote; and so, in one day, we buried aristocracy, never to rise again. each county elected its representatives to the diet, and had the right of intercourse with other counties by means of letters on all matters of importance to these counties; and therefore our fifty-two primary councils were normal schools of public spirit. we elected our judicatory and executive, and the government had not a right to send instructions or orders to our executive; and if an order came which we considered to be inconsistent with our constitutional rights, it was not sent to the executive, but to the council; and therefore the arbitrary orders of the government could not be executed, because they came not into the hands of the executive. thus were our councils barriers against oppression. when the french took saragossa, it was not enough to take the city--they had to take every house. so also _we_ went on, and though some counties might accept the arbitrary orders of the government, some resisted; and, by discussing in their letters to the other counties the points of right, enlightened them; and it was seen that when the last house in saragossa had been beaten down, the first stood erect again. in consequence of the democratic nature of our institutions, our councils were our grand juries. but after having elected our judges, we chose several men in every county meeting, of no public office, but conspicuous for their integrity and knowledge of the law, to assist the judges in their administration. believe me, these institutions had a sound basis, fit to protect a nation against an arbitrary government which was aiming at centralization and oppression. now, these counties having contended against the austrian government, it did everything to destroy them. the great field was opened in the diet of . having been elected by the county of pest, i had the honour to lead the party devoted to national rights and opposed to centralization and in defence of municipal authority. it was my intention to make it impossible that the government should in future encroach upon the liberties of the people. we had the misfortune in hungary to be governed by a constitutional king, who at the same time was the absolute monarch of another realm--by birth and interests attached to absolutism and opposed to constitutional government. it was difficult to be an absolute monarch and behave as king of hungary. there is on record a speech of mine, spoken in the hungarian diet, about the inconsistency of these two attributes in one man--that either austria must become constitutional, or hungary absolutistical. that speech virtually made the revolution of at vienna. after this revolution, i was sent to vienna to ask that our laws be established, releasing the people from feudal rights and demanding a constitutional ministry. then it was that a circumstance occurred, to which i heard an allusion in the toast offered to me. i was told the king would grant our request; only, there was agitation in vienna, and it would look as if the king were yielding to pressure. if the people would be quiet, the king would sanction our laws. then i said, that if the king would give his sanction to our legislative measures, peace would be made for the house of austria in twenty-four hours. but when that consent was given in one chamber, in another chamber that wicked woman, sophia, the mother of the present emperor, who calls himself king of hungary--no, he does _not_ call himself king of hungary, for he thinks the national existence of hungary is blotted out--plotted how to ruin my people and destroy that sanction which was nothing but a necessary means to secure a just cause. next came the hungarian ministry--and, strange to say, i saw myself placed close to the throne. when in vienna, after the sanction was granted, steps were taken to retract it; i went to the arch-duke stephen, the palatine of hungary, the first constitutional authority of hungary,--the elective viceroy, and told him he ought to return to hungary if he wished to preserve his influence. he answered that he could not return to hungary, for if the king did not sanction our laws--he (the arch-duke stephen) might be proclaimed king instead of the emperor of austria, and he would never dethrone his cousin. i answered, that he spoke like an honest man, but perhaps the time would come when he would find an empty seat on that throne, and he had better take it, for i could assure him, if he did not, no other man ever would with the consent of the people. when five months later, in hungary, we met for the last time, he called me to his house on a stormy night, and desired of me to know what would be the issue of matters. i answered: i can see no issue for you, but the crown or else the scaffold, and then for the people a republic. but even from this alternative i will relieve you: for you the crown, for me the scaffold, if the hungarian independence is not achieved.--i make no hesitation here to confess that such was the embarrassed state of hungarian affairs that i should have felt satisfied for him to have accepted the crown. remember that your fathers did not design at first to sever the ties which bound the colonies to england, but circumstances forced the issue. so it was with us. we asked at first only democratic institutions, but when it was possible we were glad to throw away our kings. the arch-duke did not accept, but was rather a traitor to his country. such is the connection of tyrants with each other, they desire not to prevent others from oppressing. he is now an exile like myself. if he had accepted the proposal, no doubt the independence of hungary would have been recognized by even russia, especially if he had formed a family alliance with despotism, and then for centuries the establishment of a republic would have been impossible; whereas, now, as sure as there is a god in heaven, no king will ever rule hungary; but it must be one of those republics, wherein republicanism is not a mere romance but a reality, founded upon the basis of municipal authorities, to which the people are attached. we could never have such a movement as disgraced france in december. excuse me, gentlemen, if i abuse your kindness. i am anxious to make known my ideas upon the future organization of my country. the organization which alone we could propose, is one founded upon the sovereignty of the people, not only in a _legislative_ capacity --for it is not enough that we know that sovereignty by casting a vote once in three or four years: we must feel it every day, everywhere. the sovereignty of the people asserts, that men have certain rights, not depending on any power, but natural rights. i mean such as religious liberty--free thought--a free press, and the right of every family to regulate its own affairs: but not only every family; also every town, city, and county. our sovereignty shall be such, that the higher government will have no power to interfere in the domestic concerns of any town, city, or county. these are the principles upon which our government will be founded--not only sovereignty in legislation, but a particular share in the executive government.--judge whether such a people is worthy to meet the sympathy of republicans like you, who have shown to the world that a nation may be powerful without centralization. believe me, there is harmony in our _ancient_ principles and your _recent_ ones. judge whether my people is capable of self-government. the venerable gentleman (josiah quincy) spoke a word about england. i believe the anglo-saxon race must have a high destiny in the history of mankind. it is the only race, the younger brother of which is free while the elder brother has also some freedom. you, gentlemen, acknowledge that from the mother country you obtained certain of your principles of liberty--free thought and speech, a free press, &c.--and i am sure, gentlemen, the english people are proud of liberty. called to pronounce against the league of despots, if the republican united states and constitutional england were in concord, what would be the consequence? i answer, it would be exactly as when the south american republic was threatened--as when russia forbade american vessels to approach within a hundred miles of its american shores. i have often met in the united states an objection against an alliance with england; but it is chiefly the irish who are opposed to being on good terms with england. in respect to the irish, if i could contribute to the future unity in action of the united states and england, i should more aid the irish than by all exclamations against one or other. if the united states and england were in union, the continent of europe would be republican. then, though england remained monarchical, ireland would be freer than now. if i were an irishman, i would not have raised the standard of _repeal_, which offended the people of england, but the standard of municipal _self-government_ against parliamentary omnipotence--not as an irish question, but as a common question to all--and in this movement the people of england and scotland would have joined; and now there would have been a parliament in england, in ireland, and scotland. such is the geographical position of great britain, that its countries should be, not one, but united; each with its own parliament, but still one parliament for all. if i could contribute to get england to oppose the encroachments of absolutism, i should be doing more to aid ireland, in aiding freedom, than if i so acted as to induce england to look indifferently at the approach of absolutism. i was glad to hear the words of that venerable gentleman (josiah quincy). they brought to my mind the words of john adams, first minister of the united states to england. when he addressed the king, he said:--"_he would be happy could he restore entire esteem, confidence, and affection between the united states and england_," and king george iii. replied: "_i was the last to conform to the separation, and i am the first to meet the friendship of the united states. let the communities of language, religion, and blood have their full and natural effect._" 'let this precedent, belonging to the intelligence not of to-day only--let those words become now considered of particular interest to both countries, and it would be of the greatest benefit to mankind. there is nothing more necessary to secure the freedom of europe than consent to act together, on the part of the united states and england. it is not necessary to say how far they will go, but only necessary to say they will do as much as their interests allow, and what may be necessary that the law of nations should be protected and not abandoned. when i was in england nothing gave me more delight than to hear delegations addressing me, mention your washington, and confess themselves sorry that he had to manifest his greatness in contending against england; but they were more proud to see the greatness of such a man, than not to have been opposed by him. they entrusted me to bring word to the united states, that they wished to be united to you for the benefit of all humanity. i was charged particularly by one hundred men connected with commerce at manchester--the least wealthy of whom was _worth_, as they express it in england, £ , a year--these gentlemen told me it would be a great result of my mission in the united states, if i could convince americans that englishmen thought all differences had vanished; and they desired to go hand in hand with the people of the united states, as regards foreign policy. now, i have observed in new england less objection to the policy of an alliance with england than in many other parts of the united states, and i take it for an evidence of the intelligence and liberality of the people. i know, gentlemen, you have been pleased to honour me, not for myself (for the people of massachusetts are not man-worshippers, but reverence principles only)--therefore i cannot better express my thanks than to pledge my word, relying, as on another occasion of deep interest i said, _upon the justice of our cause, the blessing of god, iron wills, stout arms, and good swords_--and upon your generous sympathy, to do all in my power, with my people, for my country and for humanity; for which indeed in my heart, though, it is somewhat old, there is yet warmth. after many other toasts, president wilson called on judge hoar to speak. the reply of the judge had several striking sentences. he closed by saying to kossuth: "it is because you, sir, have learned the truth that _peace is the first interest of no people,--that there are other things more sacred than human life,--that without justice and freedom life is only a mockery, and peace a delusion and a burden,_--it is _because_, when tyranny had terminated every duty of a subject, you too[*] have dared to become the most notorious rebel of our time, _therefore_ does massachusetts welcome you to the home of hancock and of adams, and the majestic spirit of washington sheds its benediction upon the scene." [footnote *: the judge alludes to hancock and adams, who were excepted by name as "notorious rebels," from general gage's proclamation of amnesty.] * * * * * xliv.--russia the antagonist of the u.s. [_salem, may _.] ladies and gentlemen,--when four years ago, the tidings of our struggle made the scarcely before known name of hungary familiar to you, sympathy for a nobly defended noble cause moved your hearts to rejoice at our victories, to feel anxiety about our dangers. yet, so long as our struggle was but a domestic contest, a resistance against oppression by a perjurious king, you had no reason to think that the sympathy you felt for us, being a generous manifestation of the affections of free men, was at the same time an instinctive presentiment of a policy, which you in your national capacity will be called upon by circumstances, not only to consider, but, as i firmly believe, also to adopt. you were far from anticipating that the issue of our struggle would become an opportunity for your country to take that position which divine providence has evidently assigned to you; i mean the position of a power, not restricted in its influence to the western hemisphere, but reaching across the earth. you had not thought that it is the struggle of hungary which will call on you to fulfil the prophecy of canning; who comprehended, that it is the destiny of the new world to redress the balance of power in the old. the universal importance of our contest has been but late revealed. it has been revealed by the interference of russia, by our fall, and by its more threatening results. now, it has become evident to all thinking men, that the balance of power cannot be redressed unless hungary is restored to national independence. consequently if it be your own necessity to weigh in the scale of the powers on earth, if it be your destiny to redress the balance of power, the cause of hungary is the field where this destiny will have to be fulfilled. and it is indeed your destiny. russian diplomacy could never boast of a greater and more fatal victory than it had a right to boast, should it succeed to persuade the united states not to care about her--russia accomplishing her aim to become the ruling power in europe; the ruling power in asia; the ruling power of the mediterranean sea. that would be indeed a great triumph to russian diplomacy, greater than her triumph over hungary; a triumph dreadful to all humanity, but to nobody more dreadful than to your own future. all sophistry is in vain, gentlemen; there can be no mistake about it. russian absolutism and anglo-saxon constitutionalism are not rival but antagonist powers. they cannot long continue to subsist together. antagonists cannot hold equal position; every additional strength of the one is a comparative weakening of the other. one or the other must yield. one or the other must perish or become dependent on the other's will. you may perhaps believe that that triumph of diplomacy is impossible in america. but i am sorry to say, that it has a dangerous ally, in the propensity to believe, that the field of american policy is limited geographically; that there is a field for american, and there is a field for european policy, and that these fields are distinct, and that it is your interest to keep them distinct. there was a time in our struggle, when, if a man had come from america, bringing us in official capacity the tidings of your brotherly greeting, of your approbation and your sympathy, he would have been regarded like a harbinger of heaven. the hungarian nation, tired out by the hard task of dearly but gloriously bought victories, was longing for a little test, when the numerous hordes of russia fell upon us in the hour of momentary exhaustion. indignation supplied the wanted rest, and we rose to meet the intruding foe; but it was natural that the nation looked around with anxiety, whether there be no power on earth raising its protesting voice against that impious act of trampling down the law of nations, the common property of all humanity? no power on earth to cheer us by a word of approbation of our legitimate defence? alas! no such word was heard. we stood forsaken and alone! it was upon that ground of forsakenness that treason spread its poison into our ranks. they told my nation, "your case is hopeless. kossuth has assured you that if you drive out the austrians from your territory, and declare your independence, it perhaps will be recognized by the french republic, probably by england, and certainly by america; but look! none has recognized you; not even the united states, though with them it was from the time of washington always a constant principle to recognize every government. you are not recognized. you are forsaken by the whole world. kossuth has assured you, that it is impossible the constitutional powers of the world should permit without a word of protest russia to interfere with the domestic concerns of hungary; and look! russia has interfered, the laws of nations are broken, the political balance of power is upset. russia has assumed the position of a despotic arbiter of the condition of the world, and still nobody has raised a single word of protest in favour of hungary's just and holy cause." such was the insinuation, which russian diplomacy, with its wonted subterraneous skill, instilled drop by drop into my brave people's manly heart; and alas! i could not say that the insinuation was false. _the french republic_, instead of protesting against the interference of russia, _followed its example and interfered itself at rome_. _great britain_, instead of protesting, _checked turkey in her resolution to oppose that new aggrandizement of russia_; and _the united states of america_ remained silent, instead of protesting against the violation of those "laws of nature and of nature's god," in the maintenance of which nobody can be more interested than the great republic of america. in short, it was by our feeling forsaken, that the skill of our enemies spread despondency through our ranks; and this despondency, not the arms of russia, caused us to fall. self-confidence lost is more than half a defeat. had america sent a diplomatic agent to hungary, greeting us amongst the independent powers on earth, recognizing our independence, and declaring russian interference to be contrary to the laws of nations, that despondency, that loss of self-confidence, had never gained ground among us; without this, treason would have been impossible, and without treason all the disposable power of russia would never have succeeded to overcome our arms;--never! i should rather have brought the well-deserved punishment home to her, should have shaken her at home. poland--heroic, unfortunate poland would now be free, turkey delivered from the nightmare now pressing her chest, and i, according to all probability, should have seen moscow in triumph, instead of seeing salem in exile! well, there is a just god in heaven, and there will yet be justice on earth;--the day of retribution will come! such being the sad tale of my fatherland, which, by a timely token of your brotherly sympathy might have been saved, and which now has lost everything except its honour, its trust in god, its hope of resurrection, its confidence in my patriotic exertions, and its steady resolution to strike once more the inexorable blow of retribution at tyrants and tyranny;--if the cause i plead were a particular cause, i would place it upon the ground of well-deserved sympathy, and would try to kindle into a flame of excitement the generous affections of your hearts: and i should succeed. but since a great crisis, which is universally felt to be approaching, enables me to claim for my cause a universality not restricted by the geographical limits of a country or even of europe itself, or by the moral limits of nationalities, but possessing an interest common to all the christian world; it is calm, considerate conviction, and _not_ the passing excitement of generous sentiments, which i seek. i hope therefore to meet the approbation of this intelligent assembly, when instead of pleasing you by an attempt at eloquence, for which, in my sick condition, i indeed have not sufficient freshness of mind--i enter into some dry but not unimportant considerations, which the citizens of salem, claiming the glory of high commercial reputation, will kindly appreciate. gentlemen, i have often heard the remark, that if the united states do not care for the policy of the world, they will continue to grow internally, and will soon become the mightiest realm on earth, a republic of a hundred millions of energetic freemen, strong enough to defy all the rest of the world, and to control the destinies of mankind. and surely this is your glorious lot; but _only under the condition_, that no hostile combination, before you have in peace and in tranquillity grown so strong, arrests by craft and violence your giant-course; and this again is possible, only under the condition that europe become free, and the league of despots become not sufficiently powerful to check the peaceful development of your strength. but russia, too, the embodiment of the principle of despotism, is working hard for the development of _her_ power. whilst you grow internally, her able diplomacy has spread its nets all over the continent of europe. there is scarcely a prince there but feels honoured to be an underling of the great czar; the despots are all leagued against the freedom of the nations: and should the principle of absolutism consolidate its power, and lastingly keep down the nations, then it must, even by the instinct of self-preservation, try to check the further development of your republic. in vain they would have spilt the blood of millions, in vain they would have doomed themselves to eternal curses, if they allowed the united states to become the ruling power on earth. they crushed poor hungary, because her example was considered dangerous. how could they permit you to become so mighty, as to be not only dangerous by your example, but by your power a certain ruin to despotism? they will, they must, do everything to check your glorious progress. be sure, as soon as they have crushed the spirit of freedom in europe, as soon as they command all the forces of the continent, they will marshal them against you. of course they will not lead their fleets and armies at once across the ocean. they will first damage your prosperity by crippling your commerce. they will exclude america from the markets of europe, not only because they fear the republican propagandism of your commerce, but also because russia requires those markets for her own products. [he proceeded to argue, that russian policy, like that of the magyars in their time of barbarism, is essentially encroaching and warlike; that to be _feared_, is often more important to russia than to enjoy a particular market; that the russian system of commerce is, and must be, prohibitory to republican traffic; that england alone in europe has large commerce with america, and that the despots, if victorious on the continent, would make it their great object to damage, cripple, and ruin both these kindred constitutional nations. he continued:] the despots are scheming to muzzle the english lion. you see already how they are preparing for this blow--that russia may become mistress of constantinople, by constantinople mistress of the mediterranean, and by the mediterranean of three-quarters of the globe. egypt, macedonia, asia-minor, the country and early home of the cotton plant, are then the immediate provinces of russia, a realm with twenty million serfs, subject to its policy and depending on its arbitrary will. here is a circumstance highly interesting to the united states. constantinople is the key to russia. to be preponderant, she knows it is necessary for her to be a maritime power. the black sea is only a lake, like lake leman; the baltic is frozen five months in a year. these are all the seas she possesses. constantinople is the key to the palace of the czars. russia is already omnipotent on the continent; once master of the mediterranean, it is not difficult to see that the power which already controls three-quarters of the world, will soon have the fourth quarter. whilst the victory of the nations of europe would open to you the markets, till now closed to your products, the consolidation of despotism destroys your commerce unavoidably. if your wheat, your tobacco, your cotton, were excluded from europe but for one year, there is no farm, no plantation, no banking-house, which would not feel the terrible shock of such a convulsion. and hand-in-hand with the commercial restrictions you will then see an establishment of monarchies from cape horn to the rio grande del norte. cuba becomes a battery against the mouth of the mississippi; the sandwich islands a barrier to your commerce on the pacific; russian diplomacy will foster your domestic dissensions and rouse the south against the north, and the north against the south, the sea-coast against the inland states, and the inland states against the sea-coast, the pacific interests against the atlantic interests; and when discord paralyzes your forces, then comes at last the foreign interference, preceded by the declaration, that the european powers having, with your silent consent, inscribed into the code of international law, the principle that every foreign power has the right to interfere in the domestic affairs of any nation when these become a dangerous example, and your example and your republican principles being dangerous to the absolutist powers, and your domestic dissensions dangerous to the order and tranquillity of europe, and therefore they consider it their "duty to interfere in america." and europe being oppressed, you will have, single-handed, to encounter the combined forces of the world! i say no more about this subject. america will remember then the poor exile, if it does not in time enter upon that course of policy, which the intelligence of massachusetts, together with the young instinct of ohio, are the foremost to understand and to advance. a man of your own state, a president of the united states, john quincy adams, with enlarged sagacity, accepted the panama mission, to consider the action of the holy alliance upon the interests of the south american republics. now, i beg you to reflect, gentlemen, how south america is different from europe, as respects your own country. look at the thousand ties that bind you to europe. in washington, a senator from california, a generous friend of mine, told me he was _thirty_ days by steamer from the seat of government. well, you speak of distance--just give me a good steamer and good sailors, and you will in _twenty_ days see the flag of freedom raised in hungary. i remember that when one of your glorious stars (florida, i think it was) was about to be introduced, the question of discussion and objection became, that the distance was great. it was argued that the limits of the government would be extended so far, that its duties could not be properly attended to. the president answered, that the distance was not too great, if the seat of government could be reached in thirty days. so far you have extended your territory; and i am almost inclined to ask my poor hungary to be accepted as a star in your glorious galaxy. she might become a star in this immortal constellation, since she is not so far as thirty days off from you. what little english i know, i learned from your shakespeare, and i learned from him that "there are more things in heaven and earth than are dreamed of in our philosophy." who knows what the future may bring forth? i trust in god that all nations will become free, and that they will be united for the internal interests of humanity, and in that galaxy of freedom i know what place the united states will have. one word more. when john quincy adams assumed for the united states the place of a power on earth, he was objected to, because it was thought possible that that step might give offence to the holy alliance. his answer was in these memorable words: "the united states must take counsel of their rights and duties, and not from their fears." the anglo-saxon race represents constitutional governments. if it be united for these, we shall have what we want, fair play; and, relying "upon our god, the justness of our cause, iron wills, honest hearts and good swords," my people will strike once more for freedom, independence, and for fatherland. * * * * * xlv.--the martyrs of the american revolution. [_lexington, may th_.] kossuth having been invited to visit the first battle fields of the revolution, was accompanied by several members of the state committee, on may th, to west cambridge, lexington, and concord. he had already visited bunker hill on the d of may, but we have not in these pages found room for his speech there. at west cambridge he was addressed by the rev. thomas hill, and replied: at lexington also he received two addresses, and the following was his reply:-- gentlemen,--it has been often my lot to stand upon classical ground, where the whispering breeze is fraught with wonderful tales of devoted virtue, bright glory, and heroic deeds. and i have sat upon ruins of ancient greatness, blackened by the age of centuries; and i have seen the living ruins of those ancient times, called men, roaming about the sacred ground, unconscious that the dust which clung to their boots, was the relic of departed demigods--and i rose with a deep sigh. those demigods were but men, and the degenerate shapes that roamed around me, on the hallowed ground, were also not less than men. the decline and fall of nations impresses the mark of degradation on nature itself. it is sad to think upon--it lops the soaring wings of the mind, and chills the fiery arms of energy. but, however dark be the impression of such ruins of vanished greatness upon the mind of men who themselves have experienced the fragility of human fate, thanks to god, there are bright spots yet on earth, where the recollections of the past, brightened by present prosperity, strengthen the faith in the future of mankind's destiny. such a spot is this. gentlemen, should the reverence which this spot commands allow a smile, i might feel inclined to smile at the eager controversy whether it was at lexington or concord that the fire of the british was first returned by americans. let it be this way or that way,--it will neither increase nor abate the merit of the martyrs who fell here. it is with their blood that the preface of your nation's history is written. their death was, and always will be, the first bloody revelation of america's destiny; and lexington, the opening scene of a revolution, of which governor boutwell was right to say, that it is destined to change the character of human governments, and the condition of the human race. should the republic of america ever lose the consciousness of this destiny, that moment would be just so surely the beginning of america's decline, as the th of april, , was the beginning of the republic of america. prosperity is not always, gentlemen, a guarantee of the future, if it be not accompanied with a constant resolution to obey the call of the genius of the time. nay, material prosperity is often the mark of real decline, when it either results in, or is connected with, a moral stagnation in the devoted attachment to principles. rome was never richer, never mightier, than under trajan, and still it had already the sting of death in its very heart. to me, whenever i stand upon such sacred ground as this, the spirits of the departed appear like the prophets of future events. the language they speak to my heart is the revelation of providence. the struggle of america for independence was providential. it was a necessity. those circumstances which superficial consideration takes for the motives of the glorious revolution, were but accidental opportunities for it. had those circumstances not occurred, others would have occurred, and might have presented perhaps a different opportunity; but the revolution would have come. it was a necessity, because the colonies of america had attained that lawful age in the development of all the elements of national existence, which claims the right to stand by itself, and cannot any longer be led by a child's leading-strings, be the hand which leads it a mother's or a step-mother's. circumstances and the connection of events were such, that this unavoidable emancipation had to pass the violent concussion of severe trials. the immortal glory of your forefathers was, that they did not shrink to accept the trial, and were devoted and heroic to sacrifice themselves to their country's destiny. and the monuments you erect to their memory, and the religious reverence with which you cherish the memory, are indeed well deserved tributes of gratitude. but allow me to say, there is a tribute which those blessed spirits are still more eager to claim from you as the happy inheritance of the fruits they have raised for you; it is, the tribute of always remaining _true to their principle_; devoted to the destiny of your country, which destiny is to become the corner-stone of liberty on earth. empires can be only maintained by the same virtue by which they have been founded. oh! let me hope that, while the recollections connected with this hallowed ground, inspire the heart of a wandering exile with consolation, with hope, and with perseverance (from the very fact that i have stood here, brought with the anxious prayers and expectations of the old world's oppressed millions), you will see the finger of god pointing out the appropriate opportunity to act your part in america's destiny, by maintaining the laws of _nature and of nature's god_, for which your heroes fought and your martyrs died; and to regenerate the world. "proclaiming freedom in the name of god," till--to continue in the beautiful words of your whittier-- ----"its blessings fall common as dew and sunshine over all." [from lexington kossuth proceeded to concord, and was there addressed by the well-known author, ralph waldo emerson. his reply was at greater length, and on the same subject as at lexington; yet a part of it may here be printed.] kossuth said:-- in my opinion, there is not a single event in history so distinctly marked to be providential--and providential with reference to all humanity--as the colonization, revolution, and republicanism of the now united states of america. this immense continent being peopled with elements of european civilization, could not remain a mere appendix to europe. but when it is connected with europe by a thousand social, moral, and material ties, by blood, religion, language, science, civilization, and commerce, to believe that it can rest isolated in politics from europe, would be just such a fault as it was that england did not believe in time the necessity of america's independence. yes, gentlemen, this is so sure to me, that i would pledge life, honour, and everything dear to man's heart and honourable to man's memory, that either america must take her becoming part in the political regeneration of europe, or she herself must yield to the pernicious influence of european politics. there was never yet a more fatal mistake, than it would be to believe, that by not caring about the political condition of europe, america may remain unaffected by the condition of europe. i could perhaps understand such an opinion, if you would or could be entirely isolated from europe; but as you are not isolated, as you cannot be, as you cannot even have the will to be (for that very will would be a paradox, a logical absurdity, impossible to be carried out, being contrary to the eternal laws of god, which he for nobody's sake will change); therefore to believe that you can go on to be connected with europe in a thousand respects, and still remain unaffected by its social and political condition, would be indeed a fatal delusion. you stretch out your gigantic hands a thousandfold every day over the waves; your relations with europe are not only commercial as with asia, they are also social, moral, spiritual, intellectual; you take europe every day by the hand. how then could you believe, that if that hand of europe, which you grasp every day, remains dirty, you can escape from soiling your own hands? the cleaner they are, all the more will the filth of old europe stick to them. there is no possible means to escape from being soiled, than to help us, europeans, to wash the hands of our old world. you have heard of the ostrich, that when persecuted by an enemy, it is wont to hide its head, leaving its body exposed; it believes that by not regarding it, it will not be seen by the enemy. that curious aberration is worthy of reflection. it is _typical_. yes, gentlemen, either america will _re_generate the condition of the old world, or it will be _de_generated by the condition of the old world. sir, i implore you (mr. emerson), give me the aid of your philosophical _analysis_, to impress the conviction upon the public mind of your nation that the revolution, to which concord was the preface, is full of a higher destiny--of a destiny broad as the world, broad as humanity itself. let me entreat you to apply the analytic powers of your penetrating intellect, to disclose the character of the american revolution, as you disclose the character of self-reliance, of spiritual laws, of intellect, of nature, or of politics. lend the authority of your judgment to the truth, that the destiny of american revolution is not yet fulfilled; that the task is not yet completed; that to stop half way, is worse than would have been not to stir: repeat those words of deep meaning which once you wrote about the monsters that looked backward, and about the walking with reverted eye, while the voice of the almighty says, "_up and onward for ever more_," while moreover the instinct of your people, which never fails to be right, answered the call of destiny by taking for its motto the word _ahead_. indeed, gentlemen, the monuments you raised to the heroic martyrs who fertilized with their hearts' blood the soil of liberty--these monuments are a fair tribute of well-deserved gratitude, gratifying to the spirits who are hovering around us and honourable to you. woe to the people which neglect to honour its great and good men; but believe me, gentlemen, those blessed spirits would look down with saddened brows to this free and happy land, if ever they were doomed to see that the happy inheritors of their martyrdom imagined that the destiny to which that martyr blood was consecrated, is accomplished, and its price fully paid in the already achieved results, because the living generation dwells comfortably and makes two dollars out of _one_. no, gentlemen, the stars in the sky have a higher aim than merely to illumine the night-path of some lonely wanderer. the course your nation is called to run, is not yet half performed. mind the fable of atalanta: it was a golden apple thrown into her way which made her fall short in her race. two things i have met here in these free and mighty united states, which i am at a loss how to make concord. the two things i cannot harmonize are:--first, that all your historians, all your statesmen, all your distinguished orators, who wrote or spoke, characterize it as an era in mankind's history, destined to change the condition of the world, upon which it will rain an everflowing influence. and secondly, in contradiction to this universally adopted creed, i have met in many quarters a propensity to believe that it is conservative wisdom not to take any active part in the regulation of the outward world. these two things do not agree. if that be the destiny of america, which you all believe to be, then that destiny can never be fulfilled by acting the part of passive spectators, and by this very passivity granting a charter to ambitious czars to dispose of the condition of the world. i have met distinguished men trusting so much to the operative power of your institutions and of your _example_, that they really believe they will make their way throughout the world merely by their _moral influence_. but there is one thing those gentlemen have disregarded in their philanthropic reliance; and that is, that the ray of the sun never yet made its way by itself through well-closed shutters and doors--they must be drawn open, that the blessed rays of the sun may get in. i have never yet heard of a despot who yielded to the moral influence of liberty. the ground of concord itself is an evidence of it; the doors and shutters of oppression must be opened by bayonets, that the blessed rays of your institutions may penetrate into the dark dwelling-house of oppressed humanity. there are men who believe the position of a power on earth will come to you by itself; but oh! do not trust to this fallacy; a position never comes by itself; it must be taken, and taken it never will be by passivity. the martyrs who have hallowed by their blood the ground of concord, trusted themselves and occupied the place divine providence assigned them. sir, the words are yours which i quote. you have told your people that they are now men, and must accept in the highest mind the same destiny, that they are not minors and invalids in a protected corner; but guides, redeemers, and benefactors, advancing on chaos and on the dark. i pray god to give to your people the sentiment of the truth you have taught. your people, fond of its prosperity, loves peace. well, who would not love peace; but allow me again, sir, to repeat with all possible emphasis, the great word you spoke, "nothing can bring you peace but the triumph of principles." * * * * * xlvi.--condition of europe. [_last speech in boston_.] on may th, kossuth, in obedience to a distinct invitation, delivered, in faneuil hall, the following ample speech or lecture, on the present condition of europe. ladies and gentlemen,--the gigantic struggle of the first french revolution associated the name of france so much with the cause of freedom in europe, that all the world got accustomed to see it take the lead in the struggle for european liberty; and to look to it as a power entrusted by providence with the initiation of revolutions; as a power, without the impulse of which, no liberal movement had any hope on the european continent. i, from my earliest days, never shared that opinion. i felt always more sympathy with the anglo-saxon character and anglo-saxon institutions, which raised england, notwithstanding its monarchy and its aristocracy, to a position prouder than rome ever held in its most glorious days: and which, free from monarchical and aristocratical elements here in america, lie at the foundation of a political organization, upon which the first true democratic republic was consolidated and developed into freedom, power, and prosperity, in such a short time, as to make it a living wonder to the contemporary age, and a book full of instruction to the coming generations. however, that opinion about the french initiative prevailed in europe, and it was a great misfortune; for you know that france has always as yet forsaken the movement which it raised in europe, and the other nations acting not spontaneously, but only following the impulse which the french had imparted to them, faltered and stopped at once, as soon as the french failed them. with that opinion of the french supremacy, no revolution in europe could have a definite, happy issue. freedom never yet was given to nations as a gift, but only as a reward, bravely earned by one's own exertions, own sacrifices, and own toil; and never will, never shall it be attained otherwise. i speak therefore out of profound conviction, when i say that, though the heart of the philanthropist must feel pained at the new hard trials to which the french nation is, and will yet be exposed, by the momentary success of louis napoleon bonaparte's inglorious usurpation, still that very fact will prove advantageous to the ultimate success of liberty in europe. louis napoleon's _coup d'état_, much against his will, has emancipated europe from its reliance upon france. the combined initiative of nations has succeeded to the initiative of france; spontaneity and self-reliance have replaced the depending on foreign impulse and reliance upon foreign aid. france is reduced to the level amongst nations, obliged to join general combinations, instead of regulating them; and this i take for a very great advantage. many have wondered at the momentary success of louis napoleon, and are inclined to take it for an evidence that the french nation is either not capable or not worthy to be free. but that is a great fallacy. the momentary success of louis napoleon is rather an evidence that france is _thoroughly democratic_. all the revolutions in france have resulted in the preponderance of that class which bears the denomination of _bourgeoisie_. amongst all possible modifications of oppression, none is more detested by the people than oppression by an assembly. the national assembly of france was the most treacherous the world has ever yet known. issued from universal suffrage, it went so far as to abolish universal suffrage, and every day of its existence was a new blow stricken at democracy for the profit of the bourgeoisie. louis napoleon has beaten asunder that assembly, which the french democracy had so many reasons to hate and to despise, and the people applauded him as the people of england applauded cromwell when he whipped out the rump parliament. but by what means was louis napoleon permitted to do even what the people liked to see done? by no other means, but by flattering the principle of democracy; he restored the universal suffrage; it is an execrable trick, to be sure--it is a shadow given for reality; but still it proves that the democratic spirit is so consolidated in france, that even despotic ambition must flatter it. well, depend upon it, this democracy, which the victorious usurper feels himself constrained to flatter in the brightest moments of his triumph--this democracy will either make out of louis napoleon _a tool_, which in spite of itself serves the democracy, or it will crush him. france is the country of sudden changes, and of unthought of accidents. i therefore will not presume to tell the events of its next week, but one alternative i dare to state: louis napoleon either falls or maintains himself. the fall of louis napoleon, even if brought about by the old monarchical parties, can have no other issue than a republic--a republic more faithful to the community of freedom in europe than all the former revolutions have been. or if louis napoleon maintains himself, he can do so only either by relying upon the army, or by flattering the feelings and interests of the masses. if he relies upon the army, he must give to it glory and profit, or, in other words, he must give to it war. well, a war of france, against whomsoever it be, or for whatever purposes, is the best possible chance for the success of a european revolution. or if louis napoleon relies upon the feelings of the masses--as indeed he appears willing to do--in that case, in spite of himself, he becomes a tool in the hands of democracy; and if, by becoming such, he forsakes the allegiance of his masters--the league of absolutistical powers--well, he will either be forced to attack them, or be attacked by them. so much for france; now as to italy. italy! the sunny garden of europe, whose blossoms are blighted by the icy north wind from st. petersburg--italy, that captured nightingale, placed under a fragrant bush of roses, beneath an ever blue sky! italy was always the battlefield of the contending principles, since, hundreds of years ago, the german emperors, the kings of spain, and the kings of france, fought their private feuds, their bloody battles on her much coveted soil; and by their destructive influence, kept down all progress, and fostered every jealousy. by the recollections of old, the spirit of liberty was nowhere so dangerous for european absolutism as in italy. and this spirit of republican liberty, this warlike genius of ancient rome, was never extinguished between the alps and the faro. we are taught by the scribes of absolutism to speak of the italians as if they were a nation of cowards, and we forget that the most renowned masters of the science of war, the greatest generals up to our day, were italians,--piccolomini, montecucculi, farnese, eugene of savoy, spinola, and bonaparte--a galaxy of names whose glory is dimmed only by the reflection that none of them fought for his own country. as often as the spirit of liberty awoke in italy, the servile forces of germany, of spain, and of france poured into the country, and extinguished the glowing spark in the blood of the people, lest it should once more illumine the dark night of europe. frederic barbarossa destroyed milan to its foundations, when it attempted to resist his imperial encroachments by the league of independent cities; and led the plough over the smoking ruins. charles the fifth had to gather all his powers around him to subdue florence, when it declared itself a democratic republic. napoleon extinguished the last remnants of republican self-government by crushing the republics of venice, genoa, lucca, ragusa, and left only, to ridicule republicanism, the commonwealth of san marino untouched. the holy alliance parted the spoils of napoleon, riveted afresh the iron fetters which enslave italy, and forged new spiritual fetters; prevented the extension of education, and destroyed the press, in order that the italians should not remember their past. every page, glorious in their history for twenty-five centuries, is connected with the independence of italy; every stain upon their honour is connected with foreign rule. and the burning minds of the italians, though all spiritual food is denied to them, cannot be taught not to remember their past glory and their present degradation. every stone speaks of the ancient glory; every austrian policeman, every french soldier, of the present degradation. the tyrants have no power to unmake history, and to silence the feelings of the nation. and amongst all the feelings powerful to stir up the activity of mankind, there is none more penetrating than unmerited degradation, which impels us to redeem our lost honour. what is it therefore that keeps those petty tyrants of italy, who are jealous of one another, on their tottering thrones, divided as they are among themselves, whilst the revolutionizing spirit of liberty unites the people? it is only the protection of austria, studding the peninsula with her bayonets and with her spies. and austria herself can dare this, only because she relies upon the assistance of russia. she can send her armies to italy, because russia guards her eastern dominions. let russia stand off, and austria is unable to keep italy in bondage; and the italians, united in the spirit of independence, will easily settle their account with their own weak princes. keep off the icy blast which blows from the russian snows, and the tree of freedom will grow up in the garden of europe; though cut down by the despots, it will spring anew from the roots in the soil, which was always genial for the tree. remember that no insurrection of italians has been crushed by their own domestic tyrants without foreign aid; remember that one-third of the austrian army which occupies italy are hungarians who have fought against and triumphed over the yellow-black flag of austria--under the same tri-colour which, having the same colours for both countries, show emblematically that hungary and italy are but two wings of the same army, united against a common enemy. remember that even now neither the pope nor the little princes of middle italy can subsist without an austrian and a french garrison; and remember that italy is a half isle, open from three sides to the friendship of all who sympathize with civil and religious liberty on earth; but from the sea not open to russia and austria, because they are not maritime powers; and so long as england is conscious of the basis of its power, and so soon as america gets conscious of the condition upon which its future depends, austria and russia will never be allowed to become maritime powers. and when you feel instinctively that the heart of the roman must rage with fury when he looks back into the mirror of his past,--that the venetian cannot help to weep tears of fire and of blood from the rialto;--when you feel all this, then look back how the romans have fought in , with a heroism scarcely paralleled in the most glorious day of ancient rome. and let me tell, in addition, upon the certainty of my own positive knowledge, that the world never yet has seen such complete and extensive revolutionary organization as that of italy to-day--ready to burst out into an irresistible storm at the slightest opportunity, and powerful enough to make that opportunity, if either foreign interference is checked, or the interfering foreigners occupied at home. the revolution of has revealed and developed the warlike spirit of italy. except a few wealthy proprietors, already very uninfluential, the most singular unanimity exists, both as to aim and to means. there is no shade of difference of opinion, either to what is to be done or how to do it. all are unanimous in their devotion to the union and independence of italy. with france or against france, by the sword, at all sacrifices, without compromise, they are bent on renewing the battle over and over again, with the confidence that, even without aid, they will triumph in the long run. the difficulty in italy is not how to make a revolution, but how to prevent its untimely outbreak; and still even in that respect there is such a complete discipline as the world never yet has seen. in rome, romagna, lombardy, venice, sicily, and all the middle italy, there exists an invisible government, whose influence is everywhere discernible. it has eyes and hands in all departments of public service, in all classes of society--it has its taxes voluntarily paid--its organized force, its police, its newspapers regularly printed and circulated, though the possession of a single copy would send the holder to the galleys. the officers of the existing government convey the missives of the invisible government, the diligences transport its agents. one line from one of these agents opens to you the galleries of art, on prohibited days--gives you the protection of uniformed officials. that this is the condition of all italy is shown on one side, in the fact that there the king of naples holds fettered in dungeons , patriots, and radetzky has sacrificed nearly , political martyrs on the scaffold; still the scaffold continues to be watered with blood, and still the dungeons receive new victims, evidently proving what spirit exists in the people of italy. and still americans doubt that we are on the eve of a terrible revolution; and they ask, what use can i make of any material aid? when italy is a barrel of powder, which the slightest spark may light. in respect to foreign rule, germany is more fortunate than italy. from the times of the treaty of verdun, when it separated from france and italy, through the long period of more than a thousand years, no foreign power ever has succeeded to rule over germany; such is the resistive power of the german people to guard its national existence. the tyrants who swayed over them were of their own blood. but to subdue german liberty, those tyrants were always anxious to introduce foreign institutions. first, they swept away the ancient germanic right, the common law so dear to the english and american, an eternal barrier against the encroachments of despotism, and substituted for it the iron rule of the imperial roman law. the rule of papal rome over the minds of germany crossed the mountains together with the roman law, and a spiritual dependency was to be established all over the world. the wings of the german eagle were bound, that it should not soar up to the sun of truth. but when the oppression became too severe, the people of germany rose against the power of rome;--not the princes,--though they too were oppressed: but the son of the miner of eisenach, the poor friar, martin luther, defied the pope on his throne, and at his bidding the people of germany proved, that it is strong enough to shake off oppression; that it is worthy, and that it knows how, to be free. and again, when the french, under their emperor, whose genius comprehended everything except freedom, extended their moral sway over germany, when the princes of germany thronged around the foreign despot, begging kingly crowns from the son of the corsican lawyer, with whom the emperors were happy to form matrimonial alliances--with the man who had no other ancestors than his genius,--then it was again the people, which did not join in the degradation of its rulers, but jealous to maintain their national independence, turned the foreigner out though his name was napoleon, and broke the yoke asunder, which weighed as heavily upon their princes as upon themselves. and still there are men in america who despair of the vitality of the germans, of their indomitable power to resist oppression, of their love of freedom, and of their devotion to it, proved by a glorious history of two thousand years. the german race is a power, the vitality and influence of which you can trace through the _world's_ history for two thousand years; you can trace it through the history of science and heroism, of industry, and of bold enterprizing spirit. your own country, your own national character, bear the mark of german vitality. other nations, now and then, were great by some great men--the german people was always great by itself. but the german princes cannot bear independence and liberty; they had rather themselves become slaves, the underlings of the czar, than allow that their people should enjoy some liberty. an alliance was therefore formed, which they blasphemously called the holy alliance,--with the avowed purpose to keep the people down. the great powers guaranteed to the smaller princes--whose name is legion, for they are many,--the power to fleece and torment their people, and promised every aid to them against the insurrection of those, who would find that for liberty's sake it is worth while to risk their lives and property. it was an alliance for the oppression of the nations, not for the maintenance of the princely prerogative. when the grand-duke of baden, in a fit of liberality, granted his people the liberty of the press, the emperor of austria and the king of prussia abolished the law, though it had been carried unanimously by the legislature of baden and sanctioned by the prince.--the holy alliance had guaranteed to the princes the power to oppress, but not the power to benefit their people. but though the great powers interfered often in the principalities and little kingdoms of germany, indeed as often as the spirit of liberty awoke, yet they themselves avoided every occasion which would have forced them to request the aid of their allies, and especially of russia. they knew too well, that to accept foreign aid against their own people, was nothing else than to lose independence, and was morally the same as to kneel down before the czar and to take the oath of allegiance. a government which needs foreign aid against its own people, avows that it cannot stand without foreign aid. take that foreign aid--interference!--away, and it falls. the dynasties of austria and prussia were aware of this. they therefore yielded, as often as their encroachments met a firm resistance from the people. when my nation so resolutely resisted in the attempt to abolish the constitution, prince metternich himself advised the emperor francis to yield, and even humbly to apologize to the diet of . the king of prussia granted even a kind of constitution rather than claim the assistance of the czar. herein you may find the explanation of the fact that the continent of europe is not yet republican. the spirit of freedom, when roused by oppression, was lulled into sleep by constitutional concessions. the czar of russia was well aware, that this system of compromise prevents his intruding into the domestic concerns of europe, which would lead him to the sovereign mastership over all; he therefore did everything to push the sovereigns to extremities. but this did not succeed, until by a palace-revolution in vienna a weak and cruel youth was placed on the throne of austria, and a passionate woman got the reins of government in her hand, and an unprincipled, reckless adventurer was ready to carry out every imperial whim, regardless of the honour of his country and the interests of his master. russia at last got her aim. rather than acknowledge the rights of hungary, they bowed before the czar, and gave up the independence of the austrian throne; they became the underlings of a foreign power, rather than allow that one of the peoples of the european continent should be really free. since the fall of hungary, russia is the real sovereign of all germany; for the first time germany has a foreign master! and you believe that germany will bear that in the nineteenth century which it never yet has borne? bear that in fulness of age which it never bore in childhood? soon after, and through the fall of hungary, the pride of prussia was humiliated. austrian garrisons occupied hamburg; schleswig-holstein was abandoned, hessia was chastised, and all that is dear to germans purposely affronted. their dreams of greatness, their longing for unity, their aspirations of liberty, were trampled down into the dust, and ridicule was thrown upon all elevation of mind, upon all manifestation of patriotism. hassenburg, convicted of forgery by the prussian courts, became minister in hessia; the once outlawed schwarzenbeg, and bach, a renegade republican, ministers of austria. the peace of the graveyard, which tyrants, under the name of order, are trying to enforce upon the world, has for its guardians outlawed reprobates, forgers, and renegades. could you believe that with such elements the spirit of liberty can be crushed? tyrants know that to habituate nations to oppression, the moral feeling of the people has to be killed. but could you really believe that the moral feeling of such a people as the german, stamped in the civilization of which it was one of the generating elements, can be killed, or that it can bear for a long while such an outrage? do you think that the people which met the insolent bulls of the pope in rome by the reformation and the thirty years' war, and the numberless armies of napoleon by a general rising--that this people will tamely submit to the russian influence, more arrogant than the papal pretensions, more disastrous than the exactions of the french empire? they broke the power of rome and of paris; will they agree to be governed by st. petersburg? those who are accustomed to see in history only the princes, will say aye, but they forget that since the reformation it is no longer the princes who make the history, but the people; they see the tops of the trees are bent by the powerful northern hurricane, and they forget that the stem of the tree is unmoved. gentlemen, the german princes bow before the czar, but the german people will never bow before him. let me sum up the philosophy of the present condition of germany in these few words: and have proved that the little tyrants of germany cannot stand by themselves, but only by their reliance upon austria and prussia. these again cannot stand by themselves, but only by their reliance upon russia. take this reliance away, by maintaining the laws of nations against the principle of interference,--(for the joint powers of america and england can maintain them)--and all the despotic governments, reduced to stand by their own resources of power, must fall before the never yet subdued spirit of the people of germany, like rotten fruit touched by a gale. let me now speak about the condition of my own dear native land. i hope not to meet any contradiction when i say that no condition can and will endure, which is so bad, so insupportable, that, by trying to change it, a people can lose nothing, and may gain everything. no condition can and will endure, the maintenance of which is contrary to every interest of every class. a revolution on the contrary is unavoidable, when every interest of every class wishes and requires it. i will first speak of the lower, and still the most powerful of all, of the material interest. there are some countries, where, however insupportable the condition of the masses, still the government has an ally in the mighty and influential class of bankers, who lend their money to support despotism, and in those who have invested their fortunes in the shares of these loans, negotiated by bankers, who speculate on and with the fortunes of small capitalists. that class of men, partly tools of oppression, partly the fools of the tools, exists not in hungary. we have no such bankers in hungary, and but a very small inconsiderable number who have invested their fortunes in such loan-shares. and even the few who had been playing in the fatal loan-share game have withdrawn from it, at any price, because they feared to lose all. from that quarter therefore the house of austria has no ally in hungary. as to our former aristocracy, a class influential by its connections, and by its large landed property: you remember that, when we succeeded to abolish the feudal charges, and converted millions of our countrymen, of different religion and different language, out of leaseholders into free landed proprietors, we guaranteed an indemnification to the landowners for what they lost. from a farm of about thirty-five to fifty acres of land, the farmer had to work one hundred and two days a year for the landowner; to give him the ninth part of all his crops, half a dollar in ready money, besides particular fees for shopkeeping, brewery, mill, &c. we freed the people from all the encumbrances, and, thanks to god! that benefit never more can be torn from the people's hands. the aristocracy consented to it, because we had guaranteed full indemnification. the very material existence of this class of former landowners is depending on that indemnification, to defray their debts, (which they formerly had the habit wantonly to contract,) and to provide for the cultivation of their own large allodial property, which they formerly cultivated by the hands of their leaseholders, but now have to invest capital into. now this indemnification, amounting to one hundred millions of dollars, the house of austria never can realize. you know, with its centralized government, which is always very expensive, with its standing army of , men, the only support of its precarious existence, with its army of spies and secret police, with its system of corruption and robbery, with its fourteen hundred millions of debt, with its eternal deficit in its current expenditures, with its new loans to pay the interest of the old, and an unavoidable bankruptcy impending,--this indemnification austria never can pay to the former aristocracy of hungary. the only means to get this indemnification is the restoration of hungary to its independence by a new revolution. independent hungary can pay it, because it has no debts, will want no large standing armies, and will have a cheap administration, because not centralized, but municipal, the people governing itself in and through municipalities, the cheapest of all governments. hungary has already pointed out the fund, out of which that indemnification can and will be paid, without any imposition upon the people, or any loss to the commonwealth. hungary has large state lands, belonging to and administered by the commonwealth. i have mathematically proved that the landed property of the state, sold in small parcels to those who have yet no land, connected with a banking operation founded upon that property itself, to facilitate the payment of the price, is more than sufficient for that indemnification; besides, a small land tax (which the new owners of that immense property, divided into small farms, will have to pay, as other landed proprietors), will yield more revenue to the commonwealth than all the proceeds of domestic administration. this my proposition, having been submitted to the national assembly, was accepted and approved, and has attached to the revolution the numerous class of farm-labourers who have not yet their own farms, but who contemplated with the liveliest joy this benevolent provision, which austria can never execute; since, financially ruined as she is, she cannot be contented either with the tax revenue or the banking arrangement, to defray the indemnification; she sells the stock whenever she can find a man to buy it. but here is a remarkable fact, proving how little is the future of austria contemplated as sure even by its votaries. when any one is willing to sell landed property in hungary, foreign bankers, austrian capitalists buy it readily at an enormous price, because they know that private transactions will be respected by our revolution; but _from the government_, nobody buys a single acre of land, because every man knows that such a transaction must be considered void. nay more, not even as a gift is an estate accepted by any one from the present government. haynau himself was offered in reward a large landed property by the government; he did not accept it, but preferred a comparatively small sum of money, not amounting to one-tenth of the value of the offered land, and he bought from a private individual a landed property, for the money, because that, being a private transaction, is sure to stand: whereas in the future of the austrian government in hungary not even its haynaus have confidence. the manufacturing interests in hungary anxiously wish, and must wish, a revolution, because manufacturing industry is entirely ruined now by austria. all favour, encouragement, and aid, which the national government imparted to industry, is not only withdrawn, but replaced by the old system,--which is, neither to allow hungary free trade, so as to buy manufactured articles where they can be had in the best quality or at the cheapest price, nor to permit manufacturing at home; but to preserve hungary in the position of a colonial market--a condition always regarded as insupportable, and sufficient motive for a revolution, as you yourselves from your own history know. the commercial interest anxiously desire a revolution, because there exists, in fact, no active commerce in hungary, the hungarian commerce being degraded into a mere broker-ship of vienna. all those who have yet in their hands the hungarian bank notes issued by my government, must wish a revolution; because austria, alike foolish as criminal, has declared them to be without value--thus they cannot be restored to value but by a revolution. the amount of those bank notes in the hands of the people is yet about twenty millions of dollars. no menaces, no cruelty can induce the people to give it up to the usurper; they put it into bottles and bury it in the earth. they say: it is good money when kossuth comes home. but while no menaces of austria can induce the people to give up this treasure of our impending revolution, a single line of mine, sent home, is obeyed, and the money is treasured up where i have designated. do you now understand, gentlemen, by what motive i say that once at home in command--if once our struggle is commenced, i do not want your material aid, and neither wish nor would accept all your millions--but that i want your material aid to get home, and to get home _in such a way_ as will inspire confidence in my people, by seeing me bring home the only thing which it has not--arms! but i am asked, where will i land? that, of course, i will not say--perhaps directly at vienna, like a montgolfier, in a balloon; but one thing i may say, because that is no secret:--remember that all italy is a sea-coast, and that italy has the same enemy as hungary--that italy is the left wing of that army of which hungary is the right wing, and that in italy , hungarian soldiers exist, as also, in general, in the austrian army , hungarians. more i can, and will not say on the subject. but i will say that all the amount of taxation the people of hungary formerly had to pay was but four and a half million dollars, and now it has to pay sixty-five million dollars; that landowners offer their land to the government, to get rid of the land tax, which is larger than all the revenue; that we have raised , hundredweight of tobacco--now, the monopoly of tobacco being introduced, the people no longer smokes and has burnt its tobacco seed. we have raised million gallons of wine. gentlemen, i come not to interfere with the domestic concerns of america. i have no opinion about the maine liquor-law. for myself i am very fond of water, but still may say it is my opinion, it will be many years before the maine liquor-law will pass through all europe. well, gentlemen, i was about to say, one half of the vineyards are cut down;--hundreds of thousands live upon horticulture and fruit cultivation; yet the trees are cut down to escape the heavy taxation laid upon them. the stamp tax is introduced, the most insupportable to freemen--village is divided from village, town from town, city from city, by custom-lines--the poor peasant woman, bringing a dozen of eggs to the market, has to pay the consumption-tax, before she is permitted to enter; and when she brings medicine home for her sick child she has again to pay before permitted to enter her home. and besides this material oppression, and the daily and nightly vexations connected with it,--the protestants deprived of the self-government of their church and school, for which they have thrice taken up arms victoriously in three centuries,--the roman catholics deprived of the security of their church property,--the people of every race deprived of its nationality, because there exists no public life wherein to exert it, no national existence, no constitution, no municipalities, no native law, no native officials, no security of person and of property, but arbitrary power, martial law, and the hangman and the jail,--and on the other side hungarian patriotism, hungarian honour, hungarian heroism, hungarian vitality, stamped in the vicissitudes of one thousand years, and _the consciousness that we have beaten austria_, when we had no army, no money, no friends, and the knowledge that now we have an army, and for home purposes have money in the safe-guarded bank notes, and have america for a friend; and in addition to all this, the confidence of my people in my exertions, and the knowledge of these exertions; of which my people is quite as well informed as yourselves, nay, more, because it sees and knows what i do at home, whereas you see only what i do here--well, if with all this you still doubt about the struggle in europe being nigh, and still despair of its chance of success, then god be merciful to my poor brains, i know not what to think. some here take me for a visionary. curious, indeed, if that man who, a poor son of the people, took the lead in abolishing feudal injustices a thousand years old, created a currency of millions in a moneyless nation, and suddenly organized armies out of untrained masses of civilians; directed a revolution so as to fix the attention of the whole world upon hungary, beat the old, well-provided power of austria, and crushed its future by his very fall, and forsaken, abandoned, in his very exile is feared by czars and emperors, and trusted by foreign nations as well as his own--if that man be a visionary, then for so much pride i may be excused that i would like to look face to face into the eyes of a practical man on earth. gentlemen, i had many things yet to say. the condition, change, and prospects of europe are not spoken of so easily, as you have seen, when only the condition of my own country is touched. i don't know that i shall succeed, but i will try to say something about turkey. turkey! which deserves your sympathy because it is the country of municipal institutions, the country of religious toleration. turkey, when she extended her sway over transylvania and half of hungary, never interfered with the way in which the inhabitants chose to govern themselves; she even allowed those who lived within her dominions to collect there the taxes voted by independent hungary, with the aim to make war against the porte. whilst in the other parts of hungary, protestantism was oppressed by the austrian policy, and the protestants several times compelled to take up arms for the defence of religious liberty in transylvania, under the sovereignty of the porte the unitarians got political rights, and protestantism grew up under the protecting wings of the ottoman power. the respect for municipal institutions is so deeply rooted in the minds of the turks, that at the time when they became masters of the danubian provinces of moldavia and wallachia, they voluntarily excluded themselves from all political rights in the newly acquired provinces; and up to the present day, they do not allow that a mosque should be built, or that a turk should dwell and own landed property across the danube. they do not interfere with the taxation or with the internal administration of these provinces; and the last organic law of the empire, the tanzimat, is nothing but the re-declaration of the rights of municipalities, guaranteeing them against the centralizing encroachment of the pashas. whilst czar nicholas is about to convert the protestant population of livonia and estland to the greek church by force and by alluring promises, the liberal sultan abdul medjid grants full religious liberty to all sects of protestantism. but we are accustomed to look upon turkey as upon a third-rate power, only because in it was defeated by russia. let us now see how the balance stood at that time, and how it stands now. in the turkish population was full of hatred on account of the extermination of the janissaries. the christian population were ready to rise against the government, on account of the events of the greek war. albania was in revolt, because it was opposed to the system of conscriptions for regular military service. anatolia was discontented on the same ground. mehemet ali possessed egypt, and paralyzed the action of the government in arabia and syria. servia had just laid down arms, but had not yet concluded peace. the danubian principalities, though unfavourable to russia, were not hearty in support of the porte, and remained apathetic under the occupation of russia. the revenue did not exceed , , piastres ( , , dollars), and was insufficient for a second campaign. the new army was not yet organized, and amounted only to , men, without tried generals. the fleet had been destroyed at navarino. the foreign diplomatists had left the empire, and the capital was exposed to an attack of the enemy. in such a position no european government could have risked a war. russia had just defeated persia, and by this victory got access to the asiatic provinces of the turkish empire; it had therefore to defend the frontiers on both sides. russia had not yet entered into circassia, and could therefore rally all her forces; she had not yet abolished the poland of , and could leave it without garrisons; she had not yet roused the hatred or the jealousies of europe. she had engaged all the natural allies of the porte into a combination for rousing the populations of her enemy, and by her diplomacy she gained the power of bringing her fleet into the mediterranean, for blockading the ports of turkey; and navarino opened for her the black sea, where she had thirteen men-of-war. not disturbed by the porte, by circassia, by poland, by france, or by england, she had prepared two years for this war, whilst her enemy, passing through a terrible crisis, was without money, without an organized army, without a fleet, without other resources than the feeble mussulman population on the seat of war. twenty-four years have altered the balance.--turkey has now the enthusiastic support of her mussulman population. the christian population, with the only exception of bulgaria, partakes of this enthusiasm. all the warlike tribes, from albania to kurdistan, are now supporting the authority of the sultan. mehemet ali is gone; arabia and syria are again under the dominion of the sultan. servia has made peace, and has become the support of turkey, offering her, in case of a russian war, , men. the principalities have become the enemies of russia; they had too long to suffer from her oppression. the public revenue has doubled. turkey has organized a regular army of , men, equal to any other, and besides, the militia, she has distinguished generals--omer pasha, gruyon. her fleet is equal to the russian fleet in the black sea, and her steam-fleet superior to the russian. she has for allies all the people from the caucasus to the carpathians. the circassians, the tartars under emir mirza, the cossacks of the dobroja, by whom the electric shock is transmitted to poland and hungary, form an unbroken chain, by which the spark is carried into the heart of europe, where all the combustible elements wait for the moment of explosion. twenty-four years ago turkey was believed to be in a decaying state; it is now stronger than it has been for the last hundred years. russia, during this time, has been unable to overcome the resistance of circassia; and, cut off from her south-eastern provinces, she cannot attack turkey in the rear. the caucasian lines furnished her, in , with , men; poland with , ; the two countries require now an army of observation and occupation of , men; the danubian principalities absorb again , . the russian fleet remains as it was in --thirteen men-of-war then, thirteen now: and whilst, in , she had scarcely an enemy in europe, she has now scarcely one friend, except the kings. all her enemies, whom she has defeated one by one, have combined against her--poland, hungary, the danubian principalities, turkey, circassia. where is now the force of russia! does she not remind us of the golden image of nebuchadnezzar, standing on feet of clay? and yet, gentlemen, this russia can make doubtful the struggle in europe--not because powerful in arms, but because it stands ready to support tyrants, when nations are tired out in a struggle, or before they have time to make preparations for resistance: then only is russia a power to be feared. well, gentlemen, shall not america stand up, and with powerful voice forbid russia to interfere when nations have shaken off their domestic tyrants? gentlemen, remember that peter the czar left a last will and testament to the people, that russia must take constantinople. why? that russia might be a great power: and that it may be so constantinople is necessary, because no nation can be a great power which is not a maritime power. now see how turkey has grown in twenty-four years. the more russia delays, the stronger turkey becomes, and therefore is russia in haste to fulfil the destiny of being a maritime power. you can now see why is my fear, that this week, or this month, or this year, russia will attack turkey, and we shall not be entirely prepared: but though you do not give us "material aid," still we must rise when turkey is attacked, because we must not lose its , soldiers. the time draws nigh when you will see more the reason i have to hasten these preparations, that they may be complete, whenever through the death of nicholas or louis napoleon or a thousand other things,--most probably a war between russia and turkey,--we want to take time by the forelock. but, gentlemen, let me close. i am often told, let only the time come when the republican banner is unfurled in the old world, then we shall see what america will do. well, gentlemen, your aid may come too late to be rendered beneficial. remember and . had the nations of europe not your sympathy? were your hearts less generous than now? it was not in time--it came after, not before. was your government not inclined to recognize nations? it sent mr. mann to hungary to _inquire_--would that when he inquired he had been authorized to _recognize_ our achieved independence! gentlemen, let me end. before all, let me thank you for your generous patience. this is my last meeting. whatever may be my fate, so much i can say, that the name of boston and massachusetts will remain a dear word and a dear name, not only to me but to my people for all time. and whatever my fate, i will, with the last breath of my life, raise the prayer to god that he may bless you, and bless your city and bless your country, and bless all your land, for all the coming time and to the end of time; that your freedom and prosperity may still grow and increase from day to day; and that one glory should be added to the glory which you already have: the glory that america, republican america, may unite with her other principles the principle of christian brotherly love among the family of nations; and so may she become the corner stone of liberty on earth! that is my farewell word to you. * * * * * xlvii.--pronouncement of all the states. [_albany, may th_.] on may th, kossuth was received in albany, the chief city of new york state, by governor hunt, in the name of the citizens. in reply to his address, kossuth then addressed the audience substantially as follows:-- gentlemen,--more than five months have passed since my landing in new york. the novelty has long since subsided, and emotion has died away. the spell is broken which distance and misfortune cast around my name. the freshness of my very ideas is worn out. incessant toils spread a languor upon me, unpleasant to look upon. the skill of intrigues, aspersing me with calumny; wilful misrepresentations, pouring cold water upon generous sympathy; louis napoleon's momentary success, shaking the faith of cold politicians in the near impendency of a european struggle for liberty; and in addition to all this, the presidential election, absorbing public attention, and lowering every high aspiration into the narrow scope of party spirit, busy for party triumph; all these circumstances, and many besides too numerous to record, joined to make it _probable_ that the last days of my wanderings on american soil would be entirely different from those in which the hundred thousands of the "empire city,"[*] thundered up to the high heaven the cheers of their hurrahs, till they sounded like a defiance of a free people to the proud despots of the world. and yet, notwithstanding all these disadvantageous concurrencies, no change has taken place in the public spirit of america. i may have lost in your kind estimation of my humble self, but my cause has not lost. it is standing higher than ever it stood, and the future in your country's policy is ensured to it. [footnote *: new york.] gentlemen, present bounty will never weaken in my mind the thankful appreciation of former benefits. the generous manifestation of sympathy i met on my arrival, will always remain recorded with unfading gratitude in my heart; but no just man can feel offended when i say, that it is the manner of the "_farewell_" which decides upon the value of the "_welcome_." the result of my endeavours in america will not be measured by how i was received when i came, but by how i am treated when i leave. you know, "all's well that ends well," and to be well, things must end well. and being about to close my task in america, i cannot help to say, that the generous reception you have honoured me with, is doubly gratifying to my countrymen, who have watched with intense interest my progress in america--and doubly dear to my heart, because it is an evidence that the "_farewell_" given to the wandering exile's, course, confirms the expectations which the _"welcome"_ had roused. the warm reception albany has given me is like the point upon the letter _"i"_--it decides its meaning. the metropolis of the empire state gave abundantly the first flowers to the garland of america's sympathy for the condition of the old world. many a flower was added to it from many a place. wherever there is a people there was a new garden of sympathy: and wherever be the obligations i owe--and gladly own--to many a quarter of the united states, it is but a tribute due to justice publicly to avow, that _ohio_, with the bold resolution of its youthful strength, and _massachusetts_, with its consistent traditional energy, stood pre-eminent in the decided comprehension of america's destiny--and now the capitol of the empire state winds up the garland of america. _new york_ achieves what new york has begun, and thus, in leaving america, i have an answer to bring to europe's oppressed millions; and the answer is satisfactory, because i know what position america will take in the approaching crisis of the world. there are moments in the national life of a people, when to adopt a certain course becomes a natural necessity: and in such moments the people always gets instinctively conscious of the necessity, and answers it by adopting a direction spontaneously. that direction is decisive. it must be followed: and it is followed. pre-eminent patriots, joining in the people's instinct, may become either the interpreters or the executors of it; but they can neither impart their own direction to the people, nor alter that which public opinion has fixed. there are no other means to become a great man and a great patriot but by becoming the impersonification of the public sentiment, conscious of a surpassing public necessity. those who would endeavour to measure great things by a small individual scale, would always fall short in their calculations, and be left behind. there have been already several such moments in your country's brief but glorious history. i will only mention your glorious revolution of . who made that revolution? the people; the unarmed heroes; the public opinion. if the question had been left to the decision of some few, though the best and the wisest of all, _they never would have advised a struggle_; but would have arranged matters diplomatically. you remember what anxious endeavours were made to prove that it was not the americans who fired the first shot, and how exculpations were sent to england with protestations of allegiance. all those little steps were vain. the people felt that it was time to become an independent nation; and feeling the necessity of the moment, it took a direction by itself, and made the revolution by itself. now-a-days it is of an equally pregnant necessity to the united states, to take the position of a power on earth. nobody can hereafter make the people believe that it is possible for america to remain unaffected by the condition of the old world,--to advise that the united states shall still abstain from mixing up their concerns with those of europe. the question to be decided is not whether america shall mix its concerns with those of the old world; because that is done. but the question is, whether the united states shall take a seat in the great amphictyonic council of the nations or not? and whether it shall be permitted to some crowned mortals to substitute the whims of their ambition in the place of international law;--to set up and to upset the balance of power as they please; and to regulate the common concerns of the world? and shall the united states accept whatever the czar may be pleased to decide about those common concerns? and shall the united states silently look on, however the czar may grow upon the ruins of common international law, to an all-overwhelming preponderance? that is the question. and that being the question, the people has answered it, and has pronounced about it in a manner too positive and too evident to be mistaken. it is already more than a year ago, that a distinguished american diplomatist publicly advertised his fellow-statesmen, "that it is the popular voice which will henceforth decide, without appeal, the great coming questions in your foreign policy, before the executive or congress can consider them." some have reproached me for unprecedented arrogance in trying to change the hereditary policy of the united states. but it is not so. i did but engage public attention to consider the exigencies of time and circumstances. the _finger of the clock_ only shows the hour, but makes not the time. and so did i. and allow me to say, that the coming of such a time was already anticipated by many of your own fellow-citizens, long before my humble name, or even the name of my country, was known in america. please to read the works of your own distinguished countryman wayland, who for more than thirty years was engaged at one of your high schools in the noble task of instilling sound political principles and enlightened patriotism into the heart and mind of your rising generation. you will find that already in , after having spoken of the effects which this country might produce upon the politics of europe simply by her example, he thus proceeds:-- "it is not impossible, however, that this country may be called to exert an influence still more direct on the destinies of men. should the rulers of europe make war upon the principles of our constitution, because its existence '_may operate as an example_,' or should a universal appeal be made to arms on the question of civil and religious liberty, it is manifest that we must take no secondary part in the controversy. the contest will involve the civilized world, and the blow will be struck which must decide the fate of men for centuries to come. then will the hour have arrived, when, uniting with herself the friends of freedom throughout the world, this country must breast herself to the shock of congregated nations. then will she need the wealth of her merchants, the powers of her warriors, and the sagacity of her statesmen. then on the altar of our god, let each one devote himself to the cause of the human race, and in the name of the lord of hosts go forth unto the battle! if need be, let our choicest blood flow freely, for life itself is valueless when such interests are at stake. then, when a world in arms is assembling to the conflict, may this country be found fighting in the vanguard for the liberties of man! god himself has summoned her to the contest, and she may not shrink back. for this hour may he by his grace prepare her!" thus wrote a learned american patriot as early as ; and he stands high even to-day in the estimation of his fellow-citizens; and no man ever charged him with being presumptuously arrogant for having shown such a perspective of coming necessities to america. his profound sagacity, pondering the logical issue of america's position, has penetrated into the hidden mystery of future events; and he has seen his country summoned, by god himself, to fight in the vanguard for mankind's civil and religious liberty. * * * * * xlviii.--sound and unsound commerce. _speech at buffalo.]_ on the th of may thirty thousand persons assembled in the park at buffalo, where kossuth had a magnificently enthusiastic reception. in the evening he was escorted to american hall by the mayor and others. for a portion only of his speech, in reply to the address of the hon. thomas love, can we here find room. the austrian minister (said he) has left the united states. proud austria has no longer a representative here, but down-trodden hungary has. the chevalier hulsemann has at last taken his departure, without even a chivalrous farewell; the secretary of state let him depart, without either alarm or regret. "all right!" gentlemen. two years ago there was much alarm in certain quarters, when the idea of such a rupture was first suggested. five months ago, when in one of my public addresses i wished a good journey to mr. hulsemann, some thought it rather presumptuous. but now that he has left, no man cares about it, scarcely any man takes notice of it. the time may yet come, when mr. hulsemann's masters will be fully aware, that what he is pleased to call _the kossuth episode_ is a serious drama--a drama in which, i trust, america will so act its part, that in the catastrophe justice and freedom shall triumph, violence and oppression shall fall. in my many speeches i have dwelt largely on the necessity that there is for america to act this part. i have not concealed that i am informed that many gentlemen of commerce are timid concerning it, and i have ventured to warn this young but great republic against _materialism_. but commerce involves this danger only when it is bent on instant profit at any price, and cares nothing for the future, nothing about that solidity of commercial relations on which permanent prosperity depends. adventurous _money-hunting_ is not commerce. commerce, republican commerce, raised single cities to the position of mighty powers on earth, and maintained them there for centuries. it is merchants whose names shine with immortal lustre from the glorious book of venice and genoa. commerce, as i understand it, does indeed apply its finger to the pulsations of present conjunctures, but not the less fixes its eye steadily on the future. its heart warms with noble patriotism and philanthropy, connecting individual profit with the development of natural resources and of national welfare; so that it spreads over the multitudes like a dew of heaven upon the earth, which blossoms through it with the flower of prosperity. _such_ a commercial spirit is a rich source of national happiness;--a guarantee of a country's future, a pillar of its power, a vehicle of civilization and convoyer of its principles. let me exemplify the difference between that noble beneficent spirit of commerce and the merely material money hunting, which falsely usurps the name of commerce. since the fatal arithmetical skill of rothschilds has found out how to gain millions by negotiating, out of the pockets of the public, loan after loan for the despots, to oppress the blind-folded nations, a sort of speculation has gained ground in the old world, worthy of the execration of humanity--i mean the speculation in _loan shares_;--the paper commerce called stock-jobbing. it is the shame-brand upon our century's brow, that such a commerce is become a political power on earth; and unscrupulous gamesters, speculating upon the ruin of their neighbours, hold the political thermometer of peace and war in their criminal hands. but it is not commerce--it deserves not the name of commerce--it does not contribute to public welfare--it does not augment the elements of public prosperity--it is but immoral gambling, which transfers an unproductive imaginary wealth from one hand into another, without augmenting the stock of national property:--that is not commerce: and _it is a degradation of the character of a nation, when the interests of that speculation have the slightest influence, or are made of the slightest consideration in the regulation of a country's policy_. such an example has its full weight with every other kind of mere money-hunting. it would be the greatest fault to regulate a country's policy according to the momentary interests of worshippers of the almighty dollar, who look but for a momentary profit, not caring for their fatherland and humanity--nothing for the principles--nothing about the tears and execration of millions, if only that condition remains intact which gives them individual profit--though that condition be the misfortune of a world. wherever that class of money-hunters is influential, there is a disease in the constitution of the community. it is vain to complain against the dangerous doctrines of socialism, so long as such money-hunters have any influence upon politics. the genus of rothschilds has done more for the spread of socialism than its most passionate sectarians. take on the other side the contrasting fact of the erie canal. i remember well that some were terrified, when in the councils of the empire state first was started the idea of that gigantic enterprise. and now when we hear that its nett proceeds amount to about three millions of dollars a year--when we see the almost unbroken line of boats on it--when we see buffalo becoming the heart of the west, the pulsation of which conveys the warm tide of life to the east; and by the communication of that artery, bringing the wonderful combination of the great western lakes into immediate connection with the atlantic, and through the atlantic with the old world--when we see buffalo, though at four hundred miles distance from the ocean, without a navigable river, living, acting, and operating like a seaport; and new york, situated on the shores of the atlantic, acting as if it were the metropolis of the west--when we consider how commerce becomes a magic wand, and transforms a world of wilderness into a garden of prosperity, and spreads the blessing of civilization where some years ago only the wild beasts and the indian roamed--then indeed we bow with reverential awe before the creating power of that commerce. we feel that the spirit of it is not a mere money-hunting, but a mighty instrumentality of providence for the moral and social benefit of the world; and we at once feel that the interests of such a commerce underlie so much the foundation of your country's future, that not only are they entitled to enter into the regulating considerations of your country's policy, but they must enter--they must have a decisive weight--and they will have it, whatever be the declamations of learned politicians who have so much looked to the authority of past times that they have found no time to see the imperious necessity of present exigencies. there are still some who advise you to follow the policy of separation from europe, which washington wisely advised in his days--wisely, because it was a necessity of those times. i have on many occasions adduced arguments against this, which to me are quite convincing. yet to some minds custom is of so much more power than argument, that i could not forbear to feel some uneasiness. but to-day, gentlemen, i no longer feel such uneasiness. i am entirely tranquillized. i want no more arguments, because i have the knowledge of facts, and to those who still advocate the policy of separatism i will say, "have you seen the city of buffalo? go! and look at it; when you have seen what buffalo is, consider what are the interests which created that city, and are personified by that city; then trace those interests back to new york, and from new york across the atlantic to the old world; and again, the returning interests of intercourse from the old world to new york and hence to buffalo, and from buffalo to the west, and then speak of the wisdom of separatism!"--what exists, exists. the facts will laugh at your reflections; they will tell you that, they cannot be undone. they will tell you that you are like endymion, whom diana made sleep until the twig on which he leaned his head had become a tree. they, will tell you that you could as well reduce buffalo to the log-house of middeau and lane; the mighty democrat the steam-engine to the horse on the back of which ezra metcalf brought the first public mail to the sixteen dwelling-houses, which some forty years ago composed all buffalo; you could as well reduce the erie canal to where it was when governor morris first mentioned the idea of tapping lake erie, or reduce the west to a desert, and western new york to the condition in which washington saw it when journeying towards the far west. all this you could as easily do as adhere any longer to the policy of separatism, or persuade the people of the united states not to take any part in the great political transactions of the old world. in that respect, gentlemen, i am entirely tranquillized; and tranquillized also i am in this respect, that it is impossible the active sympathies of your people should not side with freedom and right against oppression and violence. that will be done. i want no assurance about it,--being an imperative corollary of existing facts. public opinion is aroused to the appreciation of these facts and of their necessary exigencies. the only thing which i in that respect have yet to desire, is, to see the people of the united states persuaded that _it is time_ to prepare _already_ to meet those exigencies; and that it is wise not to let themselves be overtaken by impending events. [kossuth then proceeded to speak of subjects elsewhere very fully treated, and continued:] once more, i repeat, a _timely_ pronouncement of the united states would avert and prevent a second interference of russia. she must sharpen the fangs of her bear, and get a host of other beasts into her menagerie, before she will provoke the eagle of america. but beware, beware of loneliness. if your protest be delayed too long, you will have to fight alone against the world: while now, you will only have to watch, and others will fight. allow me to ask, are the united states interested in the laws of nations? can they permit any interpolation in the code of these laws without their consent? i am told by some that america had best not intermeddle with european politics, and that you have always avoided to meddle with them. but it is not so. those who make this assertion forget history--they forget that the united states have always claimed and asserted the right to have their competent weight and authority about the maritime law of nations--it was one of your presidents who held this emphatic language to the potentates of europe: "_we cannot consent to interpolations in the maritime code of nations at the mere will and pleasure of other governments--we deny the right of any such interpolation, to any one or all the nations of the earth without our consent--we claim to have a voice in all alterations of that code_." thus spoke the united states, at a time when they were not yet so powerful as they are now. and they thus spoke not for themselves only, but for all the nations on earth. and to what purpose did they speak these words so full of dignity and full of effect? for the maintenance of the laws of nations, or one part of them, the maritime code. dauntless and full of resolution, _they_ alone vindicated natural rights for every nation on earth, while europe sacrificed them. _they_ vindicated for every nation the proud motto they have emblazoned on their banner--"_free trade and sailors' rights_," and _free ships and free goods_: now who can any longer charge me that i advance a new policy, with that precedent before your eyes? would you be willing to resign, now that you are powerful, in respect to other parts of the laws of nations, that which you have boldly taken in respect to one part of them, when you were yet comparatively weak? or would you do less for the end than you have done for the means? the maritime part of the international code is no end, but only a means to an end. no ship takes sail for the purpose merely of sailing on the ocean, but for the purpose of arriving somewhere. the ocean is but the highway, and not the intended terminus. russian intervention in hungary has blocked up your terminus: and the maritime code would be of no avail, if the other provisions of international law are to be still blotted out from the code of nations by russian ambition. let the slightest eruption of the political volcano in europe take place, and you will see. you might have seen already during our past struggle, that your proud principle of "_free ships, free goods_" is a mere mockery unless the other parts of the laws of nations are also maintained. that is what i claim from the young and dauntless nation of america. i claim that she shall not abandon that position in the proud days of her power, which she so boldly took in the days of her feebleness. or are you already declining? has your prodigious prosperity weakened instead of strengthening your nation's nerves? so young! and a republic! and already declining! when its opposing principle, russia, rises so boldly and so high! oh, no! god forbid! that would be a sorrowful sight, fraught with the grief of centuries for all humanity! * * * * * xlix.--russia and the balance of power. [_syracuse_.] at syracuse, in new york state, kossuth was received with an address of the usual cordiality by the ex-mayor, harvey baldwin. of his ample reply a portion may here be presented to the reader. after alluding to dionysius and timoleon, he came back to the subject of russian interference in hungary, and declared that he would not appeal to their passions, but to their calm reason, although he approved of excitement in a good cause, and at any rate trusted that truth and hope would never be out of fashion at syracuse. he continued:-- gentlemen, as the destination of laws in a well-regulated community is to uphold right, justice, and security of every individual, rich or poor, powerful or weak, and to protect his life against violence and his property against the encroachments of fraud and crime--so the destination of the laws of _nations_ is to secure the independence even of the smallest states, from the encroachments of the most powerful ones. force will prevail instead of right, so long as _all_ independent nations do not unite for the maintenance of those laws upon which the security of all nations rests. i say _all_ nations, because weakness is always comparative, not absolute. a combination of several leagued powers can reduce to the condition of comparative weakness even the strongest power on earth. without the law of nations there is therefore no security for nations. but the european powers have long ago substituted for the rule of justice the so-called _balancing system_--that is to say, the political balance of power among nations. that system is iniquitous, for it is founded, not upon the national _right_ even of the smallest nation to be maintained in its independence, but upon the natural jealousy of the great powers. with this system the independence of the smallest states is not sure by right and by law, but only depends on the consideration that the absorption of such smaller states might aggrandize one of the great powers too much. in this system humanity is taken for nothing--the mutual jealousy of the powerful is all, and the implicit guarantee for the security of the weaker ceases, wherever the powerful can devise a plan of spoliation which leaves the relative forces of the spoliators the same as before. it is thus the world has seen the partition of poland--that most iniquitous--most guilty spoliation ever witnessed. the balancing system would have protected poland from absorption by _one_ power, but it has not protected it from partition between these rival powers. formerly, separate leagues between several states have been as a protecting barrier against the ambition of a single powerful oppressor. in the case of poland, the world saw with consternation a confederacy of great powers formed to perpetrate those very acts of spoliation which hitherto had been prevented by similar means. i therefore am certainly no advocate of this false system of political balance of power, and i believe the time will come when that idol will be thrown down from the place which it usurps, and law and right will be restored to their sovereign sway. but still i may say, it is an imperious necessity for all the world in general, as also for the united states, that something should be done to prevent the measureless territorial aggrandizement of one single power, chiefly when that power is the mighty antagonist of your own republic, as indeed russia is. i have on many occasions spoken of the necessary antagonism between despotic russia and republican america. allow me here to recapitulate some facts concerning russia. no man familiar with the history of the last hundred years is ignorant that the czars of russia take it for their destiny to rule the world. it is their hereditary policy, in which they are brought up from generation to generation, till that infatuation becomes a point of their character. to come to that aim--russian preponderance steps forth alike with protocols, with emissaries, and with war--in two directions westward and eastward, against europe and against asia. as to europe, after having completed her arrondisement on the baltic--her earnest aim is partly direct conquest, and partly sovereign preponderance. direct conquest, so far as the sclave race is spread; which the czars desire to unite under their despotic sceptre. to attain that end, the house of romanoff has started the idea of pansclavism, the idea of union of the sclavish nationality under russian protectorate.--protectorate is always the first step which russia takes when desiring to conquer. she has styled that ambitious design the regeneration of the sclave nationality; and to blindfold those deluded nations that they may not see that without independence and freedom no nationality exists, she has flattered their ambition with the prospect of dominion over the world. the latin race had its turn, and the german race had, and now it is the sclave race which is called to rule and master the world. such was the satanic temptation of pride, by which russia advanced in that ambitious scheme. i will not now speak of the mischief she has succeeded to do in that respect: i will only mark the fact that the ambition of russia aims at the direct dominion of europe, so far as it is inhabited by the sclave race. the slightest knowledge of geography is sufficient to make it understood that this would be such an accession to the power of russia, that, were they united under one man's despotic will, the independence of the rest of europe, should even russia prudently decline a direct conquest of it, would be but a mockery. the czar would be omnipotent over it, as indeed he is near to be already, at least on the continent. yet, without the conquest of constantinople, russia could never carry the idea of pansclavism: for in european turkey a vast stock of the sclavonic race dwells, from bulgaria over servia and bosnia down to montenegro, and across through rumelia. moreover, the conquest of constantinople is the hereditary leading idea of russian policy. peter, called the great, the founder of the russian empire, in making it from a half-asiatic a european state, bequeathed this policy as a sacred legacy to all his posterity, in his political testament, which is the magna charta of russian power and despotism. all his successors have energetically followed that inherited direction. alexander movingly avowed that constantinople _is the key to his own house_, and his brother did and does more than all his predecessors to get that key. when the empress catharine visited the recently conquered krimea, potemkin raised to her honour a triumphal arch, with the motto--"hereby is the road to constantinople." czar nicholas has since learned that it is by vienna, rather. russia therefore decided to get rid of this obstacle, and to convert it out of an obstacle into a tool. a direct conquest would have been dangerous, because it would have met the opposition of all europe. russia therefore tried it first by monetary influence, and had pretty well advanced in it. metternich himself was a pensioner to russia. but the watchful, independent spirit of constitutional hungary still hindered the practical result of that bribery. and, mark well, gentlemen, in consequence of the geographical situation of her dominions, and being also sovereigns of hungary, it was chiefly the house of austria which was considered to be and cherished as the great bulwark against russia--charged especially with a jealous guardianship of turkish rights. and indeed had the house of austria comprehended the conditions of her existence, attached hungary to herself by respecting her independence and her constitutional rights, and developed the power of her hereditary dominions, and placed herself upon a constitutional basis, she could have maintained her respectable position of guardianship for centuries. russia was aware of that fact. it is the intrigue of russia, which by money and emissaries for years before infused the notion of pansclavism among the bohemians, poles, croats, serbs, under the crown of austria, equally as among the sclave population of turkey; which encouraged austria to attack hungary, by promising her aid in case of need. if austria succeeded, the constitutional life of hungary, in many ways so offensive to russia, was overthrown: if austria failed, she became a dependency of russia. and by the unwarrantable carelessness of some powers, the complicity of others, the latter alternative is achieved. austria, who was to have _balanced_ russia, is thrown into her scale: instead of being a barrier, she is her vanguard, and her tool--her high road to constantinople, her auxiliary army to flank it. it would be not without interest to sketch the history of russia step by step, advancing towards that aim by war and by emissaries, and by diplomatic corruption and corrupted diplomacy, from the time of mahomet baltadji, of cursed memory, through all subsequent wars--at the treaties of kutsuk kaynardje, balta liman, jassy, bucharest, ackierman, adrianople, unkhiar iskelessi, down to the treaty as to the dardanelles and the bosphorus, and to the treaty of commerce which made two-thirds of constantinople itself in their daily bread dependent upon russian wheat, to the amount of thirty-five millions of piastres a year, while turkish wheat was rotting in the stores of asia minor. by each of these treaties russia advanced its frontiers, and pressed constantinople more closely within its iron grasp; with such perseverant consistency pursuing her aim, that even in other political transactions, apparently unconnected with turkey, it was constantly this which she kept in view. as for instance, at the conference of tilsit, when she surrendered continental europe to the momentary domains of napoleon, provided turkey were consigned to her. and still she did not succeed--and still stamboul stands a barrier to her dominion over the world. and why did she not succeed? because the european powers, conscious of the fact that the conquest of constantinople involves their own submission to russia, have in the last instant always prevented it, by uniting to treat the eastern question as one of life and death for their own independence. the whole anglo-saxon race are bound by every consideration of policy to check the ambitious encroachments of russia. it is not in europe only, but in asia, that you meet her. she knows that her dominion over the world must be short, while the anglo-saxon race bold a mighty empire in india. moreover, you yourselves, by the extension of your territory to the pacific ocean, are drawn by a thousand natural ties of activity to asia. your expedition to japan has a world of meaning in it. great powers _must_ have broad views in their policy: you cannot contain your activity, nor therefore your policy, within a domestic circle of your own. you are for the world what germany is for europe. as without the freedom of hungary, europe cannot _become_ free, so without the freedom of germany, europe cannot _remain_ free; for germany is the heart of europe. you, by having extended your dominion to the pacific, become the heart of the world. you are brought into the compass of russian hatred and russian ambition. either you or russia must fall. the balance of power, and thereby the independence of the world, has been overthrown by the connivance of the great powers at the overthrow of hungary; and it can only be restored by the restoration of hungary. as for austria, she never more can be restored--she is not only doomed, she is dead. no skill, no tending can revive her. having previously broken every tie of affection and of allegiance, she cannot maintain even a vegetable life, but by russian aid. let the reliance upon that aid relax, and there is no power on earth which could prevent the nations who groan under her oppressive and degrading tyranny from shattering to pieces the rotten building of her criminal existence. and as to my nation, i declare solemnly, that should we be left forsaken and alone to fight once more the battle of deliverance for the world, and should we in consequence of it fail in that honourable strife, we will rather choose to be russians than subject to the house of austria--rather submit to open, manly force of the czar, than to the heart-revolting perjury of the hapsburg--rather be ruled directly by the master, than submit to the shame of being ruled by his underlings. the fetters of force may be broken once, but the affection of a morally offended people to a perjurious dynasty can never be restored. russia we hate with inconceivable hatred, but the house of hapsburg we hate and we despise. i have been often asked, what may be, amidst the present conjunctures, an opportunity to renew our struggle for liberty? and i have answered that the very oppression of our country, the heroism of my people, our resolute will, and the intolerable condition of the european continent, is an opportunity in itself; but if too cautious men, having too little faith in the destiny of mankind, desire yet another opportunity, there is the prospect of a war between turkey and russia. this is a fatality, pointed out by the situation of russia, and by the pressing motives, heaped up since the time of peter the great: and russia will hasten to try the decisive blow, since she knows that turkey becomes more powerful every day. now, gentlemen, that will be an imperious opportunity to raise once more the standard of freedom in hungary; and, so may god bless us, we are prepared for it. we cannot allow that our natural ally, turkey, be flanked from the frontiers of hungary at the order of the czar. turkey, by curious change of circumstances, having become necessary to european freedom and civilization, will find the kindred race of the magyars to aid her, and by aiding her, to save the world. the only question is, will the united states remain indifferent at the overthrow of the balance of power on earth? no, they will not, they cannot remain indifferent. their position on the coast of the pacific answers "no." their republican principle answers "no." the voice of the people, clustering in thundering manifestations around my own humble self, answer "no." you yourself, sir, in the name of the people of syracuse, which is but one tone in the mighty harmony of all the people's voice, have told me "no." before these assurances, and upon the conditions of your destiny, i rely; and i venture humbly to advise you to strengthen your fleet in the mediterranean. sir, look for a port of your own, not depending upon the smiles of petty italian despots, but one where the stripes and stars of america will be able to protect the principles of free ships, free goods. determine the character of your country's future administration from a broad american view, and not from any petty considerations of small party follies. with these humble suggestions i cordially thank you for your sympathy, and bid you an affectionate farewell! * * * * * l.--retrospect and prospect. [_utica._] at utica, in new york state, the elegant saloon of the museum was arranged for kossuth's reception: and the hon. w. bacon made a powerful address to him. kossuth in the course of his reply, said:-- ladies and gentlemen,--the history and the institutions of the united states were not only the favourite study of my life, from my early youth, strengthening my conviction that with centralization and with parliamentary omnipotence, which absorb all independence of municipal life, there is no practical freedom possible:--but the history and institutions of the united states exerted also a real influence upon the resolution of my people to resist oppression, and not to shrink before the dangers and sacrifices of a terrible conflict. never yet was there a people against which all the arts of hell had been combined worse than against the people of hungary in . neither dreaming to attack any, nor suspecting to be attacked, never yet was a people less prepared for a war of defence, or more surprised by the danger than my country was. in those frightful days, when many of the stoutest hearts prepared mourningly to submit to the imperious necessity, i called hungary to arms; and while on the one side i pronounced a curse against those who would forsake the fatherland, and were willing to bow cowardlike before a sacrilegious violence, and accept the degradation of servitude,--on the other side, in order to cheer up the manly resolution of my countrymen, i pointed to the heart-raising example of your history. and that history became the guiding star to us, from the lustre of which we have drawn self-reliance and resolution to bear up against all danger and all adversities. but while we on our part readily yielded to the heart-ennobling influence of your history, we were disappointed in some expectations which we derived from it. we saw that you were not forsaken in the hour of need; yet your grievances were by far less heart-stirring than ours, and should _you_ have failed in the noble enterprize of independence, such a failure, at that time, would by no means have teemed with such immediate results of positive mischiefs to the world outside of you, as every considerate mind might have foreseen from _our_ fall. i therefore confess that i trusted to that instruction also of your history, and hoped that should we prove worthy of the attention of the world, that attention would not be restricted to a mere looking at our contest with barren sympathies. but allow me to mention that it was not from america alone that i hoped our struggle would not be regarded with indifference: the example of former political transactions in europe entitled me to just expectations from other quarters also in that respect. when greece heroically rose to assert its independence, great britain, france, and even russia herself, interposed together to pacify the two contending parties, on the basis of the establishment of an independent greece. and so very anxious were those great powers to stop the effusion of blood, that they solemnly declared they would insist upon the pacification, should even the conflicting parties decline to consent to the proposed arrangements. and thus greece took its seat among the independent states, though that was possible only by reducing the territory of the ottoman empire, the integrity of which was considered essential to the equilibrium of political power on earth. besides, what were those powers which interposed their mediation in favour of bleeding greece? it was russia, despotical as she is: it was legitimist france, then scarcely to be called constitutional; for it was before the revolution of : and it was the ministry of great britain, then, if i am not mistaken, a tory one. now was i not entitled with this precedent before my eyes, to hope that the bloody struggle in hungary would not be regarded with indifference? we had not risen from any reckless excitement to assert new rights, or to experiment on new theories; we should have been contented to keep what we lawfully possessed. it was not we who broke the peace; we were assailed with a perjury more sacrilegious than the world has ever seen:--we merely took up arms to defend ourselves against national extermination, against the nameless cruelties inflicted upon our people,--men, women, children,--by fire, murder, war, and royal perjury. and besides, when we took up arms in legitimate defence, it so happened that in france there was a republic established which proclaimed the principle of universal fraternity; and there was in england a ministry claiming to be liberal, which on a former occasion had solemnly vouched its word to the british parliament, that _constitutional independence of any country, great or small, would never be a matter of indifference to the english government;_ adding emphatically, that _whoever might be in office, conducting the affairs of great britain, he would not perform his duty if he were inattentive to the interests of such states._ am i to blame for having thought that there is and should be morality in politics? and besides, there was republican america, quite in another shape than she was twenty years before, at the time of the war of independence in greece. then she had not yet extended her sway to the pacific, and was not yet exposed to be so much affected by the political issues of europe and asia as she now is: then she had not yet a population of more than twenty millions, who now are in the necessity to claim the position of a power on earth: then she was indeed a new world teeming with the mysteries of the future, but yet was far from being what she is to-day; nay, even the erie canal, the great artery which now acts as a miraculous link between europe and the interior of your republic, was only about to be completed at the time. and still what mighty sympathy! a sympathy warm in expression, and not barren in facts, thrilled through all america, much like that which i now meet, and pervaded even your _national_ councils:--would i were entitled to say, much like as now! although the question of greece was of course worthy of all interest (as the cause of liberty always and everywhere is), yet it was only an isolated cause, and by no means of such surpassing influence upon the condition of the world as the cause of hungary was, and is. and yet i was disappointed in the expectation which i derived from your own history, that a just cause will find supporters and never will be forsaken by all. oh, we were forsaken, gentlemen! we were forsaken even at the crisis, when, single-handed, we had defeated our cruel enemy. and russia, that personification of despotism, stepped in with its iron weight, tearing to pieces the law of nations, and overthrowing upon our ruins the balance of power on earth. that russia, if invited, would snatch at the opportunity to gain preponderance amongst the powers on earth--of this i entertained not the slightest doubt; but i must confess, i did not believe either that austria would claim, or that the other powers of the earth, and chiefly great britain and america, would permit the intervention of russia. i could not believe that austria would resort to this desperate remedy, because (and it is a remarkable circumstance which i mention now for the first time) it was austria which but a few years before, when, in the transactions with turkey, the question of foreign interference for the maintenance of the integrity of the turkish empire was agitated in the councils of the world (and from which you of course were excluded, as to the present day you always yet have been, as if you were nothing but a patch of earth); yes, it was austria, which objecting that the guarantee of interference should be even claimed, pronounced in a solemn diplomatic note these memorable words:-- _"a state ought never to accept, and still less request, of another state, a service for which it is unable to offer in return a strict reciprocity; else by accepting such favour she loses the flower of her own independence--a state accepting such a favour becomes a mediatized state: it makes an act of submission to the will of the state which takes the charge of its defence; this state becomes a protector, and to be dependent upon a protector is insupportable."_ thus spoke austria. how then could i imagine that the same austria which thus spoke would accept the degradation of russian interference? and should even the house of austria, ruled by a guilty woman, under the name of a witless, cruel child, be willing thus to ruin itself; how could i imagine that england, that america, that the world, would allow such a preponderance to russia as makes her almost the mistress over the world; at least opens the way to become such? no, that indeed i could not imagine. and still it was done. we fell, not "unwept, unhonoured, and unsung," but still we fell. well: sad though be our fate, it is but a trial, and no death. perhaps it was necessary that the destinies of mankind should be fulfilled. i have an unbroken faith in him, the heavenly father of all; the heart of mortal men may break, but what he does, that is well done. the ways of providence are mysterious. the car of destiny goes on unrestrained, and the weight of its wheels often crushes the happiness of generations; floods of tears and of blood often mark its track. mankind looks up to heaven, and while measuring eternity with the rule of the passing moment, sometimes despairs of the future, and believes the sun of freedom sunk for ever! it is a delusion: it is the folly of anxiety! night is the darkest before dawn, and the misfortune of the moment often leads to the happiness of eternity. yes, gentlemen! the ways of providence are miraculous. let me cast a look backwards into the last struggles for freedom in europe, that their history may become the book of future, and that, when we perceive the salutary action of providence even in our misfortunes, we may be strengthened in our faith in the future freedom, and that you may see that for us, down-trodden but not broken, there is full reason to pursue our way, not only with the resoluteness of duty, but also with the cheerfulness of a sure success, courageous as strength, untired as perseverance, unshaken as religious faith, self-sacrificing as maternal love, cautious as wisdom, but resolute as desperation itself. but where is the action of providence visible in the failure of ? is your question. gentlemen, i will tell you. the continent of europe was afflicted with three diseases in --monarchical inclination, centralization, and the antagonism of nationalities. with such elements and in such direction, deception was unavoidable, lasting liberty was not to be achieved. it was the lot of the peoples to be freed from these diseases, because god had designed the peoples to freedom and not to deception; therefore the revolution of had to fail, but it was still not a mere accident in history; it was a necessary step in the development of mankind's destiny, and it will shine for ever in history as a glorious preparation for the ultimate triumph of liberty, to carry which a positive, practical direction is necessary. and that now exists. france, germany, and italy are no more to fight for the deception of monarchical principles, not for the triumph of dynasties, but for republics. hungary took this direction already in , by dethroning the hapsburgs. france, germany, and italy will not follow in the track of centralization. hungary never followed it. and the governments may ally themselves for the oppression of the world's liberty;--they have already allied themselves--but nations will no more rise in arms against one another. they will rise, not to dominate, but to be independent and free. instead of the antagonism of nationalities, it is now the idea of the solidarity and fraternity of nations, which is become the character of our times. and this is to be the source of our success in future; this explains the fear of the tyrants which manifests itself in such blind rage. this is the direction which i pursue; this is the secret of the sympathy of the people, unparalleled yet in history, which i met in both hemispheres, and of the coalition of despots, aristocrats, and ambitious intriguers, to persecute me. i hope, gentlemen, with these considerations before your eyes, you will not share in the opinions of those who despair of the cause of freedom in europe, because the revolution of has failed. * * * * * li.--the triple bond. [_address before the german citizens of new york_.] at the broadway tabernacle, on wednesday evening, kossuth delivered a farewell address, before the german citizens of new york. it was spoken in the german language, and was received with the hearty plaudits of an immense assemblage. a small portion only of it can here find place. dear friends,--allow me to address you with this sweet name of brotherly love, hallowed by deep feeling, by the power of principles, and by the combination of circumstances,--but likewise weighty in regard to the determination linked to it in my grateful heart, in life as in death, to serve the cause faithfully which you honour by such generously noble sympathy. to me this moment is one of solemn importance. i stand at the close of my wanderings in america. my words are those of farewell. in these six months i have been enriched by many an experience. i had much to unlearn, but i have likewise learnt much. whatever be the result of my exertions, so much is sure, that they have linked more closely the hearts of the germans and hungarians, and have matured the instinct of solidarity into self-conscious conviction. this result alone is worth a warm utterance of thanks; it will heavily weigh in the future of the world. and this result, dear friends, is it not achieved? the hearts of the german and the hungarian are linked more closely; they throb like the hearts of twins which have rested under the same mother's breast; they throb like the hearts of brothers, who, hand in hand, attain the baptism of blood; they throb like the hearts of two comrades, on the eve of the battle, decided to hold together like the blade and the handle. the echo of this harmony of german song fills yet the air of this hall; it thrills yet through the soul of the ladies and through the bosom of the resolute men. let the word harmony between the germans and hungarians be the consecration of the present moment, which melts together our feelings, in order that, self-conscious of the sublime aim, which unites our nations and us all in brotherhood, we may unite in intention, unite in resolution, unite in endurance, unite in activity for the aim which fills your souls and mine. and what is this aim which thrills through our bosoms like a magnetic current? the aim is the solidarity and independence of nations;--the freedom of our people--their liberation from the yoke of tyranny. with this aim before my eyes and decided resolution in my heart, i feel here amidst you as werner stauffacher felt, when, in the hour of the night, on the rüttli, god above him and the sword in his hand, he made the covenant with his two friends against tyrannical austria. let this meeting here become the symbol of a similar covenant; three[*] were the men who made it, and switzerland became free. let us three nations make a similar covenant, and the world becomes free. germany, hungary, and italy! hurrah for the new rüttli-covenant! god increase the number of them, as he increased the number of those on the rüttli, and our triune band, strong in itself, will readily greet every one, and meet him as a brother, having the same rights in the great council of the amphictyons, where the nations will give their verdict against tyrants and tyranny, on the battle-field, with the thunder of the cannons and the clashing of swords; and will put the independence of every nation under the common guarantee of all, in order that every one of them may regulate her own domestic affairs, without foreign interference, and every people may govern itself, not acknowledging any master but the almighty. they, will increase the members of this covenant, but germany, hungary, and italy, they are neighbours, and have the same enemy. hurrah! for the new covenant of stauffacher! [footnote *: werner stauffacher, walter fürst, and arnold of the melchthal; november th, .] now, by the god who led my people from the prairies of far asia to the banks of the danube--of the danube, whose waves have brought religion, science, and civilization from germany to us, and in whose waves the tears of germany and hungary are mingled; by the god who led us, when on the soil watered by our blood we were the bulwark of christendom; by the god who gave strength to our arm in the struggle for freedom, until our oppressor, this godless house, which weighed so heavily on the liberties of germany for centuries, was humbled, and sunk down to be the underling of the muscovite czar; by the ties of common oppression which tortures our nation--by the ties of the same love of liberty, and of the same hatred of tyranny which boils in the veins of our people--by the remembrance of the day[*] when the germans of vienna rose to bar the way toward hungary against the hirelings of despotism--and by the blood which flowed on the plain of schwechat[**] from hungarian hearts for the deliverance of vienna; by the almighty eye which watches the fate of mankind--by all these, i pledge myself, i pledge that the people of hungary will keep this covenant honestly, faithfully, and truly, in life and death. [footnote *: october th, ] [footnote **: october th, ] i tender the brother-hand of hungary to the german people, because i am convinced that it is essentially necessary for the freedom and independence of my country. destined as we are to be the vanguard of freedom, i know well that as long as germany remains enslaved, even the victory of our liberty would remain insecure; as long as germany remains an army, whose power is wielded by the criminal hand of the house of hapsburg; as long as russia has nothing to fear from germany, because the two masters of germany are but underlings of russia--obeying the command of their master, because he maintains them on their tottering thrones against their own people; so long russia will always have the arrogance to throw her despotic sword into the scale against the freedom of the world. i am not the first who say it, that the freedom of germany is the condition of the liberty of the world; history tells it with a thousand tongues, every statesman acknowledges it, and all the despots know it. twenty years past, when the german princes recovered from the stunning blow of the july revolution, by finding out that louis philippe was not in earnest with his phrases of liberty, when, in the year , they united to enslave the german people, and to retract the concessions which they had given in the fright of their hearts; when they curtailed all the constitutional guarantees, then henry lytton bulwer, the same who was ambassador in washington during the last year, rose in the english parliament, and claimed that england should not permit the liberty and independence of the german people to be crushed. he claimed the attention of the world to the great truths that _the peace of europe cannot be secured without a strong germany, and that germany cannot be strong without freedom._ a free germany is a bulwark against the encroachments of france and the arrogance of russia. germany enslaved, is either the prey of the former or the tool of the other. his prophecy is fulfilled; germany is become half the prey and wholly the tool of russia. who then can calculate on security and peace and freedom, as long as germany is thus enslaved. you see, dear friends, that the brotherly union with germany must be of sacred importance to me, and that my heart must beat as fervently for germany's freedom, as for that of my own people. therefore, i necessarily wished to bequeath the care of the seed which i have sown, to men urged to this task of love, not only by enlightened american patriotism--not only by the conscience of right and duty and prudence, but likewise especially by love for their old german fatherland. and do i not express only the sentiments of your own hearts, when i say, "the german may wander from his father's house, and may build for himself a new home in a distant country, yet he ever loves truly and faithfully his own old german fatherland"? i request you to exert your influence, that the idea of the solidarity of the struggle for european liberty may be well understood, and that preparations be made to support the revolution, whenever it breaks out. there is nothing more dangerous than to say: "the hungarian, the italian, or the german fights; let us see whether he succeeds; if he succeeds, we too will try the same." by the isolation of the nations the combined despots become victorious. let everybody support liberty, wherever she struggles. but, on the other side, the forces of the revolution cannot so pledge and tie themselves, as to be thrown into the abyss by every ill-combined premature outbreak. _not an_ "emeute," _but a_ revolution _is our aim_; and therefore the leaders of the movement of the different nations must combine either in a simultaneous outbreak, or to mutual support; and in this combination there must be absolute freedom and equality. there are persons in this country who did me the honour to mention that i would lead the german movement. no! gentlemen; that would be a presumptuous arrogance, even if it were practical, which it is not. this idea itself is the most antagonistical to my principles. no!--no! no foreign interference with the domestic affairs of a nation. i will not bear it in hungary, nor obtrude it abroad. full independence is my watchword. but you will ask who are, or who were, the leaders of germany, with whom i still combine? the question is easily answered; you will acknowledge them from their works. whoever comes to tender me his hand as a confederate, i do not ask who he is, where he comes from?--but i ask, "what do you weigh? what power do you command? what forces have you organized? or what are your prospects or means of organization?" and then i inquire into the truth myself. i judge the vitality of the intention, and accept or decline the proffered brotherly alliance of mutual support. this is my way. i do not think that germany will ever combine under the leadership of one man; but there are many germans in the different parts of germany who enjoy the confidence of their countrymen, and have a leading influence. every one of these can act in his sphere. i, my friends, will be always ready to combine with every one who does, and who has some forces to tender to the league. i do not care for names, for petty party disputes, or for those which belong to the domestic questions. [kossuth proceeded, in assent to a special request, to give his advice as to the method of proceeding suitable to the german voters in america; and closed by saying:] those are the principles, my dear friends, which should lead you, according to my humble opinion, in the present crisis. and if you take into kind consideration my bequest, and exert your influence and active aid on behalf of the movement for freedom in europe, i can but assure you, for my grateful farewell, that there are hundreds of thousands in europe who take those words for their device, which the other day, the german singers sang, as if from the depth of my heart. "and never shall rest the shield and the spear, till destroyed we see, and laid in the dust, the enemies all." may god help me! this is my oath, and this oath my farewell! * * * * * lii.--the future of nations. [_a lecture in new york_.] the following lecture was delivered at the broadway tabernacle by request of a large number of ladies and gentlemen of new york, for the purpose of obtaining the means necessary to secure to the exiled family of kossuth, consisting of his aged mother, his sisters and their children, an establishment by which they might earn an independent livelihood. the new york 'evening post' says of the lecture:-- "kossuth appears nowhere greater than in this able discourse. his comprehensive politics, his beautiful sympathies, his power over language, his poetic imagination, his magnetic and melting earnestness of purpose, are blended with that depth of religious feeling which gives to his character as a patriot the sanctity and unction of the prophet. his moral and intellectual faculties are shown in harmony, working out the great and beneficent purposes of his commanding will. "it would be difficult to select any portion of this speech as better than another, and we therefore commend the whole to the reader's careful examination." ladies and gentlemen,--during six months i appeared many times before the tribunal of public opinion in america. this evening i appear before you in the capacity of a working man. my aged mother, tried by more sufferings than any living being on earth, and my three sisters, one of them a widow with two fatherless orphans, together a homeless family of fourteen unfortunate souls, have been driven by the austrian tyrant from their home, that golgotha of murdered right, that land of the oppressed, but also of undesponding braves, and the land of approaching revenge. when russian violence, aided by domestic treason, succeeded to accomplish what austrian perjury could not achieve, and i with bleeding heart went into exile, my mother and all my sisters were imprisoned by austria; but it having been my constant maxim not to allow to whatever member of my family any influence in public affairs, except that i intrusted to the charitable superintending of my youngest sister the hospitals of the wounded heroes, as also to my wife the cares of providing for the furniture of these hospitals, not even the foulest intrigues could contrive any pretext for the continuation of their imprisonment. and thus when diplomacy succeeded to fetter my patriotic activity by the internation to far asia, after some months of unjust imprisonment, my mother and sisters and their family have been released; and though surrounded by a thousand spies, tortured by continual interference with their private life, and harassed by insulting police measures, they had at least the consolation to breathe the native air, to see their tears falling upon native soil, and to rejoice at the majestic spirit of our people, which no adversities could bend and no tyranny could break. but at last by the humanity of the sultan, backed by american generosity, seconded by england, i once more was restored to personal freedom, and by freedom to activity. having succeeded to escape the different snares and traps which i unexpectedly met, i considered it my duty publicly to declare that the war between austrian tyranny and the freedom of hungary is not ended yet, and swore eternal resistance to the oppressors of my country, and declared that, faithful to the oath sworn solemnly to my people, i will devote my life to the liberation of my fatherland. scarcely reached the tidings of this my after resolution the bloody court of vienna, than two of my sisters were again imprisoned; my poor old mother escaping the same cruelty only on account that bristling bayonets of the bloodhounds of despotism, breaking in the dead of night upon the tranquil house, and the persecution of my sisters, hurried away out of hungary to the prisons of vienna, threw her in a half-dying condition upon a sick bed. again no charge could be brought against the poor prisoners, because, knowing them in the tiger's den, and surrounded by spies, i not only did not communicate any thing to them about my foreign preparations and my dispositions at home, but have expressly forbidden them to mix in any way with the doings of patriotism. but tyrants are suspicious. you know the tale about marcius. he dreamt that he cut the throat of dionysius the tyrant, and dionysius condemned him to death, saying that he would not have dreamt such things in the night if he had not thought of it by day. thus the austrian tyrant imprisoned my sisters, because he suspected that, being my sisters, they must be initiated in my plans. at last, after five months of imprisonment, they were released, but upon the condition that they, as well as my mother and all my family, shall leave our native land. thus they became exiles, homeless, helpless, poor. i advised them to come to your free country--the asylum of the oppressed, where labour is honoured, and where they must try to live by their honest work. they followed my advice, and are on their way; but my poor aged mother and my youngest sister, the widow with the two orphans, being stopped by dangerous sickness at brussels, another sister stopped with them to nurse them. the rest of the family is already on the way--in a sailing ship of course, i believe, and not in a steamer. we are poor. my mother and sisters will follow so soon as their health permits. i felt the duty to help them in their first establishment here. for this i had to work, having no means of my own. some generous friends advised me to try a lecture for this purpose, and i did it. i will not act the part of crying complainants about our misfortunes; we will bear them. let me at once go to my task. * * * * * there is a stirring vitality of busy life about this your city of new york, striking with astonishment the stranger's mind. how great is the progress of humanity! its steps are counted by centuries, and yet while countless millions stand almost at the same point where they stood, and some even have declined since america first emerged out of an unexplored darkness which had covered her for thousands of years, like the gem in the sea; while it is but yesterday a few pilgrims landed on the wild coast of plymouth, flying from causeless oppression, seeking but for a place of refuge and of rest, and for a free spot in the wilderness to adore the almighty in their own way; still, in such a brief time, shorter than the recorded genealogy of the noble horse of the wandering arab; yes, almost within the turn of the hand, out of the unknown wilderness a mighty empire arose, broad as an ocean, solid as a mountain-rock, and upon the scarcely rotted roots of the primitive forest, proud cities stand, teeming with boundless life, growing like the prairie's grass in spring, advancing like the steam-engine, baffling time and distance like the telegraph, and spreading the pulsation of their life-tide to the remotest parts of the world; and in those cities and on that broad land a nation, free as the mountain air, independent as the soaring eagle, active as nature, and powerful as the giant strength of millions of freemen. how wonderful! what a present--and what a future yet! future?--then let me stop at this mysterious word--the veil of unrevealed eternity! the shadow of that dark word passed across my mind, and amid the bustle of this gigantic bee-hive, there i stood with meditation alone. and the spirit of the immovable past rose before my eyes, unfolding the misty picture-rolls of vanished greatness, and of the fragility of human things. and among their dissolving views, there i saw the scorched soil of africa, and upon that soil thebes with its hundred gates, more splendid than the most splendid of all the existing cities of the world; thebes, the pride of old egypt, the first metropolis of arts and sciences, and the mysterious cradle of so many doctrines which still rule mankind in different shapes, though it has long forgotten their source. there i saw syria with its hundred cities, every city a nation, and every nation with an empire's might. baalbec, with its gigantic temples, the very ruins of which baffle the imagination of man, as they stand like mountains of carved rocks in the desert where for hundreds of miles not a stone is to be found, and no river flows, offering its tolerant back to carry a mountain's weight upon, and yet there they stand, those gigantic ruins; and as we glance at them with astonishment, though we have mastered the mysterious elements of nature, and know the combination of levers, and how to catch the lightning, and to command the power of steam and of compressed air, and how to write with the burning fluid out of which the thunderbolt is forged, and how to drive the current of streams up the mountain's top, and how to make the air shine in the night like the light of the sun, and how to dive to the bottom of the deep ocean, and how to rise up to the sky--though we know all this, and many things else, still, looking at the temples of baalbec, we cannot forbear to ask what people of giants was that, which could do what neither the efforts of our skill nor the ravaging hand of unrelenting time can undo, through thousands of years. and then i saw the dissolving picture of nineveh, with its ramparts now covered with mountains of sand, where layard is digging up colossal winged bulls, huge as a mountain, and yet carved with the nicety of a cameo; and then babylon, with its wonderful walls; and jerusalem, with its unequalled temple; tyrus, with its countless fleets; arad, with its wharves; and sidon, with its labyrinth of work-shops and factories; and ascalon, and gaza, and beyrout, and farther off persepolis, with its world of palaces. all these passed before my eyes as they have been, and again they passed as they now are, with no trace of their ancient greatness, but here and there a ruin, and everywhere the desolation of tombs. with all their splendour, power, and might, they vanished like a bubble, or like the dream of a child, leaving but for a moment a drop of cold sweat upon the sleeper's brow, or a quivering smile upon his lips; then, this wiped away, dream, sweat, smile--all is nothingness. so the powerful cities of the ancient greatness of a giant age; their very memory but a sad monument of the fragility of human things. and yet, proud of the passing hour's bliss, men speak of the future, and believe themselves insured against its vicissitudes! and the spirit of history rolled on the misty shapes of the past before the eyes of my soul. after those cities of old came the nations of old. the assyrians, the chaldeans, the war-like philistines, the commercial republics of phoenicia and the persians, ruling from the indus to the mediterranean, and egypt becoming the centre of the universe, after having been thousands of years ago the cradle of its civilization. where is the power, the splendour, and the glory of all those mighty nations? all has vanished without other trace than such as the foot of the wanderer leaves upon the dust. and still men speak of the future with proud security! and yet they know that carthage is no more, though it ruled spain, and ruled africa beyond the pillars of hercules down to cerne, an immense territory, blessed with all the blessings of nature, which hannon filled with flourishing cities, of which now no trace remains. and men speak of the future, though they know that such things as heroic greece once did exist, glorious in its very ruins, and a source of everlasting inspiration in its immortal memory. men speak of the future, and still they can rehearse the powerful colonies issued from greece, and the empires their heroic sons have founded. and they can mark out with a finger on the map, the unparalleled conquests of alexander; how he crossed victoriously that desert whence semiramis, out of a countless host, brought home but twenty men; and cyrus, out of a still larger number, only seven men. but he (alexander) went on in triumph, and conquered india up to the hydaspes as he conquered before tyrus and egypt, and secured with prudence what he had conquered with indomitable energy. and men speak of the future, though they know that such a thing did exist as rome, the mistress of the world--rome rising from atomic smallness to immortal greatness, and to a grandeur absorbing the world--rome, now having all her citizens without, and now again having all the world within her walls; and passing through all the vicissitudes of gigantic rise, wavering decline, and mournful fall. and men speak of the future still with these awful monuments of fragility before their eyes! but it is the sad fate of humanity that, encompassing its hopes, fears, contentment, and wishes, within the narrow scope of momentary satisfaction, the great lesson of history is taught almost in vain. whatever be its warnings, we rely on our good fortune; and we are ingenious in finding out some soothing pretext to lull down the dreadful admonitions of history. man, in his private capacity, consoles the instinctive apprehension of his heart with the idea that his condition is different from what warningly strikes his mind. the patriot feels well, that not only the present, but also the future of his beloved country, has a claim to his cares; but he lulls himself into carelessness by the ingenious consolation that the condition of his country is different--that it is not obnoxious to those faults which made other countries decline and fall; that the time is different; the character and spirit of the nation are different, its power not so precarious, and its prosperity more solid; and that, therefore, it will not share the same fate of those which vanished like a dream. and the philanthropist, also, whose heart throbs for the lasting welfare of all humanity, cheers his mind with the idea that, after all, mankind at large is happier than it was of yore, and that this happiness ensures the future against the reverses of olden times. that fallacy, natural as it may be, is a curse which weighs heavily on us. let us see in what respect our age is different from those olden times. is mankind more virtuous than it has been of yore? why, in this enlightened age, are we not looking for virtuous inspirations to the god-like characters of these olden times? if we take virtue to be love of the laws, and of the fatherland, dare we say that our age is more virtuous? if that man is to be called virtuous, who, in all his acts, is but animated by a regard to the common good, and who, in every case, feels ready to subordinate his own selfish interest to public exigencies--if that be virtue (as indeed it is), i may well appeal to the conscience of mankind to give an impartial verdict upon the question, if our age be more virtuous than the age of codrus or of regulus, of decius and of scaevola. look to the school of zeno, the stoics of immortal memory; and when you see them contemning alike the vanity of riches and the ambition of personal glory, impenetrable to the considerations of pleasure and of pain, occupied only to promote public welfare and to fulfil their duties toward the community; when you see them inspired in all their acts by the doctrine that, born in a society, it is their duty to live for the benefit of society; and when you see them placing their own happiness only upon the happiness of their fellow-men--then say if our too selfish, too material age can stand a comparison with that olden period. when you remember the politicians of ancient greece, acknowledging no other basis for the security of the commonwealth than virtue, and see the political system of our days turning only upon manufactures, commerce, and finances, will you say that our age is more virtuous? when, looking to your own country--the best and happiest, because the freest of all--you will not dissimulate in your own mind what considerations influence the platforms of your political parties; and then in contra-position will reflect upon those times when timon of athens, chosen to take part in his country's government, assembled his friends and renounced their friendship, in order that he might not be tempted by party considerations or by affections of amity, in his important duties toward the commonwealth. then, having thus reflected, say, "take you our own age to be more virtuous, and therefore more ensured against the reverses of fortune, than those older times?" but perhaps there is a greater amount of private happiness, and by the broad diffusion of private welfare, the security of the commonwealth is more lasting and more sure? caraccioli, having been ambassador in england, when returned to italy, said, "that england is the most detestable country in the world, because there are to be found twenty different sorts of religion, but only two kinds of sauces with which to season meat." there is a point in that questionable jest. materialism! curse of our age! who can seriously speak about the broad diffusion of happiness in a country where contentment is measured according to how many kinds of sauces we can taste? my people is by far not the most material. we are not much given to the cupidity of becoming rich. we know the word "enough." the simplicity of our manners makes us easily contented in our material relations; we like rather to be free than to be rich; we look for an honourable profit, that we may have upon what to live; but we don't like to live for the sake of profit; augmentation of property and of wealth with us is not the aim of our life--we prefer tranquil, independent mediocrity to the incessant excitement and incessant toil of cupidity and gain. such is the character of my nation; and yet i have known a countryman of mine who blew out his brains because he had no means more to eat daily _patés de foi gras_ and drink champagne. well, that was no hungarian character, but, though somewhat eccentrically, he characterized the leading feature of our century. indeed, are your richest money-kings happier than fabricius was, when he preferred his seven acres of land, worked by his own hands, to the treasures of an empire? are the ladies of to-day, adorned with all the gorgeous splendour of wealth, of jewels, and of art, happier than those ladies of ancient rome have been, to whom it was forbidden to wear silk and jewelry, or drive in a carriage through the streets of rome? are the ladies of to-day happier in their splendid parlours, than the portias and the cornelias have been in the homely retirement of their modest nurseries? nay; all that boundless thirst of wealth, which is the ruling spirit of our age, and the moving power of enterprising energy, all this hunting after treasures, and all its happiest results, have they made men nobler, better, and happier? have they improved their soul, or even their body and their health, at least so much that the richest of men could eat and digest two dinners instead of one? or has the insatiable thirst of material gain originated a purer patriotism? has it made mankind more devoted to their country, more ready to sacrifice for public interest? if that were the case, then i would gladly confess the error of my doubts, and take the pretended larger amount of happiness for a guarantee of the future of the commonwealth. but, ladies and gentlemen! a single word--the manner in which we use it, distorting its original meaning, often characterizes a whole century. you all know the word "_idiot_;" almost every living language has adopted it, and all languages attach to it the idea that an "idiot" is a poor, ignorant, useless wretch, nearly insane. well, "idiot" is a word of greek extraction, and meant with the greek a man who cared nothing for the public interest, but was all devoted to the selfish pursuit of private profit, whatever might have been its results to the community. oh! what an immense, what a deplorable change must have occurred in the character of humanity, till unconsciously we came to the point, that by what name the ancient greeks would have styled those european money-kings, who, for a miserable profit, administer to the unrelenting despots their eternal loans, to oppress nations with, we now apply that very name to the wretched creatures incapable to do any thing for themselves. we bear compassion for the idiots of to-day, but the modern editions of greek idiotism, though loaded with the bloody scars of a hundred thousand orphans, and with the curse of millions, stand high in honour, and go on, proudly glorying in their criminal idiotism, heaping up the gold of the world. but i may be answered, after all, though our age be not so virtuous, and though the large accumulation in wealth has in reality not made mankind happier; still, it cannot be denied, you are in a prosperous condition, and prosperity is a solid basis of your country's future. industry, navigation, commerce, have so much developed, they have formed so many ties by which every citizen is linked to his country's fate, that your own material interest is a security to your country's future. in loving your own selves you love your country, and in loving your country you love your own selves. this community of public and private interest will make you avoid the stumbling-block over which others fell. prosperity is, of course, a great benefit; it is one of the aims of human society; but when prosperity becomes too material, it does not always guarantee the future. paradoxical as it may appear, too much prosperity is often dangerous, and some national misfortune is now and then a good preservative of prosperity. for great prosperity makes nations careless of their future; seeing no immediate danger, they believe no danger possible; and then when a danger comes, either by sudden chance or by the slow accumulation of noxious elements, then, frightened by the idea that in meeting the danger their private property might be injured or lost, selfishness often prevails over patriotism, and men become ready to submit to arrogant pretensions, and compromise with exigencies at the price of principles, and republics flatter despots, and freemen covet the friendship and indulgence of tyrants, only that things may go on just as they go, though millions weep and nations groan; but still, things should go on just as they go, because every change may claim a sacrifice, or affect our thriving private interest. such is often the effect of too great, of too secure prosperity. therefore, prosperity alone affords yet no security. you remember the tale of polycrates. he was the happiest of men; good luck attended every one of his steps; success crowned all he undertook, and a friend thus spoke to him: "thou art too happy for thy happiness to last. appease the anger of the eumenides by a voluntary sacrifice, or deprive thyself of what thou most valuest among all that thou possessest." polycrates obeyed, and drew from his finger a precious jewel, of immense value, dear to his heart, and threw it into the sea. soon after a fish was brought to his house, and his cook found the precious ring in the belly of the fish; but the friend who advised him hastened to flee from the house, and shook the dust of its threshold from his shoes, because he feared a great mischief must fall upon that too prosperous house. there is a deep meaning in that tale of polycrates. machiavel says, that it is now and then necessary to recall the constituting essential principles to the memory of nations. and who is charged by providence with this task? misfortune! it was the battles of cannaê and of thrasymene which recalled the romans to the love of their fatherland; nations had till now, about such things, no other teacher than misfortune. they should choose to have a less afflicting one. they can have it. to point this out will be the final object of my remarks, but so much is certain, that prosperity alone is yet no security for the future, even of the happiest commonwealth. those ancient nations have been also prosperous. they were industrious, as your nation is; their land has been covered with cities and villages, well-cultivated fields, blessed with the richest crops, and crowded with countless herds spread over immense territories, furrowed with artificial roads; their flourishing cities swarmed with artists, and merchants, and workmen, and pilots, and sailors, like as new york does. their busy labourers built gigantic water-works, digged endless canals, and carried distant waters through the sands of the desert; their mighty, energetic spirit built large and secure harbours, dried the marshy lakes, covered the sea with vessels, the land with living beings, and spread a creation of life and movement along the earth. their commerce was broad as the known world. tyre exchanged its purple for the silk of serica; cashmere's soft shawls, to-day yet a luxury of the wealthiest, the diamonds of golconda, the gorgeous carpets of lydia, the gold of ophir and saba, the aromatic spices and jewels of ceylon, and the pearls and perfumes of arabia, the myrrh, silver, gold dust, and ivory of africa, as well as the amber of the baltic and the tin of thulé, appeared alike in their commerce, raising them in turn to the dominion of the world, and undoing them by too careless prosperity. the manner and the shape of one or the other art, of one or other industry, has changed; the steam-engine has replaced the rowing-bench, and cannon replaced the catapult; but, as a whole, even your country, which you are proud to hear styled "the living wonder of the world"--yes, even your country in the new world, and england in the old--england, that gigantic workshop of industry, surrounded with a beautiful evergreen garden; yes, all the dominions of the anglo-saxon race, can claim no higher praise of its prosperity, than when we say, that you have reproduced the grandeur of those ancient nations, and nearly equal their prosperity. and what has become of them? a sad skeleton. what remains of their riches, of their splendour, and of their vast dominions? an obscure recollection; a vain memory. thus fall empires; thus vanish nations, which have no better guardians than their prosperity. but "we have," will you say, "we have a better guardian--our freedom, our republican institutions; our confederation uniting so many glorious stars into one mighty galaxy--these are the ramparts of our present, these our future security." well, it would ill become me to investigate if there be nothing "rotten in the state of denmark," and certainly i am not the man who could feel inclined to undervalue the divine power of liberty; to underrate the value of your democratic institutions, and the vitality of your glorious union. it is to them i look in the solitary hours of meditation, and when, overwhelmed with the cares of the patriot, my soul is groaning under nameless woes, it is your freedom's sunny light which dispels the gloomy darkness of despondency; here is the source whence the inspiration of hope is flowing to the mourning world, that down-trodden millions at the bottom of their desolation still retain a melancholy smile upon their lips, and still retain a voice in their bleeding chest, to thank the almighty god that the golden thread of freedom is not yet lost on earth. yes, ladies and gentlemen, all this i feel, and all this i know, reflecting upon your freedom, your institutions, and your union; but casting back my look into the mirror of the past, there i see upon mouldering ground, written with warning letters, the dreadful truth, that all this has nothing new; all this has been; and all this has never yet been proved sufficient security. freedom is the fairest gift of heaven; but it is not the security of itself. democracy is the embodiment of freedom, which in itself is but a principle. but what is the security of democracy? and if you answer, "the union is;" then i ask, "and where is the security of the union?" yes, ladies and gentlemen, freedom is no new word. it is as old as the world. despotism is new, but freedom not. and yet it has never yet proved a charter to the security of nations. republic is no new word. it is as old as the word "society." before rome itself, republics absorbed the world. there were in all europe, africa and asia minor, but republics to be found, and many among them democratic. men had to wander to far persia if they would have desired to know what sort of thing a monarch is. and all they have perished; the small ones by foreign power, the large ones by domestic vice. and union, and confederacy, the association of societies--a confederate republic of republics, is also no new invention. greece has known it and flourished by it, for a while. rome has known it; by such associations she attacked the world. the world has known them; with them it defended itself against rome. the so-called barbarians of europe, beyond the danube and the rhine, have known it; it was by a confederacy of union that they resisted the ambitious mistress of the world. your own country, america, has known it; the traditionary history of the romans of the west, of those six indian nations, bears the records of it, out of an older time than your ancestors settled in this land; the wise man of the onondaga nation has exercised it long before your country's legislators built upon that basis your independent home. and still it proved in itself alone no security to all those nations who have known it before you. your own fathers have seen the last of the mohawks burying his bloody tomahawk in the namesake flood, and have listened to the majestic words of logan, spoken with the dignity of an aemilius, that there exists no living being on earth in the veins of whom one drop of the blood of his race did flow. well, had history nothing else to teach us, than that all what the wisdom of man did conceive, and all that his energy has executed through the innumerable days of the past, and all that we take to be glorious in nations and happy to men, cannot so much do as to ensure a future even to such a flourishing commonwealth as yours; then weaker hearts may well ask, what good is it to warn us of a fatality which we cannot escape; what good is it to hold up the mournful monuments of a national mortality to sadden our heart, if all that is human must share that common doom? let us do as we can, and so far as we can, and let the future bring what it may. but that would be the speech of one having no faith in the all-watching eye, and regarding the eternal laws of the universe not as an emanation of a bountiful providence, but of a blind fatality, which plays at hazard with the destinies of men. i never will share such blasphemy. misfortune came over me, and came over my house, and came over my guiltless nation; still i never have lost my trust in the father of all. i have lived the days when the people of my oppressed country went along weeping over the immense misfortune that they cannot pray, seeing the downfall of the most just cause and the outrageous triumph of the most criminal of all crimes on earth; and they went along not able to pray, and weeping that they are not able to pray. i shuddered at the terrible tidings in the desolation of my exile; but i could pray, and sent the consolation home, that i do not despair; that i believe in god, and trust to his bountiful providence, and ask them who of them dares despair when i do not? i was in exile, as i am now, but arrogant despots were debating about my blood, my infant children in prison, my wife, the faithful companion of my sorrows and my cares, hunted like a noble deer, and my sisters in the tyrant's fangs, red with the blood of my nation, and the heart of my aged mother breaking, about the shattered fortunes of her house, and all of them at last homeless wanderers, cast to the winds, like the yellow leaves of a fallen tree; and my fatherland, my dear, beloved fatherland, half murdered, half in chains, and humanity nearly all oppressed, and those who are not yet oppressed looking with compassion at our sad fate, but taking it for wise policy not to help, and the sky of freedom dark on our horizon, and darkening fast over all, and nowhere a ray of hope; a lustre of consolation nowhere; and still i did not despair; and my faith to god, my trust to providence has spread over my down-trodden land. i therefore, who do not despair of my own country's future, though it be overwhelmed with misfortunes, i certainly have an unwavering faith in the destinies of humanity; and though the mournful example of so many fallen nations instructs us, that neither the diffusion of knowledge, nor the progress of industry, neither prosperity, nor power, nay, not even freedom itself, can secure a future to nations, still i say there is one thing which can secure it; there is one law, the obedience to which would prove a rock upon which the freedom and happiness of nations may rest sure to the end of their days. and that law, ladies and gentlemen, is the law proclaimed by our saviour; that rock is the unperverted religion of christ. but while the consolation of this sublime truth falls meekly upon my soul like as the moonlight falls upon the smooth sea, i humbly claim your forbearance, ladies and gentlemen; i claim it in the name of the almighty lord, to hear from my lips a mournful truth. it may displease you; it may offend; but still truth is truth. offended vanity may blame me; power may frown at me, and pride may call my boldness arrogant, but still truth is truth, and i, bold in my unpretending humility, will proclaim that truth; i will proclaim it from land to land and from sea to sea; i will proclaim it with the faith of the martyrs of old, till the seed of my word falls upon the consciences of men. let come what come may, i say with luther: god help me, i cannot otherwise. yes, ladies and gentlemen, the law of our saviour, the religion of christ, can secure a happy future to nations. but, alas! there is yet no christian people on earth--not a single one among all. i have spoken the word. it is harsh, but true. nearly two thousand years have passed since christ has proclaimed the eternal decree of god, to which the happiness of mankind is bound, and has sanctified it with his own blood, and still there is not one single nation on earth which would have enacted into its law-book that eternal decree. men believe in the mysteries of religion, according to the creed of their church; they go to church, and they pray and give alms to the poor, and drop the balm of consolation into the wounds of the afflicted, and believe they do all that the lord commanded to do, and believe they are christians. no! some few may be, but their nation is not--their country is not; the era of christianity has yet to come, and when it comes, then, only then, will be the future of nations sure. far be it from me to misapprehend the immense benefit which christian religion, such as it already is, has operated in mankind's history. it has influenced the private character of men, and the social condition of millions; it was the nurse of a new civilization, and softening the manners and morals of men, its influence has been felt even in the worst quarter of history--in war. the continual massacres of the greek and roman kings and chiefs, and the extermination of nations by them--the all-devastating warfare of the timurs and gengis khans--are in general not more to be met with; only my own dear fatherland was doomed to experience once more the cruelties of the timurs and gengis khans out of the sacrilegious hands of the dynasty of austria, which calumniates christianity by calling itself christian. but though that beneficial influence of christianity we have cheerfully to acknowledge, yet it is still not to be disputed that the law of christ does yet nowhere rule the christian world. montesquieu himself, whom nobody could charge to be partial for republics, avows that despotism is incompatible with the christian religion, because the christian religion commands meekness, and despotism claims arbitrary power to the whims and passions of a frail mortal; and still it is more than , years since the christian religion became dominant, and through that long period despotism has been pre-eminently dominant; you can scarcely show one single truly democratic republic of any power which had subsisted but for a hundred years, exercising any influence upon the condition of the world. constantine, raising the christian religion to rome's imperial throne, did not restore the romans to their primitive virtues. constantinople became the sewer of vice; christian worship did not change the despotic habits of kings. the tituses, the trajans, the antonines, appeared seldom on christian thrones; on the contrary, mankind has seen, in the name of religion, lighted the piles of persecution, and the blazing torches of intolerance; the earth overspread with corpses of the million victims of fanaticism; the fields watered with blood; the cities wrapped in flames, and empires ravaged with unrelenting rage. why? is it christian religion which caused these deplorable facts, branding the brow of partly degraded, partly outraged humanity? no. it was precisely the contrary; the fact that the religion of christ never yet was practically taken for an all-overruling law, the obedience to which, outweighing every other consideration, would have directed the policy of nations--that fact is the source of evil, whence the oppression of millions has overflowed the earth, and which makes the future of the proudest, of the freest nation, to be like a house built upon sand. every religion has two parts. one is the dogmatical, the part of worship; the other is the moral part. the first, the dogmatic part, belonging to those mysterious regions which the arm of human understanding cannot reach, because they belong to the dominion of belief, and that begins where the dominion of knowledge ends--that part of religion, therefore, the dogmatic one, should be left to every man to settle between god and his own conscience. it is a sacred field, whereon worldly power never should dare to trespass, because there it has no power to enforce its will. force can murder; it can make liars and hypocrites, but no violence on earth can force a man to believe what he does not believe. yet the other part of religion, the moral part, is quite different. that teaches duties toward ourselves and toward our fellow-men. it can be, therefore, not indifferent to the human family: it can be not indifferent to whatever community, if those duties be fulfilled or not, and no nation can, with full right, claim the title of a christian nation, no government the title of a christian government, which is not founded upon the basis of christian morality, and which takes it not for an all-overruling law to fulfil the moral duties ordered by the religion of christ toward men and nations, who are but the community of men, and toward mankind, which is the community of nations. now, look to those dread pages of history, stained with the blood of millions, spilt under the blasphemous pretext of religion; was it the intent to vindicate the rights, and enforce the duties of christian morality, which raised the hand of nation against nation, of government against government? no: it was the fanaticism of creed, and the fury of dogmatism. nations and governments rose to propagate their manner to worship god, and their own mode to believe the inscrutable mysteries of eternity; but nobody has yet raised a finger to punish the sacrilegious violation of the moral laws of christ, nobody ever stirred to claim the fulfilment of the duties of christian morality toward nations. there is much speaking about the separation of church and state, and yet, on close examination, we shall see that there was, and there is, scarcely one single government entirely free from the direct or indirect influence of one or other religious denominations; scarcely one which would not at least bear a predilection, if not countenance with favour, one or another creed--but creed, and always creed. the mysteries of dogmatism, and the manner of worship, enter into these considerations; they enter even into the politics, and turn the scales of hatred and affection; but certainly there is not one single nation, not one single government, the policy of which would ever have been regulated by that law of morality which our saviour has promulgated as the eternal law of god, which shall be obeyed in all the relations of men to men. but you say, of the direct or indirect amalgamation of church and state, proved to be dangerous to nations in christian and for christian times, because it affected the individual rights of men, and among them, the dearest of all, the liberty of conscience and the freedom of thought. well, of this danger, at least, the future of your country is free; because here, at least, in this, your happy land, religious liberty exists. your institutions left no power to your government to interfere with the religion of your citizens. here every man is free to worship god as he chooses to do. and that is true, and it is a great glory of your country that it is true. it is a fact which entitles to the hope that your nation will revive the law of christ, even on earth. however, the guarantee which your constitution affords to religious liberty is but a negative part of a christian government. there are, besides that, positive duties to be fulfilled. he who does no violence to the conscience of man, has but the negative merit of a man doing no wrong; but as he who does not murder, does not steal, and does not covet what his neighbour's is, but by not stealing, not murdering, not coveting what our neighbour's is, we did yet no positive good; a man who does not murder has not yet occasion to the title of virtuous man. and here is precisely the infinite merit of the christian religion. while moses, in the name of the almighty god, ordered but negative degrees toward fellow-men, the christian religion commands positive virtue. its divine injunctions are not performed by not doing wrong; it desires us to do good. the doctrine of jesus christ is sublime in its majestic simplicity. "thou shalt love god above all, and love thy neighbour as thou lovest thyself." this sublime doctrine is the religion of love. it is the religion of charity. "though i speak with the tongues of angels, and have not charity, i am become as sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. though i have the gift of prophecy, and understand all mysteries and all knowledge, and have all faith, so that i could remove mountains, and have not charity, i am nothing. and though i bestow all my goods to feed the poor, and give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing." thus speaks the lord, and thus speaking he gives the law, "do unto others as thou desirest others to do unto thee." now, in the name of him who gave this law to humanity, to build up the eternal bliss and temporal happiness of mankind, in the name of that eternal legislator, i ask, is in that _charity_, in that fundamental law of christianity, any limit of distinction drawn in man in his personal, and man in his national capacity? is it but a law for a man where he is alone, and can do but little good? is it no law more where two are together, and can do more good? no law more when millions are together? am i in my personal adversities; is my aged mother in her helpless desolation; are my homeless sisters whom you feed to-day, that they may work to-morrow; are we your neighbours, unto whom you do as you would others in a similar position do unto yourself? and is every one of my down-trodden people a neighbour to every one of you? but all my people collectively, is it _not_ a neighbour to you? and is my nation not a neighbour to your nation? is my down-trodden land not a neighbour to your down-trodden land? oh! my god, men speak of the christian religion and style themselves christians, and yet make a distinction between virtue in private life and virtue in public life; as if the divine law of charity would have been given only for certain small relations, and not for all the relations between men and men. "there he is again, with his eternal complaints about his country's wrongs;" may perhaps somebody remark: "this is an assembly of charity, assembled to ease his private woes of family; and there he is again speaking of his country's wrongs, and alluding to our foreign policy, about which he knows our views to be divided." thus i may be charged. my "private family woes!" but all my woes and all the woes of my family, are concentrated in the unwarrantable oppression of my fatherland. you are an assembly of charity, it is true, and the almighty may requite you for it; but being a charitable assembly, can you blame me that the filial and fraternal devotion of my heart, in taking with gratitude the balm of consolation which your charity pours into the bleeding wounds of my family, looks around to heal those wounds, the torturing pains of which you ease, but which cannot be cured but by justice and charity done to my fatherland. shall this sad heart of mine be contented by leaving to my homeless mother and sisters the means to have their bread by honest labour, their daily bread salted with the bitter tears of exile; and shall i not care to leave them the hope that their misfortune will have an end; that they will see again their beloved home; that they will see it independent and free, and live where their fathers lived, and sleep the tranquil sleep of death in that soil with which the ashes of their fathers mingle? shall i not care to give the consolation to my aged mother, that when her soon departing soul, crowned with the garland of martyrdom, looks down from the home of the blessed, the united joy of the heavens will thrill through her immortal spirit, seeing her dear, dear hungary free? your views are divided on the subject, it may be; but can your views be divided upon the subject that it is the command of god to love your neighbours as you love yourselves? that it is the duty of christians, that it is the fundamental principle of the christian religion, to do unto others as you desire others to do unto you? and if there is, if there can be no difference of opinion in regard to the principle; if no one in this vast assembly--whatever be the platform of his party--ever would disclaim this principle, will any one blame me that in the name of christ i am bold to claim the application of that principle? i should not speak of politics! well, i have spoken of christianity. your politics either agree with the law of christ, or they do not agree with it. if they don't agree, then your politics are not christian; and if they agree, then i cause no division among you. and i shall not speak of my people's wrongs! oh! my people--thou heart of my heart, thou life of my life--to thee are bent the thoughts of my mind, and they will remain bent to thee, though all the world may frown. to thee are pledged all the affections of my heart, and they will be pledged to thee as long as one drop of blood throbs within this heart. thine are the cares of my waking hours; thine are the dreams of my restless sleep. shall i forget thee, but for a moment! never! never! cursed be the moment, and cursed be i in that moment, in which thou wouldst be forgotten by me! thou art oppressed, o my fatherland! because the principles of christianity have not been executed in practice; because the duties of christianity have not been fulfilled; because the precepts of christianity have not been obeyed; because the law of christianity did not control the policy of nations; because there are many impious governments to offend the law of christ, but there was none to do the duties commanded by christ. thou art fallen, o my country, because christianity has yet to come; but it is not yet come--nowhere! nowhere on earth! and with the sharp eye of misfortune piercing the dark veil of the future, and with the tongue of cassandria relating what i see, i cry it out to high heaven, and shout it out to the earth--"nations, proud of your momentary power; proud of your freedom; proud of your prosperity--your power is vain, your freedom is vain, your industry, your wealth, your prosperity are vain; all these will not save you from sharing the mournful fate of those old nations, not less powerful than you, not less free, not less prosperous than you--and still fallen, as you yourself will fall--all vanished as you will vanish, like a bubble thrown up from the deep! there is only the law of christ, there are only the duties of christianity, which can secure your future, by securing at the same time humanity." duties must be fulfilled, else they are an idle word. and who would dispute that there is a positive duty in that law, "love thy neighbour as thou lovest thyself. do unto others as thou wouldst that others do unto thee." now, if there are duties in that law comprised, who shall execute them, if free and powerful nations do not execute them? no government can meddle with the private relations of its millions of citizens so much as to enforce the positive virtue of christian charity, in the thousand-fold complications of private life. that will be impossible; and our saviour did not teach impossibilities. by commanding charity toward fellow-men in human relations, he commanded it also to governments. it is in their laws toward their own citizens; it is in their policy toward other nations, that governments and nations can fulfil those duties of christianity; and what they can, that they should. how could governments hope to see their own citizens and other nations observing toward them the positive duties of christian morality, when they themselves do not observe them against others; when oppressed nations, the victims, not of their own faults, but of the grossest violation of the law of christ, look in vain around to find out a nation among christian nations, and a government among christian governments, doing unto them, in the hour of their supreme need, as the saviour said that it is duty to do unto others in every case? yes, gentlemen, as long as the principles of christian morality are not carried up into the international relations--as long as the fragile wisdom of political exigencies overrules the doctrines of christ, there is no freedom on earth firm, and the future of no nation sure. but let a powerful nation like yours raise christian morality into its public conduct, that nation will have a future against which the very gates of hell itself will never prevail. the morality of its policy will react upon the morality of its individuals, and preserve it from domestic vice, which, without that prop, ever yet has attended too much prosperity, and ever yet was followed by a dreadful fall. the morality of its policy will support justice and freedom on earth, and thus augmenting the number of free nations, all acting upon the same principle, its very future will be placed under the guarantee of them all, and preserve it from foreign danger--which is better to prevent than to repel. and its future will be placed under the guarantee of the almighty himself, who, true to his eternal decrees, proved through the downfall of so many mighty nations, that he always punished the fathers in the coming generations; but alike bountiful as just, will not and cannot forsake those to whom he gave power to carry out his laws on earth, and who willingly answered his divine call. power in itself never yet was sure. it is right which makes power firm; and it is community which makes right secure. the task of peter's apostolate is accomplished--the churches are founded in the christian world. the task of paul's apostolate is accomplished--the abuses of fanaticism and intolerance are redressed. but the task of him whom the saviour most loved, is not yet accomplished. the gospel of charity rules not yet the christian world; and without charity, christianity, you know, is "but sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal." oh! charity, thou fairest gift of heaven! thou family link between nations; thou rock of their security; thou deliverer of the oppressed; when comes thy realm? where is the man whom the lord has chosen to establish thy realm? who is the man whom the lord has chosen to realize the religion, the tenets of which the most beloved disciple of the saviour has recorded from his divine lips? who is the man to reform, not christian creeds, but christian morality? man! no; that is no task for a man, but for a nation. man may teach a doctrine; but that doctrine of charity is taught, and taught with such sublime simplicity, that no sectarist yet has disputed its truth. historians have been quarrelling about mysteries, and lost empires through their disputes. the greeks were controversially disputing whether the holy ghost proceeds from the father alone, or from the father and son; and mahomet battered the walls of byzantium, they heard it not; he wrested the cross from santa sophia; they saw it not, till the cimeter of the turk stopped the rage of quarrel with the blow of death. in other quarters they went on disputing and deciding with mutual anathemas the question of transfiguration and many other mysteries, which, being mysteries, constitute the private dominion of belief; but the doctrine of charity none of them disputes; there they all agree; nay, in the idle times of scholastical subtility, they have been quarrelling about the most extravagant fancies of a scorched imagination. mighty folios have been written about the problem, how many angels could dance upon the top of a needle without touching each other? the folly of subtility went so far as to profane the sacred name of god, by disputing if he, being omnipotent, has the power to sin? if, in the holy wafer, he be present dressed or undressed? if the saviour would have chosen the incarnation in the shape of a gourd, instead of a man, how would he have preached, how acted miracles, and how had been crucified? and when they went to the theme of investigating if it was a whip or a lash with which the angels have whipped st. jerome for trying to imitate in his writings the pagan cicero, it was but after centuries that abbot cartaut dared to write that if st. jerome was whipped at all, he was whipped for having _badly_ imitated cicero. still, the doctrine of christian charity is so sublime in its simplicity, that not even the subtility of scholasticism dared ever to profane it by any controversy, and still that sublime doctrine is not executed, and the religion of charity not realized yet. the task of this glorious progress is only to be done by a free and powerful nation, because it is a task of action, and not of teaching. individual man can but execute it in the narrow compass of the small relations of private life; it is only the power of a nation which can raise it to become a ruling law on earth; and before this is done, the triumph of christianity is not arrived--and without that triumph, the freedom and prosperity even of the mightiest nation is not for a moment safe from internal decay, or from foreign violence. which is the nation to achieve that triumph of christianity by protecting justice out of charity? which shall do it, if not yours? whom the lord has blessed above all, from whom he much expects, because he has given her much. ye ministers of the gospel, who devote your lives to expound the eternal truths of the book of life, remember my humble words, and remind those who, with pious hearts, listen to your sacred words, that half virtue is no virtue at all, and that there is no difference in the duties of charity between public and private life. ye missionaries, who devote your lives to the propagation of christianity, before you embark for the dangers of far, inhospitable shores, remind those whom you leave, that the example of a nation exercising right and justice on earth by charity, would be the mightiest propagandism of christian religion. ye patriots, loving your country's future, and anxious about her security, remember the admonitions of history--remember that the freedom, the power, and the prosperity in which your country glories, is no new apparition on earth; others also had it, and yet they are gone. the prudence with which your forefathers have founded this commonwealth, the courage with which you develop it, other nations also have shown, and still they are gone. and ye ladies; ye fairest incarnation of the spirit of love, which vivifies the universe, remember my words. the heart of man is given into your tender hands. you mould it in its infancy. you imprint the lasting mark of character upon man's brow, you ennoble his youth; you soften the harshness of his manhood; you are the guardian angels of his hoary age. all your vocation is love, and your life is charity. the religion of charity wants your apostolate, and requires your aid. it is to you i appeal, and leave the sublime topic of my humble reflections to the meditations of your christian hearts. and thus, my task of to-day is done. man shall earn the means of life by the sweat of his brow. thus shall my family. your charity of to-day has opened the way to it. the school which my mother, if god spares her life, will superintend, and in which two of my sisters will teach, and the humble farm which my third sister and her family shall work, will be the gift of your charity to-day. a stony weight of cares is removed from my breast. oh! be blessed for it, be thanked for it, in the name of them all who have lost every thing, but not their trust to god, and not the benefit of being able to work. my country will forgive me that i have taken from her the time of one day's work--to give bread to my aged mother and to my homeless sisters, the poor victims of unrelenting tyranny. returning to europe, i may find my own little children in a condition that again the father will have to take the spade or the pen into his hand to give them bread. and my fatherland will again forgive me, that that time is taken from her. that is all what i take from her; nothing else of what is given, or what belongs to her. and the day's work which i take from my country, i will restore it by a night's labour. to-day, the son and the brother has done his task; you have requited his labour by a generous charity; the son and brother thanks you for it, and the patriot, to resume his task, bids you a hearty, warm farewell. appendices to kossuth's speeches. appendix i.--_extracts from a letter to the 'daily news,' dated january th, _, by sabbas vucovics, _late minister of justice in hungary, in answer to_ count casimir bathyanyi. so early as the commencement of the serbian insurrection, the popular suspicion gained ground that the insurrection had been stirred up by the secret intrigues of the court, and confidence in the truth and good faith of the king disappeared accordingly. the nation, however, still indulged the hope that a weak king, though betrayed into ambiguous proceeding, would not permit himself to be carried away into a flagrant breach of the constitution. this was the time when the king, in the opinion of the people, was kept distinct from the camarilla. but when the austrian ministry openly attempted to deprive hungary of its ministries of war and finance, when the base game of the degradation and restoration of jellachich was played, and when the hungarian army, fighting in the name of the king against the insurrections of the serbians and croats, became aware that the balls of that same king thinned their ranks from the hostile camp, the nation arrived at the universal conviction that the hapsburg dynasty were only pursuing their old absolute tendencies, and that they wanted to force hungary into self-defence, in order, under the pretext of rebellion, to deprive it of all its constitutional rights and guarantees. it needs no proof that a loud indignation, and even hatred of the dynasty, spread far and wide in the country, in consequence of these intrigues and proceedings. in spite of this natural excitement, and of the war itself, carried on by the nation with an increasing enthusiasm of hatred of the house of austria, no party in the country urged a declaration of _déchéance_ or forfeiture against the dynasty. even all the faithless acts recorded in the letter of count casimir bathyanyi, and the cruelties committed in the name of that court in lower hungary and transylvania, did not turn the scales in this direction. the pragmatic sanction was still considered as good in law; and the many precedents of our history, when the nation and its kings went to war with each other, and ultimately settled their disputes by solemn pacts confirming the constitution of the land, conveyed the notion that a reconciliation was even then not impossible. without these precedents and reminiscences of history, and only guided by the universal feeling of the country against the dynasty, the hungarian parliament would have pronounced the forfeiture of the house of austria so far back as october, , when jellachich was appointed absolute plenipotentiary of the king in hungary, with discretionary power of life and death; or in december, , when in olmütz the succession of the hungarian throne was changed and determined, without the concurrence of the nation through the diet. to force the nation and its parliament to the last step in this momentous crisis, the court itself broke the dynastic tie. this was done by the imposition of the constitution of the th of march, , by which the house of austria itself annihilated the pragmatic sanction, treating free and independent hungary with the arrogance of a conqueror. the nation, more irritated by this act than by any preceding event, saw that the hour was come, beyond which further to defer the dethronement of the dynasty would be alike incompatible with the laws and the honour of hungary. _all the channels of public opinion, the public press, the popular meetings, and even the head quarters of the army, resounded with emphatic declarations of the impossibility of reconciliation with the dynasty. the garrison of komorn_--the most important fortress of the country--_petitioned the government for the declaration of forfeiture_. most assuredly no party manoeuvres were wanted in this universal excitement, caused by the constitution of the th of march, to carry a parliamentary resolution of forfeiture. when the proposition of forfeiture was made on the th of april, , in the house of representatives, only eight members voted against it, in a house never attended by less than from to members. the house of magnates adopted this resolution without opposition. the press of all shades of opinion, though enjoying the most unlimited freedom, also declared for the resolution of the diet. it was moreover received throughout the whole country with patriotic assent and determination. if there was a party opposed to the forfeiture, how came it that it did not hold it to be a duty to declare its opposition in the diet or through the press? when the intelligence of the unfortunate battle of temeswar reached the governor kossuth, who was then in the fortress of arad, he immediately summoned a council of the ministry to deliberate on measures of public safety still possible. at this council, in which all the ministers took part, it was resolved to invest görgei, who stood alone at the head of an unconquered army, with full powers for negotiating a peace. it was, moreover, resolved to dissolve the government, which could not be carried on in any fixed place of safety under the existing circumstances. we did not, however, insert in the instrument investing görgei with full power (and despatched to him immediately) the abdication of the government. on the same day--it was the th of august, --görgei declared in the presence of some of the ministers who had assembled at csányi's (who was one of them), that he could not accept the commission because the resignation of the government was not contained in it, while he was sure that the enemy would enter into no negotiations with him, so long as kossuth and his ministry were thought to be behind him. the ministers who were present, after a short deliberation, considering it to be their duty not to stand in the way of the negotiation which had been resolved on as necessary, accordingly sent their resignation to the governor, _whom they requested to resign as well_. the governor soon after sent his abdication for countersignature by these members of the ministry, and accordingly the government formally dissolved itself, after having done so _de facto_ in the previous council of ministers. i must mention the circumstance that _in the governor's instrument of abdication conditions were proscribed to görgei, which were not inserted in the original instrument of authorization, issued by the full council_. these conditions were, the preservation of the nationality and the autonomy of hungary. four ministers took part in this resignation of the governor, as above stated, aulich, csányi, horvath, and i. two of the ministers, szemere and [casimir] bathyanyi, were absent when the formal declaration of the abdication was discussed at csányi's residence. i have not mentioned among the ministers our late colleague, the finance minister dushek, because his treachery, which was afterwards brought to light, excludes him from our ranks. from all these circumstances, it will be manifest how unjust the reproaches of count casimir bathyanyi are, that no new cabinet council was held. it is notorious that görgei abused the full powers with which he was entrusted, instead of procuring the preservation of hungary by a negotiation for peace, by an ignominious treachery to his native country. from that very moment the power conferred on him by the above-mentioned instrument, and the conditional abdication of the government, consequently and legally reverted to him who had invested him with it. to deny this, would be to recognize in the foreign rule which crushed hungary, in consequence of that treachery, legitimate right and lawful power. i, however, perfectly agree with the noble count, that the nation, once more restored to its constitutional existence, and free from foreign yoke, will have the unlimited right to dispose of all the affairs of the country, and consequently of the executive power. to assert a contrary opinion would be a crime against the nation. not over a liberated nation (which, of course, would have the right to choose whom it will), but over a nation crushed by an usurping power, the claims of kossuth, as elected governor of hungary, are, i submit, lawful. republican principles have not been proclaimed at kossuth's dictation as the aim of our national exertions. they were, during our struggle, the well-ascertained and deep-rooted sentiment of the country, and kossuth could only faithfully represent the proclaimed will and feeling of the nation, by inscribing them on his banner. immediately after the declaration of independence, all the manifestations of the national will were unanimous in the desire for a republic. the ministry, which was nominated by the governor as a consequence of that legislative act, declared in both houses of the diet, that its efforts would be directed to the establishment of a republic. both houses joined in this declaration, and in the government no opposition whatever was manifested against it. one of the first acts of the new government was to remove the crown from all national scutcheons, and from the great seal of hungary. the press in all its shades developed republican principles. the new semi-official paper bore the name of _the republic_. it is true that the government was only provisional, for the war continued, and the definite decision of this question depended on unforeseen circumstances. we should have preferred almost any settlement to the necessity of a subjection to the austrian dynasty; and at the price of emancipation from that detested power, the nation would even have been prepared, for the sake of aid, to choose a king from another race; but certainly if it had been the unaided victor in the struggle, never. monarchical government would have been for us the resort of expediency. the government of our wishes and principles was "the republic." i do not feel at all convinced, as the noble count asserts, that the institutions and habits of hungary are incompatible with a democratic republic. i find, on the contrary, traits in them which lead me to an opposite conclusion. the aggregate character of the numerous nobility which resigned its privileges in the diet of - of its own accord, and which was in its nature more a democratic than an aristocratic body, because neither territorial wealth nor rank interfered with or disturbed the equality of its rights,--the national antipathy to the system of an upper house, which was considered as a foreign institution, because it had been introduced under the austrian dynasty,--the immemorial custom of periodically electing all officials, and even the judges,--the detestation in which bureaucracy and all the instruments of centralization were held in all ages, while the attachment to the municipal self-government was ineradicable,--the fact that, in consequence of the laws which had been sanctioned in april, , the county authorities, formerly only elected from the "nobility," were democratically reconstituted, and exercised their functions in this form till the catastrophe of világos, without the slightest collision between the different classes of society,--the peaceful election of the representatives of the last diet conducted almost on the principle of universal suffrage,--all these facts unmistakeably prove that the germ of democracy lay in our institutions, and that these could receive a democratic development without any concussion. those characteristic _traits_ of our nation, which have been so often misrepresented as signs of an aversion to a republic, and which may be more properly called civic virtues; as, for example, our respect for law, our antipathy to untried political theories, our attachment to traditional customs, and our pride in the history of our country, are no obstacles to, but rather guarantees, and even conditions of a republic, which is to be national and enduring. it would indeed be an unprecedented event in history, if staunch royalism could be the characteristic of a country which, like hungary, has found in its kings for three hundred years the inexorable foes of its liberties, and which in that time, for its defence, had to wage six bloody wars against the dynasty. as to the criticisms by the noble count of the personal character of kossuth, i take leave to assert that a great majority of the hungarian nation do not share his opinion. it is not my task to appear as a personal advocate, and i wish, therefore, to advert only to one point of his attack, which may seem to be based on facts. the noble count asserts that kossuth has attained to power _by doubtful means_. i am amazed at this assertion, knowing, as i do, that kossuth was proposed by count louis bathyanyi, and nominated by the king, with the universal applause of the nation, to the ministry of finance. after the resignation of the first hungarian ministry, he was freely and unanimously elected by the diet to the presidency of the committee of defence, and after the declared forfeiture of the dynasty to the governorship of the country. i know no more honourable means by which a man can be raised to power. s. vukovics, late minister of justice of hungary. _london, january , _. * * * * * appendix ii.--_extracts from a letter to the 'times,' dated december th, , by_ bartholomew szemere, _late minister of the interior in hungary; in answer to_ prince esterhazy. i shall now proceed to give a succinct account of what took place from april , when the new acts received the royal sanction, to december, . you may be assured that i shall conceal nothing that tended to change the relations between hungary and austria. the prime minister was already nominated when jellachich was raised to the dignity of ban of croatia by a royal decree which the premier was not even asked to countersign. the hungarian ministers, nevertheless, for the sake of peace, overlooked this irregular proceeding. by a decree, dated june , , the king made known to all whom it might concern, that all the troops stationed within the kingdom of hungary, whether hungarians or austrians, were placed under the orders of the hungarian minister of war, and that all the hungarian fortresses were under the jurisdiction of the said minister. yet at this very time officers of the imperial and royal army were taking an active part in the rebellion of the serbs and valachs, while general mayerhofer was enlisting recruits in the principality of servia, and sending them to assist the rebels. the people thus beheld with astonishment civil war break out, and saw with still greater astonishment that imperial officers were fighting on both sides. jellachich, as a functionary of the hungarian crown, refused to obey the hungarian ministry, and illegally summoned a croatian diet to meet at agram on june . in consequence of these proceedings, ferdinand v., by a decree dated june , , deprived him, as a rebel, of all his civil and military offices and dignities, but at the same time sent him, through his minister of war, latour, field officers, artillery and ammunition. the troubles increased daily. the hungarian ministry requested the archduke john to act us mediator. he accepted the office, but did nothing. the diet met on july . the palatine, as the representative of the sovereign in the speech from the throne, said that, as several districts were in a state of open rebellion, the principal objects to which, in the name of his majesty, he should direct the attention of the diet were the finances and the defences of the country, and that bills relating to these objects would be brought in by the ministers. he then proceeded as follows:--"his majesty has learned with painful feelings, that although he only followed the dictates of his own gracious inclination, when, at the request of the faithful hungarian people, he gave his sovereign sanction to the laws enacted by the last diet--laws which the common weal, according to the exigencies of the present age, rendered imperatively necessary--there are, nevertheless, a number of seditious agitators, especially in the annexed territories and the hungarian districts of the lower danube, who, by false reports and terrorism, have excited the different religious sects and races speaking different languages against each other, and, by mendaciously affirming that the above-mentioned laws are not the free expressions of his majesty's royal will, have stirred up the people to offer an armed opposition to the execution of the law, and to the legally constituted authorities. and, moreover, that some of these agitators have even proceeded so far in their iniquitous course as to spread the report that this armed opposition has been made in the interests of the dynasty, and with the knowledge, and connivance of his majesty or of the members of his majesty's royal house. i therefore, in order that all the inhabitants of the kingdom, without distinction as to creed or language, may have their minds set at rest, hereby declare, in conformity with the sovereign behest of his majesty our most gracious king, and in his sovereign name and person, that it is his majesty's firm and steadfast determination to defend with all his royal power and authority the unity and integrity of his royal hungarian crown against every attack from without, and every attempt at disruption and separation that may be made within the kingdom, and at the same time inviolably to maintain the laws which have received the royal sanction. and while his majesty will not suffer any one to curtail the liberties assured to all classes by the law, his majesty, as well as all the members of his royal dynasty, strongly condemns the audacity of those who venture to affirm that any illegal act whatsoever or any disrespect of the constituted authorities can be reconcileable with his majesty's sovereign will, or at all compatible with the interests of the royal dynasty." it thus clearly appears that the king acknowledged the validity and the inviolability of the acts passed by the diet of - three months after they had been sanctioned. relying on the sincerity of the royal asseverations, the diet humbly requested that his majesty would be graciously pleased to render the country happy by his presence. it was, in fact, the general wish that the king should come to hungary; even the most radical journals loudly declared that if he came he would be received with enthusiasm bordering on madness. meanwhile the rebellion of the croats, serbs, and valachs, was spreading daily, and that, too, _in the name of the sovereign_. generals, colonels, and other field officers of the imperial army were at the head of it, without any one of them being summoned by the king to answer for his conduct. the eyes of the too credulous natives were now opened, and still more when the king refused to sanction the acts for the levying of troops and raising of funds for the suppression of the rebellion, although the diet had been convened chiefly for this purpose. i must here observe that at this period nothing whatever had occurred that could serve as a pretext for the dynasty to support the rebellion. the diet, it is true, would not consent that the troops that were to be levied should be draughted into the old regiments; but it was obviously impossible for the diet to consent to any such measures at a period when the rebels were everywhere led by imperial officers, when the austrian troops stationed in hungary, although they had been placed under the orders of the hungarian ministry, refused to fight against those rebels, and the commanders of fortresses to receive orders from the hungarian war-office. on the th of september a deputation from the hungarian diet earnestly entreated his majesty to sanction two acts relating to the levying of troops and taxes. the king refused; but in his answer to the address of the deputation said, "i trust that no one will hereby suppose that i have the intention to set aside or infringe the existing laws. this, i repeat, is far from my intention. on the contrary, it is my firm and determined will to maintain, in conformity with my coronation oath, the laws, the integrity, and the rights of the kingdom, under my hungarian crown." the king made this solemn declaration on the th of september, and on the th of september jellachich crossed the drave with , men to wage war in the king's name on the hungarian diet and ministry. the king had, moreover, on _the th of september_, affixed his sign manual to a letter or royal mandate addressed to jellachich, and revoking the decree by which he had been deprived of his civil and military offices and dignities. his majesty, in this letter, also expressed his high approbation of the ban's conduct. by a royal decree, dated october , the constitution was suspended, martial law proclaimed, and jellachich, the rebel, appointed his majesty's plenipotentiary commissary for the kingdom of hungary, and invested with unlimited authority to act, in the name of his majesty, within the said kingdom. hungary, so far from commencing the revolution, was not even prepared to meet the invasion of the croatian ban. he was defeated near stuhlweissenburg by the landsturm. the hungarian government only began to organize regular troops in october. that the diet did not recognize a decree that suspended the constitution and invested jellachich with the dictatorship, will be found quite natural, if not by you, at least by every englishman who cherishes constitutional freedom, the more so as its proceedings on this occasion were founded on legal right, viz., on act , sect. , of - , which expressly ordains that "the annual session of the diet shall not be closed, nor the diet itself dissolved, before the budget for the ensuing year has been voted." from this short but faithful account of what actually occurred, it clearly appears that the hungarian nation had not recourse to arms until the ban of croatia entered the hungarian territory with an austrian-croatian army. it is also an undeniable fact that until the promulgation of the austrian charter in march, --by which, with a stroke of the pen, the independence of hungary was destroyed, its constitution abolished, and its territories dismembered--the hungarian nation never demanded anything else than the maintenance of the laws and institutions which its sovereign had sanctioned and sworn to maintain inviolate. it was however precisely for the purpose of destroying these laws and institutions that the dynasty began the war. this, of course, they did not venture to avow. it was necessary to conceal the real motives of their perfidious conduct from the civilized world. hence in their public proclamations they always alleged some pretext or other--all of them equally groundless. at the commencement they said that it was only an insignificant faction they had to deal with; but when they saw that the whole nation was arrayed in arms against them, they declared it was for the suppression of demagogueism, propagated by foreigners, chiefly poles, that their armies had entered hungary; and to give a colour to this pretext they industriously spread the report that there were , poles in the ranks of the hungarians. when however it became notorious that no more than , poles were fighting under our national standard, the austrian dynasty appeared as the _soi-disant_ champion and judge of the various nationalities or races. this answered well enough until the system of centralization showed too clearly that an attempt would be made to germanize these nationalities; when the dynasty again veered about, and, leaving "nationalities" in the lurch, took up the peasantry. we consequently find the austrian government assuring the washington cabinet (in the note of july , ) that they had waged war on hungary in order to crush a turbulent aristocracy that "preach democracy with their tongues, while their whole lives consist in the daily exercise over their fellow-men of arbitrary power in the most repugnant form." this last pretext, so ostentatiously put forth, loses, however, even its plausibility when contrasted with the policy of the dynasty in , for it is an undoubted fact that, although the reforms effected in our _political_ institutions at that period were consented to by the dynasty without much hesitation, it required the most energetic remonstrances on the part of the diet to obtain the royal sanction to the act for the liberation of the peasants from feudal bondage. it is precisely to the fact of all classes, without distinction, being equally aware of the cabals of the dynasty, that may be ascribed the success of the hungarian insurrection. it was not _one_ man, nor a party, nor a conspiracy, nor terrorism, that awakened that spontaneous enthusiasm with which the people rushed to arms. kossuth may have been the rallying cry; but he was not the cause of the war. for several months the people had witnessed the equivocal conduct of the dynasty; had seen that its words were belied by its deeds; had seen that the rebels were everywhere led by imperial officers; and finally beheld jellachich, a high functionary of the hungarian crown, invade the country at the head of an austro-croatian army. it was then, and not till then, that the nation cried, as with one voice--_the king is a traitor_. from that day began the hungarian revolution. on that day the monarchical feeling was extinguished. what no one had thought it possible to accomplish was accomplished by the dynasty itself. * * * * * appendix iii.--_extracts from a letter to the 'daily news,' in february, , by a_, "hungarian exile," _in reply to a letter from_ szemere, _to the 'london examiner_.' [i am personally acquainted with the accomplished and intelligent "exile;" but as he is absent from england, i cannot obtain permission to publish his name.] it was more than two months after the civil war had been raging in the banat and transylvania that the question of giving fresh troops for the suppression of the italian war was brought before the assembly at pesth, july , . now, what are the accusations m. szemere brings forth against kossuth in reference to the italian question? the pith of m. szemere's reasoning is, that the ministry agreed, in the protocol of july , upon construing the pragmatic sanction as binding hungary to protect the integrity of austria; "yet that kossuth, as the organ of the ministry, spoke in a way as if he did not approve of the policy, and sought to make the public believe that the protocol was merely a moral demonstration:" further, that when the opposition denied the obligation of hungary to defend austria, the ministry refused to enter into any discussion on an acknowledged principle of constitutional law. in order to show the utter hollowness of this attack, it may be sufficient to look at the date and circumstances m. szemere talks of. the protocol in question was agreed upon on july th, the day when the parliament met to provide for the defence of the country. the members, inexperienced in foreign politics and ignorant of the cabals of courts, although presuming that the civil war was kindled in vienna, were at first blinded by the royal convocation of the diet to provide for the safety of the country; putting, moreover, implicit confidence in the sagacity and goodwill of the ministry. when however kossuth opened the debate on the italian question, july , affairs looked quite different from what they appeared to be when the protocol was drawn up. the treachery of the dynasty broke upon the mind of the most careless, and its connexions with the leaders of the rebellious tribes had become undeniable facts. it was during that short time, from july to july , that our national forces met in the serbian entrenchments of st. thomas, földvar, and turia, regular austrian soldiers: meyerhofe, the austrian consul at belgrade, was openly recruiting bands of servians to reinforce the insurgents; nay, it became even evident that general bechtold, appointed by his majesty to lead the faithful hungarians against the rebellious serbs, led them on in order to get them the sooner decimated and broken. some members of the opposition, headed by general perczel, declaimed loudly against the cowardly and fallacious policy of the ministry, resolving to compel ministers to resign or to induce them to take some more efficacious measures. in short, during this space of time, the government and people found themselves in quite a new position. kossuth, in concert with the ministry, moved a levy of , men (july ), which motion the assembly hailed with unparalleled enthusiasm, and which the people witnessed with approval, as affording a guarantee of their liberties. it was in the midst of these moments of excitement and temporary distress that kossuth, as the most popular member of the cabinet, was pointed out as the person most fitted to undertake the very difficult task of speaking on the italian question alluded to by m. szemere. public opinion, aided by the opposition of the house, was convinced that austria, after having subjugated the lombard-venetians with hungarian troops, would then turn to hungary, the enslavement of which might more easily be executed by the country's being bereft of a number of stout arms indispensable to her own defence. kossuth therefore, as a man of true liberal principles, while acknowledging the ground to be right upon which the opposition moved, professed in the speech alluded to that he had agreed then with his colleagues in respect to the italian question, on the ground that the moral power of the protocol would suffice, although as a private individual he could not help rejoicing at the victories of the italian people. now, i submit it to every enlightened englishman to decide whether kossuth evinced a want of civic virtue in declaring that, as a man who wished freedom for himself, he could not rejoice in the sending of troops to subjugate another people struggling against the same tyrant? referring to the policy of the ministry, m. szemere says "that count louis bathyanyi declared, on the st march, that the obligation enjoined by the pragmatic sanction was such that hungary was bound thereby to defend the territorial integrity of the austrian monarchy, but that they (the ministers) would carefully avoid interfering in the internal affairs of the states that constituted this monarchy." irrespective of this--that count bathyanyi explained the policy in march, when hungary enjoyed perfect peace, whereas the debate on the italian question happened in the midst of most threatening civil wars carried on directly by austria--it must be remembered that if by the st article of the pragmatic sanction hungary was bound to afford aid to austria _etiam contra vim externam_, that same article provided that the states composing the realm of hungary were to be preserved by the monarch _aeque indivisibiliter_ as his hereditary estates; and that by the d article of that celebrated law the sovereign promised, for himself and his successors, to compel his subjects of every state and degree to observe the laws and rights of hungary. it is therefore evident that the infraction of this law, by the countenance and aid furnished to the serbs (as also to jellachich), fully exonerated the hungarians from sending troops to italy before they had provided for the safety of their country, and fully justified them and their responsible minister for drawing the attention of their sovereign to it in the address to the crown. m. szemere talks of protecting the integrity of the austrian empire, and carefully avoiding to interfere with the internal affairs of other states. the czar may indeed exclaim, with m. szemere, that in sending his cossacks into hungary he never intended to interfere in our internal affairs. the second charge, as to kossuth's striving to concentrate in his person all power and authority, is, i fear, indicative of the animus which prompted m. szemere to write these letters, namely, jealousy of his great countryman. the charge, however, is entirely without foundation: and the only question is, as to how kossuth acquired such unbounded influence over his countrymen of every rank and station. the means by which kossuth gained such an ascendancy over his colleagues, m. szemere himself must own, were, the implicit confidence the country placed in his patriotism, and the conviction it had acquired of his genius and indefatigable activity. in moments of extreme danger no name was heard but that of kossuth. i am far from asserting that all kossuth has done is exempt from censure; but it must, on the other hand, be admitted that all that was grand in our revolution happened by his instrumentality. his mere appearance, as, for instance, in debreczin, january, , when the second danger seemed to overwhelm the country, roused the frightened people of the thesis, who crowded under the national standard and shattered to pieces the austrian forces. the fall of hungary can only be traced to the following three circumstances:-- st. that it was not believed that european diplomacy would allow russian intervention. d. that our plan of warfare, directed by the council of war, and not by kossuth, wanted that concentration which could alone have ensured success. d. that the character of görgei, whom our generals never accused of treacherous designs, was a mystery: nay, the patriotic general perczel, who proclaimed loudly görgei's treachery from the very beginning, had the satisfaction to be laughed at and hooted down. to impute these disastrous circumstances to kossuth alone, is to render one's self guilty of the greatest perversion of generally acknowledged and incontrovertible facts. a hungarian exile. transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. anglicized, archaic, or otherwise unusual spellings of proper nouns were retained as printed. examples include "botzen", "kapuzingerberg", "schonberg" and "wencelaus". inconsistent use of diacritics was also retained as printed. obvious typographical errors were corrected. italic text is denoted by _underscores_. [illustration: a map to illustrate tyrol and its people] tyrol and its people [illustration: the goat herd, kastelruth, near bozen] tyrol and its people by clive holland with sixteen illustrations in colour by adrian stokes thirty-one other illustrations and a map methuen and co. essex street w.c. london _first published in _ preface in the following pages, which in addition to being a record of travel in a delightful and too little known portion of the great austro-hungarian empire, are also an attempt to present within a reasonable compass an account of the national history of a singularly interesting people, the author has sought to deal more fully than is usually the case in books of the kind, with the romance and legend which is closely interwoven with the past of "the land within the mountains," as tyrol has not inaptly been described. it is truly a land of mountains, valleys, lakes, and rushing torrents that may well have bred the race of romance-loving, poetic, and hardy people who dwell in it. in the minds of those who know it there arises almost inevitably a comparison with the nowadays overcrowded and over-exploited switzerland--and the comparison is, both as regards scenery and general interest, greatly in favour of tyrol. the tourist and holiday-maker who frequent pontresina or st. moritz will find in this comparatively new "playground for europe" beautiful counterparts of those places in innsbruck, meran, botzen, kitzbühel, and other delightful towns; whilst the more strenuously inclined who delight in mountain ascents will find the dolomite region especially attractive, and in many other districts also interesting climbs. by the shores of the placid, translucent lakes, and in many a happy, secluded valley, those in search of rest and quietude will find their desire fully satisfied. and in such old-world towns as innsbruck (of many historical memories), beautiful salzburg, charming bregenz, botzen, and meran the traveller with more artistic, literary, or antiquarian tastes will delight. that tyrol deserves to be better known few who have once come under the spell of its charms of scenery, and the frank hospitality and friendliness of its people, or have wandered amidst its lovely valleys and mountains, will deny. the early history of this interesting country is shrouded in much mystery, and to place accurately and date many events is a matter of very considerable difficulty, and in some cases of well-nigh impossibility, owing to the fragmentary nature of many of the existing records, and the contradictory nature of the accounts and evidence afforded by these. the greatest care, however, has been taken to make the dates given as accurate as possible, and the best authorities and descriptions of events have been consulted. amongst others the works of dr. franz wieser, hans semper, von alpenburg ("mythen und sagen tirols"), perini ("castles of tyrol"), weber ("the land of tyrol"), an excellent and interesting anonymous guide to salzburg, scherer, albert wolff, v. zingerle, steub ("die verfassung tirols"), miller, and the excellent publications of the tirol and salzburg landesverbaende für fremdenverkehr, and other organizations. the spelling of names has presented much the same difficulty as the correct dating of events. there are several, and in some cases many, ways of spelling a large number of these. that of the latest edition of baedeker has been adopted where this has been the case and doubt has existed. the author's especial thanks are due to herr l. sigmund, the secretary of the austrian travel and information bureau, not only for much valuable information, but also for practical assistance whilst travelling in tyrol, facilities afforded for research, and the use of some excellent photographs. to w. baillie grohman, esq., of schloss matzen, brixlegg, the well-known authority upon tyrol, for the settlement of several disputed dates and accounts of historical events. also for permission to make use of information (not otherwise easily procurable) contained in his exhaustive work "tyrol, the land in the mountains," and for the beautiful photograph of schloss matzen reproduced as one of the illustrations in this present volume. to dr. richard muendl, imperial councillor, chief inspector of the imperial southern railway, and a member of the german and austrian alpine society, for many valuable notes upon the dolomite region incorporated in chapter x. to dr. otto rosenheim the author's thanks are given for permission to reproduce some beautiful photographs of tyrol scenery and tyrolese subjects in place of less pictorial work by the author himself. to many others, who gave information to the author during his travels in tyrol, relating to many interesting matters, acknowledgment is also here gratefully made. c. h. _june, _ contents page chapter i the romance and history of tyrol from the earliest times down to the seventeenth century chapter ii tyrol from its incorporation by austria as a part of the empire to the present time chapter iii some characteristic legends, customs, and sports chapter iv innsbruck, its history, people and treasures chapter v the environs of innsbruck--castle ambras and its treasures--igls: a quaint legend concerning its church--the stubai valley, and some villages--hall and its salt mines--speckbacher's old home--st. michael chapter vi salzburg, its history and romance chapter vii the environs of salzburg--hellbrunn, its unique fountains and gardens--the castle of anif--the gaisberg--the kapuzingerberg--the mozart-hÄuschen--the mÖnchsberg --salzburg churches chapter viii some towns and villages of south tyrol--meran, bozen, klausen, brixen, spinges, sterzing, matrei chapter ix some towns and villages of walsch-tyrol: trent, its history, council, and buildings--roveredo and dante--arco--riva chapter x among the dolomites, with notes upon some tours and ascents chapter xi through the unter-innthal: kufstein--kundl--rattenberg, and the story of wilhelm biener--brixlegg, and its peasant dramas--the famous castle of matzen--st. georgenberg, and its pilgrimage church--castle tratzberg --schwaz chapter xii through the ober-innthal: zirl, its church, legends, and painted houses--the martinswand and maximilian--scharnitz --landeck--bludenz--bregenz and its legend of the maid index list of illustrations facing page in colour the goat herd, kastelruth, near bozen _frontispiece_ view from the ritten, looking south-west the schwarzhorn, south tyrol a view of the tyrol alps the ortler from the malser heide moonrise in tyrol a pine wood near innsbruck mountain pool on the ritten a quiet pasture winter near meran a south tyrol farmstead summer-time near st. ulrich, grÖdenerthal alpenwiese, on the seiser alp mount latemar a wayside shrine in a pine wood autumn in south tyrol in monotone a village on the brenner _from a photograph by dr. otto rosenheim_ young tyrol _from a photograph by dr. otto rosenheim_ a wayside shrine, tyrol _from a photograph by dr. otto rosenheim_ above the arlberg tunnel sunset on a tyrolese lake _from a photograph by clive holland_ a typical tyrolese landscape _from a photograph by clive holland_ the trisanna viaduct and castle wiesberg a peep of the zillerthal the famous "golden roof," innsbruck a typical innsbrucker viaduct on stubai railway view of the grossglockner the market place, hall the hall valley--winter mozart's house in the makart platz, salzburg _from a photograph by clive holland_ one of the finest doors of the state apartments in the fortress, salzburg _from a photograph by clive holland_ mountain pastures _from a photograph by dr. otto rosenheim_ hohen-salzburg and the nonnberg _from a photograph by clive holland_ salzburg marketwomen _from a photograph by clive holland_ meran schloss tyrol, near meran a street in bozen st. cyprian and the peaks of the rosengarten misurina lake _from a photograph by dr. otto rosenheim_ a road through the dolomites a peep of the dolomites _from a photograph by clive holland_ the langkofel _from a photograph by dr. otto rosenheim_ a peep of kitzbuhel schloss matzen _by kind permission of w. a. baillie grohman, esq._ landeck and its ancient fortress church interior, tyrol _from a photograph by clive holland_ tyrol and its people chapter i the romance and history of tyrol from the earliest times down to the seventeenth century as early as the eighth century tyrol received a name which could not be bettered as descriptive of its scenery and institutions--"das land im gebirge," the land in the mountains. fascinating alike is the scenery of tyrol and its history. when one crosses the swiss frontier by the arlberg route one at once enters upon a land of mountains, rivers, and pleasant valleys. and with equal truth it may be said that when one crosses the frontier of tyrolese history one is at once plunged in the midst of stirring, romantic, and gallant deeds enacted throughout the centuries from that far-off age, when the cimbri penetrated and traversed the country and swept into north-eastern italy, down almost to our own time. that tyrol should have proved the battle-ground of nations is, of course, largely due to its geographical position. in early days it formed a "buffer state" between the roman empire and the territory of the cimbri and alemanni. the question of the original inhabitants of tyrol is still a much debated one, and appears to be as far off final settlement as ever; and this notwithstanding the enormous amount of interest which has been manifested in the subject by scientists, archæologists, and students during the last two centuries. whether they were cimbri, etruscans, or celts is still doubtful, although many learned authorities--more especially linguists--incline to the view that the earliest inhabitants were mainly of the ligurian race, who were followed by illyrians and etruscans. and also regarding the manners, customs, and general characteristics of these early inhabitants, whoever they may have been, very little conclusive evidence is yet available. by both greek and roman writers they were referred to as rhætians, in common with the inhabitants of eastern switzerland; and horace himself speaks of "the alpine rhæti, long unmatched in battle." thus it is that the most ancient name by which tyrol is known is that of rhætia. [sidenote: invasion of the cimbri] to the romans, however, all-conquering though they were, little was known of the country until the cimbri penetrated its mountains and traversed its valleys and passed on their way to the north-eastern frontier of italy about b.c. by what route these barbarians crossed the alps on their march to invade north-eastern italy there has been as much discussion as over the question of the original inhabitants of tyrol. and, although the event to which we refer occurred scarcely a century prior to the conquest of tyrol by the romans there is little information other than of a speculative character to throw light upon the question at issue. for many years the weight of opinion was in favour of the contention that the cimbri entered southern tyrol and eventually reached the venetian plains by the reschen scheideck and the vintschgau, but the later researches of mommsen have served to give additional, if not absolutely conclusive, weight to the view that the brenner was the route taken by the cimbri[ ] on their way southward from their germanic fastnesses, just as it was undoubtedly the route, but, of course, reversed, chosen by the romans under drusus by which to enter tyrol on their march of conquest. one piece of evidence which would appear to be of considerable weight, and as conclusively favouring mommsen's view, is the fact that the brenner route forms not only the one of lowest altitude, but also the only one by which the whole alpine system and its parallel chains can be crossed by passing over one chain alone, and in no other spot in the range do two valleys on either side cut so far into the centre of the principal chain of the alps. moreover, from plutarch's "marius" one learns the spot where the roman general, quintus lutatius catullus, and his legions, which were sent from panic-stricken rome to check the advance of the invaders, first encountered the cimbri on the banks of the river adige between verona and near the foot of the brenner. the encounter ended in the triumph of the host of skin-clad invaders who descended the snow-slopes of the mountains with an onslaught so terrible that even the trained and well-armed hosts of rome had to give way before them. but the power of rome was not easily shaken, and the triumph of the cimbri was but brief. their southward march was destined very soon to meet with so severe a check that further advance on rome, or into the heart of italy, was rendered impossible. in b.c., the year following their appearance in the beautiful province of venetia, where they created, so historians tell us, a terrible panic, the roman arms triumphed at vercelli, when the invaders, led by bojorich, suffered a crushing defeat in one of the bloodiest battles ever fought, in which it is said , were slain, and were driven out of italy. the moral effect of this invasion upon the rhætians, through whose territory the cimbri had passed, bore fruit a few years later, when they attempted the same tactics, making frequent raids into roman territory. some sixty years after the incursion of the cimbri they were defeated and driven back into their valleys and mountains by the roman general, munatius plancus; and a few years later, in b.c., not only was a fresh raid repulsed, but the invaders were followed home, and a considerable portion of the district in the neighbourhood of what is now known as trent was taken possession of by the roman forces. [sidenote: roman conquest of tyrol] the rhætians, however, were a hardy, valorous, and pugnacious tribe, and so frequent were their attacks upon the roman forces left to hold the conquered country that the emperor augustus, about twenty years after the subjection of the trent district, decided as a measure of self-protection on the conquest of the whole of rhætia, as far as the river danube. and for this work he deputed his two stepsons, drusus and tiberius. the campaign, historians are agreed, was planned with great skill, and probably by the emperor himself. the roman forces were divided, one portion, under drusus, entering tyrol from the south, having tridentum (trent) as its base; and the other, under tiberius, delivering its attack from the west across what is now switzerland. tiberius took this route (the most direct, though a difficult one) because at that time he was absent from italy, in gaul, as governor. drusus had a more easy task, and pushed his way up the wide valley of the river adige[ ] to the present site of bozen. his objective was the pass of the brenner, which, once seized, would give him the command of the country. his advance was not, however, made without opposition, for the breones and genones, who dwelt in the vicinity of the brenner, attacked the roman forces, and a fierce battle and series of skirmishes ensued. horace, in book iv., ode and , gives a vivid if, possibly, highly coloured account of the struggle which took place in the gorge near bozen. the river icarous ran red with the blood of both conquerors and conquered. and--as has been the case on many subsequent occasions when fighting has had to be done by the tyrolese--the women played a valorous part, even, according to the historian, florus, throwing their infant children into the faces of the roman soldiery when other weapons failed. the campaign of the two stepsons of augustus resulted in the complete and final conquest of tyrol. the victory, won in the narrow gorge of the eisack, was commemorated in the name of the bridge _pons drusi_ spanning the river, hard by which now stands the interesting mediæval town of bozen. successful as drusus' forces were, none the less so were those of tiberius. there, however, is less record of his battles, and the actual ground on which they were fought forms still matter for conjecture. and equally uncertain is the exact spot where the two victorious generals ultimately met. it is, however, thought by several reliable authorities to have been somewhere in the valley of the inn, and probably not far distant from the present site of innsbruck. this view is made the more probable from the circumstance that a roman post was established at wilten (now a suburb of innsbruck) then known as veldidena. here probably both armies rested after a campaign of great fatigue and severity owing to the nature of the ground over which it was fought and the stubborn resistance offered by the inhabitants. soon veldidena, from a halting-place of armies, became a town with houses of considerable size, temples, baths, and surrounding _vallæ_, or earthen fortifications formed to defend the inhabitants from sudden attack. although precautions of the nature we have indicated were taken wherever a roman post or station was placed, there is no historical data to show that the breones and other adjacent tribes who were thus brought under the roman sway did not very speedily accommodate themselves to the new condition of things and become good and peaceful citizens of rome. it appears probable, however, that the rhæti did not adapt themselves to the altered conditions as speedily as did their northern neighbours, the inhabitants of noricum, with whom certain roman habits and customs (including the system of municipal government) already obtained. from the evidence adduced by several diligent historians and from that of one comparatively modern writer[ ] in particular it is almost certain that after the sanguinary and decisive battle on the banks of the eisack tiberius set his face once again westward to resume his governorship of gaul, leaving his brother, drusus, to continue the subjection of tyrol, and ultimately to found the important settlement of augusta vindelicorum, now known as augsburg. here the roman general not only threw up a fortified camp, but also built a forum to encourage commerce; and soon the settlement became the most important roman station to the north of the central alps. some writers, doubtless bearing in mind the hardihood and bravery of the native inhabitants and the mountainous and thus easily defended nature of the ground the roman legions had to traverse and fight over, have expressed some surprise at the comparative ease with which drusus and tiberius appear to have accomplished the conquest of the country. more perfect discipline and arms of greater effectiveness will not, however, we think, altogether account for this, for history has over and over again proved that knowledge of the ground by the defenders and mountainous regions count heavily against successful attacks on the part of an invader. it can only therefore be supposed that the various tribes who formed the inhabitants of rhætia were either antagonistic to one another or at least were not welded together in a common cause against the invading roman hosts, and thus the country was conquered and kept in subjection with greater ease than would otherwise have been the case. as a result of the invasion by drusus and tiberius and the roman legions the tract of country then and for some considerable time afterwards known as rhætia, but now known as tyrol and the vorarlberg, ultimately became romanized, and by the making of the brenner post road, which was constructed by the direction of the emperor augustus between verona and augsburg (augusta vindelicorum), communication between the germanic empire and italy was opened up. thus was the lowest and most accessible of the passes over the mountains which separated italy from the barbaric regions beyond crossed by one of those splendid military roads, which has endured nearly two thousand years until the present day. [sidenote: roman occupation] the roman occupation of rhætia lasted for five centuries. under the rule of rome the inhabitants learned much of those arts which remained the heritage of conquered races long after the sway of the great roman empire had come to an end. and traces of that rule, in the form of weapons, ornaments, articles of jewelry and the toilet, and other relics have from time to time come to light throughout the portions of tyrol settled by the romans. soon along the great brenner road, which formed a highway from italy to the northern lands beyond tyrol, activity evinced itself. one of the most important of the early stations upon it was veldidena (wilten), where the road after crossing the main range of mountains emerges from the alpine gorge on the northern side into a wide and pleasant valley. from this point--close to which, later on, the capital of tyrol was destined to be founded--the great brenner post road branched. one fork led by two divergent ways to the same objective--augsburg. the other led in a north-westerly direction by way of masciacum (matzen) and albianum (kufstein) to pons aeni, which in all probability closely approximates to the present-day site of rosenheim. this road ran down the wide inn valley, nowadays known as the unter innthal to differentiate it from the valley of the upper inn which runs from the frontier of switzerland to innsbruck. it was along the great military road leading from verona to augsburg that the chief rhæto-roman stations were placed. amongst these were tridentum (trent), pons drusi (bozen), vilpetenum (sterzing), matrejum (matrei), scarbio (scharnitz), veldidena (wilten). at first, doubtless, these outposts of roman civilization were little more than isolated fortresses, or even perhaps merely _speculæ_ or watch towers, and of these many examples still remain, from which not only could the road and its approaches be reconnoitred, but also signals both by day and by night could be made. in the first case by means of smoke or semaphores, and in the second by bonfires kindled in cressets or on the hillside itself. [sidenote: the brenner pass] another highway into tyrol through the vintschgau came to be known as the via claudia augusta, which name was also improperly applied to a portion of the brenner road. after much contention we think it is now generally accepted that mommsen, who has investigated and weighed the evidence with astonishing care, is correct in assuming that the only portion of the road via the reschen-scheideck pass which should be called the via claudia augusta is that traversing the vintschgau valley. the road was constructed not in the reign of augustus, who initiated the brenner road, but in that of his grandson, the emperor claudius, about a.d. - . it was intended to connect up the river po with the river danube by the reschen-scheideck route, and along it at various times since the middle of the sixteenth century milestones of roman origin have been discovered. though from the fact that little reference is made to it by the better-known roman writers of the period, one may assume that the via claudia was of quite secondary importance to the brenner road. but nevertheless it seems probable that it was the route used for the transportation of stores for the roman forces of occupation during the fifth century not long prior to the evacuation of the country. the brenner road for a considerable period after its construction appears to have been rather a highway for commerce than a military road in the usual sense of the term. the chief article exported from tyrol was salt from the still famous salt mines at hall, near innsbruck, on the northern bank of the inn. there were also sent southward into italy raw hides, timber, alpine herbs used in the preparation of medicines, liqueurs, and the purposes of the toilet; and dairy produce of various kinds, of which cheese was probably (according to pliny) one of the chief articles. in those far-off days, too, much excellent wine was grown far further north in tyrol than nowadays when the vine is not cultivated, for vintage purposes at all events, further north than the southern slope of the brenner. in roman times the brenner also formed a link between aquileia, one of the most flourishing and important seaport cities on the adriatic, and noricum. as did also another, then important but nowadays almost deserted route, that of the plöcken pass, of which it is believed cæsar made frequent use. along this several important stations were founded, amongst them tricesimum, julium carnicum (zuglio), aguntum (innichen), lonicum (lienz) and sebatum (schabs). time, however, was destined to divert the trade from the plöcken pass route to that of the brenner, and the settlements along the former gradually declined in importance. as we have before stated, the brenner pass was not originally used so much for military purposes as was afterwards the case. and it is not until the latter half of the second century of the christian era that we find it assuming importance as a military highway. then the frequent incursions southward of various germanic tribes caused the romans to fully comprehend the strategical value of northern rhætia. two decades at least were occupied in the reconstruction of the surface and bridges along the road which had owed its origin to the emperor augustus, and the result was the building of a highway suitable for the speedy passage and massing of large bodies of troops. of the stations which were founded along it we have already spoken, it only remains to say that these were supplemented by "posts" which were dotted here and there as they were along most other roads made by roman builders. they were, however, chiefly used for military and state rather than for ordinary purposes. an interesting writer,[ ] who has made the history of the brenner a special study, has thrown considerable light upon the inns and hostelries which little by little sprang up to meet the requirements of the travelling public of those days, who were not, as a rule, permitted to make use of the official posts. apparently, these refuges from the other alternative of spending a night upon the road were by no means luxurious. in fact, they were probably far otherwise, and their chief redeeming feature was the undoubted cheapness of the accommodation they offered. it could not be considered an extravagant charge for a night's lodging with food of sorts when the bill amounted to rather less than the equivalent of an english halfpenny! a sum which would nowadays surprise the modern _oste_ or innkeeper of the italian tyrol as much as his own charges would the roman wayfarer of long ago. [illustration: a village on the brenner] [sidenote: roman remains] on the heels of roman civilization, represented by commerce and travel, which was destined not only to permeate conquered rhætia, but to penetrate the regions beyond, in course of time there sprang into existence a fortress here and a castle there which not only served to hold the land, but also to encourage and initiate civilization and bring security to those residing in its immediate vicinity. of these, happily for the historian and antiquarian, many traces yet remain. all along the brenner the romans found and were not slow to seize upon natural coigns of vantage where their unexampled skill as military builders and engineers permitted them to speedily convert not easily accessible spurs of the mountains into impregnable fortresses. upon some of the castles, the ruins of which nowadays serve to render these rocky crags of undying interest, the stars must have looked down ere the dawn of the christian era. of the occupation of rhætia by the romans, unfortunately comparatively few authentic details have come down to us. but long ere the power of rome had waned, never to reassume its pristine greatness, the problem of resistance to the invasion from the teutonic tribes to the north and north-east had become a very real one. towards the end of the third century a.d. the alemanni crossed the danube and threatened rhætia, and through it italy. they were, it is true, defeated by the emperor maximianus, but the check inflicted was but temporary. about a.d. rhætia was invaded several times by the same barbarian tribe, and on one occasion, at least, tyrol was ravaged from end to end, and the invaders afterwards entered italy, which they penetrated as far south as ravenna, having first plundered and destroyed verona. in the reign of claudius (about ) there was yet another invasion, and although the forces of rome ultimately proved victorious in the struggle with the teutonic hordes in a battle fought at naïssus on the borderland of tyrol and italy, when , are said to have been slain, there was no lasting peace. the inroads of the goths vexed many a quickly succeeding emperor in the days when reigns were scarcely to be reckoned as frequently by years as by months, and it was not until the reign of aurelianus that the goths were driven out of rhætia and vindelicia. under succeeding roman rulers there were other raids by the goths, and then at last along the roads of rhætia and over the passes of the brenner and the plöcken poured the invading hosts which were destined to bring about the eclipse of the powerful empire which had for so many centuries controlled the destinies of the greater part of the then known world. just as in our own land, history is almost silent for the period immediately following the departure of the roman legions, drawn off to save rome, if possible, from the invading hosts of the goths and huns, so was it in tyrol. of the years of devastation by fire and sword which succeeded the withdrawal of the roman forces from rhætia there have come down to us but very scanty details. during this period much of roman art and civilization was undoubtedly blotted out by the barbarian hordes; and, indeed, so far as can be ascertained, little of either was ultimately left in rhætia. theodoric, the ostrogothic leader, who had conquered italy in about , planned rhætia and the brenner as a barrier against the attacks of northern invaders, a tribe of whom (the baiovarii) ultimately possessed themselves of vindelicia and rhætia as far as the southern slope of the brenner pass. about this same period--the middle half of the sixth century--a very considerable portion of north-eastern italy and that part of rhætia in the vicinity of tridentum (trent) was seized by the longobards or lombards. their italian empire lasted for two centuries, and eventually included the larger portion of what is nowadays known as the italian tyrol. meantime, the baiovarii or bavarians had conquered the upper part of rhætia, and in the beginning of the seventh century their duke, garibaldi ii., succeeded in checking the frequent inroads of the slavs, although he did not succeed in entirely excluding them from the country; in the eastern portion of which they remained for a considerable period. towards the end of the eighth century (about ) the whole of what is now known as tyrol came under the sovereignty of charlemagne, who crushed the lombards, and a few years later succeeded in also subduing the baiovarii. during the centuries of internecine warfare, with its concomitants of rapine and chaos, which succeeded the evacuation of rhætia by the roman forces, most of the original inhabitants or peaceably disposed romanized rhætians fled with other fugitives from the southern or northern plains to the valleys and byways amid the mountains which hitherto probably had been almost if not entirely unpopulated. here they settled, leaving the main routes open to the passage of the teutonic invaders bent on the plunder of the italian cities and plains, who, we may imagine, did not greatly trouble themselves regarding the byways or waste time in conquering those who had thus hidden themselves amid the higher alpine valleys and fastnesses. the result of this is seen in the circumstance that whilst in many cases the out-of-the-way places and villages to this day preserve their original romanized rhætian names, those upon the main routes of travel have in many instances a purely teutonic nomenclature. [sidenote: "the land in the mountains"] the great empire which charlemagne created had strangely enough no natural delimitations, and when it was divided, in a.d. , into three portions amongst his sons, the division was not made upon any usually recognized system or plan. tyrol still was unknown by that name, the country about that time being known as "das land im gebirge," or "the land in the mountains." the immediate successors to the divided empire of charlemagne were far less able than he to cope with the anarchy which so frequently overwhelmed south-eastern and north-eastern europe in those days. there was practically no such unity as now prevails, and, owing to this, the powerful nobles and ecclesiastics gradually succeeded in dividing up the land amongst themselves according to the almost universal custom of the middle ages. the records of tyrolese history of the period are, however, so wretchedly meagre that few positive and uncontrovertible facts have come down to us regarding the events which immediately followed the partition of charlemagne's empire amongst his sons. that the brenner pass and tyrol formed a sort of highway for successive invaders of italy, who swarmed across it from the east and north, there is, however, little reason for doubt. as has been very truly said, "what these vast expeditions, consisting of more or less disorderly masses of curiously mixed races, all in the panoply of war, all eager for booty, even if bent on a peaceable mission, meant for the countries through which they slowly ate and robbed their way, it is not quite easy to picture to one's self in these civilized days, when, even in the fiercest war, the non-combatant has no reason to go in fear of a violent death or having his women outraged before his eyes, and his house razed to the ground." that such things took place in tyrol is made almost certain from the statements of contemporary writers, amongst others, gottfried von viterbo, vincenz von prague, and otho von freising. [sidenote: old-time travellers] it is the custom for most people to imagine that the "extras" for lights, tips to servants, and attendance which so often makes the present-day hotel bill exasperating, are a modern institution. this is, however, not the case, for some most interesting and illuminating diaries of early travel which were discovered in amongst the archives of the monastery of cividate show that at the commencement of the thirteenth century there were a succession of inns already existing along the brenner route, where travellers could not only obtain lodgment and entertainment, but even purchase necessary medicines. there are also entries for lights, attendance, and gratuities, which probably vexed the soul of the ecclesiastical diarist we have referred to as much as they do modern travellers. of the types who tramped or rode along the great tyrol highway and lodged at the inns, we have fortunately a fairly detailed and accurate picture handed down to us. if only there had been a tyrolese chaucer what a record might have been preserved! from the diaries of the bishop of passau (whose notes we have quoted), however, we gratefully gather that in addition to the ordinary itinerant merchants and countryfolk there were bard musicians of both sexes, conjurers (more or less skilful, and many of them charlatans), singers, mendicant friars (some of little holiness), and the far-famed minnesingers who for a considerable period had a great vogue at courts and castles. along this famous high-road of the brenner and through tyrol passed, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, many of the pilgrims and crusaders bound for or returning from palestine or some distant shrine of peculiar merit or holiness. [sidenote: early tyrolese rulers] one of the chief amongst the many changes and reforms instituted by charlemagne was the sub-division of the countries he had conquered and welded together to form his empire into margravates or departments which he placed under the rule of his nobles and other officials whom he appointed for the purpose. although this system undoubtedly worked well during his powerful sway, after his death and during the anarchy and dissension which distinguished the reigns of his immediate successors what might have been expected happened. the more powerful of the nobles and officials and their descendants soon commenced to regard their offices as of the nature of hereditary appointments, and in consequence with the development of this idea small dynasties were gradually founded, and towards the close of the tenth century three of these had sprung into existence in tyrol. these three countships or _grafschaften_ were of andechs, eppan, and tyrol, and the country was eventually divided up amongst them and the great ecclesiastical lords of the sees of trent, brixen, and coire. as is the case with so much of early tyrol history and events, very scanty information of a reliable character has come down to us regarding the origin of these three great families of nobles who held sway in the country. nor is it for the purpose of this book necessary to enquire closely into the evidence we have. the origin of the family of andechs is almost entirely unknown, although for a considerable period they were the most powerful of the three families we have named. the eppans are believed to have been descendants of a natural son of a duke of bavaria, and their long and bloody feud with the bishops of brixen on account of lands taken from them and given to the see is enshrined in tyrol history and legend. the third family, the counts of tyrol, though originally by no means the most important, was destined to outlast the other two, and eventually to become possessed of most of the country and give its name to ancient rhætia. although even in the days of the roman occupation there appears to have been a castle tyrol, which was the residence of a centurion, the family, as it is generally known, is supposed to have taken its origin from count hunfried who lived in the reign of charlemagne, and was also count of vintschgau. this noble came into prominence on the division of charlemagne's empire amongst his three sons; but it appears to be probable that it was not until the middle part of the thirteenth century that one of the owners of castle tyrol or teriolis first took the title of counts of tyrol.[ ] the earliest reference to the three counts of tyrol appears in the archives about the year , and we find the family dwelling in the castle tyrol or teriolis, near meran. it was from this fortress, now in a ruinous condition except for the chapel and fine porch dating from the twelfth century, that not only the family took its name but eventually the whole country came to be known. gradually one by one the possessions of the other nobles in tyrol were taken from them or became absorbed by marriage in that of the counts of tyrol. until about the then reigning count albert was able to style himself prince count (or gefürsteter graf) of tyrol so widespread and rich were his possessions. the principality thus formed remained a fief of the german empire until the reign of maximilian i. ( ) when it was incorporated with the other possessions of the crown. the first of the prince counts of tyrol was successful, in , in obtaining from the counts of andechs the district of the inn valley, once the site of roman veldidena, which place tradition asserts was destroyed about a.d. by the huns under the leadership of attila on their return through tyrol after their defeat by aëtius at the battle of chalons. during the early middle ages the premonstratensian abbey of wilten had been built on the site of the ancient town, and later on the counts of andechs, who had become possessed of land in the neighbourhood on the banks of the inn, became the most powerful and influential nobles in the district. under them a trading post or centre of commerce was founded near the bridge over the inn, the importance of which can be easily understood when its proximity to the brenner high-road, a then busy thoroughfare, is borne in mind. from this bridge over the inn was derived the name of the town innsbruck--afterwards destined to become the capital of tyrol--a mention of which appears for the first time in archives of the year . it was to the foresight and enterprise of otto of andechs that the town owed the walls, towers, and fortifications which were to stand it in good stead. count otto also built himself a palace, which still is known as ottoburg. concerning the various princes who reigned over tyrol in succession to count albert down to henry, the youngest son of meinhard ii., who, by marrying the daughter of the king of bohemia, claimed the throne on the death of his father-in-law and took the title of king, although forced to surrender his claims to bohemia, and rest content with tyrol and carinthia, it is not necessary to say much. this henry was a good-natured, easily influenced ruler, who by reason of these characteristics fell almost entirely into the hands of the more powerful of his nobles, who by flattery and supplies of money to meet his spendthrift habits were able to acquire not only influence over him, but also gain great possessions from and unchecked by him. under this ruler meran became the capital of tyrol; and hall, sterzing, and other places were raised to the dignity of towns. though easily led, henry was not without his virtues, for he granted several privileges which were in the interests of commerce, and under his rule the hard lots of the villein and working classes were lightened, and a heritable system of land tenure for the peasant class devised and established. the effect of this was destined to be beneficial not only to those it was primarily intended to assist, but also to the nobles, and henry himself. for as the nobles seldom or never paid taxes it followed that, with increased prosperity, the lower orders (who bore the greater part of the burden of taxation) could be taxed to a higher degree without suffering in proportion. many stories are current concerning the difficulties into which henry's wastrel habits got him. one of them is that he was unable at innsbruck to settle the bill of a fish and wine merchant, and as a last resort gave this man, one eberhard, the bridge toll, which it is unnecessary to say formed a valuable consideration. [illustration: young tyrol] [sidenote: "pocket mouthed meg"] at his death in he left no male heir, the succession falling to his daughter margaret, known to history as "wide (or pocket) mouthed meg" on account of her remarkably ill-formed mouth. how her mouth became so ugly is not exactly known. one story states the name was derived from the word _maultasche_, in consequence of her having had her ears (or side of face) boxed or struck. the explanation gains some weight from the fact that the blow was said to have been struck her by one of her bavarian relatives, and the circumstance that she ultimately left her heritage to her austrian cousins and not to the bavarian branch of the family, thus causing tyrol to become a part of the austrian empire. eventually, after many abortive attempts to arrange a marriage with the numerous suitors who were willing to become allied to perhaps the richest though the ugliest heiress in europe of that time, for her inheritance comprised the dukedoms of goricia, croatia and carinthia, as well as the beautiful land tyrol, margaret was married, in a.d. , to the youthful prince john of bohemia, the bridegroom being nine years of age and the bride several years older. the latter was destined to have a troublous career, ugly as her mouth in some of its details; and the young couple, when (a few years after the formal marriage) they came to live together, were almost from the first at variance. john was feeble and of weak intellect, and margaret as determined and shameless as were many other women rulers in those times. plots and intrigues were rife, the former between the two parties who espoused the german or luxembourg (bohemian) claims, the latter between margaret and her courtier and even peasant lovers, some of whom were given privileges and even lands and patents of nobility by the amorous princess of the "pocket mouth," who made several unsuccessful attempts to get rid of her husband, until she frightened him into returning to his own country. this desire accomplished, margaret commenced to put in operation her further plans. john was a fugitive, going from castle to castle in search of shelter or sanctuary, awaiting assistance from his father or the luxembourg party, which was favourable to the bohemian side of the question. soon the emperor louis, who was the ruler of the holy roman empire and a deadly enemy of the bohemians, saw an opportunity for accomplishing a long-cherished desire, that of the acquisition of tyrol. he found a ready accomplice in his good-looking, attractive son, who appeared willing enough to marry another man's wife, however ill-tempered and ugly, even before the first marriage was formally declared null and void by the pope, provided wealth and possessions were acquired with her. however, when the pope--who himself had cast longing eyes on margaret's possessions--heard of the proposed union, he not only declined to annul the marriage between john and margaret, but threatened the latter with excommunication if she espoused the son of louis, who was his implacable foe. there were also reasons of consanguinity which made the marriage impossible without the pope's sanction. louis, however, not to be thwarted in his desire, set about to find a bishop willing to defy the pontiff and bold enough to solemnize the marriage. soon he succeeded in persuading the bishop of freisingen both to annul the first marriage and celebrate the second. accordingly the emperor, in whose train were numbers of nobles, set forth with the bishop mentioned, and also the bishops of augsburg and regensburg, for tyrol. but whilst on the journey and crossing a pass (the jaufen), which afforded the quickest route from sterzing to margaret's home near meran, the bishop of freisingen's horse stumbled and threw its rider, killing him on the spot. this accident so sapped the courage of the other two bishops (who doubtless considered the event as a direct message of wrath from heaven) that they refused to go on with the scheme upon which they had embarked. this did not, however, weaken the determination of either the emperor or louis, who, on his arrival at castle tyrol, forced the terrified resident chaplain to celebrate the marriage, although we are told the people protested loudly, anticipating terrible punishments for breaking the laws of the church and defying the commands of the pope. nevertheless the event was celebrated with great festivities, and, so far as one can gather, no immediate wrath from heaven was experienced by the evildoers. [sidenote: era of civil war] during the weak rule of john, the various nobles in tyrol had gained great ascendency; had extended their possessions and rights; and had in fact seriously weakened the sovereign power of their ruler. louis proved of very different metal to his precursor. he at once attacked the nobles, who had aggregated to themselves unlawful or dangerous authority, devastating their estates, burning and dismantling their castles and fortresses, and exiling those who did not submit. civil war of the most bloodthirsty kind ran riot in tyrol, and other disasters in the shape of fire, which destroyed some of the most important towns, including meran the capital; swarms of locusts, plague and earthquake, all afflicted the unhappy and unfortunate land. it is needless to say that these terrible calamities were esteemed by many tyrolese as the direct expression by heaven of anger at margaret's bigamous marriage and defiance of the power of the church. the ravages of the black death were not less severe than in other parts of southern europe, and, according to one chronicler, scarcely a sixth of the population of tyrol were left alive. as was so often the case in the middle ages, some human scapegoat was sought for and found; and the very common one was fixed upon--the jews. the persecution of this unfortunate race which ensued was of so ruthless a character that neither women, children, nor the aged were spared, with the result, we are told, that very few were left alive. then succeeded a period of war. the supporters of the discarded husband of margaret--john of bohemia--were not slow to seek to revenge themselves upon her, and tyrol was subsequently invaded by the king of bohemia, who was joined by the militant bishop of trent with considerable forces. an active campaign followed, characterized by great cruelty on the part of the invaders, during which the two chief towns, meran and bozen, were captured and destroyed, and ultimately margaret was besieged in her own castle of tyrol. it was so admirably situated for defence that in her husband's absence margaret, who, with all her vices and failings, was no coward, was able to defend it successfully from all assaults, and did so until her husband was able to return by forced marches, and surprising the besiegers, succeeded in defeating them and forcing them to retire. the country, however, suffered terribly during the enemy's retreat, as, in revenge for being baulked of their prey, they burned and ravaged in every direction, and spared no man from the sword. indeed, the history of the campaign exhibits in the most lurid light the underlying and primitive savagery of all warfare in the middle ages. it was to meet the heavy charges arising from the prolonged campaign and defence of his territory that louis had to sell or pawn many of his richest personal possessions, with the result that many nobles (who provided him with money or other support) gained or regained valuable privileges and a considerable accession of power and influence. [sidenote: stories about "meg"] into the whole course of this war and the history of tyrol--interesting and even fascinating though it be--it is impossible for us to enter. margaret ultimately (it may be noted) made her peace with rome, owing to the influence exercised over the pope by her austrian cousins of the house of habsburg, the condition of their mediation being that she should leave to them and not to her bavarian cousins her heritage should her son and heir meinhard pre-decease her, and die without issue. fate favoured the schemes of the habsburgs, for both margaret's husband louis and her son died before her, the latter at the early age of twenty. as an example of the old saw, "give a dog a bad name and hang him," popular opinion laid both deaths at margaret's door. her husband died in - whilst on a journey to munich in her company. this supposed murder was, according to then common report, a _crime passionel_ arising from margaret's fear that louis was about to compass the death of conrad of frauenberg, a noble with whom she had carried on an intrigue that had been common talk and a scandal for years. on the death of his father, meinhard assumed the responsibility of government; in doing this he appears to have placed, or attempted to place, some sort of check upon the shameless conduct and intrigues of his mother, and when he died in january, , his death, like that of louis, was laid at his mother's door. popular opinion, however, has been proved to have been in error by historians who do not favour the supposition that she was really guilty of either death; and although no explanation of the actual cause of louis's death is forthcoming, there would appear some evidence for supposing that meinhard's untimely end was unromantic and free from mystery, and, in fact, was the result of drinking cold water whilst overheated from exertion. in those days, although news travelled but slowly according to modern ideas, it was less than a fortnight ere it had reached vienna, and rudolph iv. of habsburg, by travelling "day and night," was at bozen eager to make certain his position as the eldest of the three brothers to whom his cousin margaret had agreed to cede tyrol and her other wide possessions. around the picturesque, though licentious and uninviting, figure of "pocket-mouthed meg" has gathered an accretion of traditions and tales unequalled by those attached to any other tyrol ruler. but, although she was for many years so outstanding a figure in the history of her country and indeed of south-eastern europe, strangely few authentic records or documentary corroboration of these stories have been discoverable. thus, by the death of meinhard in , the country became a portion of austria under the rule of rudolph iv., who, though young, was wise and far-seeing. however, he was not destined to long enjoy the possessions he had acquired chiefly by skilful diplomacy, and on his death, two years after his accession, tyrol was governed jointly by his two brothers--leopold and albert. during this dual control the bavarian relations of margaret made frequent incursions into the country, especially in the neighbourhood of the unter-innthal, and in succeeded in obtaining a large sum from the habsburgs at a temporary peace made at schärding. ten years later the dual sovereignty came to an end, the two brothers dividing the inheritance, leopold taking tyrol as his share. he was killed at the battle of sempach on july th, , where the swiss gained so signal a victory under the leadership of arnold von winkelried. [sidenote: duke frederick's reign] in frederick, leopold's youngest son, succeeded to the sovereignty, which during his minority had been held by his elder brothers and his uncle albert, who had ruled the country in so lax a manner that the nobles gained a great ascendency. it was, indeed, no easy task to which duke frederick was called. the nickname bestowed upon him, that of "the empty purse," was by no means an exact description of his financial condition, save during a comparatively short period of his reign of thirty years. it was given him at the time he was an outlaw by reason of the ban of the church, and was obliged to fly for his life and take refuge amid the mountains. his was a stormy reign. in the early portion of it he was at variance with many of the most powerful of his nobles, who resisted his attempts to curtail the power which they had acquired during his minority. after the anxieties and hardships which ensued, when the country was over-run by the bavarians, and even the capital threatened, frederick was destined to have still greater trouble by reason of his action at the council of constance, which was summoned to settle the momentous questions as to who was the rightful head of the church, and who the ruler of the empire. there were three claimants for each position, nominated and supported by the rival factions. the spiritual claimants were john xxiii., benedict xiii., gregory xii.; and the temporal kings sigismund of hungary, jost of moravia, and wencelaus of bohemia. [illustration: a wayside shrine, tyrol] of the ecclesiastical claimants john had frederick's support, and when the former, failing to get elected by the council, had not only to renounce his claims but flee for his life, frederick assisted him to escape from constance. this act of loyalty to a friend almost cost frederick his life, as sigismund (who of the three candidates had been elected emperor) was his enemy, and not only succeeded in persuading the assembly to declare frederick's throne forfeited, but also him and his chief supporters and followers outlaws, to shelter any of whom was a crime punishable with death. frederick's evil case was made worse and his difficulties immeasurably increased by the secession to the ranks of his enemies of his brother ernest, who had taken the dukedom of styria as his portion of the inheritance. duke ernest took up the reins of government of tyrol, and there ensued a period of bloodshed and disastrous civil war in which the peasants and the lower classes remained firm and loyal supporters of their ruler frederick, and the greater number of the nobility espoused the cause of the usurper ernest. at length a peace was brought about between the two brothers, chiefly through the mediation of the archbishop eberhard of salzburg, and the duke louis of bavaria. the reconciliation of frederick and duke ernest, whose estrangement had been brought about by frederick's action in relation to pope john at constance which had brought him under the powerful ban of the church, took place at the castle of the archbishop at kropfsberg. the remaining portion of frederick's life appears to have been peaceable, and notwithstanding his _sobriquet_ of "empty purse" he left a huge fortune in treasure, which some authorities assert was the greatest amassed by any ruler of those times. he was undoubtedly one of the most able, and with the peasants and townsfolk most popular, rulers tyrol has ever had as a separate principality. he carried on a struggle throughout his reign against the encroachments of the nobility upon the lands and liberties of the people, which in itself was a thing sufficient to gain him the love and loyalty of the great masses of his subjects, which his affable manners, generosity, and kindliness served to cement. to him belongs the credit of summoning the first tyrolean landtag of any use or importance, held at meran in . subsequently the landtag was convened at innsbruck, which town in consequence gradually came to be regarded as the capital of tyrol. on the death of frederick he was succeeded by his son sigismund, then a mere lad of eleven or twelve years of age. the latter lived for some seven years at the court of vienna under the control of his guardian the emperor frederick iii. whilst in vienna he became acquainted with one Æneas silvius de piccolomini, afterwards pope pius ii., a widely travelled, able but licentious man who had journeyed so far afield as scotland, and who poured such glowing descriptions of the beauty of the ladies of the scottish court into the young duke sigismund's ears that he became possessed with a desire to marry a scotch bride. thus it happened that when the daughter of charles vii., king of france, died (whom it had been intended by his father he should marry) the young duke sigismund wooed and won eleanor, daughter of ill-fated james i. of scotland, to whom as dowry the duke gave the historic castles of ambras, imst, and hörtenburg for life. this gifted princess lived in tyrol for a period of more than thirty years, and by her gentle manners, love of sport, especially hawking and hunting, and social accomplishments made herself much beloved by her husband's subjects. her court, for the size of the principality over which her husband ruled, was very large and luxurious. during the reign of sigismund the vast mineral wealth of the unter-innthal district especially became opened up, and this enabled the duke to spend lavish sums upon pleasures, entertainments, arts, and science, which soon caused his court at innsbruck to be spoken of as one of the most refined, gay, and interesting in eastern europe. at the same time tyrol owed much to sigismund, as he was a generous patron of art and employer of artists of all kinds. [sidenote: the war with venice] on the death of his consort eleanor he married, in , the princess catherine of saxony, who was both young and beautiful. a man of great judgment, he yet committed the grave error of provoking a war with the venetians, whose trade with tyrol was an important and valuable asset in the country's commerce and material prosperity. it arose from the seizure of some rich silver mines the property of the venetians in the valsugana, and the tense situation arising from this act was aggravated shortly after, in april , by the forcible seizure of the goods of venetian merchants who had come (as was their wont) to the great fair held at bozen. over a hundred and twenty venetian merchants were also thrown into prison. in the war which ensued the tyrolese were ultimately victorious; but the victory was a pyrrhic one as tyrol lost much by this struggle with the great commercial power of those remote times. the venetians took a speedy revenge, "boycotting" tyrolese trade, absenting themselves from the fairs and markets, and avoiding using the brenner route which had very materially added to the wealth of the country. sigismund, as had other rulers of the mountain kingdom, fell out of favour with the church, owing to a quarrel with the cardinal bishop of brixen, nicholas of cusa, chiefly on account of the latter's persistent endeavour to exalt the power of the church at the expense of the former's temporal authority, and it was only sigismund's indifference to religious matters and power in his own country which enabled him to treat with unconcern if not positive contempt the ban placed upon him by the church of rome. he even went the length of making war upon the bishop, and of besieging him in his castle at brunneck; and as a consequence was excommunicated by both pope calixtus iii. the courageous and pius ii. in sigismund's declining years he applied himself "to the task of purchasing salvation in the manner approved by the church he had defied, and whose bulls, bans, and mandates he had scorned." he set about founding monasteries, gave largely to charitable endowments, and was generous in other ways to a church which was anxious to pardon the sinner who was willing to purchase absolution on satisfactory monetary or other terms. one effect of this great expenditure was to impoverish the country, which had already been much "drained" by the demands made upon it by sigismund's patronage of art, love of women, and lavish entertainments. [illustration: view from the ritten looking s.w.] [sidenote: maximilian i] maximilian, his cousin (afterwards the famous emperor maximilian i.), succeeded him on his abdication in . he was in a great measure an ideal ruler for tyrol, whose brave, independent people were touched by the spirit, frankness, and great personal bravery of their new prince. fond of war, he was equally devoted to the chivalric jousts and games of the period, and, if one may believe historians, to these sterner qualities was united a kindly and approachable disposition which further endeared him to his people. it was only in the latter portion of his reign that he lost touch with and hold upon them, and, owing to the heavy drain that incessant wars and military operations had placed upon the country, necessitating heavy taxation, became in a measure unpopular. from his biographers one gathers that the emperor was deeply affected by the change of attitude of the populace towards him, and he referred to it bitterly on several occasions. during some considerable time before his death he always went about accompanied by his coffin, which he is stated to have described as "the one narrow palace which architects can design at small cost, and the making of which does not bring ruin upon princes." during the reign of maximilian to tyrol was added other and considerable new territory, including the ampezzo district; rovereto; the three lordships of rattenberg, kitzbühel, and kufstein; the towns of riva and arco; a portion of the present vorarlberg; and a portion of the pusterthal. maximilian also did something for education in his capital of innsbruck, where he built a new palace which was first used at the time of his second marriage with maria bianca sforza of milan in . he was succeeded by his two grandsons, the emperor charles v. and the archduke ferdinand. the former, however, found his dominions so vast that he soon resigned his austrian possessions (including tyrol) to his brother ferdinand, who afterwards became emperor. the reign of the latter, though long, was not a happy or prosperous one. the religious disturbances brought about by the reformation, which ferdinand severely suppressed, and risings of the peasants in consequence, made his name detested in tyrol, so that in the war of the schmalkald the inhabitants supported charles v. it was at innsbruck (after two unsuccessful attempts to leave tyrol) that he was surprised by his treacherous friend maurice of saxony, who had marched his army rapidly into tyrol intent upon capturing charles. the latter, who had no army with him, having arrived at innsbruck on his way to the council of trent, in order to escape had to leave his palace at dead of night in torrents of rain in may --a man broken in health and tired of life. it was this ferdinand who founded the famous franciscan church at innsbruck with its world-renowned tomb in memory of his grandfather maximilian i. on the death of ferdinand, in , he was succeeded on the throne of tyrol by his second son who bore his name. a romantic interest attaches to this archduke, who after much opposition on the part of his family married the beautiful daughter of an augsburg merchant, philippina welser, who ultimately succeeded in winning the emperor's sanction to the marriage.[ ] the thirty-one years' reign of archduke ferdinand was chiefly notable for the encouragement given by him to art. indeed, during this period the country reached its highest culture. the world-famous art collection now in vienna, concerning which most authorities are in agreement that it was the most extensive and beautiful formed up to that period, owes its existence almost entirely to him. in his castle of ambras, near innsbruck, he gathered together art treasures that are now, as regards many examples, almost if not quite unique; and by so doing ensured his position with posterity as one of the first, most learned, and most discriminating of art collectors and connoisseurs the world has known. [sidenote: a royal romance] ferdinand and his beautiful spouse remained throughout their married life devoted to each other, although when the former's father, in , recognized the marriage it was agreed that any children born to the pair should not be recognized as of royal birth, the alliance being regarded as morganatic. the story that philippina died a violent death seems to have no basis upon fact. ferdinand after the death of his first wife married anna katharina gonzaga of mantua, to whose devout tendencies and influence over him innsbruck and the neighbourhood owed many of its religious houses and institutions. on the death of ferdinand, as his and philippina's children could not succeed to their father's possessions and title for the reason we have mentioned, and as there were no children of the marriage with anna katharina, tyrol reverted in to the emperor rudolph ii., who soon appointed his brother the archduke maximilian as regent. this prince was the head of the teutonic order, and bore the title of deutschmeister. after his death tyrol reverted to the emperor ferdinand ii., who in celebrated his second marriage with eleanora vincenzo of mantua at innsbruck. the event was celebrated with great magnificence even for a period when entertainments of the kind were veritable triumphs of splendour and art, and the wedding feast was served by tyrolese noblemen. ferdinand soon appointed his brother the archduke leopold as regent, and on his death in the latter was succeeded by his widow, the wise and beautiful archduchess claudia felicitas of medici, who governed tyrol during the minority of her two sons. her chief counsellor was the brilliant and distinguished chancellor wilhelm biener. the archduke ferdinand charles came of age (and succeeded to his estates) in , and in default of male heirs was succeeded by his brother francis sigismund in . the reign of the last named lasted only three years, and came to a sudden and tragic close on the very eve of his marriage. popular opinion ascribed his death to poison, given to the archduke by his physician agricola, the latter, at the time, being supposed to have been instigated to the crime by some italian nobles whom the archduke had banished from his court. on the death of sigismund the second tyrolese-habsburg line of rulers came to an end. [illustration: above the arlberg tunnel] it was then that tyrol finally came into the possession of the emperors of austria, by whom the ancient title of prince-count of tyrol and other subsidiary titles are still borne. footnotes: [ ] several well-known authorities still refuse to accept this theory. [ ] also called the eisack. [ ] mommsen in his "corpus inscriptionum latinarum." [ ] w. von rodlow. [ ] this view of the origin of the country's name is, we would add, disputed by some authorities.--c. h. [ ] this is disputed by some authorities, but would appear to have been the case.--c. h. chapter ii tyrol from its incorporation by austria as a part of the empire to the present time during the thirty years' war ( - ) between the catholics and protestants of germany, which was renowned for the victories of wallenstein and gustavus adolphus of sweden, tyrol did not altogether escape its influence though playing no very important part in the struggle. one result was, however, of considerable importance to a family of great note in tyrol. it brought about the ruin of the fuggers, whose financial assistance to various rulers of tyrol and eastern europe had been generally forthcoming when required. owing to their possession of the two famous castle-fortresses of tratzberg and matzen their prosperity or otherwise was of considerable importance to tyrol. from the date ( ) when the country became completely incorporated as a part of the austrian empire it did homage to the emperor leopold i., sole heir of the joint austro-german possessions. it was during his reign and on account of this circumstance that tyrol became deeply involved in the war of the spanish succession, and was the object of attack on the part of both french and bavarians, leopold being the austrian claimant to the spanish throne, and philip of anjou, grandson of louis xiv., the french aspirant. in the french troops, under general vendome, entered tyrol from the south and unsuccessfully besieged trent on their way northward to austria; and at the same time the bavarians overran the country by routes which they had traversed from almost time immemorial when making their periodic raids upon the tyrolese. for a considerable period the invaders were successful, and many villages and castles of the unter-innthal and contiguous districts were destroyed. the capture of the capital was the cause of the uprising of the landsturm, or general levy of the peasants; and during a number of fierce engagements were fought between these ill-armed but brave tyrolese and the bavarian and french troops. one of the most noted battles was that which took place immediately after the tyrolese had destroyed the pontlatz bridge which spanned the river inn, by which the bavarians were about to cross. in this engagement the latter, under the leadership of the elector maximilian emmanuel, were utterly routed by a much inferior force of the landsturm, and driven back from north tyrol. following up this success the tyrolese concentrated their energies upon the french force under general vendome which they compelled to retire into italy. the emperor leopold i., not wishing to reside for any length of time at innsbruck, had created the office of statthalter or governor of tyrol and vorarlberg, an office which has been filled ever since till the present day, with the exception of the period of the french and bavarian wars with austria in the early part of the last century. the emperor did not live to see the ultimate triumph of his forces. he died in , and was succeeded by his sons joseph i. and charles vi. on the death of the latter in , owing to the fact that with him the austrian male line became extinct, the empress maria theresa ruled in his stead. during her long reign the vorarlberg became an integral part of tyrol owing to the fact that it was an imperial fief which reverted to the crown by natural process on the extinction of the line of feoffees. maria theresa and her husband the emperor francis i. came to innsbruck in for the wedding of their son leopold, grand duke of tuscany (afterwards the emperor leopold ii.), with maria ludovica, daughter of charles iii., king of spain. the tyrolese and the innsbruckers gave a warm welcome to their sovereigns, and the festivities were upon a most magnificent scale. the gaiety was destined, however, to be clouded and put an end to by the sudden death of the emperor (husband of maria theresa), who expired at the palace immediately after his return from the italian opera. it was he, francis stephen of lorraine, also grand duke of tuscany, who founded the house of habsburg-lorraine, which still rules over the austro-hungarian empire. [sidenote: reforms of joseph ii.] on the death of maria theresa in she was succeeded by her son joseph ii., upon whose accession many innovations were introduced in tyrol as well as other portions of his wide empire. his salutary and liberally conceived reforms, more especially as regarded the church, were brought about by a desire to adjust political and religious affairs and do away with anomalies. inasmuch as joseph's scheme embraced the suppression or abolition of numerous priories, monasteries, churches, and other religious institutions, it is little to be wondered at that his action met with the most strenuous opposition from the church whose property was threatened. one act, the closing of the university of innsbruck, which had been founded by leopold i. in , it is not easy for any one at the present day to understand. the emperor joseph ii.'s scheme of reform was not successful, although it had arisen from honourable motives and a sincere desire to redress some very crying grievances. he was succeeded in by his brother, the emperor leopold ii., who reopened the university, and undid much of the work his predecessor had accomplished with regard to the suppression of religious houses. he, however, reigned but two years, and was followed by his son francis ii. of germany and francis i. of austria. this ruler came to the throne at a great and unhappy crisis in european history. the french revolution was at its height and the ensuing period of the "blood lustful" napoleonic wars made of europe a vast camp and battle ground. it was also a period destined, as events proved, to make tyrol famous for all time, to develop the best instincts of her people, and to exhibit the race in a heroic and romantic light. to understand the position of tyrol at this epoch it is necessary to briefly sketch the events which led up to the struggle as it affected the "land in the mountains." mantua, an austro-italian possession, fell before napoleon in , and immediately the young general sent an army under joubert into tyrol, the routes into the country being left almost undefended by the retreat of the austrian forces towards carinthia, after their defeat at lodi on may , . [sidenote: french invasion] once more the landsturm was raised in south tyrol, and again the peasant forces (to whom the name of "ragged coats" had been contemptuously given) engaged in a terrific struggle for their beloved land with the not only better armed but more numerous detachments of french and bavarian invaders. even the well-tried legions of napoleon were destined, however, to find them as redoubtable as had formerly maximilian. under the gallant von worndle the inn valley landsturm was led down into the pusterthal, where it was joined by the austrian forces under generals laudon and kerpen. napoleon's troops, although well led, and possessing all the advantages that experience and a knowledge of strategy could give them, nevertheless could not withstand the terrific onslaught and heroic bravery shown by the tyrolese. a fierce and bloody engagement was fought at spinges which resulted in the triumph of the peasant forces and the utter rout of the invaders, who were compelled to evacuate the country. about the same time another smaller engagement took place near bozen, where a mere handful of peasants engaged a much superior force and defeated it. this otherwise comparatively unimportant event has gained fame and significance from the fact that this small body of passeyer peasantry was led by a tall, broad-shouldered man with a long brown beard, named andreas hofer, who was destined afterwards to play so great and remarkable a part in the history of his beloved country. [illustration: sunset on a tyrolese lake] [illustration: a typical tyrolese landscape] after the battle of spinges hostilities were ended for a time by the treaty of campo formio, october , . during this preliminary struggle against the french it is estimated by several authorities that upwards of , peasants took up arms in defence of their country, amongst whom were many women and young maidens. the total population of tyrol at that period did not probably much exceed three quarters of a million. the peace secured by the treaty of campo formio did not, however, endure very long, for early in the war broke out again, and the french under general massena entered tyrol, on this occasion by way of switzerland through the mountain passes, the bavarians supporting the invaders by incursions over the frontier in the direction of salzburg. in an engagement near feldkirch in vorarlberg general massena was defeated; and upon making a fresh attack the french, hearing all the church bells of the district ringing on easter eve and mistaking them for the alarm bells summoning the landsturm, hastily abandoned their intentions and retreated across the frontier into swiss territory. the victories of marengo and hohenlinden on june and december of the next year, brought about the treaty of luneville on february , , by which the bishoprics of brixen and trent (already in a sense belonging to tyrol) were made integral parts of the country. hostilities were continued, however, in other parts of europe, and the long war dragged on, napoleon over-running the continent and more especially south-eastern europe almost unchecked, till ulm, where the austrians were defeated october - , . the french army under marshal ney afterwards entered and occupied innsbruck. then came the disastrous battle of austerlitz on december , where napoleon defeated the combined russian and austrian forces. the power of the latter was shattered, and by the treaty of pressburg, december , , tyrol, which now for upwards of four hundred years had been one of the chief possessions of the house of habsburg, was ceded to the victors. the bavarians took the northern, and the french the southern portion. not only was the country for a time lost to austria, but even its name was taken from it. the new owners promptly divided it into three departments known by the names of the three chief rivers--the inn, eisack, and adige. in the beginning of the year following the treaty the bavarians took formal possession of their new territory. during a period of some three years the tyrolese fretted under the rule of their conquerors. but the time was not spent merely in idle murmurings or in servile acceptance of the conqueror's yoke. the peasants who had fought so bravely for their land and liberty in ancient times, and in and , were eager once more to take the field to recover their lost freedom, and to drive the usurpers of their beautiful tyrol for ever beyond its frontiers. [sidenote: rise of andreas hofer] day by day, week by week, month by month a general rising of the community was being gradually organized by three men more particularly, who were each of them destined to become famous, and to go down to posterity as the saviours of their country. of these andreas hofer, born of inn-keeping parents at sandyland in the passeyer valley in , was destined to outshine both in his life and death his two companions, named speckbacher, born at rinn, and haspinger, the tall, red-bearded capucin monk, known respectively as "the fire-devil" and "the red beard." the task that hofer and his companions set themselves was no easy one. the country swarmed not only with the soldiers of the bavarian occupation force, but with spies who seem always to spring up whenever the price of treachery is worth earning. the punishment for men taking part in any such schemes as that in which hofer, speckbacher, and haspinger and their faithful companions were engaged in was death. death not only for the principals, but death for the humblest participant. nevertheless the plan prospered. it is interesting to remember the very large and important part which was played in the organization of the peasants' uprising by the tyrolese innkeepers, or _wirthe_, who were very dissimilar to the ordinary conception which english people have of men of their class. they were usually the most wealthy as well as the most solid members of the village communities in which they dwelt and kept their _wirthshaus_, around which, indeed, much of the social as well as the municipal life of the village centred. they were better informed than many of their neighbours, for whatever travellers came to the villages found their way to their hospitable roofs; and what echoes of the outer world ever reached the secluded villages filtered its way, as it were, through them. it was in these men that hofer found his greatest allies and ablest assistants. during the three years which succeeded the bavarian occupation and the peasant rising, the innkeepers of tyrol were busy gathering round them small bodies of trusted men, who, fired by a common desire to free their country, would, indeed, have suffered death rather than betray a single word of the secret arrangements of which they gradually became cognizant. when many of the preparations were completed andreas hofer commenced a correspondence with the government in vienna--which seemed so incapable and unwilling to assist the brave people it had seemingly abandoned in their struggle for freedom--in the person of the archduke john. but although hofer and his companions do not seem to have received very much definite or material encouragement from the emperor or his advisers, they proceeded to vienna, had several interviews with the archduke, who appeared to be most favourably inclined to their scheme, and at these interviews the plan of campaign was definitely formulated. in the end hofer returned to st. leonard raised to the dignity of commander-in-chief of the national forces, and with full powers to do what he deemed best in the interests of the country. what he did not, however, secure was any support from vienna in the form of arms or disciplined troops with which to leaven his "ragged coats." the courage of the men who entered upon a campaign against trained and tried soldiers armed with the most up-to-date weapons of those times can scarcely be estimated just as it most certainly cannot be over-praised. owing to the rigorous search for arms which the bavarians and french had instituted in almost every dwelling in the land, during the two or three years which intervened between the treaty of pressburg and the uprising of the peasants under hofer, it was not possible to obtain and store new weapons in any quantity even if to do so had not been rendered difficult from the hosts of spies which overran tyrol and seemed to lurk beneath almost every rock. thus it was that out-of-date weapons--most of which had seen service in the war of a century before--billhooks, scythes, clubs and pitchforks, with whatever other arms their own ingenuity could devise or the village blacksmiths make, were pitted against the arms of some precision of the french and bavarian troops. all that the peasant forces had to sustain them in the struggle against well-armed and disciplined veterans, superior as regards knowledge of warfare, was dauntless courage and a greater acquaintance with the country and of hill fighting. [illustration: the schwarzhorn, s. tyrol] upon hofer's return with his companions from vienna his inn became the resort--more or less secretly--of all who were truly desirous of joining the popular movement and of freeing the country. many, we are told, blamed him for trusting so implicitly all who came. but to objectors he made the same answer: "there are no traitors amongst my countrymen." that his confidence was not misplaced was abundantly shown by the fact that the secret of a conspiracy so vast that it may be said to have extended north, south, east, and west almost throughout tyrol was unrevealed until the ever-memorable night of april , , when the time fixed for the uprising arrived. [sidenote: the summons to arms] on the evening of that day the peasants of the passeyer and other valleys were called to arms by means of great fires which blazed out in the darkness of the clear april sky in long, ruddy banners of flame. every hill crest in the vicinity of the passeyer valley had its signal fire, and these were answered by others on the mountains overshadowing the distant valleys. on the morrow andreas hofer found himself at daybreak at the head of nearly men who had one and all "confessed" and received the sacrament ere taking up arms in their sacred cause of liberty. the bavarians were at once hotly attacked and routed; and on the th, soon after dawn, upwards of , peasants had rallied to hofer's standard and appeared before innsbruck. with indomitable bravery they captured the bridge over the inn, carried the heights by assault, and entering the town engaged in a fierce hand-to-hand conflict with the troops of general bisson (who was in command of the joint french and bavarian forces) and compelled him to surrender. in the deadly conflict of the streets, which ran red with blood, and into whose mire peasants, french and bavarian soldiers and officers alike were trampled by the on-press of the tyrolese, the ruder weapons of the latter, consisting of heavily butted fire-locks, broad knives used in husbandry, scythe blades attached to staves, and bludgeons cut from the thickets of the mountain side, were as deadly and even perhaps more so than the weapons of their enemies. down the ancient streets, overshadowed by the everlasting snow-clad mountains; into the narrow byways and courtyards of the ancient town; along under the arcades of the old-time herzog freidrich strasse, swept the tyrolese, slaying as they went, until the invaders, driven from cranny to cranny, struck down in the open, compelled many of them to retreat along the inn banks till they fell back into the swiftly flowing river, cried for quarter and surrendered. at wilten, on the outskirts of innsbruck itself, the fiery speckbacher surrounded a bavarian force of nearly men and took them prisoners of war. thus after less than four days' fighting the tyrolese had defeated the bavarians, captured innsbruck, and compelled the french commander to sue for quarter. and in their hands they held two generals, officers, nearly men, three standards, five pieces of cannon, and horses. by the end of april, tyrol was again free of invaders with the sole exception that the bavarians still held the castle of kufstein. it was now that the government in vienna made one of the many serious mistakes which throughout its dealings marked the policy pursued in relation to tyrol's struggle for freedom. general chasteler, of whom it was said that "he always came too late and went too soon," was given the supreme command. and from that moment the advantages gained by hofer, his brave companions-in-arms speckbacher and haspinger, and the peasant troops, were lost. in an almost incredibly short space of time chasteler succeeded in losing all that had been won. at length his failure to hold what had been committed to his charge became so obvious that he retreated beyond the brenner, leaving andreas hofer to do the best he could in defence of the portion of tyrol not then reconquered by the enemy. in little more than a month from the time the french and bavarians had been driven from innsbruck they entered it again in triumph; and thus, on the th of may, tyrol was once more to all intents and purposes conquered. the brave leader of the peasants, however, was determined to make one more supreme effort to free his country from the french and bavarian yoke, and after summoning to his standard all who were capable of bearing arms, he had the satisfaction of once more driving the invaders from innsbruck, and freeing for the second time the country he loved so well. [sidenote: the crushing of austria] this triumph was not, however, destined to endure, for the austrian forces under the archduke charles suffered a crushing defeat from napoleon's troops at wagram on july and , , and were forced to sue for peace or at least an armistice at znaim, in which tyrol was ignored. amongst other things, by the subsequent treaty, austria ceded all her sea coast to france, as well as considerable territory to saxony and bavaria. but it was not until the french, bavarian, and saxon troops, straight from their victory at wagram, to the number of some , men, entered tyrol under the command of marshal lefèbre, and the austrian army marched away out of innsbruck in full retreat before the advancing enemy, that hofer realized that he and his cause once more were abandoned by the emperor and his advisers. again hofer came to the rescue; and, though in a measure a fugitive, in one of the little-known gorges, he managed to send forth from valley to valley his summons to the people to gather once more round his standard. that none should certainly know from these summonses where he lay concealed it was his wont to sign them "andreas hofer, from where i am "; whilst in return those communicating with him addressed theirs "to andreas hofer wherever he may be." he once more succeeded in inspiring his fellow-countrymen with his own undying, unyielding patriotism. gathering his forces together in a gorge of the mittewald he awaited the enemy's advance. we cannot do better than draw in part, for a description of what followed, from the stirring and vivid narrative of albert wolff. the vanguard of marshal lefèbre under the command of general rouyer advanced to sterzing; and then a column of saxon troops to the number of about was thrown out beyond the village towards the gorge of stilfes with orders to sweep away the insurgents. the idea that the untrained, ill-armed, and heterogeneous peasant forces could successfully resist the victors of wagram appeared ridiculous to the marshal and his officers, even if the tyrolese were so foolhardy as to make the attempt. for some distance the saxons advanced without either meeting with opposition or discovering an enemy; and then, when the whole column, had fully entered the defile from the mountain sides above them there resounded a sudden, terrifying cry of "to the attack, and no quarter." the cry was followed by a starting up of thousands of peasants, men, women, and children, the aged and the young, from behind the boulders on the hillside, from out the hollows. down the steep mountain gorge crashed rocks, tree trunks, baulks of timber, earth and stones loosed from the restraining ropes by the tyrolese, sweeping every obstruction before them, and falling upon the penned-up saxons like an avalanche. then, as the latter were vainly and fiercely struggling to extricate themselves from the debris and entanglements, the peasants rushed down the mountain side and hurled themselves upon their bewildered foes, shouting hofer's battlecry, "for god and our country." the enemy, utterly routed, turned and fled--what remained of them--towards innsbruck, pursued by the tyrolese led by hofer, speckbacher, and by the red-bearded capuchin haspinger, who held in one hand a crucifix, and in the other a bloodstained sword. upon the saxons the tyrolese had no mercy, and hundreds were cut down as they fled along the road back to innsbruck. [sidenote: triumph of hofer] in little more than a week hofer, by a vigorous following up of his victory in the pass of stilfes, had once more repulsed the invader, retaken the position on berg isel, and established his headquarters at schönberg. these historic eight days of fighting and victory are known in tyrolese history as "the great week." innsbruck still, however, remained in the occupation of the enemy. to take the town was a task that might have given pause to any less brave and venturous a commander than hofer. but he was not the man to hold back from a complete freeing of his beloved land from those who had invaded it. the plans were laid, the day fixed, and the advance ordered. on the morning of the attack, at five o'clock, haspinger the militant capuchin, a commanding figure upon whom the light of early dawn threw an almost uncanny refulgence, celebrated mass before the assembled peasant host, who knelt in serried ranks, ragged, unkempt, but inspired to great deeds by memories of their past victories. after this solemn observance haspinger once more became a captain of troops rather than a priest; and springing into his saddle he drew his sword and led on the left wing. andreas hofer himself was in the centre, and led the attack there, marching right on to innsbruck. a contemporary account describes the hero as being "transfigured with a grandeur scarcely earthly, as, burning with patriotism, he urged his horse forward into battle." with his long beard, which had gained him the nickname of general barbonne amongst the french, flowing in the wind, and his war cry of "onward for your country and your emperor! god will protect the right!" he led his forces so irresistibly that the troops of marshal lefèbre gave way and evacuated the town. on the following day, august th, which was the fête of the blessed virgin, hofer, at the head of his victorious peasants, made his third entry as victor into the capital. around him thronged the citizens, overcome with transports of joy, pressing him so closely that many were trampled beneath his horse's feet. in the enthusiasm, relief, and triumph of victory, hofer was named with one voice dictator of tyrol. but there was that strange analogy which links hofer's attitude in the hour of triumph so closely (notwithstanding the differentiations of sex) with that of joan of arc and with cromwell. turning to the thronging multitude, which filled the narrow streets to overflowing, he cried out, with a gentle and almost pitiful glance at their upturned faces, "do not shout in triumph; but offer thanks to god and pray." at the door of the church of the franciscans he dismounted, and entered the building to return thanks to god, and remained there in prayer, unmoved by the cheers and "hochs" of the great assembly of his troopers and fellow-countrymen outside, the sounds of which, as they came in through the constantly open doors of the church at that hour, bore no personal significance to him. on leaving the building he was waited upon by the chief citizens, who expressed their undying gratitude to their deliverer. but in response he said, "by my beard and st. george, god himself and not i has been the saviour of our country." andreas hofer was destined to show that he was not only a warrior, but also an administrator, actuated by the most lofty desires for his country's good. in every act of his government could be detected the truly religious and patriotic character of the man. and during the short time that he reigned in the palace at innsbruck, waiting anxiously for the approval and the help from his emperor in vienna, his conduct was marked by dignity, kindliness, and strength. but alas, his triumph was but brief. in less than two months after the retaking of innsbruck, a fresh bavarian army was entering tyrol by way of the unter-innthal, and taking speckbacher unawares the invaders gained a partial victory; and ere the disaster of october th could be retrieved, the treaty of vienna was agreed upon (october , ), by which the hand of one of the habsburg princesses was promised to napoleon as the price of peace. tyrol by this new arrangement remained bavarian, and the archduke john himself called upon andreas hofer to lay down his arms. the latter did not obey. he persuaded himself that the treaty of vienna was without substance, or merely a trick to enable the invaders to make good their fresh hold upon the country, and he decided to continue the struggle. his followers, however, were discouraged by the callous way in which the austrian government had invariably left them to fight their own battles alone. speckbacher, too, was deserted by all save a mere handful of men, and after remaining in hiding for some time and escaping capture by a miracle he succeeded in getting to vienna. the capuchin haspinger afterwards joined him there, and was ultimately made curate of hietzing, near schönbrunn. it then became clear to hofer that to continue the struggle for freedom just then was useless and, indeed, impossible; so he dispersed his own handful of faithful friends and supporters, telling them, "we shall meet again before long, for tyrol will not perish." [sidenote: hofer an outlaw] with these prophetic words, which were destined never to be realized so far as the meeting with his faithful comrades in arms was concerned, hofer took farewell of his companions and fled a fugitive into the mountains of the passeyer valley. a price was put upon his head by the bavarians and french, who recognized that their peaceful occupation of the conquered and ceded territory depended very greatly upon the capture and imprisonment or death of hofer, who, as a popular hero, held so high a place in the hearts of his countrymen; and that for him to remain at large would constitute a perpetual menace. for a long while hofer was able to elude the vigilance and discovery of his would-be captors. technically, and owing to his abandonment by the austrian government, he was a rebel on account of his refusal to lay down his arms when commanded by the archduke john to do so. in the end, as so often happens, there was one found base and treacherous enough to betray the fugitive for blood money. guided by such an one, named raffl, some italian gendarmes, supported by a small detachment of french soldiers, made their way amid the intricate mountain paths to the chalet where--near st. leonard, but far from other habitations--andreas hofer had for some months lived with his family, now broken down by despair for his country, anxiety and privation. he made no resistance, and was immediately taken to mantua, escorted (such was his fame and the fear lest he should escape or be rescued) by four french officers, a battalion of infantry, and a detachment of cavalry. no effort appears to have been made by the austrian authorities to save the hero to whom they owed so much, and hofer was tried by court-martial under the presidency of general bisson, and condemned to be shot. [sidenote: the death of hofer] on the morning of february th, , andreas hofer, who lay in prison but a short time after condemnation, was awakened early and led forth to die. at the gates were gathered a handful of his friends and companions in arms who had been captured and brought to mantua, or had followed him there, and these knelt and entreated his blessing as he passed by them; this he gave calmly, remaining far less outwardly moved than they who received it. then onwards to the ceresa gate, where the firing party halted. hofer declined to have his eyes bandaged; neither would he kneel. but standing erect with unwavering courage he faced the file of soldiers, who with loaded muskets were to do him to death. giving his last remaining piece of money to the corporal, he said to him, "aim straight." then he calmly gave the signal to fire. the muskets rang out, the bullets sped to their mark, and one of the noblest of patriots europe had ever seen fell without a groan. at his own last request his body was buried at mantua in the garden of his friend and father confessor, manifesti. there it lay for fifteen years, until one night three officers of a tyrol chasseur regiment stealthily removed the remains, distressed that the hero of tyrol should lie buried in foreign soil. the body was first taken to bozen, and shortly afterwards to the abbey of wilten. when later a funeral worthy of his fame was accorded him, deputations came from all parts of tyrol to pay their tribute to the greatest hero in its history; and amid a throng which was perhaps never before equalled in the streets of innsbruck, the remains of andreas hofer were with great appropriateness borne to their last resting-place in the church of the franciscans by twelve innkeepers. on the coffin lay his hat, sword, and decorations, and upon it were the armorial bearings of his family, which had been ennobled by the emperor francis i. in . and thus, in a tomb cut from the marble of the tyrol he loved, his body was laid to rest. in the same year that hofer died, tyrol was divided into three parts. italy took the southern, bavaria retained the northern, and illyria the south-eastern or pusterthal district. so it remained for three years, until , when the power of napoleon was once and for ever broken in eastern europe, when he was defeated at the fierce battle of leipsic on october - , by the allied forces of austria, russia and prussia. in this battle (known as "the battle of the nations") upwards of , men were engaged; a fifth of the number were slain. the allies were helped at a critical point of the fighting by the defection from napoleon of a large force of saxons. in the following year tyrol was reunited to austria with the addition of the ziller and brixen valleys and windisch-matrei. on may , , the emperor francis i. (who in had resigned the title of emperor of germany, retaining only that of austria) entered innsbruck to receive the allegiance of the people. his reception was most enthusiastic, the people rejoicing unrestrainedly at once more gaining their freedom, and being reunited to the austrian empire. during the revolutionary excitement which pervaded europe in the then emperor of austria, ferdinand, and his empress took refuge in tyrol; and in the austro-italian war of the tyrolese greatly distinguished themselves by their bravery and good marksmanship. there remains little more to add concerning tyrol's history. on december , , the emperor francis joseph i. succeeded his uncle ferdinand, who abdicated after ruling the country for thirteen years under the guidance of the powerful prince metternich whose reactionary policy provoked the revolution of . in the austro-italian provinces, with the exception of venice, were absorbed by the kingdom of sardinia, previous to the formation of the kingdom of italy. in consequence tyrol became the frontier of austria to italy, and of increased importance. in , during the war between austria and prussia, the latter supported the italians in a scheme to seize southern tyrol. the tyrolese jager and schutzen forces took a prominent part in the campaign, and were engaged with great credit at the battle of custozza, where the austrians with , men defeated the army of victor emmanuel, nearly twice as strong. afterwards, when the prussians defeated the austrians at the battle of sadowa or koniggratz on july , , and a fresh attempt was made to seize south tyrol, the inhabitants once more showed that their old-time courage and resource was not diminished. [sidenote: tyrol of to-day] since then tyrol has been happily both peaceful and prosperous; advancing in the arts, and with a system of education which is bearing good fruit. what the future of this favoured and beautiful land may be, who can tell? perhaps the secret is already locked up in the chancelleries of eastern europe. but the wise and beneficent ruler who now guards the destinies of the many-sided austrian empire is old, and when the end comes it does not need the keen observer to possess much gift of anticipating events to predict that tyrol may be the scene of yet further struggles when germany's desire for a seaport on the mediterranean via the adriatic has possibilities of accomplishment. chapter iii some characteristic legends, customs, and sports just as is the case with switzerland so in tyrol the land itself, its history, even its geological evolution, seem in a measure reflected in the character and disposition of its people. one cannot indeed be any long time in tyrol without becoming aware of and appreciating this fact. in the kindliness and hospitality of the tyrolese one has reflected the characteristics of aloofness from the outer world, and dependence upon one another, which the position of their "land within the mountains" typifies--characteristics which have grown (and fortunately have not yet become, at least in the more remote parts, to any large extent tainted by considerations of self-interest) from the circumstances of former days, when individual hospitality had to serve for the absence of inns and commercial conveniences of the kind. so, too, in the rugged, patriotic, and sturdy natures of the people one can trace a parallel with the configuration of their beloved land; as one can also trace in their single-heartedness, piety, poetic traits, and simplicity, the frugal and laborious lives which the majority lead, unvexed in former times by the fret of small things, and through succeeding ages strengthened by the great needs of patriotism and self-sacrifice which the political crises outside their own borders often brought home to them by invasion and attempted subjection. [sidenote: a delightful land] it is not at all wonderful, then, that a people dwelling in a land of such surpassing beauty, where flower-bedecked upper pastures melt away into rocky peaks, glaciers, and snow-clad heights; where the music of tinkling brooks trickling down the mountain side and the roar of greater torrents are ever with them; with the eternal silence of great heights surrounding them and, as it were, shutting them in from the outer world, should be gifted with an appreciation of romantic beauty, legend, and poetry beyond the common run of mortals. as we have already shown, much history and many stirring events have been enacted within the mountain-girdled borders of tyrol. and, nowadays, when the country is coming slowly but surely to her own as a delightful holiday ground for weary dwellers in western cities, many of her valleys bring to the minds of those who know something of the country's story dramatic and romantic memories of the stirring events and legends which have through past ages become associated with their names. scarcely a valley, village, or townlet, whether set high or low in this enticing land, but has its own legend or story. and in almost all of the less travelled corners one finds strange, and to most travellers incomprehensible, dialects still lingering amongst the peasantry, notwithstanding the fact that gradually the germanization of even the southern portion of tyrol is being brought about. in one or other of these dialects which so survive, scholars and philologists of former times have thought the key to the ancient language of etruria might be discovered; and in more modern days there has been the same hope expressed, but as yet it is unfulfilled. müller,[ ] for one, thought that in some secluded valley of the tyrol or grisons the key to the riddle in the form of "a remnant of the old rhætian dialect might be discovered." müller's hope has since then in a measure been realized through the efforts and researches of steub, who, whilst travelling in tyrol in alpine districts in , found some fragmentary remains of a dialect approaching very nearly etruscan, though not sufficiently full to form any very important or extended key to the tongue. his book[ ] contains the results of the inquiries, tests, and deductions which he was at first led to undertake by the strange names of the towns and villages which he came across in his travels. then he collected these, and we are told set to work "testing them with celtic, but discovering no analogy he tried other tests, and with the etruscan met with some considerable success," which was chiefly valuable, however, as confirming the theory and ancient traditions of a rhæto-etruria. many of his conclusions, however, have never been accepted by philologists either of his own day or of later times; and some of the word examples he gives as having analogies are quite incomprehensible to the ordinary student. [sidenote: the language] to all intents and purposes german and italian are the languages spoken throughout tyrol, a knowledge of which will be sufficient for all ordinary purposes of travel. the former prevailing in the vorarlberg and north tyrol; the latter in south tyrol and wälsch tyrol, though german is found in both of these districts, and in south tyrol very considerably. in the vorarlberg, however, one comes across numerous words and expressions which are undoubtedly of italian origin, and are remaining evidences of the periods when the venetian republic ruled over a district now a part of tyrol. the italian word _gútto_, a can or feeding-bottle, for example, has its counterpart in _guttera_; whilst from _fazzolétto_, a handkerchief, one has _fazanedle_; and from _gaudio_, joy, we have _gaude_; and from _cappéllo_, a hat, has probably come _schapel_. [illustration: a view of the tyrol alps] a very considerable number of words of french origin or of marked similarity to french words are found in parts of the vorarlberg. _gespousa_, a bride, has a distinct philological affinity to _épouse_; and _au_, water, pronounced very similarly, can be traced to _eau_, and is found common to both north tyrol and the vorarlberg. _shesa_, a trap or gig, bears a marked resemblance to the french _chaise_. even england appears to have contributed a considerable number of words to the vocabulary of certain districts of tyrol, though perhaps they are, more strictly speaking, words similarly derived from german or norman french which have become common to both. in _gulla_, a gulley; _gompa_, to jump; _datti_, daddy; _witsch_, witch; and many others this is traceable. it will be gathered from these few examples that the language and dialects of tyrol are composite of several tongues, as is almost always the case in countries which have seen many vicissitudes of occupation and development. [sidenote: folk tales] in tyrol, which has experienced these and possesses such a large share of romantic beauty, and even nowadays some "solitary places," there need be little wonder that legends, superstitions, and myths are found nearly everywhere. almost every village has its own, whose origin has been lost in the mists of antiquity, and whose date can only be traced uncertainly by its analogy to some other similar, more widely known, and more easily dated legend, tale, or superstition. many of them enshrine actual events recorded and re-recorded with poetic license and varying accuracy, so that at last what was originally founded upon fact has in process of time become overlaid with much poetic imagery and fiction. to most of these tales and accounts of events each teller added something of himself suggested by his knowledge, imagination, or art; and thus ultimately what had once been facts became legends common to all throughout the length and breadth of the land till some one set them down in permanent form by writing or printing. then the variations in a measure ceased. tyrol is full of these legendary tales, superstitions, and myths, to which, indeed, the geological situation of the land and the simple habits of the people conduce. when we remember that in ancient times it was the universal custom to ascribe all manifestations of nature's laws which could not be easily traced and understood to the supernatural, it is little wonder that the simple, unsophisticated, and uneducated tyrolese should have so attributed many of the wonders amid which they lived. one very noticeable feature of the tyrolese character is demonstrated by the fact that, notwithstanding the centuries of evolution during which superstition played so important a part in the life of the people, and the existence of an unreflecting belief in the supernatural, their many virtues, especially those of patriotism, industry, frugality of living, morality, hospitality, and religion, have not, as with some other nations, become impaired. amongst the many legends of a startling and supernatural character which are found throughout tyrol, is one connected with the pretty little village of taur in the innthal. it has to do with a hermit who lived in the seventeenth century in a cell overlooking the wildbach. he is often said by the countryfolk to have been st. romedius himself, though this, of course, could not be the case. one night, whilst the holy man was engaged in his usual meditation and prayer, a tapping was heard against the little window of his retreat. upon opening the door, what was his amazement to see, not the benighted traveller he expected to find craving his hospitality and shelter, but the spirit of his friend the priest of taur who had recently died. the latter entreated the holy man to have compassion upon him, saying, "have pity upon me, father, for my sufferings are terrible. once when three masses had been ordered and the fees paid i forgot to say them, and now for this sin i am being punished more than i can bear." then the legend goes on to say that he laid his hand upon the low-pitched roof of the little porch outside the hermit's cell, and the holy man afterwards found that the wood was charred and the impression of the tortured priest's hand was left indelibly in the wood. the poor suppliant begged his old friend the hermit to say the masses, and to pray and fast for him. this the holy man promised faithfully to do; and keeping his promise, a year and a day afterwards the spirit once more rapped upon the casement and told him that he was now free of purgatory. in the chapel there hung at least a few years ago, and we believe now hangs, the tile with the mark of the priest's hand branded into it, beneath which is written an account of the miracle, with the date february, . in wälsch tyrol, especially, there are many folk-lore tales having a distinctly biblical origin or suggestion. possibly they are oral versions of bible incidents handed down from generation to generation in the early years of christianity and during the middle ages, until they have gradually in process of time and varied repetition lost their strictly biblical character. one of the most usually met with (it is told by most wälsch tyrol mothers to their children, and is a favourite on account of its dramatic end, and because virtue triumphs) bears a very strong resemblance to the story of joseph and his brethren. the story runs thus: "once long ago there lived a king who had three sons. two were quite grown up, but the third was a child, and was his father's joy and favourite. one day the king, who had been out upon a hunting expedition, returned home from the chase of the bear and chamois fatigued, and dispirited because of the loss of a favourite feather[ ] which he was accustomed to wear in his cap. there was a hue and cry raised, but no one could find the lost article. at length little (joseph) came to his father and urged him to grieve no more but to refresh himself and then rest, "for," said the child, "either i myself or one of my brothers will find the feather." then the king, pleased with the child, and doubtless hopeful that he would be the one to find the missing plume, said, "to whomsoever finds the feather will i leave my kingdom." the three brothers set out on their search, and after much trouble the youngest suddenly espied the object for which they were looking. but the two elder men, consumed by jealousy at the thought of joseph's inheriting the kingdom, led him away into a wood and killed him, and, taking the feather to their father the king, told him that they both found it and thus jointly claimed the reward. regarding the missing (joseph) they said that whilst searching for the feather they missed him, and suddenly looked up to see him being borne away by a bear into the recesses of the woods, and as they were unarmed it was impossible for them to attempt to rescue him. the king was consumed by grief; search was made, but the body was not discovered; and it was not until the proverbial year and a day afterwards that a shepherd boy came across (joseph's) bones, and, taking one of them, fashioned it into a primitive flute or shepherd's pipe. the wonderful part of the story is still to come. no sooner had the shepherd commenced to play upon the pipe than it told, in the voice of the poor child victim of jealousy, the whole story. the shepherd took the pipe to the king and played upon it before him. the king listened, and, accepting the miraculous tale it told, ordered his two sons, who were present and struck with amazement and fear, to be instantly put to death. there are scores of other stories of a similar character told during the winter evenings around the fire in tyrolese huts and houses. some have a family likeness to tales of our own land, such as cinderella, puss in boots, jack and the beanstalk (only the giant is often replaced by an immense toad who guards fabulous wealth, that is only to be obtained by killing the toad in single combat, which feat is, of course, performed by the poor boy who wishes to marry the princess), red riding hood, etc. an account of these, however, rightly belongs to a volume of comparative folk-lore, and for detailed description we have no space in the present one. [sidenote: some quaint customs] of the many quaint customs which still prevail in different parts of tyrol, those relating to christmas and to all souls are amongst the most tender and picturesque. in north tyrol, more especially perhaps in the district of the unter-innthal, christmas, which is called christnacht and weihnacht, is celebrated by the gift of _klaubabrod_, a strange cake-like compound made of dough, almonds, slices of pears, and other preserved fruits and nuts, which, at least with the generality of foreigners, must, we think from personal experience, be "an acquired taste." the zillerthal maidens are specially well-instructed in the making of _klaubabrod_, and the one prepared for the family consumption, if the maker be engaged, must have the first slice cut out of it by her betrothed, who then kisses her and at the same time gives her some little present as a mark of his affection. in former days it was the custom of the bishops of brixen to make presents of fish to members of their household and to all in their employ. the fish came from lake garda, and was allowed by custom to pass through the dominions of the reigning count of tyrol and the prince bishop of trent exempt from the toll which would otherwise have been levied. in wälsch tyrol there is a curious christmas custom still to be met with which consists of the arrangement, by the father of the family, of a number of heaps of flour upon a table or shelf. in these are hidden various little presents, and when the children and other members of the household have been admitted they take their heap according to the drawing of lots, or the result of some contest or competition. the belief that animals have the gift of speech, which has during past ages been prevalent throughout christendom, still prevails in some parts of the more remote districts and valleys of tyrol; and strange stories are told of things said by beasts and over-heard by human beings which have come true, so that animals evidently are accredited also with the gift of prophecy. at epiphany, in many parts of tyrol, performances very similar in character to the english old-time "mummers" are given. generally three of the village boys dressed up to represent kings, one having his face blacked, go from house to house singing. sometimes a herod will appear at the window of the house and reply to their songs in rhyming couplets. after which the singers stand in turn and sing, and end with a chorus which contains broad hints that they would not refuse some refreshment were it offered them! they seldom or never fail to receive this, as usually some provision has been made by the hospitable village folk for the purpose. the blessing of cattle on the eve of epiphany was at one time an almost universal practice with the tyrolese. this, however, has been largely discontinued, although still extant in some hamlets of the remote valleys. as showing the almost universal prevalence of certain ideas underlying customs, though often varying in details, one may quote the observance of all souls in wälsch tyrol, which bears a marked resemblance to the beautiful and even more pathetic ceremonials connected with the feast of bon matsuri in far-off japan. in parts of wälsch tyrol, although the graves of the departed are not decorated nowadays, as is so much the practice in germany, the parish priests gather their parishioners together in the churchyards and recite the rosary whilst kneeling amidst the graves. in many parts loaves, called _cuzza_, are given to the poor with small doles of money, and sometimes bean soup. in former times, however, these doles, which are for the refreshment of the souls of the departed, were actually laid upon the graves themselves, apparently in the belief that the souls would come forth and partake of the food so lovingly provided. pitchers, cups, and other vessels containing fresh water were also placed so that the souls might slake their purgatorial thirst. it is in this latter and ancient, and not in the less symbolic modern observance that the analogy to the bon matsuri of japan is so distinctly traceable. [sidenote: marriage in tyrol] of the curious customs which once prevailed very widely, and are even now to be found in the more remote districts, those relating to marriage are amongst the most quaint. the month of may is, strangely enough, unpopular; with us the opposite appears to be the case. the favourite day is a thursday. in fact, one writer ventures to say, "throughout tyrol a thursday is chosen." monday, however, is the favourite in one of the smaller valleys of the windisch-matrei district. on the night before the wedding there is usually a great dance given, and in towns often a hall is hired for the purpose, where the contracting parties are well known, in a good position, and have a large circle of friends and acquaintances; and in villages where the same circumstances occur an elaborately decorated barn is often used for the merry-making. from the time the wedding is announced or the "banns" published the betrothed maiden is known as the "pulpit bride" or _kansel-braut_. these village wedding festivities are often rendered picturesque and even mediæval in effect, as the peasants frequently wear the costumes of former times, and the barn is lighted by pine torches or equally primitive methods. the dancing is kept up till early morning, in fact often until sunrise; and not till then do the guests disperse, some of the more favoured going on to the bride's house for a substantial breakfast, or, as it is called, _morgensuppe_. whilst this is in progress the bride is usually attired by her girl friends (quite a number of them frequently sharing in this interesting and even exciting ceremony), and those who have not come in to breakfast may continue the dancing. one of the special adornments worn by brides is a knot of long ribbons or scarlet leather worked with gold thread, whilst blue bands, worn round the arm, and the hat ribbons are of the same colour. these were anciently thought, and are indeed still so, to have special powers to preserve the wearer from goitre and other complaints. the bride's procession, which forms usually at about ten or eleven in the morning, is headed by musicians. but before starting the guests assemble round the table in the living room and drink the good health of the happy couple out of a large bowl from which the latter themselves have drunk first. the nearest relatives and friends of the bride usually form a kind of guard of honour, being known as "train bearers," although we fancy a "train" is seldom worn by a peasant, or by one of the lower middle class. these "train bearers" surround the bride, and, except in inclement weather, walk with their hats in their hand, and sometimes bear garlands of flowers. in some districts it is the custom for the priest to accompany the bride to church, not as with us to await her arrival there, walking on one side of her whilst the parents walk on the other. orange blossom is seldom worn, save by the rich; peasant girls wearing as a substitute a spray or wreath of rosemary, which it is also a common practice for them to do in italy and spain. the plant is considered emblematic of the purity of the virgin, and for that reason highly valued. [sidenote: costumes] very frequently a tyrolese bride wears no special bridal dress, but her holiday or _fête_ dress, which has perhaps been retrimmed or additionally embellished for the occasion. this was the case at a wedding at which we were present in the unter-innthal, where the bridesmaids also wore their picturesque festal attire, with broad-brimmed velvet hats, elaborately embroidered bolero-shaped bodices, snowy linen sleeves, short velvet skirts, and handsome aprons. their shoes were mostly of black leather, some of those worn by the well-to-do girls being adorned by huge silver buckles. on this occasion the bridegroom was scarcely less gay in attire than the bride. clad in short black velvet knee-breeches, and wearing a green velvet double-fronted waistcoat, a black jacket, thick brown knitted woollen hose, a crown or head ornament of silver filigree work, and a massive silver belt with heavy bosses, he was not only a conspicuous, but also an almost theatrical figure of the procession. a priest also accompanied him, followed by the village innkeeper, who is not seldom the richest man of the community, owner of the largest amount of land, and the holder of a position somewhat analogous to that of a mayor. it is generally agreed that the tyrolese village innkeeper is a man of superior calibre to his english counterpart. usually he is a man of upright character, and superior intelligence to the average villager; and carrying on, as he frequently does, several other businesses besides that of innkeeper, he is less interested than in some other countries in the excessive consumption of drink. at many weddings singers from neighbouring villages and hamlets will come into the bride's native place to assist with the singing and music which form a prominent feature of the ceremony. lighted tapers are sometimes carried by the bridal party in church; and candles that will not burn well are always avoided and thrown aside by the younger and unmarried members of the company on account of the belief prevailing that to hold such is a sure sign that the bearers will not be married within the year. at the conclusion of the ceremony a cup of spiced wine mixed with water is sometimes handed round by the priest after he has blessed it, out of which the guests all drink to the health of the bride and bridegroom to be. in the old name given to this _johannis segen_ (literally john's blessing) some authorities are inclined to trace a symbolism having its origin in the miracle performed at the wedding feast in cana of galilee. after the ceremony has been performed the wedding-party leaves the church, and, as is the case on similar occasions in brittany and other countries, dancing almost immediately commences. it is sometimes, indeed, started almost at the church door, and thus the wedding-party proceeds to the village inn accompanied by musicians. in former times it was the almost universal custom in several valleys of tyrol to proceed in turn to every inn within a radius of some miles after refreshments had been partaken of at the first. a very fatiguing custom one would imagine. refreshments, we were told, generally marked each visit, and yet the real business of the day, the wedding feast, was still to come! in ancient times--the custom has now fallen into disuse so far as we have been able to discover--it was also the practice to slaughter a fatted calf, which had been reserved for that particular purpose. every possible joint and portion of the animal was served up in turn even to the head and feet. [sidenote: a tyrolese wedding] at the end of a feast which even nowadays lasts hours, and formerly, so one old writer says, "consumed much time so that the whole day was frequently given over to feasting till few who sat down to the board were capable of much exertion," the best man or some prominent groomsman rises and asks the guests whether they are satisfied with the fare provided. it is needless to say that such a question is invariably received with rounds of appreciative applause. then, in former times more frequently than nowadays, the speaker proceeded to preach a little sermonette which generally ran something in the following style, and was little varied from occasion to occasion, or even from one generation to another. "the good gifts of which we have partaken are from the hand of god. therefore should thanks be given to him. and yet more should this be done for his mercy in making us in his image and reasonable beings, and not as the wild beasts of the field or crawling things, or unbelievers. we have but to thank him and turn ourselves to him in the spirit of humbleness and gratitude, and he will abide and go with us as with those at the marriage feast in cana of galilee." other duties in life and aspirations were usually touched upon, and coming from one of themselves we can well believe the speech was listened to with additional attention by a race of people distinguished for simple piety and homely religion. the exhortation was usually followed by a loud saying of a paternoster and a "hail mary" by all present. often this address is followed by other refreshments of a lighter kind than those of the feast proper. some are of special design, and in their shapes and decorations have symbolic meaning, as is sometimes the case of wedding dishes and decorations in other countries. after this the guests bring forth the gifts they have for the young couple. coming from a naturally generous and warm-hearted people these are often not only useful but valuable, and prove a great help to the newly established housekeepers. then, when the most exigent appetites have been more than satisfied, the musicians, who have played at intervals throughout the proceedings, strike up dance tunes, and the younger--and often older, too--members of the party indulge in their favourite indoor pastime--dancing. tyrolese peasant dances are many of them exceedingly picturesque and quaint, if somewhat boisterous and lively in their performance. both the men and the girls in one or two of them beat time not only with their feet but also by means of resounding thwacks on their thighs and hips. and whilst the young men, clad in gay waistcoats, black velvet or leather knee-breeches and high-crowned hats often of a delightful shade of green felt, are getting more energetic, their partner's short, full skirts during their top-like revolutions often ascend waistward until the extent of shapely and sturdy limbs displayed almost rivals that of a conventional ballet girl. other dances of the waltz, _dreher_, and _allemande_ type are more graceful, and less "romping" in character. dancing is carried on far into the night, and it is a notable circumstance that although there is a good deal of eating there is not often excessive drinking on these occasions, and cases of actual drunkenness are very few and far between. several of the valleys--the zillerthal, iselthal, and grödenerthal in particular--have their own peculiar wedding customs. and in several, as in parts of germany, the old custom of stealing one of the garters of the bride whilst she is seated at the wedding feast for the purpose of cutting it up into mascots or souvenirs still obtains. [sidenote: tyrolese sports] a love of sport of all kinds seems inherent to the tyrolese nature; and this in conjunction with the pure air and bracing climate in which the people live, the strenuous struggle for existence with the forces of nature which is always going on amidst the higher valleys, not only serves to keep the tyrolese a hardy and vigorous race, but has much to do with the special qualities of industry, religiousness, morality, frugality, and straight-forwardness for which they have long been distinguished. their athletic festivals parallel those of westmorland, cumberland, and the highland gatherings of our own land and the sports are to a considerable extent similar in character. the most popular, however, are undoubtedly shooting at a mark, or _scheibenschiessen_ as they are called, and wrestling. the tyrolese gun, usually a short-barrelled rifle, known as _stutz_, has played an important part not only in the history of the nation, but also in the domestic life of the people. in many of the more remote valleys, in the past at least, it has deserved its name of the bread-winner, for upon the game shot with it many a household has largely subsisted; whilst from the skins of the deer, chamois and other animals killed, articles of clothing are made. to the constant use of the gun in all its evolutionary stages, from the flint-lock musket down to the more modern rifle of to-day, the tyrolese owe their renown as being amongst the finest marksmen in europe, a characteristic which has counted so tremendously in their various struggles with the invaders of their country. wrestling is popular throughout the tyrolese valleys, but nowhere more so than in the picturesque and romantic zillerthal. the champion wrestler of a village, as used to be the village "bruiser" with us, is a person of importance who would not barter the distinction for love nor money. the wrestlers are divided into three kinds, the "roblar," "mairraffer," and "haggler," who follow the rules of different schools of wrestling. in former times this love of the sport, or perhaps one should say supremacy in it, frequently led to scenes of crime and bloodshed. often in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries noted robbers and freebooters were those who had acquired great physical powers as wrestlers, and in consequence took to brigandage as a means of livelihood. indeed, there are stories told of fair maidens in past ages having been carried off from their betrothed by force, when the rejected suitor (or perhaps the unknown rival who had set his heart on a particular girl) had killed his rival in a wrestling bout. to prove murderous intent under such circumstances was not only extremely difficult but also somewhat against the "sporting" instinct of the race, and the primeval idea that the woman should fall to the strongest. bowling and the game of skittles are also favourite pastimes, and to the latter especially several romantic stories attach. indeed, even at the present day one can find traces of the belief that the game is also popular with the elves, gnomes, goblins, and "little folk" who are supposed to dwell in or haunt certain mountains, woods, and streams, only these supernatural folk mostly play with gold and silver balls and skulls in the legends and folk tales one hears around the firesides in tyrolese chalets. [sidenote: a ghostly legend] there is a strange story in connection with this game and the spirit players attached to the now ruined and once strong and famous castle of starkenberg, which was destroyed by frederick with the empty purse in the fifteenth century. once, so the story goes, a pedlar was overtaken by darkness upon the mountain side, and losing his way, he came to the ancient _schloss_, in which he decided to take shelter for the night. he lay down on the grassy floor of the ruined hall, and placing his pack beneath his head went off to sleep. he slept for some hours and then was awakened by the clock of a neighbouring village striking midnight. as the last stroke reverberated amongst the rocks of the hillside he was astonished to see twelve spectral figures clad in complete armour file into the hall, and set to work to play a game of bowls, using skulls in place of balls. [illustration: the ortler from the malser heide] now it happened that the pedlar was not only a fine wrestler and a man of great physical strength and courage (otherwise he would scarcely perhaps have chosen a haunted ruin in which to pass the night), but was the champion bowler of his native village. so he offered to pit his skill against that of the spectral knights. his challenge was accepted, and in the end he beat them all, and to his astonishment, instead of disgust being shown at his victory, his prowess was hailed with shouts of joy, and one of the spirits speaking to him said that now they were released from purgatory, and then they all vanished. much mystified, the pedlar turned to see where they had disappeared to, when his eyes were greeted by the sight of ten more men in armour, who entered the hall by separate doors. after having carefully locked the latter they all brought the keys to the pedlar, and entreated him to try and discover the right one for each door. nothing abashed he undertook the task which was a difficult one owing to the fact that each key, door, and ghostly visitant were exactly alike. he managed, however, to accomplish his task successfully, and was overwhelmed by the thanks of the spirits, who told him, as had their bowl-playing counterparts, that he had by this feat released them from torment. as was to be quite expected, it was now the devil's turn to appear upon the scene, which he immediately did, roundly upbraiding the pedlar for having thus robbed him of some of his victims, and declaring that he (the devil) would now inevitably manage to gain the pedlar's soul instead. the latter was not to be so easily disposed of, however, and he offered to stake his soul upon a game of bowls to be played between himself and the evil one. needless to say that the latter was beaten, and when dawn came at length he fled away with a horrible rushing of his bat-like wings, and his hot sulphurous breath tainting the air, so that the grass was withered in places. the pedlar was not likely to keep such an interesting experience to himself, and so when in due course he came to the village, towards which he was making his way when overtaken by nightfall, he told the tale. the villagers amazed went to the ruined castle, and lo and behold there was the scorched grass as the pedlar had declared. it would be easy to quote other equally quaint and romantic stories which are told in connection with the sports and pastimes of tyrol, but that of the pedlar and the ghostly knights or men-at-arms must suffice. it will, at all events, serve to demonstrate how inextricably interwoven are the threads of legendary lore and romance, even with the commonplace daily life and amusements of this interesting people. footnotes: [ ] in "etrusker," einl. , _et seq._ [ ] "Über die urbewohner rätiens und ihren zusammenhang mit den etruskern." [ ] or ornament. chapter iv innsbruck, its history, people and treasures the approach to innsbruck, whether one come to it by railway or by road from the west, north, east or south, is picturesque and even wonderfully beautiful. most english and american travellers, however, we imagine, come to the old-time capital of tyrol via zurich and the arlberg railway, with its marvellous tunnel all but six and a half miles in length, above which tower snow-clad peaks and glaciers. this route provides a wonder-world of delight, a succession of deep gorges lying at the foot of towering mountains covered on their summits with a mantle of spotless and eternal snow. at one moment the train traverses a steep gradient climbing slowly along the hillside as though the line were laid upon a shelf of rock from which nothing but a miracle can keep it from tumbling into the foaming torrent below; the next plunging into the darkness of one of the many tunnels, to emerge a moment or two later into a blaze of light and vistas of still greater beauty. the arlberg railway is not alone an engineering triumph; it is also an artistic one. few lines in europe present greater charm or variety of scenery in so comparatively short a distance. to enter tyrol by it is to see the country as it is, largely unaltered from the days when napoleon's armies entered it also from the swiss frontier with the same objective, innsbruck. soon after leaving feldkirch the valley commences to contract as the line climbs upwards from bludenz and passes through the beautiful kloster thal; and at langen one suddenly comes into the region of alpine pastures, and from the valley below one can hear the musical tinkle of cow-bells, and discover on the hill-slopes picturesque groups of peasants minding their flocks. then comes the ascent through the famous arlberg tunnel, which is feet in width and feet in height, with its six and a half miles of gloom succeeded by magnificent scenery as st. anton is passed, and the line proceeds through the narrow stanzer valley, between towering mountains, many of whose peaks are snow-covered. soon it crosses the wonderful trisanna viaduct which, in one arch of nearly yards in length, spans the gorge of the patznaum valley, at the bottom of which, nearly feet below the line, rushes the glacial stream, and thence past the ancient castle of wiesberg onwards to landeck, which is set in a wide valley with its commanding castle. from landeck by taking a carriage one can reach innsbruck in a leisurely way along the finstermunz high-road via sulden and trafoi, and thence along the stilfserjoch, the highest carriage road in europe, which climbs to the height of feet above sea level. this was constructed between the years - by the austrian government, and traverses a wonderful variety of exquisite scenery, from the region of the eternal snow on the ortler and monte cristallo to the vine-clad slopes of the val tellina. the most impressive scenery is, however, found on the tyrol side of the pass. from landeck the line passes many another picturesque village; castles, whose history would fill volumes, seem to stand stark and stern almost on every mountain spur, some now mere ruins, others wonderful survivals of a past age, sometimes environed by pine-clad slopes, at others half-encircled by rushing torrents washing the bases of the rocky promontories upon which they stand, whilst above one towers on either hand the illimitable glaciers and snow slopes of the eastern alps. thus through ever interesting and beautiful scenery one at last approaches innsbruck. [illustration: the trisanna viaduct and castle wiesberg] [illustration: a peep of the zillerthal] [sidenote: innsbruck] innsbruck is not only the capital of tyrol, a town of upwards of , inhabitants, renowned historically and climaterically, but it is also the junction of two important lines of railway by means of which one can get eastward to vienna and the east, and southward into italy. it has been said that of all tyrolese towns innsbruck is the least national. such a statement, although tinctured with truth, needs some qualification. in the season it certainly puts on a cosmopolitan air, and one meets numbers of english, austrians, germans, french, americans, italians, and anglo-indians in its streets; and games and entertainments make up a social round of considerable gaiety. but the town nevertheless retains its native charm, bred of historic memories, ancient buildings, and the hospitality of its people. to the northward, sheltering it from the cold winds from off the bavarian plains, stands the bulwark of the eternal heights which literally wall in tyrol. there rise the magnificent groups of limestone mountains towering above the fertile inn valley, the frauhitt and martinswand with their romantic traditions and memories, the seegrubenspitzen, and rumerjoch and brandjoch. in fine weather they appear but a stone's throw from the bottom of the maria-theresien-strasse, or from the ferdinands allée which runs along the south bank of the inn, with its maples and poplars graceful and shady. situated amid so much beauty of scenery, favoured by an equable climate and much sunshine, it is little wonder that the town has become a popular resort, more especially during the winter months. the valley is at its broadest where the city stands, allowing a wide prospect and charming views from the slopes of st. nicolaus and mariahilf across the river to the berg isel, and the wooded sides of the mittelgebirge, with here and there a tiny village with outstanding spire perched high on the mountain side, or set amid the plain. the valley lies east and west of innsbruck with the river flowing eastward like a silver ribbon, amid cultivated fields of fertile alluvial soil, threading its way through the gradually narrowing valley to kufstein and thence through bavaria to the danube. this alpine city, pregnant with so many historical memories, deeds of blood and chivalry, engirdled by the everlasting hills, is, with the possible exception of salzburg, the most picturesque and interesting of all german alpine towns. the character of innsbruck of to-day differs very materially in some respects from what it was two decades ago. the modern element, which always comes to such places with greater notoriety and prosperity brought by travellers and tourists, has become developed, but happily as yet not greatly to the detriment of the old-time air which still permeates its narrow, ancient streets, and by-ways, courts, and buildings. in some of the former, the maria-theresien-strasse at the south end of which stands the triumphal arch and gate, and the herzog-friedrich-strasse, for example, the old and the new are strangely mingled. it is not a little owing to this distinguishing feature as well as to its beautiful environment that innsbruck owes its charm. with much of the convenience, it possesses less of the vexing artificiality of ancient places vulgarized by the exigencies of modern travel than do many similar towns. in some parts one might almost imagine one's self in one of the larger mountain villages, in another at pontresina, or st. moritz, minus, however, some of the more artificial gaiety of these resorts. [sidenote: innsbruck types] during the season--more especially the summer--there are numbers of german tourists as well as austrian to be seen in the streets, and in their almost boisterous enjoyment of their sight-seeing and holiday amusements they form a very marked contrast to the quieter and perhaps somewhat restrained english and american visitors, who as a general rule set about exploring the place and its treasures with a much more preoccupied and business-like air. from the higher and more distant valleys, too, many mountaineers and peasants come down to enjoy a few hours' marketing or the pleasures of the town. they form not the least interesting feature of the summer crowd which throngs the new as well as the old streets of innsbruck. the women, many of them, wear picturesque costumes, consisting of velvet bodices, skirts of often beautiful shades of green and brown; aprons elaborately worked, or of lace; and sailor-shaped hats of black or green felt, often ornamented by gold embroidery under the brims and with two long ribbons (frequently also of velvet) hanging down or fluttering in the wind at the back. these hats are singularly like those of the breton peasants, only they are worn more by the women than the men, whilst in brittany women seldom wear them. the fact that innsbruck is a garrison town accounts for the presence of a large number of soldiers about the streets; green plays a prominent part in many of the uniforms--more especially of tyrolese regiments--whilst the officers of several wear a particularly smart shade of blue-grey, or "pastel" blue cloth with trimmings of cerise, scarlet, or green, which seldom fail to arouse the admiration of the ladies. the countryfolk, too, crowd the streets on market days with feathers in their hats which are often of beautifully "weathered" golden green or bright green felt. the history of innsbruck from the tenth century onwards is indeed largely that of tyrol itself. the name as a town appears first to have occurred in a document of the year which was a grant to the chapel of st. james' in the field (st. jacob in der au), which most probably occupied the site on which the stately church of the same name erected in now stands. long before this date, however, a settlement of people--small at first--had taken place at this crossing or ford of the inn, brought into existence by the growing and profitable commerce between germany and italy by way of the brenner. both the travelling merchants and the tyrolese themselves soon found the place a convenient depôt for the heavier goods and articles of merchandise, such as skins, wines, cloths, and metal ware; and as the years went by it gradually grew to be more than a convenient halting-place for the merchants and their pack trains on their journeys. houses fit to accommodate the well-to-do were erected, and innsbruck as a flourishing town came into being. towards the end of the twelfth century certain rights over the town were acquired by a von andechs, berthold ii., from the monks of wilten to whom it belonged; and in consequence of these rights, otto i., his successor, encircled it with walls, fortifications, and watch-towers, and also built himself a palace. the rise of innsbruck was from the middle of the thirteenth century a steady one. at that period it was made the sole depôt for the storage of goods between the zillerthal and the melach; and as the years went by other privileges were granted to the steadily growing town, which not only served to maintain but also to increase its importance. in , bruno, bishop of brixen, consecrated another church in the ottoburg, which was called the moritzkapelle. the town's lords, spiritual as well as temporal, appear to have done what they could to foster and encourage its growth, and there are records of festivities and princely entertainments on a lavish scale within the precincts of the ottoburg in those far-off times. it was not, however, until after the cession of tyrol to austria by the duchess margaret, known as "pocket-mouthed meg," that the admirable situation of innsbruck was fully realized. ultimately, the convenience of its water communication by the inn and danube with other distant and flourishing towns of the empire seems largely to have brought about its adoption as the seat of government for tyrol. [sidenote: innsbruck's rulers] innsbruck throughout the centuries, so far as its rulers are concerned, appears to have been "fortune's child." many privileges were granted to it from time to time, and the staunch fidelity of the citizens to duke rudolph iv. of habsburg at the time of one of the periodic bavarian invasions resulted in further concessions being granted which served to place innsbruck in the unassailable position of being both the capital and the most prosperous town in the tyrol. duke frederick of the empty pocket (_mit der leeren tasche_) made innsbruck his home and base of operations whilst endeavouring to put down the rottenburgers and other of the powerful nobles, who were attempting to set him at defiance and continue the oppression of the countryfolk which they had commenced and carried on during the unstable and weak government of frederick's immediate predecessors. the innsbruckers gave him loyal and very material support in his endeavours, and reaped a substantial reward in the favours and privileges which frederick afterwards granted to them. it was this prince who gained, by contact with his people when a fugitive amongst the mountains and valleys of tyrol, a knowledge of them (and thereby earned their affection) that made it possible for him ultimately to call the peasantry to arms, and to defy the power of the emperor sigismund, ernest the iron duke of styria, and his other enemies. the circumstances of frederick's call of the people to arms was romantic in the extreme. indeed, his doings in the early years of his outlawry by the church and state read like pages of the most stirring romance. perhaps some of the deeds recorded are more or less legendary, but enough remains to fill to overflowing with stirring incidents the pages of any historical romance. briefly the story of the event is as follows. assured during his many wanderings of the people's devotion to him, for when pursued they had sheltered him, and when discovered they had boldly refused to surrender his person to his enemies, frederick devised a plan by which he should appear as the principal actor in an heroic peasant comedy at the great fair at landeck. this play set forth in stirring scenes the fortunes or rather misfortunes of an exiled prince driven from his throne by his enemies, compelled to wander destitute, and with a price upon his head amongst his people, whom he eventually calls to arms and leads to victory and thus recovers his inheritance. he must have played his part remarkably well if one may judge by the results. the people, who had come to the fair from all parts of the country roundabout were stirred to the very depths by his acting, and by his pourtrayal of the imaginary prince's misfortunes. we are told the audience were many of them moved to tears and that when frederick came to sing of the people following their ruler's call to arms the enthusiasm became uncontrollable. then, so the tale goes, frederick threw off all disguise, and made a direct appeal to them. the vast audience vowed to support his cause, and the enthusiasm which swayed the landeckers was not long spreading through the whole country with the result that shortly afterwards the emperor sigismund and frederick's brother concluded a truce with him and he was allowed to become ruler. [illustration: the famous "golden roof," innsbruck] during his reign he did much to show his gratitude to his loyal friends and people by curbing the oppressive power of the nobles, and granting many privileges which were on the whole more for the benefit of the poor than of the rich. [sidenote: the "golden roof"] but to many who come to innsbruck we fancy frederick's fame rests not upon his wisdom as a ruler so much as upon his extravagance in building the world-famous "goldne dachl" to the elegant late-gothic balcony of his palace at the foot of the herzog-friedrich-strasse. the nickname of "empty purse" or "pocket" had been bestowed upon him by his enemies, who sought to belittle him when he attained to power. it was not certainly his by common consent. the tyrolese account rather points to the fact that frederick at one time had impoverished himself in his endeavours to relieve his subjects from the burdens of taxation, and in consequence the nobles who were no believers in his system of government in this respect bestowed upon him this somewhat approbrious _sobriquet_. frederick saw in this a reproach not perhaps so much directed against himself as against his people in general. it seemed to him to indicate that his enemies thought those for whom he had undoubtedly done much kept him poor and would do nothing to keep up a state in character with his position as ruler. he therefore built the famous roof.[ ] outside the house which was then the furstenburg or princely dwelling, now very ordinary looking and far less imposing and ornate in character than say the heblinghaus hard by, he in erected over the two-storied balcony the "goldne dachl," on which piece of mediæval display of wealth he is stated to have expended , ducats or about £ , . in it there are gilt upon copper tiles, which have several times since frederick's day been regilded. the last occasion on which this was done is upwards of twenty years ago. it is necessary, however, for us to say that considerable doubt exists whether frederick--who is now supposed not even to have built the house--did construct the roof which has done so much to immortalize his nickname. loth though one is to destroy a romantic story, truth compels us to state that the most reliable evidence points to the emperor maximilian as the originator of the roof and probably the balcony also in , after his second marriage with maria bianca sforza of milan. the house has long ago descended from its high position as a royal palace, even at times of recent years having been let to private families or in apartments, but the famous "goldne dachl" over the beautiful oriel window, with its gothic balconies, the balustrades of which are decorated with carved armorial bearings and shields in marble, has been preserved as a beloved relic almost in its original state. within the house itself is a curious old fresco, the subject of which has been the cause of much dispute. on the second floor is an interesting sculptured bas-relief, depicting maximilian and his two wives, mary of burgundy and maria bianca sforza, with the seven coats-of-arms belonging to the seven provinces over which the emperor held sway. frederick's son sigismund succeeded him, and for a time kept a brilliant and gay court at innsbruck, but being without direct heirs he in gave up tyrol to his cousin who, three years later, became the emperor maximilian i. maximilian in turn did much for the town which he adopted as his tyrol home, and by his residence in innsbruck, after he had become the emperor of a wide dominion, he did much to increase its importance and prosperity. he it was who built a new palace in the rennplatz, called the burg, which scarcely forty years later was burned down. the great hall, called the goldene saal, and the state bedroom, the decorations and furniture of which were so beautiful and magnificent that it was known as _das paradies_, were eventually totally destroyed, many of the occupants of the palace, including the children of the emperor ferdinand of that time, escaping with their lives with difficulty. maximilian, who became familiar to his innsbruckers as the "kaiser max," especially endeared himself to them by reason of his frank manners and love of the chase and mountaineering. [sidenote: ancient inns] amongst the many interesting mediæval buildings which have happily survived in innsbruck there are several in the immediate neighbourhood of the famous "goldne dachl." one of the oldest, if not the oldest, is the ottoburg of otto i. standing at the end of the herzog-friedrich-strasse close to the river inn; and, indeed, only separated from it by the herzog-otto-strasse. this, the residence of the andechs, was built in , and was the reputed birthplace of otto iii. a quaint motto concerning it remains, which, roughly translated, runs-- "here the ottoburg firmly stands, a house upheld by god's own hands." in this ancient building many dramatic scenes of tyrolese history took place. close by is the oldest inn, the famous and deeply interesting goldener adler (golden eagle) to which, in former times, before modern hotels and conveniences were esteemed indispensable, every visitor of distinction to innsbruck came. the "visitors' list" of the goldener adler is one long entry of nobles and celebrities. indeed, during the time it was the acknowledged resort of the nobility and even monarchs who came to innsbruck, it sheltered amongst its many distinguished guests and travellers the emperor joseph ii.; ludwig i., king of bavaria; gustave iii. of sweden; heinrich heine, the gifted though melancholy poet; and goethe, who came to innsbruck with the dowager duchess amalie of saxe-weimar in . in commemoration of this visit a bust of the poet adorns the room which he occupied. and last, but by no means least, the goldener adler housed the patriot andreas hofer. it was regarding the portraits of the latter, of his enemy napoleon bonaparte, and of ludwig of bavaria that heine remarked on seeing them hanging side by side in the dining-room of the inn that it was strange to see such enemies grouped together even though merely portraits. tradition has it that it was from the middle window of the famous goldener adler that hofer made his speech to the surging crowd in the narrow street below on august , , when he entered the town in triumph after the third battle on berg isel. a copy of the speech, which was a modest though stirring oration, has been preserved at the inn. one of the most delightful vistas of the old town is to be obtained from the corner where stand the three well-known inns, the goldener hirsch, rother adler, and goldener löwe; whilst from the balcony of the old stadtthurm or belfry a fine view over the town and of the environing mountain summits rewards the adventurous climber. the old-fashioned "lauben" or arcades of the herzog-friedrich-strasse in particular, under which are set out tiny stalls often kept by picturesquely attired girls and women, seldom fail to attract the attention of visitors. on either side of the street these "lauben" stretch under the low arcaded roofs, providing not only a cool promenade in the heat of summer, but a shelter which on wet days can be fully appreciated, for, to speak frankly, innsbruck in wet weather strikes one if one wanders in the byways as a somewhat muddy though intensely interesting town. in these "lauben" one frequently sees types of the older tyrolese in the national costume, which in the towns of tyrol (as in those of other countries) show signs of dying out. old women in the short skirts, and picturesque aprons, quaint hats and bodices, of the mountain districts and villages, and the old men, wrapped (if the weather be cold) in long, flowing, cloaks of green or russet cloth, smoking their long pipes with painted porcelain bowls, on which are often as not stirring scenes in miniature from the life of hofer. [sidenote: market types] by way of these covered promenades one gradually reaches the busier centre of the town where the old-world aspect of herzog-friedrich-strasse gives place to the more modern maria theresien-strasse, and the burggraben joins the marktgraben. there are few more deeply interesting and picturesque places of its kind than innsbruck marktgraben on a festival or market day. here, indeed, is a spot not alone for the artist and amateur photographer, but for the student also, who may see many quaint local customs and costumes, and occasionally even the boyishly attired girl cowherds of the upper pastures in their cloth or velvet knee breeches, short jackets, "sailor"-shaped hats decorated with feathers, edelweiss or gentians, and worsted stockings. here, too, perhaps, one can better realize from the cosmopolitan throng of market people, than from anything else, the fact that for many generations innsbruck has been the business highway for italians, slavonians, hungarians, austrians, and germans. one can often, indeed, see representatives of northern, southern, and eastern nations gathered together at one and the same time in the marktgraben, with a sprinkling of tourists to represent the more western peoples. if we were asked to pick out the two streets which in different ways would probably most deeply impress the newcomer to innsbruck, we should without hesitation chose the old-world herzog-friedrich-strasse, on either side of whose narrow roadway are so many interesting ancient houses, low-ceiled rooms, and picturesque courtyards, as one; and the maria theresien-strasse with its more modern air, exquisite view of the snow-capped bavarian alps as the other. but this latter fine commercial street with its up-to-date shops, upon the windows of many of which frequently appears that comfort-bringing (but alas! sometimes delusive) legend, "english spoken," is not without its old and historical buildings. in the spitalkirche or church of the holy ghost one has an early eighteenth century rococo building of considerable interest. and almost opposite stands the house in which hermann von gilm, the well-known tyrolese poet, died in . a little further along is the rathaus or town hall of innsbruck, which was formerly the oesterreichischer hof, a large hotel. in the courtyard is a noticeably fine marble staircase, and there are some interesting and effective frescoes on the walls from the brush of ferdinand wagner. few visitors but are attracted by the column of red native marble which occupies a prominent position in the middle of and almost exactly midway down maria theresien-strasse. surmounted by a statuette of the virgin mary, and with those of st. anna, st. george, st. vigilius, and st. cassian grouped round the base, it was erected as a memorial of the retreat of the bavarian troops on st. anna's day (july ), . at the corner of maria theresien-strasse and landhaus-strasse is the landhaus of anton gump completed in , and in the rococo style of architecture then prevalent. here are held the sittings of the tyrolean landtag which was formerly held at meran, and on its transference to innsbruck was one of the main causes of the town becoming the capital of tyrol. close by is the church of the sevites, with its famous dome decorated by the paintings of the well-known tyrolean artist, joseph schöpf, depicting the death of st. joseph and his entry into paradise. the university, which stands in the street of that name, has undergone some considerable vicissitudes. founded by the emperor leopold i. in , it was, by the emperor joseph ii., reduced to the standing of a lycée, but was once more accorded the dignity of a university in . in the valuable library of upwards of , volumes there are many illuminated mss. of great beauty and value, as well as a number of early fifteenth-century books. the adjoining botanical garden, which contains an unrivalled collection of alpine flora, and was constructed by professor von kerner, belongs to the university, and here during the summer months those who wish to study alpine flowers will find grouped and gathered together specimens which it would take many months and perhaps even years to study and discover on one's own initiative in their native habitats. the university is, however, about to be transferred to a more convenient home on the fürstenweg near the inn, and the old building will, alas! probably be pulled down and the site used for modern houses. [sidenote: maximilian's cell] quite close to the latter stands the jesuit church attached to it, which is chiefly interesting because of its being the burial place of the tyrolese prince regents, and on account of the paintings by albrecht durer which adorn the sacristy. the capuchin church and convent dating from the latter end of the sixteenth century are worth a visit, for in the latter one sees an interesting and historical survival in the retreat of the archduke maximilian, known as the "deutsch-meister," who here devoted a week in every year to prayer, fasting, and penance. in his simple cell, which is panelled in plain wood, and has for furniture but a bedstead and chair of the most ordinary make, one can realize exactly the kind of "retreat" which was so often in those far-off days used by the highest nobles and rulers to free them for a time from the cares and vanities of state. the inkstand and other small articles of necessity, which still remain memorials of maximilian's occupation, are supposed to have been his own handiwork. how complete this ruler's retirement from the world and whilst he was in retreat can be judged by the fact that he not only followed with exactitude the rules of the brotherhood, rising early and also attending the night offices, but in addition he engaged in the manual labour of the garden, and field, and workshop like as one of them. the cell has a little window high up and opening on the chancel of the chapel to enable the noble recluse to take part in the services. this cell has been in a sense a pilgrim place ever since, and has been visited at various times by many distinguished people. in the empress maria theresa came to the convent, and upon entering maximilian's retreat sat herself in the wooden chair. she was little used to so hard a resting-place, and after a minute or two she expressed her astonishment, exclaiming, "heavens! what men of iron our forefathers were!" there are (so far as we know) no relics of the empress maria theresa's visit, not even an autograph; but another illustrious visitor, st. lorenzo of brindisi, who came to innsbruck on his way to found a religious house in austria, somewhat strangely one is forced to think, left behind him his staff, breviary, and copy of the hebrew bible, which are treasured as carefully as the relics of the archduke maximilian himself. during the reign of the latter the religious houses and churches of innsbruck all benefited by his generosity and prospered from his devotion to the church. the effect of his example upon the townsfolk themselves was so marked that after the terrible plague of the year the burghers founded and built the dreiheiligen kirche (holy trinity) for the jesuits as a thank-offering that the ravages of the plague were stayed. it was probably owing to the fact that, during this particular outbreak of the scourge of the middle ages, when the old hospital or siechenhaus was all too small to hold all the victims, two jesuits, kaspar von kostlan of brixen, and the professor of theology at the university, assisted by a lay brother, tended the sick with indefatigable self-sacrifice, that the jesuits were destined to chiefly benefit by the innsbruckers' desire to commemorate their gratitude to god, that the pestilence at last had been overcome. they readily subscribed the necessary funds (we are told), and the then burgomaster took a vow to see that the building was erected. from the time of which vow, tradition tells us, "the pestilence at once began to abate." an altar-piece, the artist of which was stötzl, was given by maximilian himself. it represented the three patron saints against sickness: st. sebastian, who stayed a plague in rome by his intercession; st. martha, who according to tradition founded a hospital and spent the rest of her life attending to the sick; and st. rocchus, who devoted his life and strength to the care of those suffering from the pestilence. [sidenote: the newer town] some of the most beautiful roads and modern houses of the newer innsbruck, which is increasing in area year by year, lie close at hand to this votive church, and to the northward, in the part of the town which is best reached by the universitats-strasse and saggengasse, alongside of which is the vast exercier platz, and at the back of that and nearer the river the beautiful hofgarten. these never fail to charm the rambler on the outskirts of the town. [sidenote: museum treasures] but there yet remain many other interesting objects, which the lover of innsbruck and the visitor who stays for any considerable period of time are sure to gradually discover and enjoy. one of these is the national museum, known as the ferdinandeum, in which are gathered together objects, pictures, and relics forming, so it is claimed for them, an almost complete historical record of tyrol, its people and its products. the museum, which is the resort of students from all parts of europe, and is for even the casual visitor an object of the greatest interest, bears the name of its founder and patron ferdinand i. originally intended to illustrate in a vivid and practical way the history and national customs of the country in the various domains of art, science, and industry, the collections have gradually been enlarged and expanded so as to contain examples of art by members of well known foreign schools. the present museum is a comparatively modern building, with a façade in the italian renaissance style. the ground floor was commenced in , and the upper story added in . on the ground floor are some most interesting archæological remains, including several ancient roman milestones from the brenner road and elsewhere; burial urns from matrei; bronze statuettes of roman days from brixen and innicherberg; many ornaments of the roman period from meran, moritzing, zedlach and other places. from salurn, in the valley of the eisack, there are some roman tombs, with the ornaments of the dead, and household and toilet utensils and articles of great value and interest. one of the most important objects in the archæological section of the museum is the sarcophagus, arms and ornaments of a lombardian prince disinterred at civezzano, near trent. the coffin was richly ornamented by gold bands, and in it was found a gold cross. zoology, geognosy, palæology, and mineralogy are represented with remarkable fulness, and in the last-named section of the museum is to be found almost every tyrolese mineral discovered up to the present time. some of the specimens are of great beauty and value. in the armoury, which so far as the general visitor is concerned, appears to be one of the most popular sections, there are many fine examples of the weapons of bygone days, including poignards, inlaid pistols, guns, powder-horns and flasks, helmets, breastplates, etc. [illustration: a typical innsbrucker] in the topographical section few fail to notice with interest the many early maps of tyrol, bearing on their faces the history of the country as is shown by the partitions of it which from time to time took place; and the homemade globes of the self-educated shepherd boy, peter anich, who became a famous geographer. in the same room are some fine specimens of peasant costumes, musical instruments (including some strads, amatis, and stainers of great value), the jewel case of the famous philippine welser (wife of ferdinand ii.) who lived with her royal and devoted husband at castle ambras for many years. there are also in the museum some deeply interesting relics, portraits, busts, autographs, etc., of tyrolese patriots and distinguished citizens of innsbruck. those relating to andreas hofer, and his two loyal comrades, joachim haspinger and joseph speckbacher, include many of their personal belongings, and are regarded by the tyrolese visitors with almost religious veneration--a feeling which the life--history of these men quite justifies. amongst the sculpture are some fine specimens of old carved woodwork and interesting german carvings of an early period brought from tyrolean churches, which were either despoiled during the napoleonic wars, or have since for one reason or another been pulled down and their treasures and fittings dispersed. on the second floor of this convenient and commodious building is chiefly gathered together the art collection, which so far as native work is concerned is, we believe, unrivalled. there is presented for the information of the student as well as the ordinary visitor an astonishingly complete survey of tyrolese painting from the earliest times, including the work of the schools of brixen-neustift, and the pusterthal, with representative work by such masters as andrä haller and michael pacher; and also examples of the old flemish and german masters, including lucas cranach, st. jerome, altdorfer, pateiner, etc., innsbruck painters being represented by sebastian schel. well worth the attention of all interested in painting and its development as an art are the works of the tyrolese masters covering the period from the seventeenth century to the present day, which are well represented by pictures of the unterberger family, joseph schöph, john baptist lampi, angelica kaufmann, gebhard flatz (fra angelico), joseph a. koch, mathias schmidt, e. von wörndle, karl blaas and others. amongst the more notable pictures of the modern school are the "chancellor wilhelm biener at the innsbruck landtag," of karl anrathers, and the historical masterpieces of franz defregger. it is impossible for one to study the latter nine in number, which depict patriotic events connected with the campaign of , without appreciating the vigour of their execution and the charm of their colour, at the same time realizing something of the stirring nature and significance of the events to which they refer. three are originals, and the remaining six are copies made by pupils of defregger under his own personal supervision, and supposed to have in some cases been finished or touched up by him. the following are the subjects of the originals:-- ( ) the three patriots--andreas hofer, joseph speckbacher, and joachim haspinger; ( ) speckbacher and his son anderl at the bear inn, st. johann; ( ) the innkeeper's son. the last named is the son of the tharer wirth at olang in the pusterthal. the copies are of the following subjects: ( ) speckbacher's call to arms; ( ) the last summons, the original of which is in the imperial art-history museum in vienna; ( ) the mountain forge, the original of which is in the dresden gallery; ( ) the return of the victors, the original of which is in berlin; and ( ) andreas hofer in the castle at innsbruck, the original of which belongs to the emperor francis joseph; ( ) andreas hofer being led to execution, the original of which is in konigsberg. these are all distinguished by beauty of colouring, strength of drawing, and dramatic appeal. there are many other treasures in this museum, which is national in the true sense of the word. and amongst them is the fine and almost priceless collection of pictures by dutch masters which has been principally acquired through bequests of wealthy tyrolese. in it are examples of the work of van dyck, p. paul reubens, paul potter, r. ruysch, adrian von ostade, a. cuyp, rembrandt and others. there is also a most comprehensive and valuable library of works relating to tyrol, and also the archives of both the austrian and german alpine clubs. each year sees important additions made to the various departments of the ferdinandeum, and so the returning visitors to innsbruck find an ever new interest in the country and its national museum awaiting them. [sidenote: the hofburg] the remaining objects of supreme interest at innsbruck are the hofburg or palace; and the hofkirche or church of the franciscans. they are easily reached from the ferdinandeum along museum-strasse and the burggraben, which may be said to form the boundary line dividing the old town from the new. the archway, through which one reaches both the palace and the church, formed, in mediæval times, one of the city gates; and in those far-off times was crowned by a watch-tower upon which the many escutcheons of the habsburgs were emblazoned. it was taken down in the time of maria theresa, as its condition had become too dangerous to permit it to remain standing. the hofburg stands at a right angle with the hofkirche to the north-west. of the original building erected by the emperor maximilian not very much now remains; for after being seriously damaged it was ultimately reconstructed by maria theresa. on the exterior are traces of the original baroque style favoured at the time it was built; still also to be found in several of the larger, older, and more important houses in the town. the state apartments are chiefly distinguished for the decorative paintings of the well-known artist a. f. maulbertsch, principally in the large salon known as the riesensaal. it was in the chapel, which connects the palace with the damenstift or ladies' home, that the emperor francis i. of germany, husband of maria theresa, died so tragically on august , , while the wedding festivities in connection with the marriage of prince leopold (afterwards the emperor leopold ii.) with the infanta maria ludovica were in progress. it is not the hofburg, however, but the famous hofkirche--which has by several writers and antiquarians been called "the tyrolean westminster abbey,"--that attracts most visitors, and has the greatest charm for all who are either interested in tyrolese history or antiquities. this church was built during the decade from - by the emperor ferdinand i., then king of rome, as a memorial to his grandfather the emperor maximilian i., who was buried underneath the high altar in the castle chapel of wiener-neustadt. tradition states that the building had been contemplated by maximilian, and was ultimately brought into being in accordance with his will. the architect of the church, which is in the italian renaissance style, was thuring of innsbruck,[ ] and the ground plan follows the lines of a columnar basilica. lübke, however, states that it was the tomb and not the building which maximilian himself planned in collaboration with gilg sesselschreiber, a munich artist, who occupied the position of painter to the court. the first impression made upon the mind by the famous hofkirche is one of lightness and elegance, wedded to a somewhat flamboyant decorative scheme, rather than impressiveness or age. the lofty and slender-looking columns which support the roof on either side of the nave are of red marble, and the ceiling itself is elaborately decorated in rococo. the vista on entering is extremely fine, including as it does the wonderful tomb of maximilian, the organ loft, and the huge crucifix in the centre, and the handsome pulpit on the left of the tomb. the impression of magnificence and beauty grows upon one, thus carrying out what was doubtless the design of the architect and the emperor who was instrumental in its erection. [sidenote: maximilian's tomb] the tomb in the centre, with its imposing bronze figure of maximilian kneeling with clasped hands on the top of the huge marble sarcophagus, at the four corners of which are smaller figures, at once arrests attention. the emperor is in imperial dress, with crown, armour, and a robe, and is surrounded by the twenty-eight huge figures which have become world-famous, and all save two of which were once torch-bearers, and are now seen with their right hands extended as though holding torches. the two exceptions are king arthur of england, and the emperor theodoric the goth. all of the statues surrounding the tomb are thought to have had some real or legendary connection with the house of habsburg, and it is believed that maximilian himself chose the characters who were to be represented. they may be grouped into two series. one consisting of his five favourite heroes of antiquity; the other of twenty-three ancestors, contemporary relatives or members of his house, both men and women. the figures differ very greatly both in style and merit. it was perhaps only natural that this result should have been arrived at when one remembers that several generations were occupied upon the construction of this marvellous example of german renaissance monumental work erected during the sixteenth century, and that it was necessarily the work of several designers as well as many different hands. the tomb is a wonderful, perhaps even unequalled, example of the german art of a period which marked the blending of the mediæval and the modern. to the imperial designer of the tomb the chivalric figures he chose to surround it were no mere abstractions but living, breathing entities; just as the old feudal empires of south-eastern europe were real. he was unable to realize that even then the old order was about to pass away, to be replaced by a new which was so divergent from that he had known, and of which he himself had been so prominent a figure. the bronze figures, which twenty years or so ago attracted the notice of but few foreign visitors, but are now objects of keenest interest to all comers to the capital of tyrol, are by several hands. the two of surpassing beauty of design and execution are those of king arthur of england, and king theodoric. they are nowadays pretty generally supposed to have been the work of peter vischer of nüremberg. these two statues have a particularly interesting history which has been brought to light of recent years. though cast at nüremberg in , and costing no less than one thousand florins, it was not until nearly twenty years had elapsed that they reached innsbruck. in the meantime, owing to maximilian's need of ready money, they had been in the possession of bishop christopher of augsburg, to whom they had been pawned by the emperor. the bishop placed them in the chapel at st. lorenz, where they remained until the year . ferdinand i. then sent to redeem them, and they were delivered up on payment to the steward of the then bishop of the amount which originally had been advanced upon them. [illustration: moonrise in tyrol] [sidenote: king arthur and theodoric] the statue of king arthur is especially impressive and fine. standing erect, the tall, chivalrous-looking figure has an alertness of pose which is astonishingly lifelike and commanding. it is impossible not to recognize the representation of a true ideal of knighthood "sans peur et sans raproche," and that without any suggestion of aggressive valour. the helmet worn is of the close-fitting type with the visor, which is enriched with ornamentation, raised so that the face of a somewhat teutonic mould is plainly seen. the breastplate, worn over a coat of mail, is magnificently worked; but the rest of the suit is plain. arthur supports by his right hand a shield bearing the arms of england, and at his left side is a long sword. the statue of king theodoric, although fine in execution, does not possess the same impressiveness and commanding merit as that of king arthur to which we have just referred. it appears probable that the same model may have been used for both. but, whereas king arthur is a commanding figure, the pose of king theodoric is rather a dejected and wearied one. his breastplate is not nearly so richly ornamented, and his helm is also plainer, with the visor of a quite different shape. as is the case with king arthur, the breastplate is worn over a coat of chain mail, and the greaves worn are plain. the remaining twenty-six figures according to some authorities were designed by gilg sesselschreiber; although opinion is still somewhat divided regarding this point. it may, however, we think be accepted that sesselschreiber was, at least in part, responsible for the greater number. the relationship which existed between the emperor maximilian and the munich artist sesselschreiber, who had been engaged as court painter in , was not untinctured by an element of romance, which is doubly interesting as showing the relative positions of artist and patron in those stirring and disturbed times. happily for lovers of art and antiquities the original designs for the statues surrounding the tomb of maximilian which sesselschreiber made have been preserved, and can be seen in the imperial library, vienna. exquisite pen-and-ink drawings delicately tinted, upon some of which the emperor himself made corrections and suggestions in his own hand. these are distinctly traceable on some from the unskilled nature of the pen-and-ink alterations. [sidenote: the famous statues] a curious fact is also brought to light by these sketches. it would seem from them beyond question that maximilian fully intended being modelled for the figure of himself, which was to grace the memorial, in the suit of exquisite silver armour which he had worn on the occasion of his marriage at ghent with mary of burgundy.[ ] several sketches were made, one, apparently from the notes and alterations upon it, displeased the emperor from a technical point; in another the face was not as he wished with the result that sesselschreiber altogether made four or more drawings. the care which had been taken over this most important figure was, however, never destined to be utilized to the full, for the statue was not even modelled at the time of maximilian's death in , and the figure clad in coronation robes (instead, as was evidently intended, entirely in armour) which kneels on the top of the cenotaph was the work of abraham colin, who had never seen the emperor in life, the cast not having been made until more than sixty years after maximilian's death. how slowly the great work of this magnificent tomb proceeded can be gathered from the dates we have quoted. the delay arose from several causes; amongst others, from the emperor's shortness of money, owing to the vast schemes of conquest, science, and other matters in which he was engaged; and from the circumstance that gilg sesselschreiber appears to have become lazy, intemperate, and dissolute. in the end he took flight to augsburg in fear of maximilian's anger. the emperor, however, was not prepared to yield up possession of his court painter without a struggle, so the latter was captured and thrown into prison, from which he appears to have been released in on promise of reform. so that he might be freed from the temptations which innsbruck afforded in the way of wine, women, and boon companions he was compelled by the emperor to take up his residence at natters on the western side of the sill gorge above innsbruck. the casting of the statues was largely done by the famous gregor löffler, who established a bronze foundry near innsbruck, and also built the castle of büchsenhausen, although some of the statues were undoubtedly cast by stephen and melchior godl and hans lendenstreich who worked at the mühlau foundry on the outskirts of innsbruck. although the designing and casting of the statues is now generally accepted as being the work of the men we have named, it is more than possible that the idea of the whole complete piece of mediæval and historical symbolism was that of some comparatively unknown brother of the franciscan order. originally the scheme was designed to include, in addition to the figures we have mentioned, twenty-three others of saints which were to be placed on raised pedestals or in niches, and were for this reason of much smaller size. they are now to be seen in the silver chapel. the following is a list of the large statues grouped around the tomb. ( ) clovis, the first christian king of france. ( ) philip the handsome, of the netherlands, maximilian's son. ( .) ( ) the emperor, rudolf of habsburg. ( ) albert ii. the wise, maximilian's great-grandfather. ( ) theodoric, king of the ostrogoths. ( - .) ( ) ernest der eiserne, duke of austria and styria. ( - .) ( ) theodebert, duke of burgundy. ( .) ( ) king arthur of england. ( ) sigismund der munzreiche, count of tyrol. ( - .) ( ) maria bianca sforza, maximilian's second wife. died . ( ) the archduchess margaret, maximilian's daughter. ( ) cymburgis of massovica, wife of ernest der eiserne. died . ( ) charles the bold, duke of burgundy, father of mary of burgundy, maximilian's first wife. ( ) philip the good, father of charles the bold. founder of the order of the golden fleece. ( .) married margaret of york, sister of edward iv., in . ( - .) ( ) albert ii., duke of austria, and emperor of germany. ( - .) ( ) emperor frederick iii., maximilian's father. ( - .) ( ) leopold iii., margrave of austria; since the patron saint of austria. ( - .) ( ) rudolf, count of habsburg. ( .) ( ) leopold iii. the pious, duke of austria, maximilian's great-grandfather; slain at sempach. july , . ( ) frederick iv. of austria, count of tyrol, surnamed "mit der leeren tasche." ( ) albert i., duke and emperor of austria. born , assassinated by his nephew john of swabia, . ( ) godfrey de bouillon, king of jerusalem in , wearing a crown of thorns. ( ) elizabeth of hungary, wife of the emperor albert ii. born . ( ) mary of burgundy, maximilian's first wife. ( - .) ( ) eleonora of portugal, wife of the emperor frederick iii., maximilian's mother. ( ) cunigunda, maximilian's sister, wife of duke albert iv. of bavaria. ( ) ferdinand ii., of aragon, surnamed "the catholic." ( .) ( ) johanna, daughter of ferdinand and isabella, and wife of maximilian's son, philip i., of spain. [sidenote: history in marble] the cenotaph itself, placed upon three steps of red marble, is about fourteen feet long and six feet high, and is constructed of different coloured marbles. the figure of the emperor on top with its face directed towards the altar, is a fine bronze casting by a sicilian named luigi del duca made in .[ ] slender columns divide the ends and sides of the cenotaph into twenty-four panels or compartments of white marble in which are scenes in relief (depicting the chief events and achievements of maximilian's life). these are really marvellous works of art, not alone for their execution but from the care with which accuracy has been attained in the costumes, the architectural and other details introduced, and from the extraordinary finish which marks the whole of the work. many of the faces are undoubted portraits of the greatest historical and antiquarian value, those of the emperor at various periods of his life being remarkable for their differing likeness. the variations of the national types depicted are rendered with the most painstaking care. the first four of the panels are filled by the work of albert and bernard abel of cologne, who began their task in , after a visit to genoa to choose the marble. they, however, both died two years later, leaving their work to be taken up by alexander colin, of malines, in flanders, who lived at innsbruck for forty years, and died in . aided by a large number of other artists he completed the work of the abels in a period of about three and a half years. even the least learned of visitors will recognize the beauty of craftsmanship which so great a master as thorwaldsen pronounced "the most admirable and perfect of its kind." the delicacy of execution is, indeed, rather that of ivory than of marble, and it is not without good cause that these exquisite reliefs are nowadays protected by glass and surrounded by a railing in iron work of very beautiful design. [sidenote: some historic events] the subjects, a brief description of which may be of interest, are as follows:--( ) the marriage of maximilian (then aged eighteen) with mary of burgundy at ghent, august , . she was killed whilst hunting by the stumbling of her horse, and was buried at bruges, . ( ) maximilian's victory over the french at guinegate, in . ( ) the taking of arras, ; the fighting men and the fortifications in this are worthy of special note, not alone for historical accuracy of detail but also for the marvellously fine execution; one woman in particular should be noticed, who is bringing provisions to the camp. this figure is a masterpiece in itself. ( ) maximilian is crowned king of the romans at aix-la-chapelle in . the scene is the interior of the cathedral, maximilian is seated on the stone chair of charlemagne (a sort of throne) before the altar surrounded by his courtiers, whose dresses and those of the ladies high above in their gallery are a perfect record of the fashions of the period, so minute is their accuracy of detail. ( ) the battle of castel della pietra, or stein am calliano, situated between trent and rovereto in . the landscape background of this panel is excellent, and the tyrolese are seen driving the venetians with great fury before them across the adige. ( ) maximilian's entry into vienna, , after it had been evacuated by the hungarians, an incident in the course of the fight for the crown of hungary after the death of matthias coryinus who had held vienna for several years. the figure of maximilian on his horse is very beautifully carved. ( ) the siege of stuhlweissenburg, the city in which the kings of hungary were crowned; maximilian captured it in . the horses in this tablet are worthy of particular notice. ( ) the return of margaret, daughter of maximilian. this episode, which it must have required some courage to record among the acts of so glorious a reign, shows maximilian meeting his daughter margaret on her return in , after charles viii. had rejected her hand for that of anne of brittany, whom maximilian himself had intended to marry as his second wife. the french envoys hand to the emperor two keys, symbols of the suzerainty of burgundy and artois, the price to be paid for the double affront of sending back his daughter and depriving him of his bride, anne. ( ) maximilian's campaign against the turks in croatia. ( ) the alliance between maximilian and pope alexander vi., the doge of venice, and the duke of milan, against charles viii. of france; the four allies are shown standing in the hall of a palace in the act of joining hands, whilst the french are seen in full flight in the background. ( ) the investiture at worms of ludovico sforza with the duchy of milan. the portraits of maximilian are well preserved and finely executed on each occasion that he is introduced, but in none better than on this one. the empress maria bianca is seated on the left of the emperor, ludovico sforza kneels before the throne; on the waving standard, the symbol or investiture, the ducal arms are plainly discernible. ( ) the marriage at brussels, in , of philip der schöne, maximilian's eldest son, with johanna, daughter of ferdinand and isabella of spain, by the archbishop of cambrai. the remaining panels show ( ) the campaign in bohemia, and victory of maximilian at regensburg in . ( ) the siege of kufstein, . ( ) the capture of guelders and submission of charles d'egmont to maximilian, . the duke is standing with uncovered head, and the battered walls of the city are seen in the background. ( ) the league of cambrai, . the scene is a handsome tent in the camp near cambrai; maximilian, julius ii., charles viii., and ferdinand v. are meeting to enter into an alliance against venice. ( ) the siege of padua, , the first result of this league. ( ) the expulsion of the french from milan in . ( ) the second battle of guinegate; known also as the battle of spurs, so called from the fact that the french were said to have used their spurs rather than their swords on that occasion, with henry viii. of england in command of the allied infantry, august , . ( ) the meeting of maximilian and henry viii. before tournai, . maximilian and henry are seen both on foot. ( ) the battle of vicenza, . ( ) the siege of murano, on the venetian coast, . ( ) maximilian treating with vladislaw, king of hungary, for the double marriage of anna and ludwig, children of vladislaw, with ferdinand and maria, grandchildren of maximilian, which event had as one of its consequences the subsequent joining of hungary with the empire. ( ) the defence of verona, made by maximilian's forces, against the french and venetians, . maximilian's splendid memorial is well-placed so that its beauty and impressiveness is given full effect, and the spectator is able to consider it not only in detail but as a whole. as an example of sepulchral art of its kind it is unrivalled. of a very different character to this magnificent cenotaph is the tomb of andreas hofer at the entrance to the left aisle, wrought in tyrolese marble by schaller, of vienna, and with a bas-relief by joseph klieber, of innsbruck, depicting six tyrolese taking the oath of allegiance to the national flag and cause. on either side of the great patriot lie his comrades, joseph speckbacher and joachim haspinger. near them is a tablet inscribed, "from a grateful fatherland to the sons who perished in the patriotic wars," with the date ( ) of erection, and the motto, "death is swallowed up in victory." [sidenote: statuettes in silver chapel] in the opposite aisle and reached by a flight of steps is the silberne kapelle (silver chapel), so known because of the silver statuette of the virgin, presented by the archduke ferdinand of austria, who was regent of tyrol from - , and the embossed representations of the lauretanian litany, also in silver, which adorn the altar. underneath the marble steps by which the chapel is reached is a notable tomb, the work of alexander colin, with a reclining figure of katharina von loxen, aunt of philippine welser. in the chapel itself are the beautiful tombs of the archduke ferdinand, and his first wife philippine welser in marble, with effigies which are ascribed to alexander colin. the first named tomb is adorned with four scenes of events in the archduke's life in relief; and the latter with two reliefs. there is also a notable life-size bronze figure of the archduke kneeling, clad in full armour, with his face turned towards the altar, and his hands folded in prayer. these monuments in themselves are sufficient to ensure a degree of fame for the silberne kapelle with all who are either interested in art or historical memorials. the twenty-three statuettes, originally intended as part of the scheme of maximilian's cenotaph, to which reference has already been made, have been placed in the chapel without following any particular design or order of arrangement. they have a considerable interest from the fact that they represent saints of royal or noble birth whose destinies, legendary or real, have been bound up with those of the house of habsburg. they are frequently overlooked by visitors to innsbruck and by even those who enter the hofkirche; but, irrespective of their individual merits, they should be studied on account of having originally formed part of the scheme for the magnificent memorial to maximilian. ( ) st. adelgunda, daughter of walbert, count of hainault. ( ) st. adelbert, count of brabant. ( ) st. doda, wife of st. arnulf, duke of the moselle. ( ) st. hermelinda, daughter of witger, count of brabant. ( ) st. guy, duke of lotharingia. ( ) st. simpert, bishop of augsburg, son of charlemagne's sister symporiana, who rebuilt the monastery of st. magnus at füssen. ( ) st. jodok, son of a king of great britain, wearing a palmer's dress. ( ) st. landerich, bishop of metz, son of st. vincent, count of hainault, and st. waltruda. ( ) st. clovis. ( ) st. oda, wife of duke conrad. ( ) st. pharaild, daughter of witger, count of brabant. ( ) st. reinbert, her brother. ( ) st. ronald, brother of st. simpert, bishop of augsburg. ( ) st. stephen, king of hungary. ( ) st. venantius, martyr, son of theodoric, duke of lotharingia. ( ) st. waltruda, mother of st. landerich. ( ) st. arnulf, husband of st. doda, afterwards bishop of metz. ( ) st. chlodulf, son of st. waltruda. ( ) st. gudula, sister of st. albert, count of brabant. ( ) st. pepin teuto, duke of brabant. ( ) st. trudo, priest, son of st. adela. ( ) st. vincent, monk. ( ) richard coeur-de-lion. all of whom were more or less closely related or associated with the royal house of habsburg. the monuments which we have referred to, gathered within the walls of the hofkirche, serve to conjure up for those versed in tyrolese history many stirring, romantic, and tragic episodes. to this historic building was the beautiful philippine welser borne from castle ambras to her last resting-place. and here knelt the archduke leopold v. at his marriage with the lovely claudia felicitas de medici, whilst all the while there rolled the thunder and tumult of the thirty years' war beyond the frontier of tyrol. and a few years later came queen christian of sweden to make her abjuration of the protestant faith on october , . we read in one account of this imposing and impressive ceremony that the queen was attired in a plain black silk gown, and wore no other jewels than a cross on her breast in which flashed five great diamonds of wonderful beauty symbolical of the five wounds of christ. her repetition of the latin profession of faith after the papal nuncio, we are told, was so clear and emphasized as to attract general comment. not only was the ambrosian hymn sung after the ceremony, but "the innsbruckers celebrated the event of her conversion to the true faith by the firing of cannon and the ringing of the church bells." an ever popular ceremony which marked her stay in the town was the procession of the favourite picture of tyrol, cranach's madonna brought to the country by leopold v. mystery plays, which are still popular in tyrol, were also performed, and the event was made the excuse or occasion for much general rejoicing. the historic hofkirche has seen more joyful scenes and sadder than the renunciation of queen christian, for in it was held a solemn thanksgiving service on behalf of yet another claudia de medici, the tyrolese princess who was chosen for his bride by the emperor leopold i. and here in more modern times knelt andreas hofer to receive the gifts of his emperor, the medal and chain which were hung around his neck when he was made regent or governor of tyrol. into this hofkirche, which was destined to provide him ultimately with a fit resting-place, he also came to return thanks after his greatest triumph over the invaders of his country, on berg isel, whilst outside the church the brave citizens of innsbruck were acclaiming him dictator, and cheering in a delirium of joy. [sidenote: abbey of wilten] no description of innsbruck, however brief, could be deemed complete without at least a passing reference to the famous abbey of wilten which stands on the outskirts of the south-western portion of the town. the present abbey belonging to the praemonstratensian order was founded in the eleventh century upon the site where stood the roman settlement of veldidena. the abbey and church of that day, however, have been so frequently damaged by fire that during the centuries it has been practically reconstructed. the story of its foundation forms one of the most remarkable of tyrolese legends, and exhibits in its incidents with extraordinary clearness the conflict taking place in those times between the doctrines of christianity and heathendom. [sidenote: haimon and the dragon] certain authorities state that the romans, when they entered the country, found a town already existing, which they adopted as one of their most important stations, and re-named veldidena. this settlement, however, was, according to tradition, destroyed by attila on his way back through the country after the desperate battle of chalons; but it nevertheless continued to be a largely frequented station in the stretch of country lying between the po and the rhine owing to the convenience of its situation and the existence of the famous brenner road. afterwards came the expedition of theodoric of verona against chriemhild's garden of roses at worms; and we are told amongst those who enlisted in theodoric's service and distinguished themselves at the taking of the famous rose garden was one haimo or haimon (now believed to be the heime of "the heldenbuch") who, after the expedition, came through tyrol in his master's victorious train. this haimon was a giant, taller and more powerful even than goliath himself; and as he approached veldidena he found barring his progress another giant named thyrsus (now identified as schrudan) living near zirl. this latter giant having heard of haimon's prowess, and as his own supremacy had hitherto remained unchallenged, determined to force haimon to fight him. theodoric's giant proved willing enough for the encounter, and scarcely, indeed, waited to be challenged. thyrsus, although the bigger and more terrible of aspect, with a skin bronzed by the open-air life he had led, and his muscles developed and kept in condition by constant exercise, was not so skilful and wily as his opponent, whose every movement showed him to be a master in both the arts of attack and defence. we are told that thyrsus grasped in his hand a pine tree which he had torn up by the roots to serve as a weapon, and that at every movement of his the ground shook under his tread, which made a noise like thunder. rushing impetuously to attack haimon he found the latter cool and collected, watchful of his antagonist's every movement, and waiting patiently for the opportunity of striking a decisive blow. as the titanic struggle went on, haimon merely acting on the defensive, thyrsus became weary, and then haimon gathering all his force together fell upon him and slew him. the story goes on to tell how a benedictine monk of tegernsee, passing whilst haimon was still flushed with victory, stopped to reason with him on the worthlessness of mere brutal strength and all that he had hitherto deemed of value, and succeeded so well in painting the attractions of a better life that the giant was converted on the spot, and thenceforth abandoned his life of battle and bloodshed, and devoted his time and strength to the service of god. one of his first acts was to start building with his own hands a church and monastery on the site of ruined veldidena on the banks of the sill. the legend tells us that he quarried the stone necessary for this undertaking with his own hands, and at last the day came when he had sufficient to lay the foundations of the church. he found, however, that the work he did in the day was always undone at night, so that he made no progress. this, though he did not know it, was the work of the devil; who, in the form of a huge dragon, had hidden himself in a cave with the express purpose of thwarting haimon's pious intentions. at last the latter realized that he must watch and discover what happened. this he did, and after a little time one evening the dragon emerged from his cave, lashing the ground with his tail in his fury, and filling the air with the sulphurous smoke and flame which he breathed out. great as was his strength, haimon at once realized that he could not overcome so terrible an enemy easily; so commending his soul to god he waited with a brave heart. soon dawn began to break over the mountains, and at the first glimpse of light the dragon turned and fled back to his lair. haimon, taking courage at the sight, set off in pursuit, and by-and-by they both arrived at the cave in which the dragon was accustomed to hide during the day. the entrance was so narrow that when the monster had got partly in it was impossible for him to turn, and so haimon, seeing his opportunity, raised his sword, and calling on god to strengthen him, cut off the dragon's head with a single blow. then he cut out the tongue or sting of the monster as a trophy, and eventually hung it up in the sanctuary of the church. nowadays one is shown at wilten a representation of this dragon's tongue, which we are told was above two feet in length. the dragon once dead the building progressed rapidly, and when it was finished haimon, no doubt in an ebullition of joy, seized a huge rock, which he had quarried, but did not need to use for the foundations, and threw it with all his might into the valley. it was a good throw, for the rock, after nearly two miles of flight, struck against the hill of ambras and fell into the valley, where it may yet be seen! haimon endowed the abbey with all the land which stretched between its site and the stone at the foot of the hill of ambras. now it only remained to colonize the monastery, and ultimately the benedictines came to inhabit it, and here the giant lived amongst them a life of penance and good works, dying in the year . his body, so tradition states, was buried on the right-hand side of the high altar in the church. but although many searches have been made for his remains during the period which elapsed between his death and the middle of the seventeenth century, they have never been discovered. but the last search in was disastrous as well as unsuccessful, because it undermined a great part of the wall of the church, which collapsed. the popular belief in the two giants is kept alive by the huge wooden statues representing them, which are placed at the entrance of the church. the interior of the building is in the form of a basilica, and contains not only frescoes by caspar waldmann, but also some good pictures by grasmayr, busjäger, andersag, egid schor, and other artists. the abbey of wilten in those days was one of the three most important in tyrol, and was not only the centre of religious, but also of the artistic life of the country, and it nowadays possesses some very interesting and valuable pictures. one of the most famous of the old-time inmates of the abbey was petermann, once a lover of the licentious margaret of tyrol, yclept "pocket-mouthed meg." after her abdication in , petermann entered the monastery to expiate the sins and follies of his youth. he endowed the abbey with an estate, but he showed his business capacity by having an agreement drawn up with the abbot setting forth the terms upon which he joined the brotherhood. amongst other things he was, firstly, to derive benefit from all the masses said by the monks, and the good works performed by them; secondly, was to have two servants to wait upon him, who were to share the meals of the brethren; thirdly, he, himself, was to have food similar to that served to the abbot and wines from the monastic cellar. apparently the arrangement did not, after all, fit in with the views of petermann, for we find he afterwards insisted upon an increase in his food allowance to the extent of a capon, four fowls, forty eggs, and four pounds of butter, with sufficient hay for the feeding of his three horses. [illustration: a pine wood near innsbruck] [sidenote: a legend of wilten] the other church at wilten (the parish church), which stands on the opposite side of leopold-strasse, dates only from the latter part of the eighteenth century, and was built as a secular church in conformity with the decree of the emperor joseph ii., by franz penz of telfs, in the rococo style of architecture. on the high altar of the church is a very ancient and quaint madonna known as "mutter gottes unter den vier saülen" carved in sandstone, the legend relating to which is as follows: the "thundering legion" of marcus aurelius, when stationed at veldidena about the year , brought this image with them, which they are stated to have worshipped, and on one occasion, when departing for an expedition to a distant part of the country, they buried it under four trees, and as they did not return had no opportunity of resurrecting it. there it lay for many years, until one, rathold von aiblingen, after making a pilgrimage to rome, where he heard the story of its burying and the place of its concealment, dug it up and set it upon the altar in a _baldachino_, which was supported by four pillars, where it has always been an object of much veneration. amongst its many famous devotees was frederick of the empty purse, who, during his wanderings through tyrol with his trusty hans von müllinen, when under the ban of the church, came and knelt before the shrine and prayed for a blessing. afterwards, when he had regained his possessions, he attributed his success to the intervention of the madonna at wilten and caused a picture to be painted of himself and his esquire, in which they are shown kneeling at the shrine under the protective mantle of the virgin. this quaint picture is now hung in the church amongst many other curious and often pathetic votive offerings. in the mortuary chapel is a rudely carved and painted wooden statue of haimon holding the dragon's tongue in his hand. there are also some of grasmayr's paintings to be seen in the church, and in the adjoining churchyard, from which one can obtain a most beautiful view of the valley and surrounding mountains, is the modern calvary by the tyrolean sculptor, professor fuss. in this quiet spot, crowded with memories of the dead past, one is able in a measure to conjure up pictures of the times when the etruscan, roman, and gothic invaders poured into the valley by the brenner pass and overran tyrol, and left upon the country and the people enduring traces of their occupation. the wilten churches are both of simple architectural style, but nevertheless are effective and even impressive when seen amidst the environment of a beautiful landscape, with their picturesque, red-capped towers lit by the alpine sunlight, and with their buff-coloured walls beautified by the stains of weather and of time. [sidenote: winter sports] numerous as are the undoubted attractions of innsbruck in early spring, summer, and autumn, when the encircling fields and mountain slopes are gay with alpine flowers, and beautiful with the varied tints of the foliage of trees and shrubs, the town is yearly becoming more widely known and more largely frequented as a winter holiday resort, where what are generally known as "winter sports" can be indulged in to one's heart's content. indeed, innsbruck, which possesses one of the largest and most beautiful ice rinks in europe, takes a very leading part in the tyrolean winter sports. one of the town's most remarkable features is its climate, which, notwithstanding the proximity of huge masses of ice and snow, not only upon the summits of the towering mountains of the karwendel, but also on the lower slopes, and in the valley of the inn itself, is a mild one, and the sunny days are many. one of the most delightful alpine experiences possible, for those who do not take part in the more active sports of ski running, skating, or tobogganing, is a sleigh ride on the brenner road to matrei or even further, returning on the other side of the gorge of the sill by way of igls and patsch. expert ski runners find many opportunities for exercising their skill, the more adventurous and hardy making excursions far afield in the valley of the inn. a very favourite ground for this pastime of ski-ing is on the farther side of the sill near natters and mutters, where are to be found those immense plateaux of smooth-surfaced snow beloved of good runners, and a beautiful landscape forming a charming background. expert runners, however, frequently extend their field of operations into the karwendel mountains, or as far as the kalkkogel in the beautiful stubai valley. tobogganing has become not only a fashionable pastime amongst visitors, but also with the better class inhabitants of innsbruck. and thus every evening when the snow is sufficient and in good condition, hundreds of tobogganers make their way of the heights of igls and mutters, where the best tracks are prepared. sunday is, however, the great day; and then the long runs near hall and oberperfutz are crowded with hundreds of bob-sleighs and tobogganers. the hall run is famous throughout tyrol. a road extends from salzberg far into the karwendel mountains, passing through beautiful alpine scenery to hall itself, forming a natural run or track some five kilometres (just over three miles) in length, with a drop of nearly feet in that distance. the innsbruck club, by means of a snow plough, keeps a run about fifteen feet wide clear. this track is to be soon further lengthened to the extent of two kilometres by carrying it as far as lafatscherjoch, where several important races are arranged and held every year. winter sports are indulged in on all sides. along the valley of the swiftly flowing inn from schwaz, past jenbach and brixlegg on to kufstein, one finds facilities for those most invigorating of pastimes tobogganing, ski-ing, and skating. even the children have their little home-made and often ornamented toboggans, and on the mountain roads and by-paths one meets with scores of youngsters emulating their elders and foreign visitors; whilst the frozen tributary streams which fall into the inn provide fine skating grounds and curling links without stint set amid the delightful scenery, which had so much to do with the popularity of the valley of the inn and innsbruck as winter holiday resorts. it is not without reason that many who come to the capital of tyrol return again and again, finding in its life and movement, its historic buildings, associations, and art treasures material for study; in its climate renewed health and vigour. the circle of snow-capped environing hills, upon which effects of cloud and sunlight ceaselessly pass, never palls; and in the ancient byways and secluded courtyards ears and minds attuned to the historic past seem to catch the echoes and see visions of stirring scenes, and the pageantry of long ago when knights and ladies and serving-men, and burghers in quaint old-time costumes trod the rough-paved streets. footnotes: [ ] see zoller's "geschichte der stadt innsbruck." [ ] by some authorities the work is stated to have been carried out by andrea crivelli of trent. [ ] see klöppel's "maximilian." [ ] this is as stated in baedeker, and is the view of several authorities, though by no means certain.-c. h. chapter v the environs of innsbruck--castle ambras and its treasures--igls: a quaint legend concerning its church--the stubai valley, and some villages--hall and its salt mines--speckbacher's old home--st. michael distant from innsbruck about three miles by a shady road running eastward from berg isel, which forms a charming walk of a summer afternoon, stands the famous castle ambras on a well-wooded spur of the mittelgebirge overlooking the wide inn valley, and with a fine view of the slopes and peaked summits of the limestone mountains which shut in the valley. it is a conspicuous and commanding feature of the landscape when seen from the latter, its yellow-grey walls pierced with many windows showing up against a background of dark-green forest. but on a fine summer day castle ambras is too bare-looking and insistent in colour to be entirely picturesque. long back, when the romans held sway in tyrol, on the site where the castle now stands was placed a fort--one of those outposts of civilization which that world-conquering power dotted so plentifully amid the hills and valleys of tyrol. ancient as this fortress was, it is considered by many authorities that even it replaced, or was erected upon the foundations of, a far earlier building dating from etruscan times. the first castle, as is generally understood by the term, was that built by the andechs, who towards the end of the tenth century were one of the three chief ruling families in tyrol. indeed, until the terriolis became counts of tyrol they were the most powerful of the three great temporal territorial lords, and previous to their extinction in the male line in the middle half of the thirteenth century had acquired vast possessions. they were a typical mediæval and feudal family, distinguished alike in the council and upon the stricken field. in turn it provided officers of the roman empire, pilgrims to sacred shrines, and to rome itself, crusaders and religious enthusiasts who founded important and wealthy monastical institutions. the history of the builders of the castle of ambras would fill many volumes with incidents of brave and noble (and sometimes cruel and ignoble) deeds; romantic episodes, which supplied the travelling minnesingers with themes for their songs; and records of stirring events, in which national as well as family history became entwined. of them one historian has written, "they were esteemed upon earth, more particularly by the wandering minstrels who were always and at all times welcome to their hospitable roof and table, and beloved in heaven to which they contributed several saintly souls." on the death of the last of the male line of the andechs, duke otto ii., in , the castle and the family estates passed into the possession of the counts of tyrol. ultimately the former was purchased from the then owners by the emperor ferdinand i., and was given to his son, afterwards ferdinand ii., when the latter was appointed regent of tyrol. it always remained his favourite home, even when he became emperor, and it was to this castle that he brought his beautiful bride philippine welser in . [sidenote: an archducal romance] the true story of the love of the archduke ferdinand, son of the german emperor ferdinand i., will probably never be accurately known. but the event is indissolubly bound up with tyrolese history. not unnaturally the idyllic and romantic circumstances surrounding the marriage have been much overlaid by tradition and the possible desire of historians to make this royal mésalliance yet more astonishing. therefore it is impossible to vouch for the entire accuracy of the story that has come down to us, which we give as it may be gathered from contemporary and more modern writers. [sidenote: story of philippine welser] the meeting of the archduke ferdinand and his future wife--who was the daughter of one franz welser, a wealthy merchant prince of augsburg in the middle of the sixteenth century--took place when the archduke accompanied his father on the occasion of the latter's state entry into the city. it was whilst passing along the principal street that the former noticed at a window of one of the larger and more important houses the face of a most beautiful young girl, who, after having thrown flowers down in the street, on seeing that she had attracted his attention, blushingly disappeared within the house. it was apparently, so far as ferdinand was concerned, a case of love at first sight; for, charmed by her beautiful face, he lost no time in discovering who she was, and, according to some authorities, saw her on several occasions whilst in the city. afterwards he paid court to her whilst she was at bresnic, in bohemia, on a visit to an aunt. philippine was already betrothed by her father to the heir of the great and wealthy fugger family; but fortunately for her and the young prince, philippine's mother was a woman of much influence with her husband as well as the confidante and friend of her daughter. however, it was not an easy task to win his consent to the betrothal to prince ferdinand or for the proposed alliance with the fuggers to be broken off. both the fathers were anxious for it, and welser had never been known to go back upon his word or a bargain. but whilst the older men were engaged in counting their wealth, and congratulating themselves upon the marriage which had been arranged with little or no thought of affection between those most concerned, ferdinand had evolved a plan by which, with the assistance and connivance of frau welser, he was able to accomplish his design of carrying off her daughter. on a day arranged, and at the hour agreed upon, the young prince, who was two years philippine's junior, appeared beneath the turret from which he had first seen her leaning. a little distance down the street his horse was waiting. philippine, after receiving her mother's blessing, and comforted by her approval, joined her lover, and fled with him to the chapel where the latter's own confessor, one joann cavallerus, was waiting to solemnize the marriage, with an old and trusted servant as witness. another account states that the ceremony was performed at bresnic by the same priest. ultimately, franz welser, to whom doubtless a properly carried out marriage with a prince had some attractions, gave his consent and benediction. it is difficult, perhaps, in these more materialistic days, to quite sympathize with the attitude which this wealthy and worthy burgher of augsburg at first assumed towards his daughter's marriage. then, with reputable merchants, not only was their word their bond, but in them was a strong element of pride which would not readily brook that they should be looked down upon even by princes. and doubtless it was this pride which was principally at the back of old welser's opposition to prince ferdinand's suit. but the magnificent dowry that philippine's father was rich enough to give her was one of which no prince need have been ashamed. at the time of his marriage the archduke was twenty-eight and philippine two years older. the emperor, of course, refused to acknowledge the marriage when he ultimately, some years after its celebration, became aware of it. and although we are bound to admit the story of philippine's personal appeal to him to forgive his son and her rests on a very shadowy basis, and is, indeed, rather traditional than historical, we give it for what it is worth. the story goes that philippine, distressed not only for her own position but for the trouble she had brought upon her husband by estranging him from his father the emperor, journeyed to vienna with her little children to gain an audience with her royal father-in-law in person. to do this was a matter of great difficulty, and though she ultimately succeeded, it was only by reason of her great beauty and her gentleness, and the fact that she had assumed another name. then, after entering the audience chamber, she fell upon her knees and told the emperor her own story in the guise of an allegory, saying that she was the happy and beloved wife of a gallant nobleman of great position whose father would not recognize her because she was herself not nobly born; adding that, hearing how just and good the emperor was, she had come to him to implore him to intercede for her and her sons with her obdurate father-in-law. having listened to her tale the emperor, delighted with the grace, eloquence, and beauty of philippine and with her two sons, told her that he would grant her request and would appeal to her father-in-law to not only forgive his son, but to recognize the marriage, adding that it passed his comprehension how any one could refuse to receive so charming and beautiful a woman into his family. then, as was to be expected, he asked the name of her husband's father. and she, throwing herself once more upon her knees, told the emperor that it was he himself to whom she had referred, and that she was the wife of his son ferdinand. the emperor could scarcely go back upon his word nor could he stultify himself by denying the charm and beauty of philippine now that he discovered who she really was; and won over by the courage and persistency which had inspired her journey to vienna to seek to approach him in person, he not only forgave his son but also recognized her as a daughter-in-law. some accounts, although this is probably not so, state that he wished the marriage still to remain a secret, and appointed ferdinand regent of tyrol, sending him and his wife to reside at innsbruck.[ ] the emperor's wishes were carried out, and it is said that it was not until her death generally known that philippine was actually married to the archduke. after her decease, however, the circumstance was made public and the archduke was always accustomed to refer to philippine as his wife. of course the marriage was a morganatic one, and therefore neither of her two surviving children, andreas and charles, inherited the archducal titles. four years previous to the archduke ferdinand's coming to take up his residence at innsbruck as regent of tyrol he had acquired the picturesque and finely situated castle of ambras, and by many alterations and additions to the then existing building soon made it one of the most noted as well as one of the most beautiful residences in the whole country. he furnished it with great magnificence, and when all was completed presented it to his wife philippine. here they usually spent the summer months in a happiness which was not only proverbial but undoubted. as have been several other rulers of tyrol, the archduke ferdinand was not only greatly interested himself in art, science, and literature, but he sought as the patron of these to gather around his person and to attach to his court learned professors, artists, and scientists from all parts of europe. as a result the court of ferdinand and philippine grew from an artistic, musical, and intellectual standpoint to be a particularly brilliant one. [sidenote: character of philippine] the character of philippine seems to have been as pleasing as was her physical appearance. she is said to have had a fine, clear, though somewhat pale, complexion, blue eyes, and golden hair, although it must be added that existing portraits of her do not do her justice in the latter regard, unless her beauty was greatly exaggerated. in most of them she appears with a slightly oval, and more italian than teutonic type of face, with well-marked and well-bowed eyebrows, soft, but intelligent eyes, a straight nose, and a very sweet, and even in some portraits "roguish," mouth; but as a whole her face is not one of striking beauty, judging it by the standards of more modern times. philippine, when settled at ambras, greatly interested herself in good works of all kinds, but more especially in the visiting and care of the sick, and the memory of her good deeds in this respect is still cherished in tyrol. her chief physician has set down the large number of sick who were at various times under her immediate care, and in the record one finds mention of ailing folk of many nationalities, showing her catholic spirit in the relief of suffering. she even had her own dispensary at ambras in the charge of one guranta, who was a celebrated chemist of that time. concerning her one of her biographers says, "she, herself delicate in health from early life, had a strong and ever ready sympathy for sufferers, especially those who were distressed in mind or circumstance as well as in body." during the years she lived at ambras she gained such a knowledge of disease and the remedies usually employed in those days that she wrote a book of prescriptions herself, which is now to be seen in the court library, vienna. it is a most interesting volume, as it contains a considerable record of the effects of the remedies used; sometimes written by philippine's own hand with remarks added as comments upon the success or failure of the treatment. philippine was in other ways also of a philanthropic and kindly disposition, and on many occasions girls in her service, or who were known to her, received the pleasant surprise on their marriage of a wedding dress from her; and there is still to be seen at innsbruck a dressmaker's bill, the total amount of which is largely comprised of wedding dresses given in the way we have mentioned. although the burgomaster's daughter, according to her own confession, would rather have led a less exalted and more retiring life than that incumbent upon her by reason of her marriage with the archduke ferdinand, all writers are agreed that she ably and well adorned the position to which she had been called. of her husband's great affection for her there can be little doubt. indeed, it was so notorious that the venetian ambassador michiele, when on a visit to the archduke, reported to his government that ferdinand was never so happy as when with his wife, and in fact was never an hour away from her. philippine, in spite of her many social duties and exalted position, was an excellent and even an ideal german _haus-frau_. she was a clever needlewoman, skilled especially in embroidery; and quite an expert and practical cook. she might, indeed, be said to have rivalled the famous mrs. glass, as she wrote an exhaustive cookery book which displays a great and practical knowledge of the culinary art, and is, happily for the curious, preserved with her book of prescriptions in the court library at vienna. nothing was too good for philippine in the estimation of the archduke. not only did he give her the magnificent schloss ambras, stubai valley, and all it contained, several villages, and vast sums of money, but also the estates of königsberg, salurn, and hörtenberg. [sidenote: court at castle ambras] the court at innsbruck and at castle ambras was a gay one, and numerous brilliant entertainments were given during the married life of ferdinand and philippine. amongst the many _fêtes_ which took place at various times one finds a record of one in the diary of james von payersberg bearing the date of july , , in which there is a record of philippine having won the first prize, which was a silver gilt cup of great value, for shooting with a crossbow; whilst her aunt, madame de loxan, who on philippine's marriage had been appointed as her mistress of the robes, won the second. an interesting circumstance in connection with this _fête_ is that the gentlemen and ladies competed together in the shooting match, with the result that the former were defeated in the manner we have stated. at castle ambras not only were there collected together scientists, artists, musicians, and many learned men, but also, as was the custom of those days, jesters, and "freaks" of various types, whose curious divergences from the normal have many of them been preserved in portraits hung in the castle. of ordinary servants, retainers, pages, etc., there was always a huge retinue entailing an enormous expenditure and a commissariat department of considerable magnitude. philippine, although her natural tastes were so divergent from those of her husband who loved gaiety, sport, and the pomp of circumstance, by her gentleness, affectionate study of his wishes and great tactfulness, succeeded in not only gaining but keeping his affection throughout their married life. it is said that philippine, whether the story of her captivation of her royal father-in-law's heart be true or not, was gladly and very generally received by the tyrol nobles, who were distinguished not only by their chivalrous but also by their generally haughty disposition. very friendly relations also appear to have existed with neighbouring courts, whilst pope gregory xiii. had so high an opinion of philippine's religious sincerity and virtues that he sent her by special ambassador a beautiful and very valuable rosary. philippine died in , surrounded by members of her family, and in the presence of the archduke ferdinand and the dukes ferdinand of bavaria and henry of brunswick, after a married life lasting twenty-three years, and an illness of only a few days' duration. so beloved was she throughout tyrol that general mourning was observed for some months, and masses were said in all the churches of the land for the repose of her soul. how great the affection borne her by the people amongst whom she came to live really was, is well shown by the fact that in many a cottage home in tyrol portraits of her even nowadays are found. in death as in life she was mindful of her people and of the poor; and when she had been laid to rest in the silver chapel of the franciscan church at innsbruck, where her beautiful though unostentatious tomb, with its recumbent figure lying within a semi-circular arch and with a crucifix hanging from her crossed hands, is placed, it was found that in her will few of her household had been forgotten, whether their positions were high or menial. the death of philippine was a heavy blow to the archduke, and for some months after the event he lived in complete retirement, seeing no one but his two sons, his father confessor, and his most intimate personal friends. however, after his grief had somewhat spent itself, he set out on a tour, accompanied by his two surviving children; one of whom, karl, became bishop of brixen and a cardinal (died ); the other, andreas, markgrave of burgau (died ), and the owner of castle ambras by the will of his father. this bequest was made on condition that andreas maintained and kept the building in repair, and preserved the magnificent collection of rare mss., books, pictures, coins, armour, and other _objets d'art_, and curiosities which ferdinand and philippine had delighted to gather, and in the possession of which they had taken such pride. eventually, in , so that this wish of his father might be adequately carried out, andreas disposed of the castle and grounds to the emperor rudolf ii., and by this means ambras and its unrivalled collection came into the possession of the imperial austrian family. [sidenote: treasures of castle ambras] just two centuries later, owing to fear lest the priceless treasures should fall into the hands of the french and bavarian invaders, the greater portion of the ambras collection was removed to vienna, and at first lodged in the belvidere palace from whence it has of recent years been transferred to the imperial art history museum of which it forms a most interesting and valuable part. thus was tyrol robbed of one of its chief glories, and although at various times promises of restitution have been made they have never been fulfilled. there are still, however, some interesting things left at castle ambras, including the valuable collection of weapons lodged in the unterschloss, dating from the fifteenth century to the present day (formerly, in the sixteenth century, it is said that the armoury contained no less than five hundred complete suits of mail); the eight roman milestones in the outer court, found along the road from wilten to schonberg, and dating from the time of septimus severus about to a.d.; and the collection of furniture, ivories, glass, and portraits, which latter include several of the archduke ferdinand and philippine welser, etc. on the ground floor of the hoch schloss or "upper castle" is an interesting and well-restored fifteenth-century gothic chapel, with some frescoes by wörndle; and a bathroom, said to be that of philippine, is on the same floor. it was around this little room that tradition wove the tragic story (since disproved and altogether discredited) of philippine having committed suicide by opening one of her veins in order that her husband might re-marry with some one whose rank was more in conformity with his own. for many years, for several generations, in fact, this tale was given credence, and was accepted by at least the common folk as exemplifying the domestic virtues for which philippine was justly famed. but although ferdinand's mother appears never to have accepted the position or to have become reconciled to philippine, the rest of the members of his family appear to have treated her well, and, so far as history can show, there never was any reason for the sacrifice of her life she was for so long supposed to have made, in the interests of her husband's happiness and position. the fame of philippine welser has outlived the centuries which have elapsed since she died; and the burgher of augsburg's daughter was destined to become one of the most popular of tyrolese heroines; and there is in consequence many a peasant home in tyrol to-day where her portrait in some form of reproduction or other has a place with that of some favourite saint or even the virgin herself. there are several other traditions connected with this beautifully situated castle of ambras. one is that wallenstein, whilst a lad and a page in ferdinand's service, fell out of the window in the corridor which leads to the dining-hall and received no hurt, owing to the fact that during the terrible moment when he lost his balance he vowed to the virgin mary if spared he would lead a more serious and better life. the castle, as did so many historic fortress-dwellings in tyrol, gradually fell into decay; but when the archduke karl ludwig, who was governor of tyrol during a short period in the middle of the last century, decided to take up his residence here it was thoroughly repaired and restored. the art treasures, which remained after the removal of the main collections to vienna, have been supplemented from time to time by contributions from the imperial collections in vienna, and in the emperor threw open the castle to the public as a museum. of the many interesting rooms at ambras two never fail to arouse the admiration and curiosity of visitors. the first is the waffensaal, in which there is a collection of armour and arms, which has a sixteenth-century ceiling painted by g. b. fontana, of meran, with astronomical and mythological designs; the second, the famous and magnificently proportioned spanish salon, with its exquisitely panelled wood ceiling and walls adorned with frescoes of the rulers of tyrol, from - . the view from the terrace, with its trellis of passion flowers and vines, across the inn valley on a clear summer's day is one of great charm and beauty, and as one gazes across the fertile valley to the wonderful range of mountains that towers above it, the colours of which seem to change with every passing cloud, one can realize something of the affection ferdinand, art lover and artist as he undoubtedly was, always had for castle ambras. [sidenote: the tourney ground] none who come to the castle should fail to visit the picturesque and secluded tummel-platz or tourney ground, which overhangs as it were the village of ambras, with its ancient church and quaint frescoes of the last judgment. on this spot during ferdinand and philippine's occupation of the castle many jousts and knightly encounters are said to have taken place. from the gay and chivalrous use of those and previous times the tummel-platz has passed to a melancholy one as the burial-ground of patriots and heroes. it was first put to this purpose when the castle was turned into a military hospital--which for a short time it remained--and afterwards as the burial-place of some seven or eight thousand of hofer's soldiers who fell in the wars with france and bavaria, from to . indeed, it actually formed part of the battle-ground of . as is perfectly natural, and in accord with the patriotic and religious spirit of the people, they have adorned the quiet and beautiful burial-ground with chapels, shrines, votive pictures, and memorials which confer upon it a distinctive and impressive interest, and sentiment which few such places can show. as a poet sings-- "near ambras, on the upland, in fair tyrolean land, within a cool green forest full thick the crosses stand. "there gallant knights in armour once met with spear and shield, and from those olden combats 'tis called the 'tourney field.' "long rusted are the lances, but, as the breezes blow, old, half-forgotten stories like spirits come and go." from castle ambras it is but a short journey by tramway to igls, which is situated nearly a thousand feet above innsbruck, but cannot be seen from the town. there are also two roads by which one may reach this little mountain village; one leading past ambras, which is favoured by the less energetic of walkers, and the other, by which we ascended, much steeper, more picturesque and shorter. from wilten it passes over the sill bridge and then ascends the paschberg and winds along the edge of the fine sill gorge. when the little village of vill is reached one seems suddenly to step into a fresh region of experience; one singularly different from that of innsbruck, which, after all, lies but a mile or two away in the valley down below. here as one comes in sight of the elegantly tapering red spire of the church one obtains an insight into the life of the upper valleys, and soon notices the tyrolese custom of adorning the outside walls of the house with paintings, which, generally religious in subject, are many of them of a striking and even meritorious character as regards execution. in vill none should fail to notice the painting of the angel of peace, which is over the doorway of a house in the main street. [sidenote: beautiful igls] one of the most beautiful walks hereabouts is that by the path which leads down through the woods to gärberbach inn on the great brenner high road, from which point berg isel can be reached on foot in less than half an hour. still climbing upwards from vill and leaving the sights and sounds of the valley behind us we gradually approach igls. innsbruck and every trace of the wide valley and environing hills across it have suddenly vanished, and one finds one's self in the midst of wide extending and restfully green upland pastures, with a vista of the charmingly situated little villages of natters and mutters, across the sill gorge (which here is almost imperceptible) with their church steeples, green tinged and red turreted, shining in the clear alpine air, and giving to the scene just that touch of colour which an artist loves. it is possible in alpine valleys such as that in which igls nestles to more truly estimate the factors which make the tyrolese such a home-loving and patriotic people; and to realize how the chief human as well as religious associations even nowadays--as they did in the past--cluster round the village churches which rear their slender spires heavenwards almost wherever half a dozen houses are grouped together. there are many splendid peaks towering above the picturesque valley in which igls lies; amongst them the habicht, more than , feet, saile-spitze, and the rugged waldraster-spitze, feet; and the lower slopes are well-wooded and beautiful at all seasons in their varied tints of green. igls has altered considerably since we first visited it, and it now has the aspect of a mountain health "resort" of a modest and unassuming type, with some good hotels, a post office, telephone and telegraph. it is little wonder, then, that this favoured spot should have lately attracted to it many visitors in search of quietude and fresh air. the clean air and pure breezes off the glaciers and snow-fields above, which, filtering down across the pine woods of the lower slopes, come to one in the open valley not less fresh and invigorating but somewhat softened and perfumed, give it one of its chief charms. the little church is of considerable interest, not only from its picturesque situation, but also by reason of the pastoral scenes which are painted upon its organ loft, and the many quaint relics and votive offerings to be seen in it, which are a feature of so many tyrolese village churches. the mural paintings on the houses in the village are numerous and curious, some of the most interesting relating to the legendary story of the heilig wasser. in connection with this there is a pilgrimage chapel picturesquely situated, in almost absolute solitude save for the inn, on the mountain side more than two thousand feet above the valley. [sidenote: a miraculous tale] the church is built upon the site of the alleged miracle, the story concerning which is as follows:--three centuries ago two cowherds were tending their flocks upon the upper pasture above igls, when they were unfortunate enough to lose two young calves; and although they sought for them far and wide along the paths and amid the woods they failed to find them. at length, quite wearied out, and frightened lest they should be severely punished for their carelessness by their father, they fell on their knees and supplicated the virgin and saints to help them. almost as soon as they commenced to pray a bright light fell upon them and round about, and the virgin appearing beside them bade them be of good cheer, and told them to trouble no more as the lost cattle had gone home to their byre. then she bade them drink, for their throats were parched with their wanderings. but the two lads, knowing there was no water near, exclaimed, "you tell us to drink, but where shall we find water? there is none here." [illustration: mountain pool on the ritten] the virgin made no reply but vanished; and as she disappeared from their vision there welled up, where she had stood, a spring of clear water from out the rocks, which has never ceased to flow since. on their return home the boys refrained from saying anything about the vision or the miraculous spring, perhaps lest, notwithstanding the calves had been found in the cowshed as the virgin had promised, they should be blamed for careless herding. but they never failed, when passing by the spring, to offer up a prayer of gratitude. many years passed and the two cowherds not only grew to man's estate but became old and infirm, needing the assistance of others to look after their flocks. one of the two was aided by the deaf and dumb son of a neighbour, and one day, as the old man and boy were passing the spring, the former knelt down and prayed and drank of the water. the boy seeing him do this did likewise, and lo and behold he found his tongue miraculously loosened, and afterwards spoke as clearly as any other. the fame of the miracle spread abroad, and was readily believed by the people of the valley. then the two old men told their own experience, and soon a chapel was built on the spot to which through the centuries many devout pilgrims as well as many curious visitors have journeyed. amid the woods by which igls is surrounded, and along the fertile valley in which the village stands, are many charming walks, and yearly the place is becoming more resorted to by those who appreciate the lovely and bracing mountain air, and a very pleasant form of what has become known as the "simple life." to the south-west of igls and south of innsbruck across the sill is the lovely stubai valley, the beauty of which almost challenges that of the oetzthal. like the latter this valley is also verily the gate to the land of snow-fields and glaciers, of which there are upwards of eighty within its confines and hard by. the stubai thal is a combination of scenery of widely different character. within a radius of a few miles, towering above its green and peaceful pastures, at least two score of magnificent peaks rear their heads skyward, none of which fall far short of (whilst many exceed) , feet in altitude. the lower portion of the valley is reminiscent of the far-famed, music-loving zillerthal, with its dark-green pine forests, fertile meadows, and villages perched here and there on the slopes of the mountains, or nestling in the valley itself around the white-walled churches. this kind of scenery extends some little way beyond the village of neustift, which is the last in the valley having a church, and then one seems to at once pass into a mysterious, wonderful, and fascinating region, where the legendary gnomes and ice-maidens of tyrolean folk-tales and lore must surely dwell in caverns and habitations of perpetual ice and snow. though there is a good mountain road winding up the hillside above wilten, which in former times served the picturesque villages natters, mutters, kreith, and telfes, most travellers nowadays use the electric railway (the first made in tyrol) for the journey to fulpmes, which lies about half-way to neustift and is rapidly becoming a favourite excursion resort for innsbruck people. the railway (although it has been called a "toy" one) presents considerable features of interest to the engineer, and elements of apparent--but not actual--danger to the timorous. at least, one lady we know who had made the upward journey, had been across the slender viaduct supported on tapering piers, and had been whirled round curves of astonishing "sharpness," refused--until the distance by road had been pointed out to her--to return the same way. but there is in reality no risk on the stubai bahn, only an element of pleasant excitement, and the charm of wonderful scenery; and the latter is so beautiful and the little saloon cars so well adapted for viewing that few will, after all, we think, regret travelling to fulpmes by train instead of a-foot or by carriage. the place was formerly celebrated for its iron and steel works; the articles made finding their way not only to austria, but also to germany and italy; and although of late years the trade appears to have somewhat declined, it is still considerable and of interest to the curious who can watch the skilful artisans at work. the village is most picturesquely situated, and in the church there are some paintings by a local peasant girl quite worth seeing. fulpmes forms an excellent centre from which to make excursions in the upper portions of the lovely valley, and amid the wooded slopes of the environing mountains. in summer there is the additional charm of the wealth of beautiful wild flowers which gem the fields, and spread like a many-coloured carpet of glowing tints beneath the shadow-casting and sombre pines. [illustration: viaduct on stubai railway] [illustration: view of the grossglockner] [sidenote: fulpmes and schonberg] at schonberg, south of igls, and on the opposite bank of the sill, standing nearly feet above sea level, one obtains a most widely-extended and panoramic view of the stubai valley and its villages. and as one stands in the alpine observatory near the "jagerhof," one is able to realize the full beauty of the valley, and the wonder of the mountain summits, including the serles spitz (also known in innsbruck as the waldraster spitz), whose rugged peaks remind one of those giants in the dolomites. but perhaps one of the most strange and interesting natural phenomena in all tyrol is to be seen from schonberg when the snow-fields, which in winter completely cover the mountain tops on every hand, begin to melt. then gradually there appear in different parts of the upper slopes of the mountain ranges dark spots which, framed in unmelted snow, at last assume the appearance of silhouettes of gigantic size. on the peaks away above innsbruck are slowly formed the figures of two women who appear to be fighting, and whose noses as the snow melts become more hooked and longer each day; on the solstein a priest is seen carrying an _aspergillus_ in his hand, whilst on the arzletscharte appears the most complete "picture" of them all, known as the "falconer." this, a silhouette of remarkable vividness, depicts a youth dressed in a page's costume, adorned with a hat and plumes, and carrying on his left arm a falcon unhooded for flight. as the snow melts the figure loses its pristine slimness and assumes the form of a corpulent man, until at last it entirely disappears. on the side of the patscherkofel is seen the figure of an old hunter with his dog; which, however, owing to the rapid melting of the snow when once a thaw commences, is only visible for a short time. indeed, a few hours after we first saw it, for the reason we have given, the change was so great that the outline was almost destroyed. hall, from time immemorial famous for its salt mines, is well worth a visit. lying on the north or opposite side of the inn to igls, and to the east of innsbruck, it can be reached either by the prosaic post-road which traverses the valley, or from igls by the beautiful ellbögen road--a branch of the brenner road dating from roman times--passing over the mittelgebirge and through igls, lans, aldrans, ampass, across the bridge over the inn to hall, which is somewhat longer. equally picturesque, perhaps one might say even more so, is yet another road (the one we preferred) which skirts the lower slopes of the towering peaks of the bavarian alps, and passes through the villages of arzl, rum, and thaur. there are also the alternatives of the brenner railway, and the tramway for those who are poor walkers or are pressed for time. [sidenote: some pretty villages] from mühlau onwards one has most exquisite views of the broad and fertile valley, and the magnificent mountains which tower above the wooded slopes, swelling gently upward from the inn, in wild and craggy peaks of rugged beauty. this walk is rendered additionally attractive and picturesque for all who are interested in folk-lore, or who are able to enter into the legend and religion of the people, by the pilgrimage chapels which are found along the route. one of the most charming of these in all tyrol is that of arzl, which, standing on a wooded knoll, is brilliant with colour, a gem of its kind in a charming setting of dark green. the little church of maria loreto built by the religiously inclined anna katharina gonzaga, second wife of ferdinand ii., was once a famous pilgrimage place, but of late years has been much less resorted to than formerly. the interior is, however, well worth inspection. the wood carvings and iron work are both interesting, as are also the old engravings which hang upon the walls, and the curious black virgin and child upon the altar. arzl, rum, and thaur are all picturesquely situated, nestling as they do on the lower slopes of the great limestone peaks, the first named standing at the foot of the burgstall which rises majestically to a height of nearly three thousand five hundred feet. many of the houses in these three villages are most elaborately decorated with mural paintings; in some instances the whole of the fronts are so adorned, and often masses of corn hang on trellis work on the walls. the effect of the brilliant tints of the paintings and the coloured window frames gives an additionally picturesque air to the little villages. seen in summer the gay effect is perhaps a little neutralized, but in winter, when the landscape is more cheerless and there is a background of snow and grey-green rocks, the picture formed is a unique and wonderfully cheering one. concerning thaur, where so many houses have either a painting or an image of a man with a bear upon their fronts, there is a legend of st. romedius, who centuries ago came riding into the village blessed with a keen appetite gained by exercise in the invigorating mountain air. whilst the saint was engaged in satisfying his hunger, a wandering bear, so the legend goes, was so impressed with the holy man's accomplishment in this respect that he promptly (for want of other food) emulated it by eating romedius' horse. on coming out to renew his journey the saint was astounded at the disappearance of his steed. he, however, seems to have guessed what had happened, and forthwith preached the bear such a sermon upon his iniquitous conduct that he was not only moved to penitence, but also sought to make amends by offering himself as a substitute for the saint's former steed. although the proposal might appear to us as accompanied with some considerable risk when the bear once more became hungry, the saint accepted it, and ultimately set forth on his strange steed to a cave in the mountains north of thaur, where they lived for some considerable time without mishap. one day, however, as the holy man slept, a troublesome fly came buzzing round his head, and the sleeper failed to drive it away, with the result that the bear (who we are told had all this time watched over his master with great solicitude) came to the rescue and sought to get rid of it; however, without success. the fly returned again and again to the charge, and the bear in desperation aiming a blow at the fly, alas! struck and killed the saint. this time the grief of the bear was, of course, of no avail, so he would eat nothing and gradually pined away, ultimately dying of hunger. this story, though it has its comical side, is not, however, held to be disrespectful to the life and character of romedius, who is one of the best esteemed tyrolese saints. it appears more than probable, however, that romedius (whether killed by his companion the bear or not) actually died in the nonsthal, south tyrol, where there are, strange to say, villages of somewhat similar names to those we have mentioned, namely, torro, rumo, and arz. [illustration: the market place, hall] [sidenote: hall and its mÜnsterturm] hall, which is one of the most picturesque, busy, and interesting little towns in the neighbourhood of innsbruck, with some inhabitants, dates from the time of the roman occupation of tyrol. by the well-known historian, beda weber, the name is stated to have been derived from the greek word [greek: halos], salt; the reason for such derivation from an unlikely language he does not, however, in any way seek to explain. as one enters the town one is at once struck by the strange and quaint mingling of the picturesque with the utilitarian, the rural with the mediæval. long before one reaches the town one sees in the distance the greenish copper cupolas of the pfaarkirche or parish church which has so fine a gothic portal and interesting relics, around whose walls shops are grouped; and rising above the other less lofty and less time-mellowed buildings, the massive gothic tower known as the münsterturm with its red "pepper-box" roof of roman origin, although the present tower was built by duke sigismund, the famous son of frederick of the empty purse. a steeply ascending street leads to the market square, in which the pfaarkirche and rathaus stand opposite each other. and in this and contiguous streets there are many quaint balconies, gabled roofs, and old-time architectural features to interest and charm the artist and antiquarian visitor. although hall has somewhat declined as a commercial centre with the rise of its big neighbour, innsbruck, it is still a place of considerable activity on account, chiefly, of the famous salt mines. in former times these and its position on the banks of the inn (then much more navigable) gave the place importance under the rule of the counts of tyrol, and the earlier of the austrian princes; many barges and boats from the danube itself in former times making their way into the inn and thence to the flourishing town of hall. the salt works still remain its principal industry. hall is, as things go in tyrol, a distinctly smoky town; but it is seldom that the smoke hangs in the clear and fresh alpine air which sweeps along the inn valley down from the environing hills. the münsterturm, mint tower, which, as we have said, is so prominent an object on approaching the town, is of historical interest from the fact that it was built to enable duke sigismund, known as the rich, to turn into coin his great store of silver taken from the tyrol mountains. it was from this tower, too, that andreas hofer issued his kreuzer and twenty kreuzer pieces during the period of his brief dictatorship. as was the case with many another tyrolean town, hall suffered in the past from the calamities which afflicted so many similar places in the middle ages. it was swept in turn by fire, sword, and pestilence, and shaken to its foundations by the earthquake which occurred in . so severe was the shock, we are told, that the watchman on the parapet of the church tower was thrown off and killed by falling to the ground, and the people fled out of their houses to the open fields where their priests exhorted them to prepare for the day of judgment. that the alarm created was very great is borne out by the fact that, although the loss of life would appear from contemporary sources of information to have been slight, for some time afterwards the services of the church were all performed in the open air. hall, however, chiefly on account of its salt mine resources, recovered, and these and the many privileges the burghers enjoyed enabled them in time to regain their former prosperity. the town played an important part in the various wars which had tyrol for their battleground during the middle ages; and during the patriotic war the people of hall were not less brave and self-sacrificing than those of other places. one gallant deed in especial of that long struggle for freedom is directly connected with the town. in may, , joseph speckbacher (who was born on a gnadenwald farm near hall in ) and his troops attacked the bavarians at volders, near hall, and after blowing up the bridge behind him he marched to the relief of the latter town, which was held by the bavarian troops. these had artillery, and were also numerically stronger and better armed, so that the task set before the patriot force was no slight one. happily, speckbacher became aware that the bavarians were short of ammunition, and therefore when a truce was proposed he refused to agree to it. the bavarians after, as they thought, completely destroying the hall bridge, which they held as well as the town, retreated. calling upon his men to follow him, speckbacher led them boldly on to the then dangerous and tottering structure, entered the town and pursued the bavarians. [sidenote: an interesting church] in the churchyard is an interesting wooden crucifix carved by joseph stocker in , as well as some monuments of the principal hall families of former times. the church itself should be visited, if only for the "salvator mundi" by albrecht durer painted on a panel, and the high altar-piece by a pupil of the master reubens, named erasmus quillinus. one of the chapels, the waldaufische, was built in by florian von waldauf, who, originally a peasant boy, entered the imperial army and ultimately became one of the confidential advisers of the emperor frederick and his son, afterwards maximilian i. he was also ennobled and given considerable estates. he met with many adventures on his journeys into foreign lands, and on one of his expeditions was in so terrible a storm as to be threatened with shipwreck, and he vowed if his life was spared that he would found a chapel in his native land. as events turned out, he lived to reach tyrol once more, and in accordance with his vow founded the chapel in the church at hall, which was also the parish church of rettenburg castle and estates which maximilian had granted to him. upon this chapel he bestowed numerous relics which he had acquired during his various travels, and nearly , pilgrims came from all parts of tyrol to the consecration service. more than one of the chapels and churches of hall owe their origin to special circumstances of a more or less romantic character. that of st. saviour, for example, which stands on the site of some tumbledown hovels which existed in the first years of the fifteenth century. the story goes that it was to a dying man in one of these that one of the priests attached to the village church was summoned to convey the viaticum, and administer extreme unction and the last rites of the church. he came in due course to the hovel, and placing the sacred vessels on a rickety table the latter collapsed and the host was thrown on to the floor. this was, of course, a terrible disaster in the eyes of the priest and peasants; and a rich burgher, johann von kripp by name, hearing of the circumstance, purchased the cottages, and as a reparation for the sacrilege which had occurred, founded a church on the spot, dedicated to the redeemer. the hall records are of great interest, and show that the town was a place of much importance in the fifteenth century, when a considerable part of the trade between venice and germany passed through it. in those days, too, the town was somewhat celebrated for its junketings, more especially the feasts which were held in connection with the opening of the sessions at the courts of justice. the neighbourhood, on account of the good sport provided, was a favourite hunting-ground with the emperor maximilian, who on several occasions was entertained in the town. hall declined slowly in importance during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by reason of the change in the trade routes; but in quite modern times has regained some at least of its former prosperity by adopting up-to-date methods. there are numerous excellent and interesting excursions to be made from hall, but nearly every one pays a visit to the famous salt mines, which are to the north amid most romantic and beautiful scenery. even by carriage the journey of about eight miles takes the greater part of two hours; on foot even good walkers can scarcely hope to do it in less than three. the scenery is in places very fine, and one enjoys most beautiful views, and nearer glimpses of the bettelwulf, speckkar and nisslspitz alps. [sidenote: absam and jakob stainer] on the way one passes the quaint village of absam, at which jakob stainer, known as the "german father of the violin," was born in . as a maker of these instruments he stands high, though it is unknown where or how he acquired his knowledge of the craft. it seems possible, however, as absam is but a short distance from innsbruck, where at the period at which stainer lived musicians--italians and others--were warmly welcomed to the court of the archduke ferdinand karl, he may have made the acquaintance of some of these, or even of a maker of distinction. be it as it may, ere stainer reached his majority he had embarked upon the trade of a violin maker, and was often to be seen in the streets of hall and in the market-place selling his productions at a price which we are told did not often exceed six florins. his original model was probably an amati, but he departed considerably from it as he himself acquired skill and knowledge. stories are still told of the great care he took in selecting the wood from which his instruments were to be fashioned, and how he would sometimes spend days wandering in the backwoods around hall and absam in search of a good tree, which he would tap with a hammer and note its "tone" ere felling. unfortunately, as has been the case with many another genius, he seems to have died in poverty in or about . at one time he was violin maker to the imperial court, but this appointment, which ultimately he lost through inability to pay his way, and owing to consequent financial embarrassment, was not sufficiently lucrative to ensure him comfort in his declining years, let alone prosperity. his instruments, of which there are still a number in existence, are generally distinguished by having their tops more highly curved than those of the chief italian makers, whilst they possess a more flute-like note, which is often more "singing" and sympathetic than that of the latter. but none of his make probably equalled, or at all events excelled, the works of the italian masters for brilliance and sustained tone, although by some connoisseurs this opinion has been disputed. it is said that one of mozart's favourite instruments was the work of jakob stainer. at the present time the chief industry of the mittenwald, which is just over the bavarian border, is the production of violins and guitars, which are exported in considerable numbers to both england and the united states as well as to other european countries. this flourishing industry owes its origin to a pupil of stainer's, named klotz, who after his master's death enjoyed a considerable reputation as a maker of violins of good quality. many of the houses of absam are gaily painted, and in the numerous niches, which are often vine-wreathed, one finds the images of saints, and on the bargeboards roughly carved dragons. the villagers tell a curious story to account for the presence of these dragons. it tells how centuries ago there was in the village a marvellous hen that never laid an egg until seven years old, and when this was hatched instead of the anticipated chicken there crawled out a dragon, which remarkable event the villagers have commemorated ever since by carving dragons on the eaves of their houses. but it has been pointed out by several writers upon legends and folk-lore that the dragon was an animal sacred to the god wodin, representations of which were frequently placed on houses, over the town gates, and on belfries as a kind of talisman against evil influences and spirits; and similar statements are to be found in several well-known works dealing with mythology. [sidenote: a wonderful window] in connection with this little tyrol village are several other stories and legendary tales of a highly romantic and interesting character. space, however, can only be found for one other. the story of the event or circumstance which caused absam to become a popular pilgrimage place at the end of the eighteenth century runs as follows. about the middle of january, in the year , the daughter of one of the villagers was one evening looking out of a window in her father's house to watch for his return from work across the fields, when suddenly the light from the fire which played upon the window-pane disclosed a figure of the virgin mary quite distinctly. the girl was so astonished that she fell upon her knees before the miraculous picture. the story was not long in spreading throughout the village, and the neighbours all came running to see the "miracle." then the news of the marvellous image spread through the district round about, and at last created so great a stir that the dean of innsbruck himself heard of it, and resolved to investigate the story. after he had visited the place a committee of inquiry was formed, amongst the members of which were two learned professors of chemistry and the well-known artist, joseph schöpf. after considerable investigation and the examination of witnesses the committee declared that the glass had originally formed part of a "picture" window, and that the image had been undoubtedly painted upon it. the colours had, however, faded as the years went by (as sometimes, indeed, happens), and it was the peculiar character of the atmosphere of absam which had restored them to the extent that the image of the holy virgin had become once more visible. it is not to be much wondered at, however, that the simple-minded villagers failed to appreciate the arguments of the commissioners and refused to accept the explanation. to them it remained a miraculous image still, and pilgrims came in crowds to see it. as history tells us, it was a period of "sturm und drang" in tyrol. a plague raged which afflicted both men and cattle; and the french invaders had penetrated right into the heart of the country, had occupied innsbruck, and had brought fire and sword to the hearths of the people. the superstitious peasantry, with their natural leaning towards belief in the miraculous, and faith in the benefits to be derived from the supernatural, accepted the image which had so strangely appeared on the window-pane as a token of divine favour, and insisted on its removal and installation upon one of the altars in the church. this was promptly done, and the "gnadenmutter von absam," or "miraculous madonna of absam," became an object of veneration by all who were distressed. this feeling was doubtless immensely increased by the circumstance that soon after the discovery of the picture and its removal to the church the pestilence died down, and the french were compelled to withdraw their forces. both of which events were attributed to the virtue of the painting of the virgin on the window-pane which had been discovered in so strange a manner. the salt mines a little distance beyond absam, with their crystalline grottoes and the subterranean salt lake, provide an interesting and unique experience for the enterprising traveller who comes to the salzberg. there is not much difficulty in obtaining admission to the mines, a small fee being charged each visitor for guides, torches, and the rowers of the boat on the lake. the circumstance that the mines were known and worked in the eighth century is not the least interesting fact connected with them; but it appears probable that the early workers confined their attention chiefly if not entirely to the extracting of the salt from a spring that issued from the mountain, by means of evaporating pans. [illustration: the hall valley, winter] [sidenote: discovery of salt mines] one nikolas von rohrbach, who is known by the sobriquet of "the pious knight," appears to have been the first discoverer of the salt mines. he noticed on his frequent hunting expeditions that the cattle and horses were very fond of licking certain rocks in the valley, and applied tests which showed that the rocks were strongly saline in character. following up this clue, he discovered the salzberg itself with its practically inexhaustible supply. ever since rohrbach's time the mountain has been worked for its salt, and until recent years, when blasting came into common use, much in the same way as in mediæval times, viz. by hewing huge caverns in the rock, which are then filled with water and sealed up. after a considerable period has elapsed this water is run off into conduits leading down to hall, where it is evaporated in pans. how heavily charged with salt the brine is may be judged from the fact that as a general rule it yields no less than one-third of its weight in solid salt. the caverns one is able to enter, when lighted up by the flickering torches, present a truly wonderful and beautiful sight. those who visit hall are indeed unfortunate whose time does not permit them to put up for a day or two at either of the chief inns (the "bar" or "stern"), so that the beautiful gnadenwald, which lies to the north-east of the town on the bettelwulf, may be visited. that lovely alpine lake, the achen see, in which the towering snow-capped mountains glass themselves, can be easily reached by the little railway which runs up to it through the steeply climbing zillerthal. the highest and largest of tyrolese lakes, the achen see, lies at an altitude of feet, with its deep-blue, crystal-clear waters stretching northwards for a distance of nearly six miles towards bavaria. it is surrounded by the most exquisite mountain scenery, craggy precipices and dark-green forests, and has many features of interest in addition to providing excellent fishing, boating, and numerous pleasant walks and excursions. in the gnadenwald, which was a grant of forest land made by tyrolese rulers to their household servants in olden times, there are several villages of great picturesqueness. the road from hall is a truly delightful one through pine forests, sweet with aromatic perfume in the warm air of summer, and upland fields, which seem to almost hang on the sides of the grey, craggy peaks of the bavarian alps. and if one but turns and gazes back occasionally there are charming vistas to be had of the inn valley far below, and the great chain of the southern mountain range on the further side. the two picturesquely situated villages of st. michael and st. martin are to be ranked amongst the chief places of interest in the gnadenwald. as one approaches the former its white church and tower with a red-roofed cupola with gilded finial standing out clearly defined against a background of dark green at once arrests attention. over the door is a fresco depicting the incident in the life of saint martin where he bestowed his coat upon a beggar. the visitor whose time permits or inclination leads him to enter the church will be amply repaid by the beauty of the frescoes, more especially those adorning the pulpit, which were painted by one of the priests attached to the augustinian monastery formerly connected with the church, but afterwards suppressed by joseph ii. towards the end of the eighteenth century. at a little distance from the church stands the old home of joseph speckbacher, where once, when pursued by his enemies, he took refuge in a pit only deep enough for him to sit upright, whilst the bavarian soldiers in search of him were actually quartered in the house. he was only able to leave his place of concealment under the floor when the soldiers were absent drilling in the market-place. after a time he was able to come out and hide in a more commodious cow-shed, and finally to flee (after many narrow escapes) over the border into austria, where he was well received and safe from capture. the village of st. michael is also picturesque and well worth seeing. just beyond it is the famous gungl inn, a favourite resort with excursionists from innsbruck, kufstein, hall and other places, as well as with the peasants of the gnadenwald. here, on sundays especially, one meets with some of the most interesting and picturesque types, gay costumes and rustic scenes of gaiety and amusements which give one a far better idea of the tyrolese peasants as they are than days spent in towns, and weeks spent reading books. [sidenote: a pilgrimage church] but a short distance further on, by a charming road, one reaches the famous pilgrimage chapel of maria larch, built in honour of a mysterious image of the madonna which was discovered under a larch tree. the church, perhaps on account of its poetic legend and secluded and beautiful situation, has long been a favourite pilgrimage resort with the impressionable and religious peasantry of the upper valleys. there are many other picturesque places in the neighbourhood of hall, enticing the wanderer from valley to valley and height to height; but a small volume would be required in which to adequately describe them alone; and almost a lifetime to become thoroughly acquainted with their romantic legends, story and beauty. some weeks of exploration leaves one with a keen desire for closer acquaintance with not merely the lovely scenery but with the simple-hearted, hospitable people who dwell in the more secluded valleys, with whom the great outer world with its storm and stress has indeed little to do and for whom even has little interest. "you should return to innsbruck from hall in the late afternoon, starting just before sunset," was the advice of an artist friend. "you will then see what you will not easily forget." the present writer passes on the advice. no one who has waited till day's decline to make the return journey at any period of the year will have reason to regret it, though in the winter months the effects of light and shadow are, of course, far more transient--far too much so--than during the spring, summer, and even early autumn. then the snow on the towering peaks of the environing mountains glows with at first a golden light, which passes through pearly tones to bright rose pink as the sun sinks behind the soaring crags. the last gleams of the sun linger upon the highest peak as though loth to fade through rose to pale purple, and in turn to change to steely blue, and finally to that blue-black which challenges the deeper indigo of the alpine sky. through the pine woods as one passes along the mountain road the golden light filters and slowly dies, throwing long shadows, and at last making the tree trunks loom enormous and fantastical in the fading light. and then from the tiny churches of the mountain side and valley one hears the angelus ringing forth with a peaceful sound; or if one be approaching innsbruck itself, then the mellow tones of the greater bell of wilten float upward from the valley and come to one borne on the still evening air. under such circumstances of beauty and in the impressive solitude of the forest ways one must be, indeed, unimpressionable if one fails to feel something of the spirit and love of tyrol, and of restful peace which has enslaved so many hearts throughout the country's history. footnote: [ ] by some authorities it is stated that the emperor was never made aware of ferdinand's marriage.--c. h. chapter vi salzburg, its history and romance [sidenote: beautiful old salzburg] salzburg, though lying some little distance beyond the north-eastern borders of tyrol, is so historic and delightful a city that many who visit the "land of the mountains" make a point of visiting it. they are wise to do so; for of all ancient towns in the austrian empire few are more picturesque or pleasantly situated, and scarcely any more historically interesting. we have never known any one disappointed in salzburg who was capable of appreciating beauty and romantic associations. many who have roved the world over have yielded to the charm of this old-time city, which even with its touch of modernity seems to preserve the quaint and the beautiful of long ago, and the atmosphere of the days when knights and armed men were the chief passers through its streets, and history was in the making. it lies at the foot of the northern alps, in an open and fertile valley somewhat reminding one of innsbruck, save for its wonderful rock fortress hohen-salzburg situated nearly eighteen hundred feet above sea-level and completely dominating the town. there is the kapuzingerberg in place of the innsbruck weiherberg, and its rainberg in place of berg isel. it is by many considered the most interesting of all the ancient towns amid the german alps. its beauty has been compared in turn by several well-known travellers with that of venice, naples, and even constantinople. but to our thinking the parallel is not as exact as it should be to make it of value. there is no sea at salzburg, and from that fact alone its approach is of necessity less picturesque. indeed, the immediate approach from tyrol by way of innsbruck is somewhat unimpressive and gives little or no indication of the beauty and charm of the old town, though the line on its way passes some pretty scenery and affords some fine peeps of the bavarian alps. yet salzburg, through the centre of which flows the silver-hued salzach, is in a way as beautifully situated and as charming as any of the towns to which it has from time to time been likened. it lies in a delightfully well-watered and fertile plain dotted over with villages, ancient castles, and country seats of the salzburg nobility, and encircled by wooded hills, which as they open out in a wider sweep to the south become higher and higher until deserving the description of mountains. here they become a magnificent range of towering limestone peaks, through which are cleft fertile and delightful valleys leading into the neighbouring kingdom of bavaria. in the valley of the salzach there is no lack of variety as regards scenery. one has widespread meadows, almost throughout the year starred and gemmed with many coloured and sweet scented flowers, melting away into the woods which clothe the lower slopes of the environing hills, where the sombre hued pines give a darker note of green to the landscape; whilst yet above these in the distance are crags of grey and slate-coloured limestone, and crowning the whole vast snow-fields glistering white at noonday and taking on a tint of delicate rose colour at sundown. in the town itself rise two considerable hills which serve to confer upon it a distinction of its own. one, the kapuzingerberg, on the eastern side of the river, rises to the height of feet, and the second, on the western side, to a height of nearly feet above the city. it is between these two that the greater part of the old town lies. the steep sides of the mönchsberg and the gibraltar-like rock on which the old, grey fortress of hohen-salzburg stands are ivy-clad, and in the crevices and fissures wall-flowers, valerian, stone-crop, houseleek, and other flowering and lichen-like plants have taken root, whilst from the greater crevices and ledges wave feathery birches, and the lower slopes are made beautiful and shady by spreading beeches and odorous limes. after several visits to this delightful city, which has an atmosphere entirely its own, and a charm difficult to describe, one is at a loss to set down in what it exactly differs from other similar towns. part of the attraction it possesses is doubtless owing to its situation amid a stretch of lovely valley, and its romantic and historic past. but there yet remains that elusive quality which may be described as "the personality of the town," in addition to its geographical and historical claims upon one's interest and imagination. salzburg is not, however, merely the name of a town, but also of a province or "department" of austria, to which empire it is the last added territory.[ ] lying between tyrol (of which by many it is erroneously supposed to form a part) and the salzkammergut or the lake region of upper austria, which commences in the near neighbourhood of the city, it was an independent episcopal principality until after the fall of napoleon, not having been incorporated with the austro-hungarian empire until the year . [sidenote: the salzach valley] the province consists chiefly of the mountainous district of the salzach and its numerous tributaries, which wend their way from their sources amid the glaciers and snow-fields of the great peaks of the hohen tauern and lesser ranges to the plain where the salzach itself ultimately flows into the inn. it is the great hohen tauern range with its gigantic snow-crowned peaks of the gross glockner, , feet; wiesbachhorn, , feet; and gross venediger, , feet; hohe furlegg, , feet; habachkopf, feet; and many other almost equally stupendous heights, which forms the southern boundary of the ancient principality. the whole range is one of impressive grandeur, and possesses a picturesque beauty upon its lower slopes unrivalled by any other alpine district. the foot of the hohen tauern is almost invariably clad with pine forests, which melt away into the higher slopes where blooms the bright pink "alpen rosen," whilst yet higher, and just below the line of perpetual snow, on rocky ledges and on slopes of coarse grass appear the silver-white, star-like flowers of the edelweiss. above this zone of fresh green patches amid the grey and weather-stained rocks one passes into that exhilarating region of eternal snow and ice where dwells also eternal silence unbroken by the sound of birds, the hum of insects, or murmur of other living things. not only is the hohen tauern the region of alpine giants, vast glaciers, and untrodden snow-fields, but as a natural consequence of these things it is that of many rushing torrents, stupendous waterfalls, and tinkling streamlets, all of which contribute to make the province it borders one of the best-watered in the austro-hungarian empire. upwards of half a score of large streams flow into the salzach; whilst of fertile valleys there are so many that to number them is difficult. most are beautiful in the extreme; many are almost unknown to the ordinary tourist, who usually sticks to the well-worn paths and more frequented highways. in the famous krimml falls the province of salzburg possesses by common consent the finest waterfalls in the german alps. they issue from the vast krimml glacier and descend over the edge of a pine-clad precipice in a cloud of drifting spray into the valley beneath, a distance of nearly feet, in three stupendous leaps, the highest fall in two leaps from a height of more than feet. although, as we have before said, almost every valley of the hohen tauern range is notably beautiful, none excel in interest either pictorially or geologically the longest and widest, the gastein valley, with the fine falls some feet in height near bockstein, where the gasteiner ache, after passing through narrow gorges, plunges down into the valley, and thence flows through the broad, flat plain of hof-gastein to join the salzach, passing on its way delightful bad-gastein, with its old town of interesting and picturesque wooden houses nestling on the eastern slopes of the valley, and the newer, with its hotels, churches, villas and other handsome buildings, peeping out from amid the pine-clad slopes or lying in the valley itself. it is a delightful though nowadays fashionable health resort, at which many tastes, both gay and quiet, are consulted. from lend at the foot of the gastein thal to pretty little st. johann, where the salzach flows northward, the river has passed without opposition quietly onward. but at st. johann are some towering and remarkable limestone peaks, including those of the tennen and hagen ranges, some of them attaining an altitude of feet; with the desolate-looking steinerne meer, feet on the western flank, and the dachstein more than a thousand feet higher on the eastern. the river flows onward to a point where the two ranges we have mentioned coalesce. here the great ravine known as the lueg pass, six miles in length and possessing fine scenery, forms a very fitting entrance to the beautiful valley of golling, which gradually opens out from hallein onwards till salzburg itself is reached. the valley of the salzach on its eastern side is bordered by a range of pleasant green-clad heights and gentle slopes, with the gaisberg, feet, a short distance to the north-east of salzburg itself, dominating them, from which point the mountains gradually decrease in height. from golling onwards, however, the western side of the valley is shut in by great peaks, some of which spread out their lower and rounded emerald green slopes towards the river. of these impressive and beautiful mountains the hohe göll, feet, the majestic watzmann, feet, the chief of the berchtesgaden group, are the most noticeable. the cave-pierced and lofty, dome-shaped untersberg, the highest point of which is the berchtesgadener hochtron of feet, standing isolated like a sentinel in the plain near the city. [sidenote: salzburg in roman times] salzburg, beautiful and on occasion even radiant city of the plain as it is, ancient though many of its buildings are, is yet of greater antiquity than any of them. the town stands upon truly classic ground, and is associated with many events which have taken their places in european and even world-wide history. here the romans came in their all-conquering march of empire, and recognizing its fine position and the strategic importance of the hills which command the river along most of its course, they in due time built upon the plain juvavum, on the road which linked up the augusta vindelicorum, modern augsburg with aquileia near trieste. there is little doubt nowadays, from the remains which have been discovered from time to time in the shape of implements of stone and bronze, weapons, household utensils, and ornaments, that the mines near salzburg, which have since very early days down till comparatively recent times been of great commercial importance, were not only worked in the days of the roman occupation, but also even in pre-historic times. there is little reason for doubt, indeed, that the celts knew of, and used, the famous salt mines of the dürnberg and the copper mines of the mitterberg; whilst there is abundant evidence of various kinds of the working of the gold and silver mines of the tauern district by the romans during their occupation of the country. [illustration: mozart's house in the makart platz] the exact date when salzburg as a town or settlement first came into existence has not been determined; but it would seem probable that there was a settlement existing by the banks of the salzach during, or just prior to, the first century of the christian era. the celtic inhabitants of this settlement were not, however, able successfully to resist the north-eastern advance which had been made across tyrol by the roman legions, and thus it was that the roman military station juvavum was founded on a site which was of great convenience owing to its being at the entrance to the mountain passes and placed at the junction of the roads which led by various routes to all parts of noricum. here it was the roman invader, having driven the celtic owners of the soil after a brave but ineffectual resistance into mountain fastnesses of the surrounding country, established a military post with a fort which soon became a colony, and grew ultimately into the important town of juvavum. of this occupation by the romans, and of the establishment of the town by the banks of the salzach, there are considerable relics surviving in the shape of excavated buildings and foundations, coins, ornaments, pottery, tesselated pavements, and portions of the roads which the romans made. the introduction of christianity took place at a very early date, which would in part account for the ecclesiastical prominence which the province had in the middle ages, and even in later times. we are told that even as early as the year a.d. st. severinus, whilst journeying through noricum, with which country salzburg had been incorporated by the romans, found numerous christian churches and minsters established. a relic of these times still exists set in the perpendicular walls of the mönchsberg, where high up, with some of its windows overshadowed by creepers and trees, is a very small church built into the mountain itself; reached by a dark, steep flight of steps cut in the rock, worn by the feet of countless generations, and leading to a cavern where stands an altar and a small cross. according, at least, to tradition this was the hiding-place to which the early christians amongst the roman inhabitants retired for security when celebrating the offices of the new faith. and it is here that st. maximus is said to have suffered martyrdom. from the effects of the troublous days which at last came to most outposts of roman civilization salzburg did not escape. soon the hordes of huns and goths and others belonging to various germanic tribes swept across and over the province as they did the land of tyrol, and the town was sacked and burned, and the inhabitants put to the sword or led away into captivity. thus in the flourishing roman settlement was literally wiped out by the keruli under their leader, odoaker, and of it few traces remained save some tesselated pavements, household utensils, and ornaments which ages afterwards from time to time have been uncovered. [sidenote: the rise of salzburg] the history of the town is obscure for many centuries after its destruction by the teutonic barbarians; and for more than a hundred years the place remained waste and deserted, with the ruined buildings gradually becoming overgrown by trees and shrubs. then, at the beginning of the sixth century, theodo i., duke of the bojovarii, the founder of the kingdom afterwards known as bavaria, took possession of salzburg and joined it to his own possessions. one account tells us that it was this duke theodo of bavaria who, having become a christian, summoned st. rupert, after the latter had been driven from worms, to ratisbon with a view to his introducing christianity into the duchy. tradition states that st. rupert came to juvavum about the year , or at the beginning of the seventh century, with the determination to make the spot his headquarters for the spread of the christian faith. duke theodo appears to have made him a present of the ruined and deserted town and the country round about to the extent of an area of two miles square. other estates and property were given him, including among many others those of itzling, oping (upper innsbruck), and a third part of the famous hall salt spring. the bishop set to work, and on the ruins of the old roman settlement he soon established a town, building a convent and a church under the steep rocks of the mönchsberg, where now the large benedictine convent and st. peter's church stand, in the latter of which the bones of the saint are said to lie buried. the convent of nonnberg had many estates granted to it, and became rich. bishop rupert appears to have also begun to build new dwellings and to have cultivated the land; not neglecting in the meantime the object for which he had come, viz. the spread of christianity. he built many churches, and was the means of forming a large number of christian communities throughout the duchy. he also extended the influence of the town of salzburg over the surrounding district, and when he died in he left behind him, where he had found ruins, a flourishing town with religious institutions of considerable importance. it was from this settlement that the most powerful and wealthiest ecclesiastical principality in southern germany was destined to spring, which, though possessed in turn by various nations, lasted as a spiritual principality until , when it was secularized and re-established as a temporal electorate. after the coming of st. rupert salzburg gradually grew to be the chief centre of religious life and culture in the eastern region of the alps. by the foundation of the archbishopric of bavaria by charles the great in , after the latter territory had been annexed and incorporated with his possessions, the city's importance steadily increased. but with an increase of status there came a corresponding extension and consolidation of the ecclesiastical dominion by which the political influence of the archbishops of salzburg grew until it finally justified them in assuming the title of primates of germany. almost without exception during the middle ages the archbishops were militant priests. "they knew," we are told, "as well how to handle a sword as to say a mass," and they often fought with distinction against the many enemies that the german empire had in those troublous times when the various kingdoms of eastern europe were being evolved out of chaos, and were ever at war one with another. these prelates were also distinguished as skilled and astute diplomatists, capable of holding their own and adding to the power and privileges of their church whenever an opportunity for so doing presented itself. under bishop virgil ( to ) the power of salzburg was considerably extended eastward. the new cathedral was built, and several other districts were brought under the subjection of the bishopric. it was bishop virgil's successor, arno ( to ), a personal friend of charlemagne, who, in the last year of the eighth century, was invested by pope leo iii. with the pallium and installed first archbishop of salzburg. to arno's labours the town and the country owe much, for under his skilful and wise guidance not only did the former flourish and grow, with the other settlements which had come into existence, but by his great power of initiative the life of the principality itself was directed into prosperous and progressive channels. his immediate successors greatly increased the power and influence of the church; whilst at the same time they did not omit to extend their non-spiritual power by the acquisition of other territory, and by means of the mining industries they became very rich and powerful. [sidenote: early rulers] the archbishops of salzburg soon by this means gained a great and distinguished place amongst the german princes, which they retained until the power of the emperors began to wane in consequence of differences with the popes, to the latter of whom the archbishops, as a rule, gave their support in the disputes that arose. into these matters it is not necessary to enter deeply, but it was in consequence of them that conrad i., count of abinberg, took the part of the pope and caused the country to be greatly disturbed. during his reign the abbey of st. peter was granted as a residence to the archbishop of salzburg, and a new building was soon afterwards erected close by for the purpose. it was in the reign of this same conrad i. that the cathedral of salzburg was destroyed by fire on may , , as was also a very large portion of the city. both the cathedral and the portion of the town which had been burnt down were rebuilt with even greater magnificence than before. but they were destined to once more be destroyed. three centuries later, in the year , a quarrel arose between conrad ii. and frederick barbarossa, because the latter refused to invest the former with the temporal power, and pronounced against him the ban of the empire. barbarossa ordered salzburg and the country round about to be over-run and laid waste by the counts plain-mittersill. for some time the city and its strong fortress resisted successfully; but on april , , it was captured and once more burnt to the ground. the successor of conrad, albert iii., a son of king ladislav of bohemia, also came into conflict with the emperor, and shared a similar fate to his predecessors; but during the reigns of the immediately succeeding archbishops peace and prosperity were established, and under eberhard ii., who was distinguished as a most able and brilliant administrator as well as a great churchman, peace and tranquillity once more reigned. during the next century salzburg was involved in political disputes and took part in the battle of muhldorf, on september , , fighting on the side of frederick the schöne, duke of austria, who was taken prisoner. in consequence of which the principality not only lost large numbers of its chief nobles and knights, but also was involved in heavy monetary loss in the payment of its share of a war indemnity. immediately following this period of unrest came another distinguished by the erection of new and handsome buildings and the enlargement of the bounds of the city, and also strengthening of the castle on the mönchsberg. to archbishop leonhard von keutschach ( to ) must be given the credit of attaining absolute supremacy, and with his occupation of the see may be said to have commenced the most distinguished period in the history of the city. leonhard did not attain to this position, however, entirely without guile, for to tell the truth the salzburg citizens, who seemed even in those mediæval times to have possessed a love of freedom and spirit of independence which did them credit, having become restive under the ecclesiastical domination and tyranny wished to make the town a free imperial city. leonhard, however, had determined otherwise, and so under pretence of inviting the burgomaster and twenty town councillors to his palace to give them a state banquet, he promptly arrested them on their arrival and threw them into the castle dungeons. he then succeeded in taking away the ancient rights of the town, upon the annulment of which he had set his mind. but although archbishop leonhard ruled his secular as well as his ecclesiastical subjects with a rod of iron, he did much to improve and beautify the city, adding greatly to the strength and size of hohen-salzburg, and also improving the method of working the mines, particularly those in gastein and rauris. this was, of course, more directly to his benefit than that of the miners, yet in the end was pleasing to the country in general in that the archbishop drew from the mines a revenue sufficient to permit him to erect many handsome buildings, to improve the roads, and to encourage art and agriculture. [sidenote: the reformation] during the archiepiscopate of his successor mathäus lang von wellenburg, from to , many stirring events took place, not only in the city of salzburg but throughout the length and breadth of the principality as well. the faith of luther had been introduced into salzburg and had met with great success among all classes of the population, especially that of the miners. even some of the priests and officials of the cathedral itself were suspected of being favourable to, and even of extending, the new doctrines. at first the archbishop tried to combat the heretical tendencies of his subjects by kindness and indulgence; but finding these methods fruitless, he called in the aid of foreign mercenaries, chiefly from tyrol, garrisoned hohen-salzburg strongly with them and with followers upon whose loyalty he could depend, and taking the town unawares, forced the inhabitants to submit and to surrender their privileges. this event was followed by various acts of violence directed against the adherents of the reformed faith, which so exasperated the population that in may, , a rebellion broke out in all parts of the principality. the archbishop seeing that the situation was taking a serious turn, addressed an urgent appeal for help to duke william at munich, which, however, was not answered. shortly after, thousands of miners and peasants, having won several skirmishes in the country districts, advanced to salzburg, where they were joined by many of the inhabitants, and promptly set to work to besiege the archbishop in the fortress, which they continued to do (failing to gain an entrance) until august th, when ludwig of bavaria arrived with a strong force, and a truce favourable to the peasants was agreed upon. this arrangement, however, was not held to, and in consequence a fierce rebellion broke out again in the following year, but was successfully and cruelly suppressed by forces under the command of the archduke ferdinand, supplemented by those of the suabian league. although the doctrines of luther continued to make headway, and religious disturbances still occurred, the latter were not of a serious character; but some half a century later the famous archbishop wolf dietrich von raitenau, also known for brevity as wolf dietrich, on returning from rome, where he had been to receive the pallium, or ornamental band of white wool worn around the shoulders, which all archbishops at that time had to receive on their appointment before they were empowered to carry out the duties of their office, issued his famous edict on july , , for the extermination of the heretics. in consequence of which there was a severe persecution of those who had adopted the lutheran faith, with great confiscations of their lands and other property. other acts of this famous archbishop, including an imposition on salt, the obtaining and making of which formed a very important and remunerative industry, brought about serious friction between him and some of his subjects, and ultimately led on two occasions to his military occupation of the salt district by means of mercenaries. on the first these forces were defeated and driven out by those of duke william of bavaria; and on the second the archbishop's action led to the conquest and occupation of salzburg by the duke maximilian himself, and the ultimate imprisonment and dethroning of wolf dietrich on march , . he was never released, although efforts were made to obtain freedom and pardon for him, and died in his cell in hohen-salzburg five years later. [sidenote: catholic persecutions] after the peace of westphalia, october th, salzburg was made an independent and sovereign principality, and the archbishops, the chapter, and various other authorities, set to work to bring about improvements in the civil and ecclesiastical offices and organizations of the country, and to improve the condition of the inhabitants by better regulations of taxes, the criminal law, etc., and to complete the building of the city and improvement of the existing portions of it by the repaving of the streets and instituting better sanitary arrangements. but notwithstanding the undoubted benefits conferred in the way we have mentioned upon the inhabitants, the clerical party maintained a rigorous persecution of the protestants, and in consequence the years - witnessed large emigrations of lutherans, including great numbers of the hallein miners. these persecutions were followed half a century later by those of the archbishop leopold anton freiherr von fermian, who summoned the jesuits into the country to aid in extirpating the protestants. these priests succeeded in stirring up further dissensions between the catholics and the lutherans, and cruel persecutions, accompanied by torture and imprisonment, followed. the archbishop, finding the jesuits had not succeeded in reducing the country to uniformity of religion or a more peaceful state, issued on the last day of october, , the famous emigration edict by which the protestants were to be deprived of all their property and their rights as citizens, and to be driven from the principality. the result was the forming of the celebrated salzbund, by which the followers of the reformed faith banded themselves together and swore to defend it, and as a token they licked a block of salt placed for the purpose on a table, which is still preserved at schwarzach, where the league was formed. in the end, in consequence of archbishop fermian's edict, upwards of , people emigrated, and as was the case with the huguenots of france they formed by far the most able, industrious, and intelligent portion of the community, and the consequences of their emigration are even felt at the present time. by the expulsion of the protestants, many of whom were miners, we are told "the mining industry of salzburg received its death blow, the prosperity of the country was greatly diminished, and the free national and civic life was destroyed." the greater number of these emigrants eventually settled in prussian lithuania, where they were warmly and hospitably received. others went to bavaria, and suabia, and a few even to england, some of the latter of whom ultimately crossed the atlantic and settled in georgia, where in the town of ebenezer there still exists a colony of their descendants. the immediate effect of the emigration of these skilled artisans and workers was felt both in the city of salzburg and the principality. workshops, which had hitherto been busy hives of industry, deserted by their former occupants, failed to find new tenants, and fell into gradual decay, or were turned to other less remunerative uses. as had been the case with the huguenots so was it with the _émigrés_ of salzburg; their places could not be filled nor their loss replaced. salzburg during the wars of frederick the great against bavaria and france was frequently occupied by one or other of the contending nations, and was reduced to a state of poverty and distress from which it was a long time recovering. to such a wretched condition were the inhabitants of the city and principality reduced that there was serious danger at one time of the latter being secularized. but under the firmer and more beneficent rule of hieronymus, count of coloredo-wallsee, the last reigning archbishop ( to ), several beneficial reforms were brought about in the administration of the country relating to its finances, police, agriculture, and other departments. but, notwithstanding these changes, ecclesiastical domination in salzburg was destined to come to an end speedily, and at the peace of campo formio, october , , france by a secret treaty agreed to have the archbishopric of salzburg transferred to the emperor francis ii. [sidenote: napoleonic wars] in the years to the principality was once more the scene of french invasions, and suffered severely not only from the ravages consequent upon the battles fought between the french and the imperialists, but also from the heavy contributions of money and stores levied upon the people. the whole country soon became in a chaotic condition, and the archbishop at last fled with his portable property and the most valuable treasures, leaving his see to its fate. the imperial forces entered salzburg under the command of count meerveldt on august , , the general proclaiming that he took possession of the country in the name of the archduke ferdinand of tuscany. thus salzburg ceased to be an independent spiritual principality and became the secular electorate, which it has remained ever since. on march th of the following year the fugitive archbishop resigned the secular power. although there is no doubt that this change was welcomed by the people at large, who looked forward to reforms and greater stability of government, it was not found possible to effect the former at once. the still unsettled and warlike period in which ferdinand i. came to rule over salzburg was very detrimental to any radical reform or change of administration. by the peace of pressberg, december , , salzburg was transferred to austria, and four years later passed into the possession of bavaria by the treaty of vienna, and so remained until . it was during the napoleonic wars that the salzburgers, like the tyrolese under andreas hofer, rose and fought for their country and for the emperor of austria. quite a number of serious engagements took place, in the lueg pass, and the mendling, and near unken and melleck, leading naturally enough to great poverty and devastation. ultimately by the treaty of april , , salzburg passed into the possession of austria, and on may , , the imperial commissioners entered into possession amidst the enthusiastic rejoicing of the whole population. this state of affairs lasted till , when once more salzburg became an independent austrian crown land, and eleven years later it was granted a separate government and a diet. since then the city as well as the province has prospered under the wise and enterprising rule of its present administration, and has become thoroughly incorporated in spirit as well as upon paper with the great empire of which it forms an independent part. to its archbishops of the sixteenth century salzburg owed and still owes much. they were nearly all of them great and interesting personalities who not only influenced the civil as well as the religious life and evolution of the town, but had, in addition, not a little to do with the appearance it gradually assumed during the period we have mentioned. under their rule salzburg was to a large extent modernized. many thirteenth- and fourteenth-century buildings were pulled down, to be replaced by much more magnificent if not more picturesque and interesting structures. it was then that the spirit of the renaissance swept over the alps from italy, and in its train came the desire for magnificence in architecture, in entertainments, and in the dress and life of the salzburg nobility. the archbishops and ecclesiastical inhabitants also fell willing victims to the desire for extravagance and ostentatious display. indeed, the former were, as one authority says, "the true renaissance sovereigns of the italian school, who were selfish as regards their politics, and not at all particular regarding the means by which they attained their ends." it must, however, be allowed that though by no means unwilling for worldly enjoyments and pageantry, notwithstanding the fact that they professed in their religion the severer doctrines of ignatius loyola, they were worthy patrons and encouragers of art, science, and literature, and were animated by the desire to leave a lasting memorial of themselves and their beliefs in splendid ecclesiastical buildings. in salzburg one finds their records on all hands, in coats-of-arms and tablets on which are recorded their names and deeds, for the benefit and instruction of those who succeeded them. [illustration: one of the finest doors of the state apartments in the fortress, salzburg] [sidenote: rebuilding the city] during the period of which we speak the character and appearance of the city was almost entirely changed. the ancient mediæval buildings were pulled down, and replaced by magnificent palaces in which the nobility and ecclesiastical dignitaries dwelt in splendour and ease. churches were erected in such numbers as to be almost unequalled in any other city of similar size. most of these still remain, making salzburg a place of spires and domes and handsome churches strangely picturesque and deeply interesting. seen either from the ridge of the mönchsberg, the kapuzingerberg, or from the castle walls, especially at sundown on a summer's evening, salzburg presents a picture of great beauty and colour, and one which is not easily forgotten. as was not unnatural with the secularization of the power ruling the province the capital suffered heavily. for a time both its prosperity and its intellectual life underwent eclipse. for almost half a century its energies seemed to lie dormant, and it was only when the line connecting munich with vienna by way of salzburg was constructed in that it woke once more to take an important place amongst the towns of north-western austria. from that period till to-day the place has made steady progress. till the middle of the last century the city occupied a comparatively restricted area within the old walls. and as a direct consequence of the numerous churches, convents, and other ecclesiastical buildings occupying a great deal of the space available the townsfolk were compelled to crowd their dwellings together, and to build the many storied houses which one finds in the older portion of the town in the neighbourhood of the herrngasse, sigmund-haffnergasse, and getreidegasse. it is in these narrow and gloomy--though undoubtedly picturesque--streets, in the architecture of which one can in many instances trace italian influence, that the great part of the population dwelt, and much of the trade of the town was done. with more modern ideas the distaste for such confinement among the more ambitious and well-to-do of the commercial and artisan classes became manifest, and when at length the old walls were in places pulled down a new suburb arose on the other side of the river--as it did at innsbruck--in the neighbourhood of the railway station, possessing wide modern streets, finer shops, and palatial villa residences, and also smaller houses for the occupation of the working-class community. in this portion of the town one finds not only some of the best hotels, but the kurhaus with its pleasant gardens (closely adjoining the mirabell garden), the fine theatre, and the imposing church of st. andreas in the gothic style. opposite the railway station, set in a recess of foliage in the garden adjoining the hôtel de l'europe, is the famous statue of the kaiserin elizabeth, a pilgrimage shrine for most visitors to the town. the statue itself has been described as "simple but beautiful." to us it has always seemed by no means an adequate or even very skilful representation of a beautiful and queenly personality. the pose is not particularly happy, and the whole has to our mind a "doll-like" effect. [illustration: a quiet pasture] as time went by salzburg reclaimed much ground from the rocky bed of the swiftly flowing river by confining the stream within more restricted limits. in former times, when the town was enclosed with walls, there was no such necessity, and the salzach took its own course, encroaching much upon the lower-lying land along its banks. but nowadays on this reclaimed ground shady avenues of trees have been planted, which give a charming and distinctive character to this part of the city. here, too, are some fine villas, where not so very many years ago was waste or wooded land, set amid trees and made pleasant by beautiful gardens, in which there seems to bloom a profusion of flowers all the year round. the position and future prosperity of the town as a tourist resort was assured when salzburg became the starting-point of a second main line of railway leading to innsbruck via kitzbühel, and the picturesque unter-inn thal, and the centre of a number of branch lines. it is through these modern developments that the life of salzburg has so materially changed even within the memory of those who first visited it but, comparatively speaking, a few years ago. from a town of ecclesiastical and almost mediæval aloofness from the outside world, and from one which had for a considerable period seen its growth arrested and its life stagnant, it has sprung into being as a favourite summer and winter resort not merely for tourists, but also for those to whom the older portion of the town, its many historic buildings, castle, and fine churches, proves attractive. [sidenote: salzburg's ancient fortress] the most prominent of all buildings in salzburg, and the one which has for most visitors the greatest attraction, is the fine old fortress of hohen-salzburg set high above the older town upon a tree-enshrouded and rocky spur of the mönchsberg. the ancient fortress, which has witnessed so many stirring events within its walls, and from which past generations of inhabitants have looked down upon almost equally dramatic and stirring doings in the town below, that throughout the ages defied capture, and at last came to be looked upon as impregnable, was founded nearly eight and a half centuries ago by archbishop gebhard. as the centuries went by many additions were made to the original buildings, and the present castle dates in its chief portions from the last few years of the fifteenth and the first few years of the sixteenth centuries. these additions were principally the work of leonard von keutschach, archbishop of salzburg at the close of the middle ages. he was one of the great "building" archbishops to whose energies and enterprise the town at various periods owed so much. of peasant origin he was not ashamed of his humble birth, and, being gifted with a sense of humour, chose a turnip as his armorial bearings. so frequently, indeed, are representations of this vegetable met with on escutcheons in various parts of the town, that the remark of one traveller who observed that "the salzburgers appear to have sprung out of the earth" may be held excused. severe looking as is the fine old fortress (now given over to the uses of barracks), in whose courtyards princes, archbishops, nobles, and many famous men of the past centuries have walked, it was, however, not merely a strong bulwark of defence, truly "ein feste burg" dominating the town and plain, but also a palace. although the castle has been stripped of much of its magnificence there happily still remain traces of it in the so-called fürstenzimmer (state apartments), which formerly occupied by the rulers of the province were furnished and decorated with all the splendour which marked the most lavish period of renaissance influence. chief amongst the relics of the latter are the beautiful and delicately carved panelling, the gilt work, and the richly carved and moulded ceilings of the principal apartments. in wandering through these now almost deserted rooms one is tempted to conjure up the scenes of magnificence they must have witnessed. tragedy, comedy, chivalry, hate, joy, sorrow, success, and failure, all, the often lurid though magnificent gamut of life in the middle ages, must have been welded into the very fabric and atmosphere of this impressive and deeply interesting building. among the chief relics of bygone splendour and pomp of circumstance there remains the beautiful and it is said unique majolica stove, a truly wonderful example of gothic ceramic art. there are many interesting and quaint corners within the triple line of walls, which shut off access to the castle and proved so useful on many an occasion in former times, united with the fortifications of the mönchsberg known as the _burgerwehr_; but few excel in picturesqueness the old courtyard with its shady and famous linden tree, ancient well, and time-worn walls. here, as one lingers, towards sundown one sometimes hears the sweet-toned though halting notes of the organ within the tower playing some familiar hymn tune. the trembling notes, like those of an old singer whose voice has become feeble but has retained much of its sweetness, float out upon the still evening air with a mystic appeal which few that have heard them can, we think, have failed to have felt. for ourselves it is one of the lasting and unforgettable memories of salzburg as well as of its castle. nowadays the cable railway takes one to the summit in a few minutes, and one is spared the fatigue of the long climb up by the nonnberg. the old reckturm, in the dungeons of which unlucky prisoners were confined, and in the tower itself the terrible instruments of torture were kept and the torture chamber was situated, nowadays has a much more pleasant office to fulfil as an excellent "look out" place from which to view the widely extended prospect of the town and salzach valley towards the north. [sidenote: hohen-salzburg's sieges] many an assault was made during the middle ages and succeeding eras upon the old grey fortress, seldom resulting in anything save disaster or disappointment for the attacking force. even the peasants, who, during the terrible rebellion of , made repeated attacks upon the castle with the utmost fury and determination, failed to accomplish their object of capturing the stronghold, matthew land, the then archbishop, and the high ecclesiastics who had taken refuge within its unscalable walls, to whom short shrift would have been given by the peasant leaders. for ages the church had trodden the peasantry under foot, and in the peasants' rebellion there were terrible reprisals. but although the insurgents came near capturing hohen-salzburg they did not succeed. their appliances were too primitive for successful assault, and their shots did little or no damage to the strong thick walls or buildings. on a marble column in the castle are to be seen the marks left by a cannon ball, which was one of the few that succeeded in entering the castle, and in this case it was through a window! a century later, during the thirty years' war of - which devastated the whole of the then german empire, waged between the evangelic union under the elector palatine and the catholics led by maximilian the great duke of bavaria, salzburg, doubtless on account of the fact that its fortress was esteemed impregnable, was one of the few places left at peace and unmolested. we have already mentioned the fact that the archbishops were not only exceedingly powerful ecclesiastics but also great diplomatists, and there is little doubt but that to their clever policy must also be attributed the town's immunity from attack during that troublous and universally disturbed period. of the many distinguished ecclesiastics who have occupied the see of salzburg as its archbishops, the most interesting and perhaps the most important were two, separated one from the other by but a few years. one was wolf dietrich von raitenau ( - ?) and the other paris von lodron. [sidenote: builders of renown] archbishop wolf dietrich von raitenau, from having received his education in rome, then the centre of art and culture, came to salzburg steeped not alone in the traditions of italian art but anxious to impress upon the town his knowledge and taste. he found an old roman and neither handsome nor picturesque cathedral, dating from the eighth century, in place of churches such as he had been accustomed to in italy, ornate and beautiful. he is reputed to have been at no pains to conceal his distaste for the building, and when a few years before his death it was destroyed during one of the destructive fires, there were those who even accused the archbishop of having himself set the church on fire, or at least of having instigated others to do so. but there is little truth in this story, though the archbishop's satisfaction at the destruction of the ancient, inconvenient, and unornamental structure seems beyond question. that he fully intended to erect upon the site one of the finest churches north of the italian frontier there is little doubt, but, alas! for human aims, he was not destined even to see the foundations laid. to him, notwithstanding his despotic character, his restless disposition, his shameful intrigue with the beautiful salome alt, the city of salzburg owes a great deal, for he did much to transform an unpicturesque and dirty town with narrow mediæval streets into one of the finest cities of germany. many of the beautiful buildings, including the gabriel chapel, the chapter house, the neubau, and the arcades of the sebastian cemetery, owed their existence to his artistic taste and desire for improvement. it was to paris von lodron, the founder of the university which was dissolved in during the bavarian occupation, his second successor, fell the task as well as the honour of giving to salzburg a cathedral worthy of it and of its long line of famous archbishops and many historical memories. the original plan, which historians tell us would have resulted in a church of such magnificence that it would have been almost unrivalled by that of any in europe, had to be considerably modified for several reasons, chief amongst which were considerations of cost and space. the former was rendered obligatory from the heavy expense entailed in keeping up the fortifications of the city during the time (the thirty years' war) the cathedral was in course of construction. however, notwithstanding these circumstances, paris von lodron's work, which occupies a splendid position in the midst of three large squares, was designed chiefly by an italian architect named santino solari (possibly from plans by scamozzi of florence), assisted by others in the late renaissance style, is one of the most magnificent churches in austria, although the stucco ornamentation is of a rather florid character. from the exterior, which is rather plain and severe, although it possesses a fine façade built of unterberg marble, it is impossible to gain any conception of the charm and even splendour of the building. but immediately upon entering it, one is impressed with its beautiful proportions, and the resemblance to a marked degree in the general plan to that of st. peter's, rome. indeed, there is little doubt as to the source from which solari drew much of his inspiration, although due credit must be given to him for original details, the proportions, and general beauty of effect. the treasury of the church is worth seeing, as it is rich in relics of bygone ages, including an exquisite seventeenth-century monstrance encrusted with precious stones, rich vestments, and a fine crozier set with gems; and none should miss the interesting fourteenth-century bronze romanesque font which stands in one of the side chapels to the left of the entrance. in its cathedral salzburg possesses a gem of architectural beauty which has been the admiration of generations of architects and students, and (as one authority says) "has probably provided more inspiration for the artist and the student of architecture than any other church north of the italian alps." on the residenz-platz, the centre of which is adorned by a beautiful fountain nearly fifty feet in height dating from the latter part of the seventeenth century, consisting of a colossal figure of atlas surrounded by equally colossal hippopotami, the work of anton dario, is situated the ancient palace of the archbishops, formerly known as the residenz, now the imperial residence. this fine palace which was erected at various dates from the end of the sixteenth down to the first two decades of the eighteenth century contains many traces of the splendour which characterized the larger buildings which were erected by ecclesiastics at the time the influence of the renaissance was at its height. the ceilings and wall of the principal salons and halls are especially notable, and in some cases are most elaborately decorated. the government offices which are opposite the residenz although known as the neugebäude (possibly because they included the post and telegraph office), in reality date, at any rate in part, from the reign of archbishop wolf dietrich von raitenau, although they have been modernized, altered, and added to from time to time. in the octagonal tower was placed, in the beginning of the eighteenth century, a beautiful _carillon_, the work of a watchmaker named sauter at the commencement of the seventeenth century, known as the glockenspiel, which chimes thrice daily at a.m., a.m., and p.m. the archbishops of salzburg were not only in past ages ecclesiastics and diplomatists but also sportsmen. most, indeed, seem to have been great lovers of horses. wolf dietrich von raitenau, salzburg, built some magnificent stables adorned with marble on the slopes of the mönchsberg; attached to them were a covered riding school for use in winter, and another open-air one for summer use. though the stables themselves are now barracks, the open-air school is still one of the sights of the town. in the side of the mönchsberg were hewn in three great galleries for the accommodation of spectators of the sports in the summer riding school; they have long ago been overgrown with ivy and creepers which add greatly to their picturesqueness, but are still occasionally used for the purpose for which they were originally constructed. in the winter riding school there is an interesting ceiling fresco depicting a joust or tournament dating from the last decade of the seventeenth century. several of the archbishops of salzburg appear to have had a liking for rock excavations, and the archbishop sigismund von schrattenbach was one of the number. in the latter half of the eighteenth century, in to be precise, he constructed the neuthor, a tunnel through the solid rock some four hundred and fifty feet in length, which it took two years to make. it pierced through the mönchsberg and thus united the suburb of riedenberg with the rest of the town. at the riedenberg end is a statue to st. sigismund in commemoration of the archbishop, who placed his own medallion at the town end of the tunnel with the latin inscription "te saxa loquntur" (the very stones praise thee) above it. [sidenote: the schloss mirabell] to the archbishop wolf dietrich von raitenau, or rather to his passion for the beautiful daughter of a salzburg merchant whose name was perhaps not inappropriately salome, the charming schloss mirabell chiefly owes its existence. here (so the story goes) the beautiful salome alt was installed as mistress, amid splendour and lavish expenditure befitting a king's favourite. for her were constructed and laid out delightful gardens, with fine terraces, shady walks, wide lawns of exquisitely "velvety" turf, the like of which we have seldom seen even in the "grass" counties of england; quaintly shaped flower-beds, fountains and ponds, mazes and avenues of fine trees. for her, too, were numerous groups of statuary, and single figures of a mythological and artistic character installed. some of these are of considerable merit; and few are without distinctive decorative value in the surroundings amid which they have been placed. in the gardens themselves there is a constant succession of delightful flowers all the year round. on the occasion of our last visit the sweetly scented linden avenue was in full bloom, whilst roses were in profusion--we were told they bloom almost all the year round in this favoured and beautiful spot--and the jasmine, orange trees, and many other beautiful and homely flowers perfumed the summer air, and spread out in a riot of colour on every hand. aloes, palms, portugal laurels, daphne, and other shrubs afford relief to the eye, and in the background, towering high above the quietude of this old-fashioned garden, looms the vast and commanding hohen-salzburg, with its roofs and pinnacles shimmering and glancing in the sunshine of the upper air. in the gardens are also the interesting aviary of the salzburg society for the protection of birds, and the former summer theatre near the french garden with the grassy stage and wings formed of "trimly" clipped hedges. the mansion itself suffered severely from a fire in , but the marble hall and staircase which escaped are well worth seeing, as are also the decorations of several of the older rooms. footnote: [ ] bosnia and herzegovina have been recently annexed. chapter vii the environs of salzburg--hellbrunn, its unique fountains and gardens--the castle of anif--the gaisberg--the kapuzingerberg--the mozart-hÄuschen--the mÖnchsberg--salzburg churches in the neighbourhood of salzburg there are several beautiful castles erected by various holders of the see. amongst them the charmingly situated leopoldskron, lying to the south of the mönchsberg, overlooking a lake covered in early summer with a profusion of water lilies and other water plants, and embracing a magnificent prospect of the environing mountains. the drive to leopoldskron is one not to be missed. as one passes along the magnificent avenue, or _allée_, of trees, through flower-bedecked fields, and with the fresh air from off the river and mountains perfumed by the carpet of blossoms which lies stretched on either side of the road, one is able to realize to the full the rural charm which surrounds the historic and busy town just left behind. [sidenote: hellbrunn and its fountains] but a little distance further, on the other side of the salzach, is hellbrunn, once an archiepiscopal and now an imperial possession. it is surrounded by a large deer park, and owes its origin to the archbishop marcus sittich in . it is pleasantly situated, and was, according to tradition, the retreat and pleasure palace of its founder, who was of a far more social and lively disposition than archbishops, even in that somewhat lax age, were supposed to be, and here he installed his favourites. in the chateau itself there are some fine state apartments, in one of which are some interesting frescoes by mascagni, franz von sienna, and solari the younger. but the gardens and unique fountains and "waterworks," which are laid out and planned in the style so popular during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, are the great attractions of hellbrunn, not only to the foreign visitors, but on sundays especially to the salzburg folk, and those of the neighbouring villages who flock in thousands to the chateau. in the gardens of hellbrunn one finds the same velvety turf that so generally distinguishes those of other castles in this fertile valley of the salzach; whilst in the ponds, lakes, fountains, and "trick" waterworks--invented by the archbishop, so it is said, to amuse his favourites during his enforced absences upon his ecclesiastical duties and affairs of state--one has something quite out of the ordinary. indeed, probably in no other garden in the world do unsuspecting visitors run such risks of a soaking or impromptu shower baths as at hellbrunn. jets start suddenly (at the turn of secret taps by the custodian, who seems to take a cynical delight, bred of many experiences, in the visitor's discomfiture) from rockeries, from the corners of plaster columns, from the mouths, finger-tips and eyes of statues, from the foliage of trees, from roofs of grottoes, from the edges of the very paths along which one is unsuspectingly walking, from, it appears, the very ground beneath one's feet. one is lured into a grotto to admire a statue or to "see something" which may or may not actually exist, only a moment later to find one's exit blocked by a curtain of water, which pours down from the outside rocks above the entrance. this lifts and one makes a dash for liberty, only to be assailed by jets of water converging or spurting across the path one has to follow. visitors seat themselves upon a marble bench a few moments later, and a whole battery of jets plays upon the unfortunate sitters, or are so arranged that, whilst not actually playing upon them, to escape without "running the gauntlet," for the amusement of the more discreet or knowing onlookers, is impossible. on fine sundays when there is usually a great crowd of visitors at this favourite out-of-town resort, which boasts of an excellent restaurant, there is, of course, plenty of fun when the jets begin to play for the lucky folk who have "been there before." along one path leading from the chateau to the lawns and fish-ponds, the latter of which are crowded with huge carp and other fish, some of which are reputed to be as old as hellbrunn itself, there are set in niches a number of figures, blacksmiths, armourers, millers, and the like with their anvils, forges, and mills worked by a tiny runlet of water. and not far from these is the famous mechanical theatre, also worked by water power, with its organ, and some hundred and fifty figures in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century costumes, which give quaint performances, depicting a busy town, dancers (these latter very amusing with their pirouettes and posturings), soldiers, fighting, jousts, etc. of the water grottoes that known as the neptune--with, it is said, five thousand jets--is the largest, and there are also the rainbow, fairy, and orpheus grottoes, each one bringing into play some fresh piece of mechanical or other ingenuity. in the deer park is situated the famous monatsschlösschen upon a wooded knoll, from which a fine view is obtainable. this building was erected (some say for a bet) within a month's time by archbishop marcus sittich. there was at the time a popular belief that he was assisted in the accomplishment of what was, at all events in those days, a wonderful feat by satan himself. [illustration: mountain pastures] the stone theatre near by is also worth seeing. it has a naturally formed stage and auditorium, upon the former of which in ancient times pastoral and other plays were performed for the amusement of the archbishops and their friends. [sidenote: anif and the gaisberg] the castle of anif, which is reached by a pleasant road from hellbrunn in about twenty minutes, is well worth a visit. it is a most charming chateau dating originally from the second decade of the thirteenth century, of late years restored in gothic style by the owner, one of the counts arco-steppberg. it is built in the centre of a lake, and is surrounded by a well-wooded and beautiful park, and is of great interest as a well-preserved survival of the fortified domestic architecture of other days. it is beautifully furnished, and contains many finely decorated rooms, and a valuable art collection. the return to salzburg through the fields at sunset is a delightful experience. to the back and to the left of one are the towering mountain summits tinged with the alpine glow which turns their rocky peaks almost blood red, and their snow-fields a deep rose pink. and right ahead stands up, mystic-looking as some fairy fortress in the waning light, hohen-salzburg, its roofs and walls reddened and given the tints of nacre, and its windows shining like the open doors of furnaces. a never-to-be-forgotten picture. both the gaisberg, up which there is now a funicular railway, and at whose foot aigen, with its interesting church and castle acquired by the family of prince schwarzenberg in , lies, and the kapuzingerberg should be visited by all who have the time, and for whom a wide and pleasant prospect of mountain ranges, valleys, and the salzach, threading its silvery way dividing the city and flowing northward and southward through the valley, has attractions. the gaisberg is ascended from the little village of parsch, reached by tram from the city. the railway takes one through beautiful scenery in about an hour to the summit of the mountain, which is so favourite an excursion with the well-to-do salzburgers, and from which such a beautiful prospect is spread out at one's feet. to the north one can catch glimpses of the undulating foreground of the alps and shining lakes; whilst salzburg now more than feet below looks almost insignificant, and like a toy town set in the midst of a green plain through which winds a thin, silver line, the salzach. in the far distance is the magnificent range of the alps, in which stand the watzmann, feet; the dachstein, feet, with its rocky pinnacles catching the sunshine, and its glaciers and snow-fields gleaming white, whilst in the further distance through the deep-cut gap formed by the lueg pass one sees the fields of eternal snow on the hohen tauern glinting at one, and on a quite clear day one can catch glimpses of the white peaks of the grossglockner, , feet and the wiesbachhorn, , feet, across the desolate-looking steinerne meer. the prospect has been compared, but somewhat loosely we think, to that from the rigi. but, whether we think it finer or less fine, we can agree that in one respect the view and interest of the scene is not exceeded by its swiss rival--the wonderful changes of light and shade which come and go over the landscape between the hours of sunrise and sunset, during which nature seems to work with a brush full of the most delicate colours and uses them as no human artist could hope to do. from the kapuzingerberg, which is only half the height of the gaisberg, the view is not so extensive, but it is well worth climbing to see. on the way up one obtains most beautiful peeps of the city from two distinct points; whilst from the summit one gets a panorama which will satisfy all save those who have made the gaisberg ascent first. the way up is, after a long flight of steps about two hundred in number, through a most delightful beech wood, where one is tempted often to stop to rest or to admire some vista of the valley or town seen through a framework of feathery, green branches. there are, too, on the kapuzingerberg several interesting buildings. the first to be reached is the church of the capuchin monastery built in the last year of the sixteenth century by archbishop wolf dietrich. a beautiful old garden is attached to the monastery, from which one has a fine prospect of the town and surroundings. alas! it is only open to men, and thus by monkish custom women are shut out of one more "earthly paradise." [sidenote: the mozart memorial] but to music lovers and many others who ascend the kapuzingerberg the mozart-häuschen, situated in a charming little garden near the monastery, will be the chief object of interest. this memorial to the master was presented to the city by prince camillo zu starhemberg, and was completed in june, , being thrown open to the public six weeks later, on july th, on the occasion of the first musical festival. this cottage, which formerly stood in the courtyard of the so-called old "freihaus" in vienna, has an added interest from the fact that in it was composed the opera "die zauberflöte." the furniture, it should be noted, is not the original but a clever and exact copy of the articles comprising it. the former is in the collection of prince starhemberg. the top step of the cottage is, however, said to be "veritable." in the cottage are kept a great number of wreaths with ribbon streamers, embroideries, etc., which have been sent by admirers of mozart's genius. also some beautiful tablets of embossed metal commemorating the first musical festival held in . there is also hung in the cottage the picture "mozart at the spinet" by the italian artist romaco, a photograph of the only portrait of the composer painted from life which is known to exist, which was the work of doris stock of dresden in ; and the pictures of the various performers in the operas given at cassel. the bust, which stands outside the cottage, is the work of the well-known sculptor edmund hellmer, of vienna, and was the gift of baron schwarz. as one stands in the garden, with its pleasant prospect, quietude, and beautiful flowers, one cannot but feel that few more suitable spots could have been selected for a memorial to a musical genius of mozart's nature. far better is it, indeed, than some more pretentious place nearer the haunts of men. [sidenote: on the mÖnchsberg] the mönchsberg and a walk along its ridge should not be missed by any one who has a little time to spare whilst at salzburg. the explorer will be well rewarded for his toil. one is apt to estimate the mönchsberg by its hohen-salzburg end, which so dominates the city. it is difficult, indeed, from down below in the narrow streets to believe that some feet above one lie not only woods and tree-shaded walks, but even green, flower-bedecked fields. the most direct and interesting way up the mönchsberg is by the sigmund haffnergasse and hofstallgasse bearing to the left of the fischbrunnen, and thence over the mönchsbergstiege. on reaching the top of the flight of steps the way lies in the direction of hohen-salzburg as far as the passage leading into the nonnthal and to leopoldskron, then one climbs to the left, and after a little distance reaches the beautiful view point known as konig ludwig-fernsicht, or king ludvig's lookout. the prospect from here is wonderfully wide and beautiful, embracing as it does the villas on the other side of the town, and the villages and farms of the valley with their picturesque background of mountain ranges, including nearer in the göll and untersberg. [illustration: hohen-salzburg and the nonnberg] to the left and on the way along the ridge to the fortress is situated the beautiful villa of the famous singer bianca bianchi, and from the projecting bastion in the same direction one obtains a fine view of the town below, and valley of the salzach. both in the direction of mülln to the right, and of hohen-salzburg to the left, there are many fine views as one takes one's way either by shaded paths or through the fields which lead to the bürgerwehrsöller, where there is an ancient watch-tower on the slope of the hill from whence one has a wonderful panoramic view of the city and its environs. from the opposite end of the rampart one obtains a widely extended prospect towards reichenhall, marzoll, maxglan, and the bavarian plain, which is not easily surpassed from the neighbourhood of any other town of the size in western austria. one can then either descend to the marketenderschlössl through the beautiful woods by one of the well-kept paths, and thence reach mülln, or retrace one's steps, and walk right along to the hohen-salzburg end of the mönchsberg, from whence by entering the fortress and descending by way of the nonnberg one obtains a fine view of the other portion of the salzach valley in the direction of the gaisberg, hellbrunn, and anif. on the nonnberg, so called from the benedictine convent built upon it, stands the fine gothic chapel founded in the first year of the eleventh century and beautifully restored in the fifteenth. in it is much fine stained glass, a winged altar piece of great interest; and there are also some interesting frescoes in the old tower. unfortunately the cloisters are seldom if ever shown to visitors; they are the oldest now existent in the principality, and it is said even in the austrian empire, dating as they do from the commencement of the eleventh century. they are charming and picturesque, and well worth the trouble which it is generally necessary to take in order to obtain permission to see them. in salzburg there is such a wealth of interesting buildings and places that to describe all one has seen or can see there is no space. perhaps of those remaining to which reference has not yet been made, most people visit the house in which mozart was born, situated in the narrow, picturesque old getreidegasse; the franciscan, formerly the parish church; the church of st. peter, with its ancient and picturesque burial-ground beneath the shadow of the towering fern- and flower-clothed mönchsberg, and the caroline augustus museum. there are, of course, also the dreifaltigkeits kirche, with fine frescoes and carvings, and the university church, both worth a visit. to mozart's birthplace, along the quaint and narrow getreidegasse with its beautiful old signs of wrought-iron work projecting from the shop fronts on either hand, come hundreds of english and american visitors annually. now the house is also a mozart museum, with much of interest for admirers of the composer, antiquarians and students. in the birth-chamber itself one finds a most valuable series of family portraits, including some of mozart's wife, constance weber; also those of his landlord and his wife, lorenz johann and maria theresa hagenauer. there are also the "scores" of many of his operas, and other compositions, records of the mozart family; and perhaps most interesting of all the small clavichord or spinet, and the grand piano or reiseclavier, which was a present from his brother karl, on which he used to play. in the family sitting-room there are many interesting relics of the composer's father, mother, and other relatives, including mozart's own pocket-book-diary, a large number of fragments of compositions, which from one cause or another were destined never to be completed, many letters of the family, copies of mozart's three first published pieces printed in paris, and several pictures of the house in the rauhensteingasse, vienna, where the composer for some years lived and ultimately, on january , , died. salzburg has well-honoured her famous son's memory by the several memorials of him within her gates, including the fine though simply conceived bronze statue in the mozart-platz which cost nearly £ , and was erected by voluntary subscriptions in . by the foundation of the mozarteum or "society for the cultivation of mozart," not only is the memory of the great composer kept green, but the support of the school of music of the same name is ensured. thus the city of his birth, which did him (as is so frequently the case) but little honour during his lifetime, has nowadays become the centre of enthusiasm for his works. festivals of his music take place during the summer months, at which not only the famous and beautiful viennese philharmonic orchestra takes part, but also the most celebrated conductors and artistes. although salzburg had been the residence of other famous musicians and composers, it is mozart and his genius which dominates the ancient city's musical life, and proves so attractive an element to musicians and music lovers who visit it. [sidenote: salzburg musicians] michael haydn, too, composer of much fine church music, was a resident in salzburg and has a rather commonplace monument erected to his memory in st. peter's church. the latter is in the romanesque style, founded in the middle of the twelfth century, and badly restored in the middle of the eighteenth, and is of great interest to the antiquarian and student of architecture. the portal consists of seven arches which gradually diminish in size, and are inlaid with strips of white and red marble. the very remarkable archings which strike one directly one has entered the building are portions of the original church. on a small altar near the vestry is a well-carved statue of the virgin, said to be the work of one of the archbishops, of about the end of the twelfth century, although there appears little real evidence in support of the suggestion. the frescoes in the nave, representing scenes from the crucifixion, painted in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, are worth study. in salzburg considerable store is set upon the monuments in the church, but few rank high as works of art, although marking the graves or being memorials of distinguished and historic persons connected with the city's life in the past. the beautiful though ruinous cemetery of st. peter, which, with its crumbling tombs of the great dead, interesting and quaint mural tablets, and arcaded vaults belonging to some of the most important and famous salzburg families, lies at the foot of the mönchsberg, is, as well as the most picturesque, the oldest cemetery in salzburg. it is difficult to exaggerate the interest and charm of the spot; always still, although set in the midst of a city, and within a few hundred yards of the principal and busiest thoroughfares. that it possesses a wonderful and mysterious attraction for tourists we can testify; and, indeed, we would almost go as far as to say that one meets more english and american visitors in this peaceful corner of the city than in any other spot on the southern side of the salzach. the celebrated monastery of st. peter, founded by st. rupertus in (about) , was, until the first decade of the twelfth century, the residence of the bishops and archbishops of the diocese. the present building was erected during the reign of archbishop max gandolph during the period covered by the years - . it can be visited, and the library is full of the most interesting and valuable mss., early copper plate engravings, and consists of about , volumes and some illuminated and other mss., chiefly upon parchment. several of the latter and some of the early printed books are practically priceless. the librarian is always delighted to exhibit the treasures under his charge, and in him we found (as doubtless will all intelligent bibliophiles) a kindred spirit, and a most interesting cicerone. [sidenote: the museum] it is almost impossible in salzburg, especially if one would really know something of the past life of the principality, and the city, to follow that excellent rule of avoiding museums. in the salzburg carolino-augusteum museum one finds so much that brings vividly before one other times and other customs. although started but three-quarters of a century ago the museum has already become a repository of the deepest interest, much frequented by students of all types, the antiquarian and the man of science. it was due to the initiative of vicenza maria süss, one of the leading town officials at the period of its foundation in . the work which he began was well continued and supplemented by that of jost schiffmann, the well-known swiss painter, and an enthusiastic committee, largely to whose credit must be placed the excellent arrangement of the art and other sections of the collection. one of the most interesting and unique features of the museum is the suite of rooms furnished accurately and entirely in the style of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; of these one of the most charming is the "hunting room" with its fine oak presses, pretty recessed window, and trophies of the chase. in the hall of antiquities are many interesting relics of the roman occupation of the country, and also in the lapidarium. a most excellent idea took shape in the hall of industry, where are collected together many excellent specimens of various "masterworks" of iron, woodcarving, etc. the music room contains some of the most valuable musical instruments of the last three centuries, including spinets, violins, and others, some of these priceless. in the armoury are relics of deep interest of the terrible peasants' war, including wooden cannon, crude swords beaten from scythes, executioners' swords, curious and cumbersome firearms, and some of the lances used by the landsknechte. the costume room has many attractions for lady visitors, who linger not only to admire the fashions of the past, but to inspect the embroideries which came from the industrious and skilful fingers of past generations of women, "old" with the dignity, grace, and charm which the "new" woman so sadly lacks. on the same floor are the interesting mediæval kitchen, with its ancient and carefully kept copper and other utensils glinting at one from their hooks in the half-gloom of the recesses; the ladies' chamber, with its charming oriel, stained-glass window, colour of life of the period, and air of repose; the study, to show one the environment old-time students loved; a fine state-room; and a beautiful renaissance hall. after these vivid reconstructions of the past one passes somewhat regretfully to the higher floor and prehistoric things. the priceless celtic helmet, found in the pass of lueg, interesting though it is, seems "lifeless" in comparison with what one has just seen; as do somehow roman statues and arms, and similar objects. and one needs the beautiful and richly ornamented panelling, oriels, and similar objects of the final room to bring back colour into things. to visit and study this deeply interesting collection leaves one with a very good idea of the evolution of culture, science, and art during the last five centuries of the principality's history, one's knowledge of native art being easily further extended by a visit to the kunstlerhaus near the karolinenbrucke. salzburg has produced at least one great artist in hans makart, who by common consent is esteemed one of the most vivid and brilliant colourists of his day. in some of the villages near salzburg, as also during "fair" times and festival times in the city itself, one is able to witness some of the quaint, picturesque, and dramatic peasant dances for which the valley of the salzach has some reputation. [sidenote: a peasants' ball] we were especially fortunate whilst recently there in witnessing not only peasant dances such as we have referred to, but also a peasant ball. amongst the dances specially notable was a variety of "gaillarde," and "allemande," a type of the dance known as "siebensprung," where the male performers make a series of seven different movements with hands, elbows, knees, feet; and then almost touch the floor with their foreheads whilst their female companions pirouette around them. the "allemande," with its graceful twirling and twisting, and interlacing of the arms, and graceful bending of the bodies of the dancers, showing off the lines of the women's figures, is especially picturesque. then came types of other and more local dances, in one of which the women pirouetted round and round the room until scarcely able to stand, their short skirts gradually seeming to become inflated like balloons, and ascending inch by inch until knee high, when suddenly the dancers paused, their skirts fell, and with a sharp twirl and swish the latter were wound around their lower limbs in plastic folds. then there was a pretty dance commencing with a figure of the "allemande," and proceeding to a courtship in pantomime, in which the women peered shyly at their partners between the circle formed by the interlaced arms, and ending by the men stooping, and whilst continuing a waltz step, suddenly seizing their companions round the knees and lifting them breast high, all the while continuing to circle the room in a "springy" rather than a gliding waltz. then followed a still more dramatic dance-play, in which the whole story of a peasant courtship from early days until the wedding was depicted in pantomime, with half a dozen characters beside the happy pair. most of the performers were not only graceful and finished dancers, but were possessed of distinct dramatic gifts. the folk songs, accompanied upon rather weird instruments consisting of shepherds' pipes, guitars, fiddles, horns, and what, until it was put together, appeared to be a collection of short pieces of gas pipe of various lengths or strips of metal, were intensely interesting and musical. what struck us perhaps more than anything else, save the actual dancing and singing, was the charming manners of the women, and the perfect manners of the men. peasants though they were, there was a complete absence of coarseness or roughness in general behaviour, in place of which one had perhaps a rather grave courtesy. and when at last it occurred to some of the men that perhaps the "foreigners" might like to dance, they approached the ladies of the party with a striking grace and courtesy of manner. the salzburg girls, too, in their pretty costumes were just as gracious and charming as english girls of the upper middle class, when asked to favour some of the english men of the party with a dance. the scene was made even more kaleidoscopic in effect when at last the sombre evening dress of the latter mingled with and formed a foil to gay kerchiefs, snowy white bodices worn under a type of bolero jacket of the women, and the green and bright brown waistcoats and short knee breeches of the men. across some of the waistcoats, which were many of them fastened with silver buttons, jangled quite a collection of coins, exhibiting (so we were told) the financial position of the wearer, so that any girl might know what a suitor or possible suitor was worth! we hope that no young man ever puts upon his waistcoat a single silver krone piece more than he is entitled to. but if very much in love to what deception of this kind might he not stoop? and mercenary indeed must be the maiden who would not in the end pardon his offence, which was so warm a tribute to the power of her charms. [illustration: salzburg marketwomen] [sidenote: in the market] even nowadays a good deal of "costume" can at times be found in the market, which, surrounded by old-time building and dominated by hohen-salzburg, is very picturesque with its tiny stalls--some shaded by huge umbrellas--and buxom market women in short skirts, gay kerchiefs, and sometimes in types of the peasant costumes prevailing in the immediate district. as a general rule the market folk are good models both for artists and amateur photographers, though some of the younger women coquettishly pretend that they object to be photographed, whilst all the while they are desperately anxious to come into the picture. to leave this fascinating old-world town, where so much of the most beautiful in modern ideas stands side by side with ancient things, without a visit to some of the charming and interesting places in the immediate district--lovely lakes rivalling the deep-blue sky above them in the tint of their waters; peaceful valleys, where pure air invigorates scented by passage through pinewoods and across flower-decked alpine pastures; wonderful peaks covered with that eternal weight of glorious snow, and bound about in some cases by the immemorial fastnesses of environing glaciers--should be impossible. our only regret is that neither space nor the scope of the present volume permits of some description of the beauties which we have visited and which lie so close at hand; indeed, almost within call of the beautiful city set in a valley, and surrounded with majestic and lofty mountains, the lower slopes of whose wilder peaks are softened by pine forests, and fertile upper pastures. chapter viii some towns and villages of south tyrol--meran, bozen, klausen, brixen, spinges, sterzing, matrei [sidenote: meran] so many pens have described and praised meran, the ancient capital of tyrol, that there must be few adjectives of appreciation left unapplied to it. many poets have also sung of this beautifully situated little town of some inhabitants which once played so important a part in tyrolese history, and nowadays has developed into a fashionable health resort. it has by turns been called "the jewel of south tyrol," "tyrol's sweet paradise," and in one of the visitor's books "a paradise of god's making and man's improving"! artists love it, and therefore it goes without saying that meran is both beautiful and picturesque. from whatever side one approaches the town, whether by the more usual route from the west via innsbruck, and then by the little branch line of the brenner railway from bozen; from the south through verona; from the north by way of munich and innsbruck,--one is at once struck by its wonderfully favoured situation amid vineyards, orchards and rich pasture land, set in a wide valley surrounded by beautiful mountain ranges, and watered by the passer river. it is, indeed, a charming spot in which to either rest--as so many do--or from which to make excursions so varied in character, that they may suit all tastes. [illustration: winter near meran] the first view of the town, with its spires, huge hotels, white-walled houses and villas, and the ruins of castle tyrol set high on the north-western and vine-clad slope of the kuchelberg, is one of great beauty. on the lower hillsides are chestnut groves and pine woods; and many of the villas and houses of the town itself appear amid them as though embowered in green. the railway from bozen traverses the picturesque etsch valley, which is dotted with orchards, and follows the course of the etsch to where it joins the passer about three-quarters of a mile from meran. the architecture of the town, as is the case with most places of any size in south tyrol, is distinctly italian in general characteristics. in fact, one of the things which makes tyrol, as a whole, of unusual interest to students and artists is the variety of the domestic architecture found within its borders. although there are many quaint corners and delightful byways in meran, there is really only one important business thoroughfare, running almost due east and west and of considerable length, with arcaded shops known as "unter den lauben" (in the shade). it is probably because it has this aspect that one of the sunniest streets we have ever been in has been so amply provided with shady arcades; and in summer the latter can be appreciated to the full. in the season the long street is at times crowded with foreigners from england, germany, italy, and america, and has a busy and cosmopolitan air somewhat out of character with its general old-world look. just off this interesting thoroughfare stands the burg, or, to give it its fuller and ancient name, the landesfürstliche burg, in ancient times the town residence of the counts of tyrol. retired as it is in the courtyard of the magistrats gebäude it is often overlooked by the passing tourist, although of great antiquarian and historical interest. dating from the fifteenth century, the building has been admirably and sympathetically restored, and is a treasure-house of fine old furniture and _bric-a-brac_. there are also some interesting frescoes and coats-of-arms of former owners and inhabitants. it is, perhaps, difficult to realize that amongst the latter in the middle of the fifteenth century was a scottish princess. but it was to the burg that sigismund, son of duke frederick of the empty purse, brought his bride eleonora, daughter of james i. of scotland, over the brenner and via bozen, to the house and home he had prepared for her reception. from bozen onwards, we are told, the young couple's progress was marked by rejoicings and enthusiasm as they passed from castle to castle, until at last they came, in due time, to the then capital of tyrol. eleonora's ultimate popularity with the tyrolese was, perhaps, even more owing to her skill in the chase than to her intellectual gifts, although the latter were very remarkable for a woman of that period. the translator of "the book of celebrated women," by boccaccio, waxes very enthusiastic over her, and he is by no means the only writer of the period who has left on record a tribute to the archduchess' high mental and physical qualities. that eleonora was of a scholarly disposition and gifted with "tongues" is proved by her translation of a french romance of the period, "pontus and sidoni," into german. it is now a rare book, although copies are occasionally found, and it would appear to have had a considerable vogue at the time it was published. it was printed at augsburg. in the preface one gathers that the translation was done by the noble authoress to "please his serene highness and lord sigismund, archduke of austria, her lawful husband." in this charming old palace, set back from the hum and bustle of the street, sigismund and eleonora dwelt for some years, happy in the pursuit of learning, the enjoyment of sport, and in the affection of the townsfolk. in the burg it is possible to obtain a very good conception of what a mediæval nobleman's house really was like, for not only have many interesting specimens of furniture, presses, chairs and other fittings been preserved, but also household utensils, and other articles of common use. there are, in the byways and courtyards of the main street, several other most interesting houses dating from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which will repay the attention of students of architecture. and may we add the ubiquitous "kodaker"? one of the most enduring impressions meran leaves upon the mind is that of being in the true sense "a garden city." no other place of the size in tyrol possesses so many beautiful and tree-shaded promenades, walks and gardens. but the notice "smoking strictly prohibited" which stares one in the face in the charming gisela promenade with its old and feathery poplar trees fringing the bank of the passer, and in other similar resorts, is probably a regulation distasteful to many. of "gartens" and cafés there is no lack. on the left bank of the river is the pleasant maria-valerie garten, where--as is the case with other similar places--an excellent band frequently plays. of the cafés at least the café gilf should be visited, on account of its beautiful vegetation and fine view of the passer gorge and surrounding mountain slopes which one obtains from the "look out." [sidenote: meran hero plays] to many visitors the hero plays, which, for the last fifteen years, have been performed annually, in the spring and generally in the autumn, with scenes from the lives of the famous son of the passer valley, andreas hofer, and his companions for the chief incidents, will prove of great interest. the plays, which include"tiroler-helden" and one produced for the first time in august, , entitled "frederick of the empty purse," are acted entirely by peasants. many are acquainted with the fine dramatic gifts of the bavarian peasantry which have found expression in the plays at ober-ammergau; but those of the tyrolese are less well-known and less widely recognized. any one, however, who has seen one of the meran "hofer" dramas will probably agree with us that it was well worth seeing, and that the dramatic art displayed was not less praiseworthy than that of the more famous performances at ober-ammergau. the plays are given outdoors in a large meadow on a huge stage, and with natural scenery formed by a large chalet (with a bell turret above the central gable) and other smaller buildings on either side, with the hill slopes in the background, the stage being the street in front of the chalet, and the "wings" the side streets. the field is generally--especially for the autumn performances--boarded, and there are a limited number of covered-in boxes facing the stage for the use of those who prefer to be sheltered from the sun, which on fine days is somewhat trying in its intensity, as, of course, no sunshades or umbrellas are permitted. the natural beauties of the valley behind form an appropriate and altogether charming "back-cloth" for the scenery, which represents a portion of a tyrol village with real buildings. the most popular of the plays with the inhabitants of meran and the tyrolese generally are undoubtedly those dealing with the period of national history when their country was engaged in its desperate struggle to free itself from the french and bavarian invaders. the acting is always excellent, and distinguished by that spontaneity which seems so frequently to characterize outdoor representations. the naturalness which also distinguishes the performances is probably largely attributable to the fact that the actors have most of them been not only well acquainted with the incidents they pourtray since childhood, but are also in the main representing scenes and using language of everyday life; and are not engaged in attempting to interpret scenes and incidents in which they have no personal interest, or of which they have only gained a knowledge by close and tiresome study. [sidenote: old-time costumes] to the artist the stage management, which is remarkably good, and the delightful blending of the ancient costumes in charming tableaux and schemes of colour will make a special appeal. the plays not only add an undoubted and additional attraction to the quaint and charming town, but also are deserving of the highest praise from an artistic and dramatic point of view. naturally meran is over-full at the times of representation, so the wise traveller books his rooms in advance, unless he wishes (as many have done before now) to "sleep at the hotel of the beautiful star," which in plain english means in the open air, and on the ground. we have just mentioned the costumes which appear in the plays. at meran the old costumes (though alas! they are being slowly but surely superseded) have been preserved to a larger extent than in almost any other place we know in tyrol. the women's dress is undeniably picturesque, just as it is markedly german in general character. hats are seldom worn, the hair is plainly and extremely neatly dressed, brushed back off the brow, and secured in a simple knot behind by means of a silver or silver-headed pin. the bodices are of velvet or cloth, of the "corselet" type seen in switzerland and many parts of germany as well as in tyrol; and they are worn over a white chemisette with puffed sleeves, which end just above the elbow and are generally there confined by "ties" of coloured ribbon. the men's costume is scarcely less picturesque, consisting as it does of a high-crowned hat of felt or cloth, bound round with numerous bands of thin red or green cord, the first colour denoting a man is married (a useful danger signal for unwary spinsters!), and the second denoting a bachelor, eligible or otherwise. the jacket is usually of brown or blackish brown cloth; cloth knee breeches (we have seen buckskin on some of the "granfers") with wide red or green braces, and sometimes an embroidered waistcoat, completes the costume. one other feature is almost sure to strike the observer, the white aprons which so many of the men wear when engaged in work. on festive occasions silver belts are worn by some of the men in the surrounding valleys, though we fancy these are considerably less common now than they were even ten years ago. the variations of dress in the different valleys of tyrol have been ascribed by a well-known writer upon the subject as rising from the circumstance that peasant costumes are very largely belated fashions of the town; which, obtained perhaps three or even four generations or longer ago, have in time come, by all save students of the subject, to be looked upon erroneously as a mode of dress evolved by the peasant wearers themselves. what in all probability really happened in many cases was, some visitors to the towns when in need of fresh clothes bought town-made and then fashionable garments which were copied by neighbours (as do villagers in england at the present time), and thus perpetuated from generation to generation, and not discarded until some fresh sartorial idea percolated its way slowly and in much the same manner to the often remote regions of these tyrolese valleys and upper pastures. on the occasion of the "hofer" celebrations or "hero" plays one even nowadays sees a most interesting variety of costumes in meran, although the differences are not so marked as in former times, and appear rather in small details than in immediately apparent variations. [illustration: meran] [sidenote: in the vineyards] amongst the many "cures" of the continental spas and invalid resorts meran possesses a unique one in the "grape cure." nowhere in tyrol can the interesting harvesting of the grapes be better seen than at meran. the vineyards, for one thing, are more picturesque than in many places, by reason of the practice of largely training the vines over trellis work or rustic pergolas. in some vineyards these form perfect covered walks or arcades of delightful green, through which the sun filters to glint upon the purple and green-gold bunches of grapes hanging in profusion on either hand and above one's head. but, as may be imagined, the casual visitor does not have the freedom of the vineyards on the hillsides when once the grapes are ripening off. then the gates, some of them adorned with rows of formidable-looking spikes and hooks with a great and persistent affinity for clothing, are closely shut against all intruders, and, in addition, that curious individual the saltner, whose name is probably derived from the latin word meaning forester, and hence guardian of lands of all kinds, is placed on guard. his costume is such as to bring alarm not only to the birds but even to human beings. tyrolese children we believe have been brought up to regard the saltner as a type of "bogey man" of a very efficient character. usually he wears buckskin breeches or leggings, a broad belt in which there shines a whole armoury of weapons of a miscellaneous character comprising old pattern pistols, knives, and sometimes a "horse" pistol of dimensions almost entitling it to be spoken of as a gun. in his cap, which is of an uncommon shape, are such a collection of feathers, martens' tails, plumes, and odds and ends of ribbon as to cause it to resemble nothing so much as the head-dress of a sioux indian. notwithstanding this "terrific" personage, it is not very difficult with the expenditure of a few kreutzers to obtain permission to enter a vineyard in process of harvesting. the labour employed is chiefly that of women and girls, who, armed with sharp sickles or large knives with heavy and curved blades, stand beneath the trellises and hold a wooden tray in one hand beneath the bunch to be severed. one skilled sweep of the sickle and the latter falls into the tray with a minimum of damage to the luscious fruit. here and there along the paths are wooden tubs into which the trays are emptied from time to time. and these tubs again are borne away by men to the huge vats or tubs bound with iron, which are slung to a framework or trolley on wheels to which oxen are harnessed, and by them brought to the nearest convenient point in the vineyard. then when the vats are full almost to the brim, two men take up their positions beside them, and proceed to crush and pound the grapes, stems and all, into a dark-red, uninviting-looking mess with long-handled, heavy wooden hammers. in many italian vineyards it is still the custom to "tread" the juice out, a practice which is far less cleanly and hygienic (though it is said more thorough and economical) than the meran method. after the juice is all expressed it is set aside to ferment, and the other processes of wine making are afterwards gone through. the famous grape cure consists apparently of eating as much of the fruit as one possibly can. many doctors affirm that no particular benefit is derived or can be hoped for unless upwards of two pounds of fruit is consumed daily, the maximum quantity desirable being nine pounds! immense as this may seem, we have been assured that some "patients" have considerably exceeded this amount. perhaps the grape cure is so popular because, for one thing, to eat a reasonable quantity of fully ripe and freshly gathered fruit is by no means a disagreeable task for most people, and because it can be taken anywhere. in the cafés one sees crowds undergoing the cure; on the numerous and shady seats of the gisela promenade one sees folks eating grapes. and practically in every street and alley, and along the mountain paths in the vicinity of meran one meets people with brown-paper bags, or if taking the cure very seriously with little baskets, all eating grapes as though their future well-being depended upon the quantity they could consume in a given time. the "old stagers" generally divide their daily quantity into two or three portions; taking one early in the morning before "halbmittag," the second about mid-day, and the third at sundown. to its many other attractions meran has added for the holiday maker that of a good band, which performs during the season really most excellent music in front of the kurhaus, or in one or other of the public gardens at obermais. the kurhaus, with its sheltered wandelhalle or promenade, naturally forms the pivot upon which the more social side of the daily life of meran turns. here one meets not only the invalid, but the traveller from all parts of the continent; and in the kurhaus gardens one finds also those "birds of passage," who alight for a time on their way further north or south. [sidenote: sports and pastimes] the sports platz is one of the best in tyrol. on it are held tennis tournaments, cycle races (less than formerly), trotting events, and horse races; whilst in the winter months the centre is converted into an excellent skating lake. the races are largely attended by italians as well as natives, and at the larger meetings there is generally some event of interest and importance from a sportsman's point of view. a big race day at meran has many of the social and picturesque elements of the smaller events at chantilly. the ladies don their best toilettes, and the beautiful surroundings and brilliant sunshine all go to make a picture of great charm and animation. on the outskirts and in the immediate neighbourhood of meran are so many ancient castles that the town might well be called the "city of castles." just outside the papist gate is the half-ruined schloss zenoburg, standing on a precipitous rock; whilst prettily situated at obermais stands schloss rubein with a famous avenue of cypresses. along the picturesque bozen road is schloss katzenstein; which, seen across the fields from the hillside, looks like a grim outpost guarding the valley. then there are also the schloss gojen, with its environment of shady and odorous pine forests, and background of snow-capped mountains; schloss vorst, but half an hour's drive from meran, and finely situated upon a rocky eminence overlooking the valley, and several others of which could be told stories of romantic and historic interest. and last, but greatest of them all, there is schloss tyrol which was destined to give its name to the whole of the country. as it is one of the most famous it is probably also the best known of all castles to the average tourist and traveller in tyrol. so ancient is it that historians have been able to discover a mention of it at so early a period as the last decade of the fourth century a.d. but, notwithstanding this fact, the records relating to its earlier days are neither full nor reliable. of the life that went on within it and the fate that possibly overtook it during the period covered by the years (about) a.d. to a.d. little, indeed, is discoverable. its present ruinous condition arose partly from neglect during the troublous period of the wars at the end of the eighteenth and commencement of the nineteenth century, and partly from the fact that during the bavarian occupation of the country in - , the then government sold the castle for the ridiculous sum of a couple of hundred pounds for the purpose of destruction so that the stones could be used as building material![ ] [illustration: schloss tyrol, near meran] [sidenote: ancient castles] castle tyrol stands a relic of past glories, feats of arms, strenuous living, and chivalry on a rocky ridge or spur of the mountains above the vineyards, which climb upwards towards the white and imposing castle walls. behind and above rise the pine forests running upwards to meet the rocky slopes of the kückelberg and vintschgau range. the most ancient portions of the present building are some of the walls, a porch, and two marble doorways dating from about the twelfth century, and the chapel. in the latter there is a fine representation of the fall of man, and interesting carvings. from its commanding position it is only to be expected that a magnificent prospect is to be had of the adige valley, the chain of the ulten-thal and mendel mountains, and the vineyards upon the slopes which swell upwards from the valley. seen either soon after sunrise (which few people, we imagine, do) or just at sunset, the views from the castle, more especially that from the kaisersaal, are of wonderful pictorial beauty and charm. though we have too little space to devote to the many delightful places in the meran valley which invite exploration, or to mention the numerous walks which tempt the pedestrian, we must give a passing word or two to the château or castle of schönna, which lies nearly two thousand feet above sea-level like a hoary and time-worn sentinel at the entrance to the passeier valley. it is easily reached from obermais by an excellent road suitable even for cyclists, and is well worth a visit owing to the representative collection of old weapons gathered within it, and its picturesque situation. dating from the early years of the twelfth century, it is an excellent example of the ancient feudal fortress-residence of those far-off times. a mention of the château lebenberg, distant about an hour and a half's walk from meran, is justified--although it is now a pension--by reason of its excellent state of preservation, and the historical paintings in several of the most interesting rooms. the walk, too, along the side of the mountains by way of marling and picturesque st. anton is one to be enjoyed and remembered. some ten miles northward in the passeier valley, just a little distance beyond the village of st. martin, where one sees many examples of the wall paintings which are more especially numerous in the towns and villages of southern tyrol, stands the most famous national pilgrimage place and historic shrine, hofer's inn, called _wirth am sand_ or the "sandy inn," literally the "inn by the sand." it is quite an unpretentious building standing by the roadside, and would scarcely attract the notice of passing travellers. it is entered by a gallery reached up a short flight of steps. the interior is scrupulously clean, and although it is plainly furnished one is rather the more impressed by this circumstance which leaves the famous inn, where hofer was born on november , , much as we are told it was in his time. from the pleasant dining-room on the first floor, with curtains of spotless muslin to keep out the almost blinding sunshine of the valley, there are fine views towards meran, and of the towering mountains across the stony bed of the passer. at the inn there are some interesting relics of the patriot, and pictures of him. one shows him as a big, strongly built man of not much above average height, with a short nose, a fine and lofty forehead, dark eyes, and a rather ruddy face, well-marked eyebrows, and the famous long beard. at one time hofer wore no beard, and the story goes that his growing one--which ultimately was declared to be the longest in the valley--arose from the chaff of his companions, who asserted that his wife forbade him to wear one. whether the tale be true or not it has very general acceptance, and we all know that hofer's beard was ultimately one of his distinguishing features during the campaigns in which he was engaged. there is a very pleasant balcony on the outside of the house which, tradition asserts, was often used by hofer and his companions when holding their meetings or councils of war to devise some scheme by which their beloved country could be freed from a foreign yoke. [sidenote: hofer relics] hofer's last letter, which is one of the most treasured of the relics, even exceeding in interest the clothes which he wore when shot at mantua, is a splendid testimony to the dignity and greatness of the man, which surmounted all troubles and disasters and was not lessened or alloyed by triumphs. in it he speaks of his old home, of the rushing passer, of the beautiful mountains he would see never again, and then goes on to say, "it is the great god's good will that i die at mantua," and then, "farewell, beautiful world," adding, "but at the thought of quitting it my eyes scarcely even moisten." then follow the words, "i am writing this at five in the morning; at nine i shall pass into the presence of god," with the date " th february, ." far up the mountain side above his old home is the spot where hofer hid with his wife from november, , till five o'clock on the morning of january , , when he was captured and taken under strong escort first to meran, and ultimately to mantua. he had refused to fly to vienna or take refuge on austrian territory. he wished to remain amongst his people, perhaps with a vain hope of once more attempting to accomplish tyrol's freedom. it is with regret that most travellers leave hofer's old dwelling. the whole passeier valley is, of course, teeming with historic memories, of the gallant doings of the patriot and his companions. near schloss tyrol itself was fought one of the most notable engagements, and a victory won when the french, driven from their position on the küchelberg, were surrounded by the peasant forces; whilst just outside meran another skirmish took place, as a result of which the french troops were forced to evacuate the town. [sidenote: sunny bozen] from meran to bozen by rail is rather less than twenty miles, and about the same distance by the road, which runs through the valley of the etsch, or adige, and in places along the lower slopes of the hills. it is a picturesque journey by either, and for cycling quite delightful. one crosses the talfer just before reaching bozen, which lies in a wide basin at the junction of the valley of the etsch, with the smaller but picturesque sarnthal, surrounded by great reddish brown crags and precipices of the porphyry mountains on which the semi-tropical cactus grows, and one gets sombre groups of cypresses, and here and there vineyards, and pine-clad crags. the town is a strange mixture of the german elements of tyrol and the italian. its architecture, too, is "an admixture of that of north italy and south germany, here and there transfused so that it preserves characteristics of both." it is perhaps for this very reason a town of great charm, and one of considerable beauty. its surroundings, which include the famous rosengarten, and many beautiful little valleys and gorges present attractions for a longer stay than one at first contemplates. it is, moreover, one of the busiest (bozen people claim that it is _the_ busiest) towns in tyrol, with a population going on towards , , including its outskirts, yet it possesses some most delightful gardens. seen from almost any point of the lower slopes of the surrounding hills, cactus, and vine-clad, and resembling in general luxuriance of vegetation italy rather than the tyrol of but a little further north, bozen is charming. below one is spread out a garden-like city, which with all its bustling life yet looks more like a holiday resort than a commercial town, with numbers of white-walled villas dotted amidst green fields, vineyards and gardens, in the latter of which blossom all the flowers one knows and loves, and many less common in england. [illustration: a street in bozen] one of the oldest towns in tyrol, it stands practically on the site of the pons drusi of roman times. it has for "time out of mind" stood at the cross roads where the brenner and the vintsgau routes divide. in the past, roman armies have passed through it, have crossed the talfer, or have lain encamped in the fields of its basin-like site. and after them came the merchants of the middle ages, trading between civilized italy and barbarian northern lands. still later came emperors and pilgrims travelling to the "eternal city," crusaders outward and homeward bound, roving singers, and hordes of free lances and mercenaries. in a word, bozen's past must have been a stirring one, and the lives led by her citizens full of the colour of life and gallant deeds. anciently, too, the town was fought for and tossed hither and thither by those powerful civil lords the terriolis, counts of tyrol, and the militant spiritual lords the prince bishops of trent. for this reason, and on account of many fires and "grievous o'erflowings of the talfer in past times," of the most ancient of all bozens there are comparatively few traces, though within the old town there are yet traceable some interesting relics of the middle ages. in those long back times bozen was a place of even greater commercial importance than now. to its four annual markets or fairs people from many lands came, and it became the depôt and centre of the great transport trade by the two chief passes leading from italy into tyrol and thence to germany and austria. as was not unnatural bozen merchants had a standing of their own, and were, according to one authority, "not a little purse proud and exclusive in their dealings, save when the latter meant that financial advantage would thereby accrue to them." although bozen does not commend itself to most tourists from higher latitudes for a lengthy stay, at least not in summer, as the basin in which it lies, though making it delightfully sheltered in winter, causes the town in the months of july and august to be decidedly hot and rather enervating, there are several places in the immediate neighbourhood to which one can flee for fresher air and cooler days. the town has somewhat declined commercially from the high position it once held, when the trade which flowed into tyrol through it and northwards out of it was chiefly along the high-roads and over the passes; and thus through bozen a very appreciable percentage of the whole southern and italian trade passed. but nevertheless it is still a most flourishing and interesting town. a native writer says, on this subject, "bozen ... has during the last decade largely recovered the ground it had temporarily lost through the making of railways, and the decline of transport along the high-roads of the passes owing chiefly to the increased facilities that have arisen for conveyance of merchandize by sea." certainly one is soon able, when in the town, to realize that in two branches of trade at least bozen occupies an undoubtedly high position in the commercial world, those of wine, and fruit growing and exporting. the hillsides are literally studded with vineyards and orchards, and bozen fruit has gained for itself an almost world-wide reputation. from the artistic side, too, bozen claims the attention of all who are interested in legendary lore, architecture, and antiquarian matters. as one passes along its chief streets, or explores its byways in the older part of it, one is delighted on almost every hand by vistas of fine houses, shady and charming courtyards, buildings with strangely constructed roofs, and fantastic gable ends, quaintly shaped bay windows, vaulted colonnades, and here and there, stowed away where least one would expect to find them, smaller courtyards with trellises covered with vines, and perhaps an ancient well of rust-red marble to give a finishing touch to the charming picture. [illustration: a south tyrol farmstead] numbers of artists pause at bozen yearly on their way south into italy via verona to study the rich treasures in the galleries of the cities of northern italy, or to rest awhile on their return journey northwards. in bozen is plenty to paint and plenty to admire, and the townsfolk are noted for the hospitality which still (notwithstanding the great influx of tourists of late years) distinguishes the frank and warm-hearted people of tyrol in general. [sidenote: bozen parish church] chief amongst the buildings which will attract one's attention stands the pfarrkirche or parish church, which with its elegant tower and open spire, over two hundred feet in height, forms a monument to the artistic and constructive skill of its swabian builder johann lutz in the first years of the sixteenth century. the church is splendidly situated at one corner of the fine open waltherplatz, which is planted with shady horse-chestnut trees, and, its roof of copper-green tiles set in a pattern, contrasts admirably with its walls and spire of red sandstone. in ancient times the building possessed two spires, both of which were destroyed or so injured as to necessitate their pulling down long before lutz built his elegant structure. the church itself, which contains a fine altar-piece by a pupil of titian, and a remarkable stone pulpit dating about the first decade of the sixteenth century, is, in the main, fourteenth-century work, although it was not actually finished until the third decade of the fifteenth, so some authorities state. in the centre of the johann platz stands a fine though simply conceived statue to walther von der vogelweide who was born about at lajen, near waidbruck, in which the poet is shown standing clad in a loose robe, with a biretta-like cap on his head and his hands crossed whilst holding a lute. the statue is the work of the late heinrich natter, one of the most famous of native sculptors, who was also the artist of the famous berg isel hofer monument, of the very finely conceived and well-executed statue of ulrich zwingli at zurich, and many other works. one of the most charming of bozen streets is undoubtedly the laubengasse, which greatly resembles the main street of meran, with its shady arcades on either side under which the shops are situated, and where one can promenade and do one's shopping protected from the sun in summer and the rain in winter. the karnergasse and silbergasse are interesting streets, as is also the goethestrasse leading to the fruit market, where one finds during market hours many interesting types of peasants from the neighbouring villages as well as of the townsfolk themselves. we saw some of the most gorgeous of kerchiefs worn over the shoulders and crossed over the breasts of bozen or gries fruit-sellers, which gave an air of quite southern colour and brightness to the little platz, in which oranges, almonds, melons, figs, and even prickly pears were displayed for sale with all the other fruits one might expect to find, including magnificent cherries in the earlier part of the fruit season. the costumes of the sarnthal with the big, broad-brimmed felt hats worn by both men and women, and the gay "kummerbunds" of the men worn under short "eton"-shaped jackets, are also seen in bozen on festive occasions. the museum, in which there are many interesting exhibits, including some old peasant costumes well worth the attention of artists, is an imposing building or "block" in the königin elizabethstrasse, with corner turrets and an imposing central tower. of the more picturesque and older buildings none excels in charm the franciscan monastery and church in the franziskanergasse. the courtyard, shaded by trees which throw a diaper of shadow and sunlight on the paving stones, with the delicately pretty porch leading into the church, is a spot of sheer delight for the artist and the dreamer of dreams; who there, amid the quietude of ancient things, can the better conjure up visions of other days when bozen streets rang to the passing of armies, and men at arms, and in them were heard the cries of mediæval merchants selling their wares drawn from north and south. in the franciscan church there is a fine altar, and belonging to the monastery there are some beautiful cloisters. the library, too, should not be overlooked by those interested in early books and similar treasures. on the outskirts of pleasant bozen, a fine view of which is obtained from the calvarienberg, there are many charming excursions. towards the west lies the finely situated castle of sigmundskron on a hill between mountains overlooking the river in which there is good fishing: the mendel pass, feet, ascended either on foot, by carriage or by the mountain railway; tisenser mittelgebirge, studded with most interesting ruins, and from whence one obtains extensive and beautiful views of the surrounding mountain chains and of meran. [sidenote: castle of runkelstein] towards the north lies the deeply interesting imperial castle of runkelstein, which, dating from the middle half of the thirteenth century, was extensively restored in - , and finally presented by the emperor of austria to the town of bozen. situated upon and almost entirely covering a huge mass of rock, it overlooks a bend of the swiftly flowing talfer, and occupies one of those commanding and almost inaccessible positions beloved of builders in the middle ages. the castle, irrespective of its interests as an architectural survival of a long past age, is much visited on account of the famous frescoes which are contained in a building now known as the summer house. as one climbs up the steep and narrow path to the castle drawbridge one can the better realize how safe the ancient owners (who were not above raiding the neighbourhood, and of engaging in predatory warfare with their neighbours) must have felt when they had once heard their iron-studded door clang behind them, and seen the ancient drawbridge swung up by its chains. till the introduction of artillery, indeed, such a fastness would have been practically impregnable. the frescoes to which we have referred are especially interesting from the fact that they undoubtedly exhibit a very primitive art. at the time they are supposed to have been painted, that is to say towards the end of the fourteenth century, art even in its home, italy, was in a comparatively elementary and even grotesque stage of evolution. the figures, which are black with a pea-green background, are, as an american girl said, "noah's arkical and too funny for words," though we are bound to confess that the irreverence of the remark deeply offended a worshipper of mediæval art who was of the party. the paintings in the first room depict a german version of the story of tristan and isolde, which would appear to diverge materially from the one of sir thomas malory, as set out in the "morte d'arthur." the main story can, however, be easily followed. in the second chamber the frescoes, which were a very common form of decoration at the period at which they were done and should not be considered in the light of being of especial significance, depict a complete version of the legendary story of garel, following the version of a styrian[ ] thirteenth century poet named pleier. it is generally considered that this garel was founded upon or was identical with the character of the gareth or beaumains of the "morte d'arthur," although the evidence is not absolutely conclusive. to english people the fine fresco of the famous knights of the round table sitting in company with king arthur and queen guinevere will naturally be of the greatest interest, although each of the quaint drawings to illustrate the mediæval legend has an abiding fascination for all to whom the past is of moment. nor are the outside walls of this quaint pavilion left unadorned. on them are single figures and others in groups of two and three depicting well-known mediæval personages of historical and legendary note: tristan and isolde; william of orleans and amelie; william, duke of austria, and aglei; pairs of lovers whose fame has outlived the centuries; the three hero kings of ancient christendom, arthur of england, the emperor charlemagne, and godfrey de bouillon. amongst the large number of figures here depicted may also be seen other groups of three comprising celebrated knights, dwarfs, giants, and other real, mythical, or legendary characters; a gallery of portraits which has probably no equal in any other castle in the world. the story of the deeds of the characters thus immortalized would fill many volumes, and provide some of the most romantic and interesting reading imaginable. [illustration: st. cyprian and the peaks of the rosengarten] one quits the historic spot with a sense of the greatness of the past as well as with a lingering regret that nothing after all can adequately conjure up for one the stirring scenes, strenuous and vividly "coloured" life, romance and chivalry, that the walls and rooms of runkelstein must have witnessed. in an easterly direction from bozen lies the eggenthal and its famous waterfall. the road through the former is one of great picturesqueness and grandeur--along the hillsides, across high bridges, and through gorge-like rock cuttings, which to be fully appreciated cannot be travelled better than a-foot. in the same direction, too, lies the beautiful karrersee, surrounded by its belt of sombre pines above whose feathery tops shine the rocky peaks and snow-clad summits of the dolomite giants. [sidenote: the rosengarten] from bozen, too, the famous rosengarten, which lies to the east of the town, should be visited. but it is not a garden of roses after all, but a collection of stupendous and rocky peaks which blush red at sunset. those who expect flowers other than alpen rosen, gentian, and the like, will be disappointed, as was the young lady who undertook the excursion in the hope of seeing roses galore such as one may find in the "attar" districts of the balkan provinces and especially in bulgaria. but if from bozen one looks merely for the rosy hue to tint the skyward-piercing pinnacles of rock, which have been poetically called the "rosengarten," or rambles in the picturesque and beautiful valleys and tiny defiles at their feet, one will not be disappointed. and the "roses," like other similar phenomena, are in a sense a weather glass; the deeper the red they glow the finer the ensuing day. at first a plum-hued twilight, such as one gets in the maloja valley, seems to fall down out of the sky, and then the mountain peaks commence to receive their baptism of crimson. then at last, as the sun sinks behind the interposing guntschna berg, only the highest peaks continue for a short time longer to glow with increasing, and then fading, depth of colour, till at length the plum-bloom shadows conquer the "roses" and the cool twilight comes. the origin of the descriptive phrase "the rosengarten" is (so far as we have been able to discover) lost in the mists of antiquity. but there is a rather pretty legend concerning the garden itself. long ago (the story tells us), when men were perhaps happier and certainly less sophisticated and cynical than they are now, and believed in fairies, gnomes, and magic, there lived a dwarf named laurin or laurenz reigning over the other dwarfs, who inhabited a country in the centre of the schlern. by some means or other this dwarf managed to see and fall in love with the beautiful, golden-haired sister of a retainer of dietrich of bern, in switzerland. after having seized her he bore her to his palace of crystal in the interior of the mountains, and there kept her prisoner. soon, however, the brave and gallant knight dietrich, and his squire, who was named dietlieb, determined to rescue the abducted maiden, and for this purpose they came up from italy where they were at the time, and finding an opening entered the schlern, and after a fierce fight succeeded in conquering the dwarf, notwithstanding the fact that of course the latter was assisted by a magician. laurin was not, however, killed, but spared by dietrich at the request of dietlieb. it was unfortunate clemency, however, as laurin, professing himself grateful and offering them refreshment after their labours and fight, gave them drugged wine, so that when they awoke they discovered that they had been bound and cast into a dungeon of the dwarf's castle. from this predicament they were happily freed by dietlieb's sister, simild, and after another fierce encounter with the dwarfs they defeated them, and trod the famous rosengarten roses underfoot, their places being taken by those that bloom at sunset upon the peaks above the site of laurin's mythical palace. that, at all events, is the story we have been told, and though the rosengarten and its miniature valleys are beautiful enough for real roses to have their home there, none grow there now save figurative ones caused by the sunset light. the rosengarten is a fine centre for mountain ascents, and the famous vajolett towers and other rocky pinnacles present unfailing attractions to the adventurous rock climber, even though nowadays there can be very few "virgin" peaks or pinnacles to scale. from the rosengarten itself as well as from bozen one can witness the blooming of the roses, and the really wonderful and entrancing play of colour, light and shadow over the stupendous peaks which forms an unforgettable experience when seen during the late afternoon of a summer day and onwards till twilight comes to gradually throw its blue and mystic mantle over the valleys and the mountain summits. [sidenote: klausen] north of bozen, prettily situated by the banks of the adige, and some one thousand seven hundred feet above sea-level, stands the little, though somewhat important, town of klausen, with its long, narrow street following the configuration of the gorge in which most of the houses lie, dominated by the great benedictine monastery of säben perched upon a steep vine-clad promontory overlooking the town and river, and six hundred feet above it. a castle till the end of the seventeenth century, the convent was attacked by the french in , and from all accounts the nuns were not respected, for upon the walls of one of the towers on the hill is a painted crucifix, which the people of klausen say was placed there in memory of one of the nuns who, pursued by the soldiery, jumped to her death over the battlements. the first impression of klausen is that of cleanliness, for the tall houses strike one in the brilliant sunshine of a summer day as very white, though most of them are relieved by patches of vivid green, where window shutters hang upon the walls or keep the sunshine from the windows. klausen folk are fond of flowers, too, for many hang trailing from balconies; pink and red geraniums, a variety of clematis, and bunches of ruby-coloured valerian, and tufts of yellow and orange nasturtiums. there are generally many monks about the streets, too; sombre-looking figures in rough frieze habits, who look at the stranger with mild curiosity, and then pass on their silent way up the hillside, or through the one long, narrow street which runs between the mountain side and the rushing river. klausen women bore a brave part in hofer's struggle against the french and bavarians, and dressed in their husbands' and brothers' clothes gave material aid in driving back the french through the pass in . there is not much to see in klausen itself, but as a typical southern tyrolese village it is interesting. picturesque it certainly also is, set amid crags and rocks of purple porphyry, whose bases and lower slopes are beautified by the greenery of many vineyards, and half encircled by the rushing eisack. near by is the famous castle trostburg, romantically beautiful with grey walls and red-tiled roof perched high above the pine forest which clothes the steep sides of the rocky spur upon which it stands, and with a patch of vineyard clinging to the wall of its upper square and solid-looking keep. the climb up to it is a steep one, but the view one obtains into the grödener thal and of the surrounding heights well repays one. [sidenote: oswald v. wolkenstein] the castle is one of the comparatively few still remaining in the possession of the family with whose history it has for many centuries been identified. the counts of wolkenstein date their occupation from the twelfth century, and one of the most famous of the line was that oswald born at castle trostburg in , or about, whose romantic adventures might form the basis or plot of half a dozen historical novels. as a minnesinger he set out early in life upon his travels in a gallant and adventurous age; devoted, one must imagine, to the service and adoration of the fair sex, as were supposed to be minnesingers in general. like many another adventure-loving lad, he ran away from his ancestral home, light of heart and equally light of purse, to wander through the world singing his way to fame and fortune, or to failure and poverty, as the case might happen. he appears in the first instance to have attached himself to the suite of one of a party of tyrolese nobles under duke albrecht iii., of austria, who were bent upon a filibustering expedition into lithuania, a district then lying between poland and courland. afterwards he wandered far and wide over the world, visiting in turn russia, england, spain, france, and then sailing for the east, and travelling through asia minor and persia. he seems, from contemporary and other accounts, to have been "everything by turns, and nothing long," except that he probably always kept up his "minnesinging." he certainly was page, soldier, sailor, and sea-cook; and for all one can tell these were but the chief occupation of many he followed during his wandering and adventurous life. at all events he appears to have acted at times as tutor, turning the half score of languages he had picked up to good and practical account. amongst his more knightly adventures were campaigns against the english in the service of the earl of douglas--he was probably present on august , , at the famous battle of otterburn (chevy chase)--previously against the swedes in denmark in the service of queen margaret, who in united the kingdoms of denmark, norway, and sweden together. among his more peaceful victories and doings was the favour which he found in the eyes of the queen of aragon, who appears to have not only admired his poetic gifts, but to have loaded him with personal favours, caresses, and presents of jewelry. for several years after his visit to spain he wandered about, and then at last (like the prodigal son) set his face towards tyrol. no one recognized him, and he appears to have fallen under the spell of the daughter of a neighbouring knight, who, however, would not consent to marry him unless he would first obtain his knighthood by becoming a crusader. deeply in love with the fair sabina and not doubting her sincerity, von wolkenstein took ship for palestine, and in due course attained the coveted distinction by gallant conduct in battle, in consequence of which he attracted the attention and gained the personal friendship of sigismund of hungary. alas! for his hopes. on returning to tyrol covered with glory, and a "true knight," he did so only to find the fickle and deceitful sabina married to another. in addition to this he was only just in time to see his father die. as a younger son he inherited the castles of castelruth and hauenstein, trostburg and its lands descending to his elder brother. [sidenote: a knight's adventures] his roving disposition was not likely to be stayed now that he had lost both his intended wife and his father, so he once more set out on his travels, this time in the retinue of his friend sigismund, in whose company he visited several countries. for several years he wandered through western europe and as far south-east as egypt, where he appears to have been received with much honour. once more back in tyrol in , he became involved in the political upheavals which were caused by the drastic measures of reform instituted by duke frederick of the empty purse, against which the tyrolese nobles fiercely rebelled. the ex-minnesinger took the part of the latter, and in consequence drew down upon himself frederick's vengeance. the latter burned his two castles, and compelled von wolkenstein to flee for his life to the protection of a relative who was the owner of the castle of greifenstein, which is situated on an inaccessible pinnacle of rock between bozen and meran. duke frederick and his forces hotly besieged the castle, but failed to reduce it; and although oswald was severely wounded and lost the sight of one eye he escaped, and a little later joined an expedition against the moors in the train of john i., king of portugal. during the severe fighting which took place, and at the capture of ceuta in , he appears to have so greatly distinguished himself that, we are told, "his fame was such that the troubadours enshrined his deeds in their songs." ultimately, he came to his own in tyrol owing to an act of the council of constance in baden, which not only condemned john huss--amongst many ecclesiastical enactments--to be burned, but also ordered that duke frederick, now an outlaw, who had burned oswald von wolkenstein's castles, should rebuild them, and restore to the knight all the property that he and his followers had seized. it is not easy, however, to comprehend how an outlaw who was fleeing from one place to another in fear of his life was to accomplish these things, nor how property taken by the soldiery years before, and probably long ago converted into cash or other uses, could be given up and restored. we are told, however, that after visiting france in sigismund's train oswald returned to his favourite castle of hauenstein, the ruins of which nowadays are so lost in the vast pine forest which surrounds them as to be almost undiscoverable. then sabina, his old love, once more comes upon the scene, this time as the claimant of the castle on account, so she alleged, of an unrepaid loan made by her grandfather to the wolkensteins. she invited her old suitor oswald to join her in a pilgrimage to some shrine for old acquaintance sake; and when he came to her, unsuspecting and unarmed, she promptly had him seized, thrown into a dungeon, and there kept him a prisoner in chains. he lay in treacherous sabina's castle until by chance sigismund, hearing of his parlous state, intervened on his friend's behalf, and oswald von wolkenstein was set free. he was, however, so maimed by rheumatism and the fetters which had galled him that he ever afterwards went lame. once more he was cast into prison, this time by duke frederick's machinations, and lay in a horrible underground and tunnel-like cell in vellenberg not far from innsbruck. he had married in margaret, a daughter of the house of schwangau, after a long period of betrothal, and to her he was deeply attached. on his second release, after three years' incarceration, he returned to hauenstein to find his wife dead, and his home fallen into disrepair from neglect. a few years later we find him, unconquered in spirit though broken in body, at rome to attend the coronation of his friend sigismund, who but a year or two later was driven from the throne. in oswald once more, as a man of fifty-eight, returned to forest-enshrouded hauenstein, where he died nine years afterwards, never having again left it. of course, the castle is haunted by the spirit of this unhappy and adventurous knight and minnesinger, and there is still this belief amongst the peasantry of seis and the neighbourhood round about. and the few who have ever ventured near the ruined pile after sundown aver that those who do are sure to hear the ancient minnesinger chanting a dirge-like lay, accompanying himself upon his lute. but if this be so oswald's spirit has wandered far from his body, for his remains repose at neustift near brixen. he was not only one of the most picturesque and romantic figures of the band of minnesingers who were so numerous during the middle ages, but also in a measure an historical figure. by some authorities he is considered to be the last of these strange wandering minstrel adventurers. probably it would be more correct to speak of him as the last really great tyrolese "minnesinger;" but, whichever estimate be right, his place on the roll of fame relating to the deeds and songs of these is assured by reason of his gallantries, misfortunes, and adventurous and knightly doings. [sidenote: st. ulrich] on the way to klausen one is wise to make a diversion down the narrow but picturesque grödener thal to st. ulrich, which charming village, situated in a basin and almost surrounded by thickly wooded slopes, and beyond them stupendous and rocky peaks with the serrated pinnacles of the langkofel in the background, is the centre of the toy industry of tyrol and an increasingly popular tourist resort. the road is a steeply ascending one, and one comes upon the first glimpse of the village, which stands midway down the valley between waidbruck and wolkenstein, quite suddenly. one's first impression is of a typical tyrolese village of considerable size, its white--very white--houses standing out clear cut and prominently against the background of dark-green pines, and the lighter green of the valley fields in which they are, many of them, set. of late years the clean-looking cottages of the villagers, the balconies of which are as often as not hung with delightful flowers, have been supplemented by good and large hotels, villas, and other modern up-to-date tourist accommodation. but, nevertheless, st. ulrich is not yet spoiled, and there are still many of the almost mahogany-coloured barns and storehouses left, with their picturesque balconies running right round them, on which the grain and herbs are placed to dry, wood to season, and other stores are kept, forming so sharp a contrast to the hotels and white houses. although we imagine st. ulrich's chief attraction is its quaint and interesting toy-making industry, there are many others including most beautiful scenery, and the numberless excursions which can be made from it. in winter time, to quote the quaint phraseology and spelling of a local guide-book, it has "a very strange charme for the friends of tobogganing and ski-sport has the valley in the always mild and snowy winter-time." and regarding the accommodation offered, the same luminous authority goes on to say there are "very comfortable stabled hotels and land-houses extraordinary fit as a summerset for residence, likewise for a start place for numerous high-parties to the dolomites." but let us give a brief description of the toy industry, which chiefly serves to differentiate the village from all others in southern tyrol. st. ulrich's wares are ultimately sent all over the world, and whether in new york, london, paris, berlin, vienna, or rome one is almost sure to find amongst the toys, carved figures of saints, crucifixes, artists' "lay figures," chalets, and other articles some examples of work from this famous valley of wood carvers. the fact that nearly , or about three out of every five, of the inhabitants are engaged more or less directly in the work will give some idea of its magnitude. the carving industry at st. ulrich is supposed to date from about the commencement of the seventeenth century, and there are some figures of the virgin and saints still extant in churches of the district bearing dates of that period, and other images of apparently much earlier date, which show that even in those remote times the carvers of st. ulrich and the grödener thal possessed considerable skill and reputation. it was, however, one johann von metz who at the commencement of the eighteenth century appears to not only have raised the standard of the work of carving to greater perfection, but also to have organized and extended the sphere of the trade itself. in the years which immediately followed, the peasants were in the habit of themselves setting out into other lands with stocks of their work for sale; and some at least, according to tradition, found their way to england, and even across the atlantic, where they abandoned the active work of carving for that of establishing trading depôts in connection with st. ulrich, and thus they distributed the work done in the far-off and almost then unknown grödener thal throughout the commercial world. nowadays to sally forth with their stock-in-trade on their backs or in a cart is no longer the practice of the workers. the greater number are employed by firms which act as wholesale distributing agencies for them, to whom they take their weekly output of work. most of the villages of the valley are employed in the carving industry; st. christina, for example, making a speciality of "lay figures" and hobby horses. not only are most of the men of the villages in the grödener thal thus employed, but also many of the women and children. and it is no uncommon sight to see quite mites cutting away at blocks of the softer kinds of wood by the roadside or on the doorsteps of the cottages; and sometimes one meets the women on their way down from the woods or upper pastures with their barrel-like receptacles upon their backs, roughly shaping some article which will be finished off when they get home. [sidenote: "toy land"] some of the carving done is really good, but it cannot be said to be cheap. one cannot find bargains in st. ulrich, or, for the matter of that, in any of the villages of "toy land." the demand is too great, and the means of distribution too well organized for the peasants to care in the least whether one purchases a "bit" or not. there are practically no shops where carving is sold by the workers themselves, as nearly all are employed under contract or otherwise by wholesale dealers. but the tourist can generally visit one or other of the large _ateliers_, where, in particular, the carving of images and more elaborate articles is done under the superintendence of artists. it is an experience and a sight well worth spending an hour or two over. in that time, by watching several figures at various stages approaching completion, one can obtain a very good and clear idea of the different transformations which the rough-hewn block undergoes ere it assumes its final shape of a virgin, st. joseph, st. antony, or st. christopher. many of these statues and smaller figures are sent to a different workshop for painting and gilding; and it is chiefly in the white chalets on the mountain side that the toys and smaller articles are made. the goods are stored principally in the larger houses of the villages. one of the chief depôts bears the name of the man who developed the industry, whilst other well-known merchants are insam, purger, and prinoth. in these warehouses one sees shelf upon shelf laden with toys, figures, dolls, and other carved work; miniature waggons, monkeys on sticks, hobby horses painted in gay and let us add entirely "unnatural" colours, with flaming red, jet black, or piebald manes. the toys are of all prices, just as they are of many sizes and qualities as regards "finish;" hobby horses costing from half-a-krone to several florins each; dolls ranging in price from a halfpenny and even less to five or six kronen. figures intended to form the contents of noah's arks are there by the bushel, the cheaper kind bearing, it must be admitted, but faint and partial resemblance to the animals they are intended to represent; the better kinds being excellent miniatures of lions, elephants, tigers, giraffes, bears (especially good these), and the hundred and one smaller animals and insects of the patriarch's great family party; and accompanying all the delightful smell of freshly cut pine and other woods in the warehouses given over to unpainted things, and the somewhat overpowering smell of new paint in the others. some of the dolls, more especially those which have tyrolese costumes represented in wood, need great care in carving; and others are swiftly done, some by elementary machinery. the best wood used is the _pinus cembra_, or swiss pine, which originally grew thickly on the sides of the mountains, but has now largely to be imported owing to the fact that whilst the trees have been cut down by the thousand, scant provision appears to have been made for the future by planting others. there is, however, plenty of the wood still left in the immediate neighbourhood. nowadays at st. ulrich there is an excellent imperial school of drawing, and modelling, and there would appear to be a distinct advance of recent years in the carving (of animals and figures especially) in consequence of the teaching given, though in their main characteristics the animals and small figures produced have not much varied from the ancient types. the church of st. ulrich, although comparatively modern, dating only from quite the end of the eighteenth century, has a beautifully adorned interior; rather ornate and highly coloured perhaps, but interesting and typical. there is also in it a mater dolorosa by maroder, and in the sacristy a fine marble madonna by a pupil of canova, andrea colli. the restored chapel of st. anthony is also worth seeing, as it possesses a remarkably fine altar-piece, the work of deschwanden. [sidenote: concerning dialect] there is a distinct dialect in the villages of the grödener thal, locally known as ladin, which is said by philologists to be directly derived from the latin tongue, and to date from the days of the roman occupation. it is certainly so different from the dialects of modern italy that it is almost impossible for the stranger, even though well-versed in those, to understand it. in some points it may be said to resemble the grisons romanche, and romanese of the engadine; but the parallel is not at all a close one, and needs several distinct qualifications. although a deeply interesting one to philologists, it is impossible to deal with the question at all fully here. certainly one would be inclined to think that this peculiar dialect has an etruscan origin, for it is well-known that considerable remains of that people have from time to time been unearthed in the grödener thal, and, indeed, in the immediate neighbourhood of st. ulrich itself. st. ulrich is charming in winter, when the village is half-buried in snow, and the lower slopes of the environing mountains provide excellent toboggan "runs," and ski-ing grounds. how different the little place appears under these conditions from the sunny spot set amid green fields and pleasant pastures that it is in summer, only those who have seen it under both conditions can easily realize. and truly (as the local guide we have before quoted says) "in winter there are many grateful excursions for the high-flying parties, and swift ski-ing." by "high-flying parties" one should doubtless understand those who wish to ascend the higher slopes. costume still survives at st. ulrich and in the grödener thal, where (although less worn than even a decade ago) one still meets with women wearing the old style dress, with huge broad-brimmed felt hats trimmed with wide ribbons, and having short "streamers" down behind, or the still quainter high "sugar-loaf" hats, shaped almost like those of dancing dervishes, fitting down over the ears and allowing only the least suspicion of the forehead to remain visible. wide linen collars, almost large enough to be called capes, with either plain edges or scalloped, and handsome aprons of silk, brocade, or other materials; wide skirts and a profusion of ribbons go to make up a costume which is always picturesque and often actually handsome. from klausen, to which one returns on one's way northward, one proceeds to brixen, charmingly situated in the valley of the eisack, amid green fields, and pastures, and afforested slopes. the twin towers of the cathedral in the centre of the picture at once catches the eye from whatever point one approaches the town. [illustration: summer time near st. ulrich, grÖdener thal] brixen, though little more in size and population than a large village, is yet one of the most interesting places in southern tyrol. it is not only historically and architecturally important, but is a pleasant place from which to explore the beauties of the neighbouring puster thal, valser thal, and lusen thal if only one's time permits. anciently it was one of the most notable towns in southern tyrol, for it was during nearly a thousand years, and, in fact, until , the capital of an ecclesiastical principality, with a long line of distinguished bishops, some of them almost as much noted for their militant as their spiritual qualities. it is still the seat of a bishopric, and in the town are many evidences of its past ecclesiastical importance and splendour. artists find much in brixen to attract them, as do also students of architecture, and although the valley is wider than in some similar resorts, making mountain ascents longer before one can reach the higher peaks, there are many excursions to be made, and interesting villages to be visited. that it is an attractive town its many visitors make evident, and in the pleasant gardens, which seem always cool even on the hottest summer day, situated between the eisack and the smaller rienz, one meets not only with interesting brixen types (sometimes peasants in costume), but also most of the foreign visitors who may be staying in the place. [sidenote: brixen cathedral] the cathedral, dating from the fifteenth century, is a handsome and even striking building, with its lofty twin towers, and their beautifully "weathered" copper domes. these are the oldest parts, most of the building itself having been restored and rebuilt as recently as the middle half of the eighteenth century. there are some extremely beautiful and interesting cloisters, with numerous frescoes on the groined roof, and some quaint mural tablets and tombstones. the view from the cloisters upon a sunny day across the courtyard is one of great charm in its play of light and shade, tempting one to linger in their hoary coolness and solitude. there is also an ancient chapel of st. john, dating from the eleventh century, containing some good frescoes of the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries. the tombstone of the famous oswald von wolkenstein is in the inner courtyard, which lies between the cathedral and the church of st. michel, depicting the knightly minnesinger in armour with lance, and pennon, and lyre. near this is also an interesting copper relief, depicting the scene of the resurrection, placed there as a memorial of a noted local coppersmith named hans kessler, who lived in the first half of the seventeenth century. one reaches the bishop's palace by several interesting streets, in which some of the more ancient houses are to be found. there is a charming courtyard with colonnades, and a delightful garden, peaceful and full of flowers and the sentiment of other days. and here, fortunately, the traveller can gain admission for half an hour's restful contemplation of its beauty, and perhaps the study of some of the historical events which the town has witnessed. from brixen to sterzing one traverses the widening, narrowing, and again widening valley of the eisack. past spinges, with its memories of the fierce battle in , when general joubert was marching through the puster thal to make a junction with napoleon. his advance was not, however, permitted unchecked. the inhabitants of spinges might not be many, but they were tyrolese. it happened, too, that a few companies of the landsturm were in the neighbourhood, and so these and the men of spinges marched out to meet joubert's immensely superior force. the french troops were armed with bayonets as well as guns, and the barrier they made was found unpierceable by the brave but badly armed patriots. but the opportunity or need produced the man as it had done rather more than four centuries before in switzerland when arnold von winkelried gathered the austrian spears into his bosom at sempach. in this case it was one anton reinisch, of volders, who "played the man," and heroically leapt, scythe in hand, amongst the french bayonets, a score of which pierced his body, and thus, hewing right and left ere he fell, carved a way for his comrades, and enabled them to break up the french lines. [sidenote: the maid of spinges] but spinges will be celebrated still more in romance, as it has been in history, by the act of that anonymous maiden "the maid of spinges," who, during the fight around the church of the village, mounted in company with the men the wall of the churchyard, and, armed with a hay fork, helped, by her strong arms as well as her example, to successfully repel three fierce attacks of the french soldiery. unknown[ ] by name, yet the fame of her courageous act, typical as it was of those of many others of her sex during the long and fierce struggle waged by the tyrolese against the invaders of their beloved land, has descended through generations. on the other side of the valley to spinges is franzenfeste at the mouth of the defile known as the brixener klause. few people stop at franzenfeste, we imagine. to ramble on the hillsides would be an act of foolhardiness, for they are honeycombed with forts. it is a great strategic position, commanding the brenner and the entrance to the puster thal; and investigation of the hillsides and neighbourhood, it is needless to say, is not encouraged by the austrian government. it is possible in the future that the spot which saw much fighting in and will again be the scene of military operations, and a struggle not less fierce, and far more bloody. who knows? [sidenote: sterzing and matrei] sterzing, with its sunny main street of which a most charming vista is got as one enters the town through the ancient gateway on the brenner road, and shady arcades which remind one of the "unter den lauben" of meran, stands on the site of a roman settlement, vipitenum. it is situated at the junction of three beautiful valleys, the ridnaun thal, pflersch thal, pfitscher thal, in a broad basin-like depression, encircled by shapely mountain slopes, and on the right bank of the eisack. though nowadays possessing a population of less than , sterzing at once strikes one as having an air of importance and prosperity, hardly in keeping with its small size. formerly, however, the town was an important mining centre, and the larger of its quaint and picturesque balconied and bay-windowed houses owe their origin to the wealthier inhabitants of the past. marble quarrying and polishing is still carried on somewhat extensively, and doubtless helps to retain an air of commercial life and industry in the quaint old place. sterzing is wonderfully decorative and compact in general effect; and there are a surprising number of fine and interesting buildings to be seen in its narrow old-time streets. the rathaus, with its striking bow windows, is of late gothic architecture, and in it is a fine fifteenth-century altar-piece, and some interesting and well-executed wood carvings. this building, now used by the town officials and magistrates, was formerly doubtless a mansion of a wealthy merchant. in it is one of the best preserved specimens of a gothic ceiling, dating from about the middle of the fifteenth century, that we have seen in tyrol in any private house of similar size. the church has been extensively, but on the whole well restored. it dates from the sixteenth century, and has a gothic choir of note, and nave and aisles restored in the rococo style, the ceiling paintings of which are by adam mölckh. the general effect of the interior is good, and the church has some interesting architectural details. the decline of sterzing is attributable to the same cause as that of many other townlets and villages upon the old post-roads, and the roads over the passes which have gradually become less and less used as railroads have multiplied. but, in the case of sterzing, its gradual descent from the position of importance it once occupied, traces of which are found in the numerous fine houses still standing, was undoubtedly more owing to the exhaustion or abandonment of the mining industry than to the coming of the railway which so seriously affected the road traffic of the brenner pass. near sterzing, it should be remembered, hofer and his peasant forces fought the first big engagement of the struggle in , which ended in the defeat of the bavarians, who were driven back across the brenner, hofer having crossed the jaufen from his home at st. martin in the passeier valley. matrei, or, as it is also called, deutsch-matrei, is the only place of any size or importance which we have not already described on the line between sterzing and innsbruck, or along the brenner road. the little town is charmingly situated, and like others of similar character and altitude (it lies nearly feet above sea-level), is becoming more and more resorted to by tourists and travellers upon the brenner route. the castle of trautson, belonging to prince auersperg, stands on the hillside above it. sterzing forms a fine centre for ascents and excursions, and there is a most interesting pilgrimage church on the north-eastern flank of the waldrast spitze dedicated to the virgin, and known by the name of the mountain; it dates from the middle of the fifteenth century. its foundation was in consequence of a peasant's dream, in which he was directed to go to the woods, lie down and rest, and there he should be told what to do. when he had done this the virgin appeared to him, and bade him build a chapel on the spot over an image of her which had miraculously appeared no one knew how some years before. to this chapel was given the name of maria waldrast (wood's rest), and although the monastery, which was built on the spot more than a century and a half later, in , is now but a ruin, the pilgrimage is even nowadays made by the devout to the church which is so beautifully situated more than feet above sea-level. footnotes: [ ] for further details of the castle's history, see prokop's interesting account.--c. h. [ ] some authorities state pleier was from salzburg or the salzkammergut. [ ] a some authorities assert that her name was katherina lanz, and that from about till her death in she lived as housekeeper to the priest at st. virglius near rost, high up in the enneberg valley.--c. h. chapter ix some towns and villages of walsch-tyrol: trent, its history, council, and buildings--roveredo and dante--arco--riva trent, which is easily reached from bozen through the etschland by the bozen-verona line, which winds through some delightful scenery and passes many a ruined castle perched high on inaccessible heights, is not only a large town of upwards of , inhabitants, but was anciently one of the wealthiest in tyrol. it is generally supposed to have been founded by the etruscans, and both pliny and ptolemy make mention of it; but whoever designed trent seized upon a beautiful situation, and the builders have left behind them in the quaint town, broad streets, handsome palaces of dead and gone nobles, and a forest of towers and spires, delightful survivals of mediæval days. surrounded by limestone crags, the city itself, notwithstanding its italian character and fine atmosphere, gives one at first sight an impression of lack of colour which is not usually the case with italian towns. regarding the foundation of the city and the origin of its name, there is at least a local tradition that it was founded in the time of tarquinius priscus, about b.c. , by a body of etruscans led by rhaetius; and these founders, although so far removed from the sea, instituted the worship of neptune, from which circumstance the ancient name tridentum was derived. be this as it may, the circumstance is interesting, as in these etruscans under the leadership of rhaetius one can perhaps discover the origin of the rhaeti, who ultimately gave so much trouble to the empire of rome. at any rate, rhaetius gave his name to the district in the immediate vicinity of trent. the interesting castle del buon consiglio, which forms so dominating a feature of the town, and possesses a circular and lofty donjon of the type of guy's tower at warwick, with its fine renaissance loggia in the inner or fountain courtyard and several storied arcades in the older, was once the residence of the prince bishops, but now used as barracks. in it is preserved an ancient inscription relating to the government of the town, which proves that the regulations and statutes were very largely modelled upon those of rome itself. those who can do so should certainly endeavour to visit trent during the latter part of the month of june, not merely from the fact that this month is charming by reason of the beauties of nature, the wealth of tender new foliage and delightful climate, but also because on the th of the month falls the festival of saint vigilius, the patron saint of trent, and the martyr missionary who anciently did much to christianize the country. at this _fête_ the ancient city, whose by-ways and narrower streets are full of interest, picturesqueness, and charm, is seen at its gayest and best. all the many churches are crowded with worshippers, thousands of whom have flocked down from the surrounding mountains and come in from the various villages of the etschland, bound first upon religious observances in honour of their patron saint and afterwards to take part in the characteristic games and amusements which give the city for the time being such a festive and bank holiday air. in former days the more violent amusements were often supplemented by the performance of religious dramas, somewhat on the lines of the better known and more elaborate plays of ober-ammergau and the brixenthal, and also by the illumination of the surrounding hills by huge bonfires, which are said to have had their origin in the religious observances of even more remote times than that of the etruscan occupation. saint vigilius, who was born at rome, eventually became the bishop of trent, and ultimately suffered martyrdom during one of the many persecutions which took place, and were similar in character to those of the fourth century. the city during its early wars was several times sacked, and more than once burnt by the bavarian hordes which overran the country and even at last reached the gates of rome itself. thus trent came to be built at various periods upon former foundations, and researches of recent times have tended to show that, as was the case with rome itself, the comparatively modern trent is built upon soil several feet above the level of its first site. one italian authority, indeed, states that the streets of the original town lie some fourteen feet below the level of those of the present. traces of at least three distinct lines of walls marking the growth of the city at various times have been excavated, leading also to the discovery of many interesting relics of roman days, including tessellated pavements, portions of an amphitheatre of considerable size, ornaments, household utensils, etc. the bishops still retain their title of prince, but they lost their power as territorial rulers at the time of the secularization which took place throughout tyrol, and also in the principality of salzburg. [sidenote: the council of trent] although this ancient city, which is characterized nowadays by a cleanliness and order so often found wanting in italian towns, has undergone many vicissitudes and has been the scene of important historical events, to the trent folk of to-day and to many of the visitors who come to it the chief events in connection with its history will undoubtedly remain the sittings of the famous council which commenced in the year . many may wonder how it came about that so comparatively small a town should have been chosen as the meeting-place of a conference intended to attempt the co-ordination of the beliefs and doctrines and the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs of the whole of the then christian world. probably the sole reason for this selection was the geographical position of the city, which lay then, as it does to-day, a frontier town, so to speak, between italian and german influences, and though situated on austrian soil, yet containing an italian-speaking population. the council opened on december , , and continued its sittings (with interruptions) until december , , the last being the twenty-fifth in number. the meetings of the council took place at various times during the reigns of three popes, paul iii., julius iii., and pius iv., and amongst the enactments of the council the canon of scripture, including the apocrypha, was confirmed, and the church named as its sole interpreter; that traditions were to be considered as equal with scripture, and the seven sacraments of baptism, confirmation, the lord's supper, penitence, extra-unction, orders, and matrimony were also confirmed; transubstantiation, purgatory indulgences, celibacy of the clergy, auricular confession, and other matters were dealt with. the first sitting was held under cardinal del monte, the papal legate, who rose amidst the assembled prelates and representatives and asked them whether it was their wish, "for the glory of god, the extirpation of heresy, and the reformation of the clergy and people, and the downfall of the enemy of the christian name, to resolve and declare that the sacred general tridentine council should begin and was begun?" the whole company, we are told, answered "placet," a te deum was sung, and it was agreed that the first sitting of the council should be held on the th of january. the sittings were continued at various times without any untoward event till the year , when maurice of saxony invaded tyrol, and although the council was sitting, most of its members fled the country after having re-enacted the various decrees and ordinances which had been previously passed. ten years later, what was to all intents and purposes another council met at trent, and a solemn service was again held, at which cardinal gonzaga was elected president. a quarrel seems to have arisen between some of the archbishops and bishops and one of the french envoys. the former did not agree to some of the terms of the proposition made by the archbishop of reggio, whilst the latter raised an objection to the council being considered a continuation of the first council. the building in which the council sat has been stated at various times to have been the cathedral, in the piazza del duomo, but there seems very little doubt now that the place of meeting was not there but in the church of santa maria maggiore, situated on the piazza of the same name. in it on the north wall of the choir hangs a large picture representing some three hundred of the various chief dignitaries as they sat in the council chamber. the members numbered nearly a thousand in all, and in addition to the cardinals, archbishops, bishops, abbots, chiefs of religious orders, and representatives from the university, there were also present ambassadors from the emperor of germany, and from the kings of france, spain, and portugal, from the republic of venice and genoa, from switzerland, and from the german electors. there were at first serious disputes regarding the mode of conducting the business of the council: what subjects were to be brought up for discussion, and which of those so brought up should have precedence. the german prelates and representatives appear to have been favourable to the discussion of subjects of a more practical nature, realizing as they did that one of the chief causes of disruption and want of unanimity in the church was the presence of practical and easily located abuses. they therefore strongly urged that the first work of the council should be of the nature of reforms affecting these abuses. on the other hand, the italian prelates and envoys were most favourable to the discussion of matters of doctrine and ecclesiastical observances. these differences of opinion were, however, ultimately overcome by an agreement that for each session of the council dealing with dogma there should be one held to consider the question of practical reforms. the first president, cardinal del monte, frankly acknowledged that many abuses had crept into the church, and to prove the sincerity of his reforming proposals voluntarily yielded up his pluralities of office; and this example was followed by the prince bishop of trent, who offered to resign the see of brixen. in , owing to an epidemic then raging in trent, the first session was closed, and the next sitting took place at bologna. charles v., who had been a very active promoter of the council, objected to the change of venue and insisted upon it being adjourned. it again sat in at trent, and an interesting feature of the sitting was the presence of protestant delegates and envoys from maurice, elector of saxony, and from the elector of brandenburg. queen elizabeth declined to send any representative, preferring to accept the decisions of an english convocation. after transacting a considerable amount of business the council was adjourned, and did not again meet for a period of eleven years. on that occasion many points came up for discussion, and a considerable number of measures of practical reform were agreed upon. one of the most important was the suppression of the alms gatherers, men who were sent for the purpose from rome to different countries with power to sell indulgences. it was by this means that a large amount of the money with which st. peter's, rome, was built was obtained. [sidenote: decrees of the council] amongst other important matters decreed by the council was that prohibiting the sale, printing, or keeping of any books whatever on sacred matters under pain of anathema and fine imposed by a canon of the last council of lateran, unless first approved of by the ordinary. it also provided that offenders should have their books burnt; should pay a fine amounting to a hundred ducats; should be suspended a year from the exercises of their trades; and goes on to add that they should be visited with a sentence of excommunication; and, finally, should their contumacy become worse, be so chastised by their bishop by every means granted by the law that others might take warning from them and not be tempted to follow their example. it was also decreed that even those who lent forbidden books, which included the writings of arch-heretics, such as luther, calvin, and others, even though in ms., should be liable to the same penalties; and all those who should have any such books in their possession, unless confessing the author's name, should themselves be regarded as the author. cardinal lorraine, who attended with fourteen bishops, three abbots, and eighty learned doctors of divinity on behalf of king charles ix. of france, was charged with instructions from that monarch to entreat the council to concede the following reforms and benefits: that in france the sacraments might be administered, the psalms sung, prayers offered up, and the catechism taught in the language of the people; and that the sacrament should be fully administered to the laity. also that some strenuous means should be taken to check the licentious lives of the clergy; and that the council should make any concessions tending towards peace and the abatement of schism which did not controvert or interfere with god's word. the french ambassadors also asked for clear instructions concerning the doctrines governing the uses of images, relics, and indulgences; and also they were instructed to urge argument against exacting fees for the sacrament, benefices without duties, and many other things which the more liberal minded and progressive of the prelates regarded as grave abuses in the church. one astonishing objection which renaud ferrier, the then president of the parliament in paris, in company with lansac, raised before the council was to the dogma that the pope's authority was supreme, their contention being that the council was above the pope! as we have said, this important council on religion came to an end in december, , when the president moved its dissolution. before the closing scene, the acts of the council were finally agreed to and signed, "the ambassadors also adding their names." then the president dismissed the members in the following words: "after having given this to god, most reverend fathers, go ye in peace." to which all present replied, "amen." then cardinal lorraine rose and called down the blessing of the assembly upon the then reigning pope, pius iv., and also upon his predecessors, paul iii. and julius iii. "by whose authority," said the cardinal, "this sacred council was begun; to them peace from the lord and eternal glory and happiness in the light of the holy saints." to which those present answered, "by their memory ever held in sacred benediction." then there were prayers for the reigning monarchs whose ambassadors were present, for the holy oecumenical synod of trent, whose faith and decrees all present declared they would keep for ever. then came the final scene, when the cardinal, standing in the midst of the vast assembly, declared in a loud voice, "anathema! anathema! to all heretics!" to which there came the reply, "anathema!" and thus ended not only the council of trent, but also the last great general council of the roman catholic church. [sidenote: the churches of trent] the church of santa maria maggiore, in which the council held its sittings--a rather plain red marble building, which, however, has a fine lombardian campanile--will always be one of the most interesting churches amongst the many of trent. severe outside, the interior is exceptionally ornate. the organ-loft, completed in , twenty years after the commencement of the church, is one of great beauty. designed by vincenzo vicentin, it has a white marble balustrading, the supports of which are thickly encrusted with decorative work and statuettes of delicately fine workmanship. in the church are also several interesting and good pictures, amongst the number one ascribed, though possibly incorrectly, to tintoretto. there are one or two interesting traditional stories connected with this church. the first relates to the beautiful organ, and runs as follows: "so fine a tone and so esteemed was the work of the now--so far as we have been able to ascertain--unknown organ builder, that the town council are said to have determined to blind or maim him so that it should be impossible for him to construct another instrument like it for any other city. the unfortunate man, unable to get the councillors to give up their diabolical intention, asked as a last favour to be allowed to play on the instrument he had made ere the barbarous sentence was carried out. but as soon as he was in the organ-loft he set to work and irreparably injured the vox humana stop which he had invented, and which had been the greatest attraction of the beautiful instrument; and thus he punished the council who had determined to reward his genius in such a terrible manner." the other legend is of the crucifix, still to be seen in one of the side chapels of the cathedral, which on the occasion of the final te deum, when the council was disbanded on december , , was seen to bow down in token of approval of the constitutions and enactments which had just been signed. of the fifteen or sixteen churches of trent, the cathedral, which was commenced in the eleventh century and finished in the fifteenth, in the form of a romanesque basilica with a lantern above the joining of the cross, is the most important. it is built of the same reddish brown marble as the church of santa maria maggiore, which stone abounds in the immediate neighbourhood. there are some remnants of seventh or eighth century carvings, notably the lombard ornaments of the three porches, which are of great interest. the interior of the church, which is dedicated to saint vigilius, contains many frescoes and some good pictures and other objects, including a madonna by perugino, a copy of the madonna di san luca in the pantheon, which was presented to a bishop of trent whilst on a visit to rome in the middle of the fifteenth century, and has ever since been an object of great veneration to the townsfolk and peasantry of the district round about. the museum in the palazzo municipale, which, at any rate, a year or two ago was unfortunately closed during the months of july and august, when many tourists are in trent, contains some very interesting roman antiquities, including inscriptions, household utensils, ornaments, coins, pottery, and similar objects, and is well worth an hour or two for inspection. [sidenote: dante and the val sarca] dante's connection with trent does not appear to be, even at the present time, very clearly proved, although there would seem to be no doubt whatever that the poet spent some few months, at least, in the trentino. this theory gains some considerable support from references which occur in the "divina commedia" to the trentino, which (various authorities state) are so detailed as to be only possible from personal knowledge. it may, however, be pointed out that, as in the case of shakespeare, who described many places quite accurately to which he could never have been, it is possible dante's knowledge of the trentino was not gained from personal experience, and the theory advanced of his sojourn in the neighbourhood, based upon references to the district in his works, is not unassailable. a considerable number of books, pamphlets, and articles have been written, however, by italian, german, and english scholars and students of dante in support of different theories regarding his visit to these parts. one of the most learned and thorough writers upon this subject--zaniboni--appears to have no doubt that dante was in the trentino, but that the "inferno" was not written during his supposed visit to the castle of lizzana, but soon after his return to italy. other authorities have inclined to the view that the val sarca, near the tiny village of pietra murata, is the real scene of dante's "inferno"; and those who know this desolate and even terrible spot, where the very ground seems blighted, the heat intense between the towering and craggy cliffs, and the whole of the valley the scene of a horrible desolation, with huge boulders tossed hither and thither, and not a blade of grass and scarcely a patch of lichen to be seen, will be inclined also to support this view. but whatever the truth may be, trent has put in a claim to dante in the shape of the magnificent monument to him, from a design by zocchi, erected in in the centre of the piazza dante, near the station. the figures around the base of the column upon which the statue of the poet stands, with his right arm upraised and outstretched, and his left pressing a roll of ms. to his breast, are remarkably well executed, and the whole effect of the memorial, with its background of craggy mountains and its environment of flower-beds, is impressive. there are, of course, numberless interesting buildings, and also several other churches worthy of study and attention; but, perhaps, amongst all the domestic buildings and palaces of trent, including the palazzi wolkenstein and sizzo, and the tabarelli, in which are magnificent private collections of pictures and other _objets d'art_, none exceeds in romantic and legendary interest the teufelspalast, which has been known by several other names at various times, and latterly as the palazzo zambelli. this beautiful home (now a bank) was built by george fugger, a relative of the wealthy banker, anthony fugger, of augsburg. the legendary story is as follows:-- george fugger having become acquainted with one claudia porticelli, a beautiful young woman of trent, fell desperately in love with her, and although the fair claudia does not appear to have discouraged his suit, she was too proud to yield too readily to his proposals, and in addition was very patriotic, and inclined to the view that a tyrolese maid should marry a tyrolese man. it was in pursuance of this idea, when at last her lover pressed her strongly for an answer, that she told him she would never marry a man who lived so far away from her beloved home, and that she wondered how any one who did not possess a tiny _pied à terre_ in trent, should for a moment think that he could have any claim upon her affections. this reply to his suit might, one would think, have discouraged most people, but george fugger, who possessed vast wealth, had no intention of yielding up his claim, or his supposed claim, to the beautiful claudia without a struggle; and, moreover, claudia porticelli, although discouraging him so distinctly, had (like a woman) put off the evil day of giving a final answer for a period of a little more than twenty-four hours. in this delay, george fugger saw the solution which great wealth and determination of character placed within his reach. he determined, therefore, within the short space remaining before claudia gave him his final answer, to build a house "worthy of the human gem whose casket it was to be." [sidenote: a satanic compact] twenty-four hours or so in which to build a palace was, however, such an impossibly short time that no man could hope to accomplish the task by human aid alone. therefore (so the legend goes) he sought the help from a source to which no good christian would think of turning, namely, that of the devil. in legendary lore there are many stories of the devil assisting men and women to an accomplishment of their desires, but almost invariably at the price of their souls. george fugger, however anxious for the devil's assistance, was too keen a man of business to wish to endanger his soul; so the object he set himself to accomplish was to obtain the evil one's aid without paying the evil one's price. the devil was summoned, and he willingly enough undertook the task upon the usual condition, of the surrender at the end of life of the soul of the person he was helping. george fugger, without hesitation, signed the bond with his blood, only stipulating for the insertion of a small clause, which provided that his satanic majesty should on his part do fugger one small service ere claiming the price of his assistance. the devil must have been in a good humour, for he agreed to this quite willingly and unsuspiciously, and the two parties went their way, each well satisfied with his part of the bargain. teufelspalast was, naturally enough, of magnificent design, and at the time it was built was furnished with the most luxurious fittings and decorations that the mind of man or devil could imagine. marbles of different kinds entered largely into its construction, and the gilding, decorations, and carvings were such as to become famous throughout even a country noted for great and beautiful palaces. when the building was completed, the devil summoned the owner, and asked him to name the little service that he was to do him. george fugger had thought out his little scheme of outwitting the devil, and he took a bushel of corn and strewed it over the different floors of his vast mansion. then he said to the devil, "see! if you can gather together all the corn strewn about the palace grain by grain, and deliver it back to me without the loss of a single grain before morning, then my soul shall be yours. on the other hand, should you fail to do this, my soul remains my own as well as the palace you have built." the devil, we are told, was not in the least disconcerted by the task which had been set him, and without doubting for a moment that he would successfully accomplish it, he set to work to gather up the grain. in the end, just before sunrise he had completed his task, all but the finding of five grains of the corn. he searched high and low for the missing grains, but to no purpose, and ere he could find them daylight, which was to mark the end of the time allotted for his task, began to appear; but the devil, notwithstanding the absence of the five grains, consoled himself with the thought that fugger would never discover the loss of five grains amidst the many hundreds of thousands of others which he had heaped up in the measure. when fugger came to see whether the devil had performed his task or not, he counted out the number of grains of corn, and, of course, discovered the absence of the five, so he asked the devil where they were. "oh," said the devil, "they are there, the measure is piled quite full up, and you cannot be so particular as all that." fugger replied, "that is all very well, but five grains are missing, and i must have them, or you have not performed your task, and lose all claim to my soul in return for the palace you have so marvellously built me." the evil one replied, "you have miscounted the number. i have built your house and picked up all the grains of corn, and i am not going to be done out of my part of the bargain; besides, you cannot prove that there are five grains short." "oh yes, i can," replied fugger; "stretch out your right hand." and the devil, not seeing that it could be any harm to comply with the request, forthwith stretched out his great hand. fugger seized it, and said, "there lie the five grains under your own claws. the corn i set you to pick up had been sanctified by being offered before the holy rood, and for this reason you were prevented from fulfilling your purpose. you have not collected the grains into your measure by dawn, as agreed, and therefore our bargain is annulled." the devil was in a terrible way. he did not see how to escape conviction of failure, and so he sought to terrify fugger by an exhibition of his satanic wrath. he set to work and began to attempt to tear down the building which he had so recently completed. but he no longer had any power over the palace, and only succeeded in breaking a sufficiently large hole in the wall to enable him to fly through it and depart. for many years this hole, which had been bricked up, was shown to visitors, and was esteemed by many of the trent people of the lower class as proof positive of the superhuman origin of the palace and the truth of the legend. the end of the story is just what might be expected. the fair claudia, who probably never meant to refuse the rich banker, consented to marry him, now that he had a home in trent. and there they lived, so it is said, happily ever afterwards, and in due time died. [sidenote: the madonna alle laste] in the immediate neighbourhood of trent are several other buildings and places of very considerable interest and of great picturesqueness. one favourite excursion is to the chapel of madonna alle laste, which lies on the hillside to the east of the city, about half an hour's stiff walking from the port aquila, a little way off the road to bassano. from this spot one not only obtains good views of the town, but can visit on a spur of the mountain the celebrated marble maria bild, to which there is an interesting legend attached. this "picture" has been an object of veneration with the people of trent and the district round about for centuries. some time about the middle of the seventeenth century this fine tablet was sacrilegiously injured and disfigured by a travelling jew, much to the rage and indignation of the people of trent. and although a german artist, detscher by name, did his best to restore the carving, it was impossible for him to entirely obliterate all trace of the injury it had received. but, so the legendary story goes, by some miraculous power it was altogether restored in one night, and this miracle so increased the veneration in which the maria bild was held that people thought there was no kind of disease too desperate that it could not be cured by prayers at such a holy shrine. several miracles are ascribed to this wonderful carving, which became so venerated that ultimately a chapel was built for it and placed in charge of a hermit; and later on a community of carmelites was established on the spot by reason of the generosity of field-marshal gallas, and this remained until the secularization, now many years ago. the convent buildings, however, still stand, and from them there is a fine view of the distant range of mountains, and the foreground slopes covered with peach and other fruit trees. with the many other interesting walks and legends attached to the scattered villages which lie in the immediate neighbourhood of quaint and historic trent there is no space to deal. most travellers must leave trent reluctantly, for it is beautiful in situation and deeply interesting from all points of view. to the south and south-west of it lie two interesting towns. the first is roveredo, the second arco; the former, though a less frequented and less historic town than trent, is yet one of some importance and remarkably well situated. it dates from roman times, and received its name roboretum in consequence of the enormous oak forests by which it was surrounded. the high road which leads to it, owing to the fact that it was one of the ancient ways into tyrol, is crowded with ruins of ancient fortresses and of castles in a state of more or less decay. most of these, including predajo, castlebarco, beseno, lizzana (at the last named of which dante lived during the first few years of the fourteenth century, after his banishment from florence), and others took part in the various struggles for the possession of tyrol which were waged at different times between the emperor of germany, the republic of venice, the prince bishops of trent, and other powerful families of the district who carried on private and other feuds throughout the middle ages. [sidenote: a buried city] at the time of dante's banishment from florence castle lizzana was the home of the scaligers, who gave shelter to the poet during his exile. not far from the castle is that famous sclavini (or land slip) di san marco, which is in reality a vast "_steinmeer_," and is probably rather of the nature of a great and possibly pre-historic moraine, than a land slide. but be this as it may the locality of this immense accumulation of huge rocks thrown hither and thither no doubt provided the poet with at least the inspiration of the descent into the inferno,[ ] which runs as follows:-- "the place, where to descend the precipice we came, was rough as alp; and on its verge such object lay, as every eye would shun. as is that ruin, which adice's stream on this side trento struck, shouldering the wave, or loosed by earthquake or for lack of prop; for from the mountain's summit, whence it moved to the low level, so the headlong rock is shivered, that some passage it might give to him who from above would pass; e'en such into the chasm was the descent: and there at point of the disparted ridge...." cary's translation. there is a legend that a beautiful city, once known as san marco, which was destroyed by a landslip that took place at the beginning of the ninth century, lies buried under the gigantic rocks. at any rate, in the middle ages this belief prevailed, with the result that the peasants of the district were for ever digging amidst the _débris_ in the hope of finding some of the vast treasure which tradition said had been buried with the city. the story, which possesses an almost boccaccian touch of humour, goes on to say that on one occasion a peasant, whilst thus excavating, came across a vast boulder, on which was written in letters of fire in italian, "fortunate will they be who turn me over." naturally enough, the peasant was in a state of great delight; surely this was an indication that the riches for which he sought would be found hidden underneath the stone. calling his neighbours together, and, doubtless, promising them a share of the spoil, after almost superhuman exertions, the great rock was rolled over; but instead of finding in the cavity disclosed the treasure which they expected, they found but another inscription on the under side of the rock of a jocular and taunting nature, also in italian, which, literally translated, ran as follows: "thanks for turning me over; i had a pain in my ribs." as the italian peasant, of all others, cares little for unremunerative toil, and is easily depressed by such sarcasm, we are told, "from that time forth the supposed ruined city of san marco and its buried treasures were left in peace." not far from this spot, too, on the other bank of the river, is the home of another legend of a deep cavern, concerning which there is a tradition that years and years ago it was the retreat of a cruel, white-bearded hobgoblin who lived on human flesh--children by preference--and that whoever should have the courage to explore the cavern to its depths would find at the end of it the remains of the hobgoblin, and that his spirit would reward the adventurer by telling him where a vast treasure lies hidden. possibly the legend had some origin in the fact that the district close here was once infested by a fierce band of robbers, who plundered and robbed, not only travellers, but the people of the country round about. towards the end of the twelfth century the band became so formidable that the then bishop of trent despatched a force against them and destroyed the robbers' lair, building on the spot where it was, and from whence they were accustomed to attack travellers, a hospice for the protection of wayfarers, the chapel of which was dedicated to st. margaret. [sidenote: roveredo] some dozen miles southward from trent, down the pleasant valley through which the adige wends its tortuous way, lies roveredo or rovereto, a busy and prosperous town famous for its silk culture, situated on both sides of the river leno, and dominated by the ancient castle, which, built by the venetians, has withstood many a fierce siege. the silk trade, that gives roveredo its chief importance, was introduced into the town as far back as the middle of the sixteenth century, and has contributed very greatly to its continuous prosperity. strangely enough, the principal family of roveredo at the beginning of the eighteenth century established business relations with england, and a prosperous trade was the result. the town is prettily situated, and from the hillside above it presents the usual characteristics of red roofs and white walls which distinguish most italian towns. it has many charming by-ways, flights of cobble-paved steps leading up through quaint arches into zig-zag, narrow streets of great picturesqueness, in exploring which one is tempted to spend much time, particularly if possessing a camera. its chief streets, however, are wide and handsome, notably the corso nuovo, planted with shady trees, leading from the railway station to the town. although there are seven or eight churches in roveredo, none of them are of any great moment, but there is a good altar-piece, supposed to be the work of giovanni da udine, in the church of st. rocchus, a building erected in the middle of the seventeenth century owing to a vow made by the inhabitants to do this during a visitation of the plague if the scourge was stayed. although not a place to stay in for any considerable length of time, roveredo is undoubtedly worth a visit from those who like picturesque architecture, and also on account of its pleasant situation. arco, which is on the way to riva, lies almost due west of roveredo, but is reached by rail circuitously, via mori, nago, and vignole, and is picturesquely situated in the midst of laurels, palms, and olives, dominated by the large and ancient castle situated on a pine-clad rock high above the town. this castle was bombarded by the french, and destroyed during the war of the spanish succession in . the church, a prominent object of the pretty town, is of considerable interest, and amongst other places worthy of note is the château of the late archduke albert, which has a remarkably fine winter garden. arco has of recent years gained some note as a health resort for invalids with a consumptive tendency and, in consequence, possesses quite a number of excellent hotels. from arco to riva is but a few miles, and, if possible, these should be travelled by carriage in preference to the train, as the road lies through the most delightful meadowland, fertile, and stretching upward on either hand to the towering heights which shut in the valley. riva, which is the tyrolese port of charming lake garda, is one of the most delightful spots in all tyrol. as one stands on the promenade, far towards the south stretches the beautiful lake, whose deep-blue waters and exquisite environment of mountains have been sung by poets and described by travellers in every language of europe. at the head of the lake there is a very busy scene of coming and going tourist-steamers, sailing craft piled with merchandise, hay, and other produce, giving the little harbour quite a business-like air, which, combined with unusual picturesqueness, cannot fail to charm every one who comes to it. the town itself is situated chiefly at the foot of the precipitous rocchetta, on the sides of which olive trees, figs, palms, aloes, and other vegetation grow; whilst above one hangs a deep-blue italian sky, luminous in summer with the brilliant sunshine of northern italy. a wanderer in the quaint streets and by-ways, some of the former of which are arcaded, will come across many a picture and many a piece of charming architectural detail for canvas and camera, whilst close to riva, on the shore of the lake, is the little village of torbole, the resort of artists, who find in its primitive character of a fisherman's hamlet a veritable mine of delightful subjects for pictures. the parish church of riva deserves attention; it is really a handsome building, and has much of interest in its interior. on the outskirts of the town is the church of the immaculate conception, which was built by cardinal von madruzz for the purpose of enshrining a wonder-working picture of the blessed virgin. two churches which have their origin in times of plague, those of san roch and san sebastian, erected in and , are found in the town. the district round about has the distinction of supplying the whole of tyrol with the branches of olive which are used on palm sunday; and riva was long considered the most northerly limit at which olive trees would flourish. this idea, however, has of recent years proved to be erroneous, as they are now cultivated as far north as bozen. [sidenote: a wonderful view] the ascent of the altissimo di nago, although a tough climb for all save practised walkers, is well worth the trouble, as the panorama of the lake obtained from the summit is one of astonishing beauty. many visitors to riva also go to san giacomo for the purpose of seeing the sun rise, just as the ascent of the rigi is made. behind one extend mountain range upon mountain range, and lofty peak upon peak of rocky and snow-clad alps; whilst to the south lies the beautiful lake garda, of royal blue in the growing light, and the widespread plains of lombardy on either hand studded with fair cities, of which number milan, if the atmosphere be clear, will seem--though actually far distant--to be so close that a good before-lunch stroll should enable one to reach it. this favoured town not only takes one to the southern limit of tyrol, but provides a charming rest-place, from which many interesting excursions may be made before setting one's face, reluctantly it will surely be, northward once more, through perhaps the grander but less soft and rest-provoking scenery of wilder tyrol. footnote: [ ] dante's "inferno," canto xii., lines - . chapter x. among the dolomites, with notes upon some tours and ascents to many who visit tyrol the most interesting district of this delectable land is the dolomite region, which forms by far the greater part of the south tyrol highlands and offers not only unique opportunities for climbers, but also much impressive and beautiful scenery. it is only in comparatively recent years that the dolomite of south-eastern tyrol has become a popular holiday-ground of tourists and travellers. but a few decades ago it was--except to geologists, a few artists, mining experts, and the more enterprising climbers--a _terra incognita_, a region scarcely more known to the general travelling public than the centre of africa. even nowadays it is far less frequented by western european holiday-makers than it deserves to be. formerly there was some excuse for an ignorance and neglect which a lack of easy transit, good roads, and railways to near-by points might be held to condone. but at the present time so much has been done to throw open this fascinating mountain district to the traveller, rest-seeker, and artist that the excuse can no longer be urged. concerning the climate, scenery, people, and accommodation now offered to travellers, much can be said in praise. indeed, regarding all of these, it would be difficult to say everything one might without running the risk of being accused of partiality or exaggeration. in this portion of tyrol (as, indeed, may be said also of others) one still meets with hospitality and courtesy at inns and rest-houses which are not chiefly based upon the expectation of personal aggrandisement or monetary reward, just as one still finds quietude wedded to splendid scenery and beautiful prospects not yet exploited. in the dolomite region, though its popularity is yearly increasing, one can yet happily meet with comfortable hotels, which are not overrun by the type of tourist for whom a good dinner is more than fresh air and scenery, and dress clothes and gorgeous costumes of an evening a _sine quâ non_. in a word, we have found that the dolomite region is free from many of the disadvantages of switzerland--that most exploited of european countries, and the one in which nowadays perhaps the least quietude and rest is to be found--and provides a playground for the mere pedestrian as well as a most attractive region for the exercise of the climbing instinct. it must be admitted, however, that in the less frequented passes and valleys one has occasionally to "rough" it in a mild kind of way, and that one needs to be a good and enduring walker to "do" the region on foot. but although some of the inns in the lesser known valleys are yet somewhat primitive, the cooking is usually good, and the beds, though the linen may be coarse, will be found almost without exception spotlessly clean. it may be added that french is of little use in the dolomites, except in the hotels at the most frequented tourist resorts, such as toblach, cortina, karer see, bozen, etc., italian and german being generally spoken--the former almost everywhere in the region; the latter chiefly in the gader thal, grödener thal, and the district north of the ampezzo thal; although in scattered hamlets south of the latter, here and there one finds peasants speaking both. the dolomite region is most accessible from the venetian frontier, bozen, or bruneck; and the true dolomite district, which contains all that is most magnificent as regards scenery and attractiveness to the mountaineer and geological student, lies midway between the points we have mentioned, and covers the comparatively small area of some fifty miles by forty miles. even nowadays there remain many peaks in the dolomites yet untrodden by the foot of, at least, modern man, as well as numberless delightful paths amid exquisite scenery, where flowers carpet the earth and tiny streams make their water-music. along which by-ways, from sunrise to sunset, one can travel amid the great silence of the hills without meeting a single fellow-wayfarer. many of the summits are upwards of , feet in height, and they who first climb their rocky walls, deeply fissured sides, and ice- and snow-clad peaks, will have accomplished tasks not inferior to those performed by the intrepid mountaineers of the past who have scaled the great heights of the alps or the himalayas. [sidenote: theories of origin] ever since geologists have speculated and argued concerning the origin and nature of natural phenomena, there has been a conflict of opinion amongst tyrolese, german, and french geologists in particular concerning the dolomites. but although speculations have been many, and various plausible theories have from time to time been advanced, it may, we think, safely be said that none have been absolutely proved or universally accepted. baron richthofen is perhaps the ablest exponent of what is commonly known as the coral reef theory of origin, and this has of late years been largely accepted by leading geologists of different nationalities. [illustration: alpenwiese, on the seiser alp] baron richthofen bases his theory chiefly upon the following points: "(a) the isolated nature of the mountains themselves, and the fact that their sides are frequently so steep and clear-cut as to preclude any suggestion that they have been so made by the ordinary processes of attrition, and that in general form they resemble atolls. (b) that in their substance there are often found fossils and deposits of a strictly marine character very closely resembling those found in coral reefs; in addition to which the configuration shown by many of the peaks is almost exactly similar to that found in the coral reefs of to-day, with precipitous and almost perfectly vertical sides, where they would have been (if the coral-reef theory is the correct one) constantly scoured by the tide, and with much less precipitous sides on the inner or lee side. (c) the fact that there is no trace discernible of any volcanic origin. (d) they also, in their general shape and lines, enclose spaces in a similar way to that which coral reefs invariably enclose." there are many other points of resemblance advanced in mr. g. c. churchill's exhaustive "physical description of the dolomite district," into which it is, however, unnecessary here to enter more deeply. of the schlern, the magnificent peak which rises from so wild and picturesque a wooded ravine to a height of feet, baron richthofen makes the positive assertion that it is a coral reef, and that its entire formation is owing, like that of the "atolls" of the pacific and indian oceans, to animal activity and deposit. the dolomites, which may be said to stretch between the eisack, etsch, and puster-thal towards the south-east, and extend over the tyrol border into the venetian district, derive their name from the well-known geologist, dolomieu, who lived in the eighteenth century, and during the latter part of it travelled extensively in tyrol, and was the first to call the attention of scientists and others to the peculiar structural formation of the southern mountain ranges. it may be briefly here said that their material is largely limestone, but is distinguished from the other chalky alps by a special admixture of magnesia. the fact that long ages ago the sea must have covered this region, and did so for a period of long continuance, is proved by the circumstance that, when climbing, one often finds on the very summits of the highest peaks fossilized sea-shells. many authorities are inclined to the belief that some at least of the dolomites have been assisted in their growth, if not actually formed, by volcanic agencies, and this theory is borne out by the fact that craters are traceable in some of them even to-day. but whatever may be the true origin of these magnificent peaks, there can be no doubt regarding their unique formation. it may be urged by some that the dolomites do not possess the severe and apparently unapproachable majesty of the snow-clad middle alps, with their mighty glaciers and fields of perpetual snow; but as regards their beauty of colour, the wildness of their romantic scenery, closely connected with the most lovely and panoramic of landscapes, they are unequalled, just as the climate of the district in which they stand is delightful and invigorating. in this comparatively small area one has a variety of scenery unsurpassed by any, so far as we know, on the continent of europe. within the confines of the dolomite region one has the wide range of lofty mountains and terrific cliffs, in places reminding the traveller of the cañons of the rocky mountains, with pinnacles, battlements, and towers, rearing themselves on every hand like ruined and titanic fortresses, yet with their wildness softened in a measure by their beauty of colour when gilded by the sunrise or bathed in roseate hue of sunset light. between the lofty peaks which rise skyward into the very vault of heaven, as it seems to the wayfarer at their feet, stretch lovely, winding alpine valleys, often well-wooded and with turf of a most delightful greenness strewn with myriads of alpine blossoms. through valleys sweet with the odours of pinewoods and flowers run rushing torrents or more quietly flowing streams, which often have their origin in tiny, dark-blue alpine lakes set amid environing pine forests, in whose tranquil waters are reflected the towering rocks and secluded woods which surround them. to these beautifully situated spots, which are peopled by happy and friendly disposed peasants, come year by year an increasing number of travellers from other countries of europe and from america, flocking into all the more frequented parts intent upon enjoying the beautiful scenery over which hangs, during the summer months, a vault of deep-blue sky, looking all the bluer by contrast with the snow-clad dolomite peaks, whose grandeur and fascinating beauty are not easily forgotten by those who have once gazed upon them. [sidenote: touring facilities] one of the great advantages of touring in the dolomites to pedestrians, and cyclists more especially--although cycling provides plenty of "collar-work"--is the wonderful network of roads which cross the country in all directions. the surface of these roads is generally excellent, although several of them reach altitudes of between five and six thousand feet above the sea. the gradients have been well seen to, the road ascending by winding curves up the hillsides mostly by such easy stages as enable them to be traversed either on foot, in a carriage, motor-car, or even on a bicycle without much difficulty or fatigue. in this manner one reaches the open, sunny plateaux and ridges which serve to divide the separate groups of mountains one from the other, where the traveller can almost always find accommodation in good modern hotels or in well-arranged and modernized inns. it is in the possession of these numerous well-managed and excellently appointed hotels and inns that the dolomite region excels; and they are of such variety as regards size and the kind and cost of accommodation which can be obtained at them, that almost all tastes and purses can be suited. this has been more especially the case during the last decade, in which new routes have been opened up, and further and adequate hotel accommodation provided. huge buildings, affording every possible comfort and modern convenience, patronized by the wealthy visitor, hotels on a less grand scale, suited to the requirements of the well-to-do middle classes, and yet more modest, though not less well-managed and comfortable, establishments, where for an almost incredibly small sum pedestrians and tourists of more restricted means can obtain excellent food, are all to be found in the dolomite region. in the larger hotels at the more noted resorts, of course, one finds much the same "life" as that prevailing at such places as ischl, semmering, pontresina, st. moritz, and lucerne, where bands play during dinner, ladies wear elaborate parisian toilettes, men dress for dinner, and climbing is, for most of the visitors, quite a secondary consideration to that of enjoying "smart" society. in the smaller places one finds greater simplicity and, to our thinking, greater charm, with more of the life of the people in evidence and less of the exotic. but the dolomites themselves present many attractions to the climber, and yet provide numerous ascents which can be undertaken by the comparatively untrained and inexperienced. this is largely owing to the fact that they consist chiefly of isolated groups of mountains of great height, but which, owing to their isolation, are not approached by long and toilsome journeys ere the actual climbing itself commences, such as is often the case with the greater peaks of the central alps. numbers of the higher ones, reaching to upwards of feet in height, may be ascended without any great fatigue by well-made paths, thus providing for the tourists who are not expert climbers plenty of exercise with just those elements of adventure and inspiration which prove the greatest charms to all climbers, and the reward at the end which comes to those who penetrate the higher regions of a purer atmosphere, and a larger outlook upon the glorious beauties of mountainous districts. there are, of course, many other dolomite summits which can only be ascended, and should only be attempted, by practised and hardy climbers, for whom great heights and the risks attending their ascent possess no terrors. it is generally conceded that the district provides both for the inexperienced and most experienced climbers some of the most interesting mountain ascents in europe. in the dolomite region, especially of recent times, climbing has made extraordinary progress. summits, the ascent of which a few years ago was looked upon as a great achievement by even good climbers, are now scaled by numbers of people every year; and each year brings additions to the conquered peaks, some of which were a decade ago looked upon as absolutely unclimbable, and likely to remain so. the dolomites are, indeed, gradually becoming as well known to climbers and would-be climbers of even the countries of western europe as are the swiss alps, and annually a larger number of lovers of alpine scenery take their holidays in this region; and of late years the district has been visited by many even in winter time. in summer, although much accommodation has already been provided for tourists, it is, up to the present, decidedly insufficient for all the visitors who flock to this region during the months of july, august, and september. it is, therefore, advisable for any one who wishes for a comfortable time during those months to secure rooms in advance at all places which are to be visited, more especially at those centres of attraction to which the greater number of tourists are in the habit of gravitating. [sidenote: dolomite groups] the dolomites may be divided into the following groups, running from east to west.[ ] ( ) the sextner dolomites, the most important summits amongst which are the drei schuster spitz, , feet, which is ascended generally from the fischelein boden; the elferkofel, , feet; the zwölferkofel, , feet; oberbacher spitz, feet, and the drei zinnen, feet, two absolutely bare peaks of sulphurous limestone, streaked with pale orange, rising grandly and boldly from behind the monte piana plateau like two huge scored and fissured fingers of a titanic hand. ( ) the ampezzaner dolomites, with monte cristallo, , feet, with its many peaks veiled by snows, glassing itself in the agate green waters of the lovely pine-environed dürren see. monte antelao, , feet; the three tofanas, ranging in height from feet to , feet; and the sorapis, , feet. ( ) the agordinischen dolomites, with the nuvolau, feet; monte pelmo, , feet; and monte civetta, , feet, whose western face from caprile was unascended till as recently as , when messrs. raynor and phillimore, with two ampezzo guides, made the ascent. ( ) the grödener dolomites, which embrace the beautiful rosengarten, the schlern, feet; the sella-group, including the sellajoch, feet; rodella, feet, and other lesser peaks; and the geislerspitzen, with its highest peak, sas rigais, feet. ( ) the fassaner dolomites, consisting of the groups of the latemar, feet; the marmolada, the highest of all the dolomites, a huge group with several peaks, including the puntadi penia, , feet; the marmolada di rocco, , feet, and other magnificent and lofty summits; and the pala group, including the cimone della pala, , feet, the pala di san martino, feet, and the pala della madonna, feet. there are numberless interesting and picturesque excursions to be made in this charming region of the dolomites, but the space at our disposal will only permit of the mention of a few of the most accessible, interesting, or picturesque. [illustration: misurina lake] innichen through the sexten thal to lake misurina. innichen, reached from toblach through a beautiful pine (larch) forest, is a prettily situated townlet on the puster thal road, with good accommodation for visitors. it possesses a fine monastery church, dating from the thirteenth century, which is one of the most interesting and unique buildings in tyrol. it contains some very extraordinary and grotesque figures and faded frescoes, and a small chapel built in imitation of the holy sepulchre by one of the villagers, who once made a pilgrimage to the holy land. the road leads a little below past the village into the sexten valley, the principal hamlet of which is sexten, or st. veit, which is nowadays a charming and much-frequented summer resort, where one may wander amidst almost illimitable pine forests, and enjoy fresh mountain air and quietude surrounded by exquisite scenery. from sexten one reaches in about an hour fischlein boden, by way of moos, along a beautiful path through the pine woods, from whence one obtains an admirable view of the head of the valley, with the drei schuster spitze, the oberbacher spitze, drei zinnen, elferkofel, zwölferkofel, and rothwand, and an almost unrivalled vista of snow peaks. from this point, passing the zsigmondy hut, feet, one comes to the bacherjoch. from the zsigmondy hut, the elferkofel and the zwölferkofel may be ascended, both of which are, however, very difficult. over the bacherjoch a footpath leads to the drei zinnen hut on the toblinger riedel, feet, on past the celebrated drei zinnen to the pretty misurina lake, tree-bordered and mountain environed, one of the most charming and picturesque spots in the dolomites. toblach through the ampezzo thal to schluderbach and cortina. from toblach there is an excellent excursion through the ampezzo valley to schluderbach and cortina. the starting-point is situated on the watershed of the high puster thal, and is a great place for consumptives and different forms of fresh-air cures. it is visited by people from almost all parts of the world, and in consequence the hotel accommodation is excellent and even luxurious. the village of toblach itself is at the head of the ampezzo road, which here leaves the puster thal at an altitude of nearly feet, and leads due south, passing between the sarlkofel, feet, on the right, and the neunerkofel, feet, on the left. the puster thal railway, which comes within about a mile of the village, makes toblach easily accessible, and it is in the neighbourhood of the station that the huge modern hotels are built, acting, as it were, as gateways to the beautiful ampezzo valley. the road through the latter is a magnificent one, well suited for motoring if care be taken in descending some of the sharp curves which lead down into cortina; and especially beautiful upon such an evening in june as we traversed it, just as the sunset hues were illuminating the higher peaks with that roseate glow which is destined too soon to fade to purples and through them to the slatey blues of twilight. from toblach the ascent is very gradual to the pretty and romantically situated toblach lake; and thence one passes on to landro at the head of the valley of the schwarze rienz, where rise the lofty and snow-clad drei zinnen with the waters of the dürren see, jade green and beautiful in colour, with monte cristallo with its cap of eternal snow and its glacier, the piz popena and monte cristallino, rising in the background. from the dürren see to schluderbach, feet, is a distance of less than two miles; and here, too, one finds a beautifully situated village surrounded by fine scenery, and provided with excellent accommodation for tourists whether they be but passing along into italy or inclined to make a lengthy stay. [illustration: a road through the dolomites] schluderbach--cortina. from schluderbach the road passes over the boundary between tyrol and italy, through a beautiful forest, past a deep ravine, down to ospitale, feet, situated at the base of the crepa di zuoghi, feet, and afterwards skirting the peutelstein or podestagno, feet, by a wide though sharply curving road skirting precipitous slopes and crossing the deep gorge of the felizon by the ponte alto, down to cortina d'ampezzo, feet above the sea, reached by carriage from toblach in about seven hours, and distant from it just over twenty miles. [sidenote: cortina] cortina is beautifully situated on the left bank of the river botta, with the fine tre croci pass (which takes its name from the three large wooden crucifixes) opening away behind the town eastward, and the tre sassi pass widening out before it westward. the town is the principal one in the commune of ampezzo, and is surrounded by stupendous heights and grand snow-clad mountains, amongst which are some of the most splendid of the dolomites. for years past cortina has been so considerable a resort of tourists and rest-seekers that splendid accommodation is nowadays obtainable; and one of the first impressions made by the place upon the traveller who comes to it after that of its picturesqueness is its prosperity. it is far cleaner, too, than most italian or semi-italian towns of its type. though the climate is so favourable--even in the coldest of winters the thermometer seldom falls far below freezing-point--the soil of the district is very poor, and the appearance of most of the mountain-sides and valleys is bleak. there is in consequence little agriculture and no cultivation of the vine in the immediate neighbourhood of cortina. indeed, throughout the ampezzo thal pasturage and timber-felling, and not agriculture, are the chief industries, although wood-carving and the manufacture of gold and silver filigree work is carried on to a very considerable extent. the festivals and fairs of the district are amongst the most important of south-eastern tyrol, and at them one still sees many of the charming peasant costumes which have had here, as elsewhere, a tendency to die out. the huge silver-headed hairpins of the girls form a particularly noticeable feature of their elaborately and neatly plaited coiffures. the main street of cortina is a sunny and picturesque one, many of the houses possessing quaint, irregular roofs, and the church, little piazza, and hostelries making up a charming picture, with a beautiful vista of pastures and mountain summits at the end of the street. the church, with its stately detached campanile, from the gallery of which, nearly feet above the level of the street, there is a fine and extensive view of the town and valley, is one of the largest for many miles around, and contains, amongst other things, an unusually handsome altar, and some beautiful wood-carvings by brustolone. the churchyard (unless recently altered) is a desolate though a picturesque spot, unfortunately a standing memorial of indifference for the memory of those who have passed away, and irreverent neglect. all who reach cortina, whether they stay long or merely for a few hours, should go to the aquila nera inn, if only to see the interesting and varied paintings of two of the sons of a former proprietor named ghedina which adorn the walls of the dining-room, staircase, the outside of the "dependance," and even the whitewashed walls of the outhouses and stables. the subjects are of great variety, displaying in many cases much technical skill and imaginative gifts, and comprise military and religious figures and designs, grotesques, and on the walls of the square-built and solid-looking dependance are some large groups representing painting, sculpture, architecture, and other domestic subjects, especially noticeable being the painter-like and clever manner in which modern objects, such as telegraphic instruments, cameras, steam-engines, etc., have been handled. from the top of the campanile, in which are hung great bells, one has the village and the valley spread out at one's feet, with the ampezzo thal stretching north and south and the passes of tre croci and tre sassi stretching east and west. [sidenote: beautiful flowers] in the valleys surrounding cortina there are many beautiful wild flowers and specimens of alpine flora, amongst the most noticeable of which are the wild daphne and the smaller mountain gentian; we fancy, too, that in another very beautiful though small pink flower with waxen petals, which grew in large clusters, we found the _androsace glacialis_, although two botanically learned friends differed as to the correct name of this charming specimen. on the way to cortina via schluderbach one can, by branching off southward soon after leaving the village, reach, either on foot through the woods or by a good carriage road through the val popena, the beautiful and nowadays much-frequented lake misurina, in which the peaks of the drei zinnen and the tree-clad lower slopes of environing hills are charmingly reflected. the lake, although of comparatively small size, is justly considered one of the most beautiful in alpine regions, and on its banks several large hotels have already been erected for the accommodation of the increasing number of visitors who come to this quiet and lovely spot which lies nearly feet above sea-level. one of the most picturesque excursions in this extreme southern limit of tyrol is by the carriage road, which, after passing through the village, traverses the forest and by a gradual ascent reaches tre croci, feet above sea-level. all along this beautiful road, which traverses the slope of the crepe di rudavoi, one obtains the most beautiful peeps of the huge cliffs of cristallo to the right, with fine vistas of the marmorole and sorapis on the opposite side. at tre croci the beautiful ampezzo valley suddenly bursts upon the view with the huge mass of the tofana right across the valley, whilst in the distance and to the south-west appears the serrated ridge of croda da lago; and yet further distant the snow-clad summits of marmolada. from tre croci the beautiful road runs direct to cortina down a rather steep incline. although the former means of reaching cortina from schluderbach by the high road and through the ampezzo thal is the more easily accomplished, none who have taken the road by way of misurina will regret its greater length because of its greater interest. schluderbach--plÄtz wiese--pragser wildsee--niederdorf from schluderbach, too, there is another road branching northward from the imperial road to niederdorf on the bruneck-innichen-toblach line, leading over the plätz wiese, upwards of feet above sea-level. there is a fine hotel on the plätz wiese, about two hours from schluderbach, and it is from thence that one ascends the dürrenstein, feet. this easily climbed mountain, although not providing much excitement for the expert alpinist, is one of those which amply reward the climber for the fatigue and trouble of the ascent. as one stands upon the summit one has spread out around on all hands a most astonishing and magnificent panorama of the dolomites, as well as of the glaciers and middle alps which lie to the north. amongst the great heights and groups, on a good day plainly visible from the mountain, are those of the tauern, ortler, and adamello, and the beautiful pragser thal, with amongst the chief heights the hohe gaisl, , feet; cadini, feet; monte cristallo, , feet, with its glacier, and many other giants of the region. [sidenote: pragser wildsee] the road from plätz wiese continues past the little watering-place alt-prags to niederdorf, to reach which occupies about three and a half hours. there is from this road another, branching off and leading past the watering-place of neu-prags, with its prettily situated houses and hotels, to the lovely pragser lake, nearly feet above sea-level, and distant from niederdorf seven and a half miles. pragser lake, or the pragser wildsee, is one of the most beautiful, secluded, and romantic of all the alpine lakes, surrounded and sheltered as it is by the mighty walls of the seekofel, feet; the herrstein, feet; col de ricegon, feet; hochalpenkopf, feet, and many other wild and impressive heights. in the olive-green waters of the lake itself the two first-named giants are reflected with wonderful distinctness and beauty; whilst on the slopes of most of the surrounding mountains the silvery, star-like flowers of the edelweiss and the royal blue gentians grow with a luxuriance scarcely equalled in any other part of the dolomite region. the climate of this alpine lake is indeed bracing and health-giving, for on the hottest summer day one finds a cool and refreshing air coming down from the mountains and traversing the surface of the lake, whilst in the evening the temperature is not materially lowered, as so often occurs at places having such a considerable altitude and set amid great peaks, so that one can remain in the open air quite safely, even though lightly clad, until the beautiful alpine twilight wraps the lake and its shores in a mantle of mysterious beauty, and night seems to descend from the summits of the great peaks around. no one, however, should think of visiting pragser wildsee in the summer season without first bespeaking accommodation at the beautiful hotel situated on the borders of the lake, or they may find themselves compelled (as have been many others before them) to turn their backs upon this lovely spot for lack of accommodation, as this is always crowded with visitors during the months of july, august, and the early part of september. this charming resort is most easily reached from niederdorf, situated on the puster thal railway, one station eastward from toblach. cortina--falzarego--buchenstein. from cortina the old imperial or high road takes one out of the dolomites to the south-east into venetian territory to belluno, an interesting and picturesque old town standing on a hill between the piave and ardo, which at this point flow together. the cathedral, built chiefly by tullio lombardo in the early years of the sixteenth century, was unfortunately greatly damaged during the earthquake in ; but it has been largely restored, and contains, in addition to many interesting architectural details, some fine altar paintings. from the summit of the campanile, which is upwards of feet in height, one obtains a most exquisite view of the old town and surrounding country. the prefecture, in the piazza del duomo, is a fine early renaissance building dating from the end of the fifteenth century, and was originally the palazzo dei rettori. belluno will shortly be connected by rail with cortina, and possess a station of its own. the new dolomite road, however, travels from cortina in a south-westerly direction to the rock-strewn falzarego pass, feet, lying in the shadow of the hexenfels, feet, whilst to the south-west rises the impressive, snow-covered marmolada, with the col di lana, feet, in the foreground of the picture. from this pass one can ascend the nuvolau, feet, from the summit of which there is a panoramic view of the railway and surrounding peaks. at the other end of the pass the new dolomite road descends more than a thousand feet into the valley of andraz, a little, picturesquely situated village from which several interesting excursions can be made, near which lie the ruins of a very ancient castle bearing the same name. buchenstein, the chief village of the buchenstein valley, distant from the end of the pass some nine miles, is reached by the road from andraz. there are some excellent inns, and the village is splendidly situated and makes a good centre for holiday makers. [illustration: a peep of the dolomites] buchenstein--caprile--alleghe see--arÁba. near it a little road branches off to the south-east, which, leading through italian territory and crossing a stream, leads to caprile, just over the italian frontier, descending on the left side of the val cordevole, with fine views of the val di livinallongo. the village of caprile, at the far end of which is the short venetian column, surmounted by a lion of st. mark, a relic of the days when the venetians ruled the district, is a somewhat straggling one, with many of the houses built upon arches. the church is ordinary, although there are some quaint decorations to the organ-loft worth seeing. but, disappointing as is the village itself, its beautiful surroundings, with the truly magnificent prospect of monte civetta, and the beautiful alleghe lake, tempt one to prolong one's stay. from caprile the road leads to the lake, which lies at the foot of monte civetta. the high road, however, which is fairly level, leads first of all to the village of arába at the foot of the pordoijoch, feet. bruneck--enneberg--arÁba. on the way to arába one can also reach, direct from the puster thal station, st. lorenzen, through the wildly beautiful and romantic enneberg thal, which forms the shortest route to the middle division of the great dolomite road. one peculiarity of the gader or enneberg thal, and other similar valleys of the district, is the fact that the peasantry speak neither german nor italian (although in some valleys the latter language is gradually becoming more used), but the patois known as ladin, which somewhat resembles the romanche of the grisons district, although each valley has certain peculiarities of dialect. no doubt these latter will in time die out, and german will become the common language of the more german valleys, and italian of the more italian. the carriage-road, which is kilometres ( miles) in length, is not suitable for motors; it leads past pedrazes, feet high, and corvara, feet, to arába. near corvara lies the way over the grödener-joch, feet, into the beautiful grödener thal, often sung by the poet walther von der vogelweide. waidbruck--grÖdener thal--arÁba. the usual starting-point, however, for the latter is waidbruck, to the south of the brenner road between franzenfeste and bozen. from waidbruck, feet, which lies at the head of the grödener thal, with the trostburg, feet, towering above it, the road goes to st. ulrich, feet, distant eight miles, the chief village in the wide valley, prettily situated and surrounded by tree-clad slopes, beyond which rise some magnificent rocky dolomite peaks. the church, dating from the end of the eighteenth century, has a beautiful interior, containing some excellent examples of the woodcarving for which the grödener thal has for ages been and still is famous. [illustration: the langkofel] [sidenote: some dolomite peaks] from st. ulrich it climbs upwards through the valley, which at each step becomes more beautiful and more magnificent, to st. christina, feet, with its mountain pastures dominated by the huge langkofel-joch, feet, and many other impressive heights, such as secéda, feet, geislerspitzen, feet, to the north, and the plattkofel, feet, to the south; the stella group to the south-east, with the col dalla piëres, feet; and the pitzberg, feet, puflatsch, feet, and the more distant rosengarten and the schlern to the south-west. from st. christina the road continues over the hill to st. maria in wolkenstein, to plan, feet; from whence mule tracks lead over the magnificent grödener-joch, with its protection hut, or hospice, feet, into the enneberg valley to arába; and also over the great sella-joch, feet, to canazei, in the fassa valley, which lies southward of pordoi. there are several excellent and interesting ascents which can be made from the grödener valley. first of all there is the romantic geislerspitzen, which, however, should only be attempted by the skilled climber, as it is both a laborious and difficult ascent. in the same category, though more difficult, and suitable only for hardy mountaineers, are the grosse furchetta, with its highest point feet; kleine furchetta, a few feet less; the fermeda-thurm, feet; and the gross nadel, feet. starting from the sella-joch, the magnificent sella, with the boè spitz, , feet, as well as the wildly rugged langkofel, can be ascended. from the sella-joch also one can easily ascend the col rodella, feet, which lies to the south-west of the former, from which summit one obtains a very fine and extensive panoramic view. arÁba--pordoi--canazei. in arába, the second part of the new dolomite high road, which comes over the pordoi-joch to canazei, in the fassa thal, the way ascends in wide zig-zags through a beautiful and broad alpine valley, in which those interested in botany will find a wealth of alpine flora scarcely excelled by that of any portion of tyrol, up to the heights of the pordoi-joch, where there is an inn at which meals can be obtained, and from which a most magnificent circular panoramic view extends. from this place well-made tourist paths extend in many directions to the boè-spitz as well as to the fedaja pass, feet, and the frontier between tyrol and italy; a most attractive road, with the huge snow peaks and glaciers of the giant marmolada close at hand. the new dolomite road goes from the pordoi-joch in a south-easterly direction, traversing a magnificent forest with wonderful and ever-changing views of the craggy peaks of the dolomites, and thus on to canazei in the curve of the fassa thal. canazei--fassa thal--neumarkt--tramin. this little town, feet, distant from arába just over twelve miles, is charmingly situated, and much resorted to by tourists as a centre from which to make numerous interesting short tours in the dolomites. the inns are simple in character though comfortable, and for that reason many will find that they possess an attractiveness exceeding that which one finds in hotels of a more pretentious class. the high road leads near canazei, past gries, campitello, vigo, and möena, to predazzo, the chief town in the fassa thal, feet, about nineteen miles from canazei. the place occupies, so we are told by baron richthofen and other authorities, including de saussure and churchill, the site of an ancient volcanic crater, although it is indeed difficult for those unversed in geology and seismic phenomena to realize the fact. predazzo, which stands in a broad valley at the junction of the val travignolo and fleims thal, is a prosperous town, mainly owing to the mineral wealth in the immediate neighbourhood, which of late years has been developed and worked, and the fertile nature of the valley. the inhabitants are principally iron workers, farmers, and hay or timber merchants, and their sphere of trade is a far wider one than the uninitiated would imagine, extending as it does throughout the austrian empire, to germany, switzerland, and other countries. the town cannot, however, be described as either very picturesque or pretty; there are too many saw mills and iron furnaces in it, and these in a measure serve to destroy the beauty of a naturally pretty valley. but the painter of figure studies and tiny domestic pictures, and the camera user with an eye for quaint "bits" may find them in the older portion of the town amongst the wooden buildings; and picturesque groups of women and girls are sure soon to reward the patient artist or photographer who takes up a position commanding the stone fountain in the main street, to which many come daily to draw water. there is a fine new church, which, however, cannot displace in one's artistic or sentimental affection the old one with its tyrolese belfry and weather-worn look. the famous and curious old house known as the nave d'oro, now an hotel, but once the home of giacomellis for hundreds of years, is worth inspection, as some of the armorial bearings of this erstwhile noble family still appear above the old carved doorways, and serve as decorations of the ceilings and fireplaces. the visitors' book contains what must be one of the most valuable (so far as scientists and geologists are concerned) collections of autographs to be found in any tyrolean hotel. predazzo is one of the finest geological centres in eastern europe, and in the immediate neighbourhood of the town many beautiful and varied minerals and crystals are found, amongst them the tourmaline granite, uralite porphyry, and the syenite porphyry, with its marvellous crystals, which, so far as we have been able to ascertain, are unique to this district. although predazzo is chiefly--and, in fact, almost entirely--given over to mining, smelting, and timber-cutting, there is yet, amid all the hum of the timber sawing-mills, and the roar and smoke of the furnaces, a considerable lace-making school for women, where this most delicate of industries is taught and practised. some exquisite specimens of lace are to be seen, and can be purchased at moderate cost. an interesting fact in connection with the rich pasturage on the slopes of the latemar is that it belongs by common right to the descendants of the original families founding the village, and was given to the latter by a grant dating from the middle ages, but by whom made it does not appear absolutely certain. the road leads on through the fleimse-thal, past cavalese, where there is an ancient palace of the bishops of trent, which has a painted façade. the building is now used as a jail. there is here a fine gothic parish church, standing on a hill, with an old marble entrance porch, and some interesting pictures by native artists. the road then leads one on to the railway station at neumarkt-tramin, which is twenty-four miles from predazzo and ninety-eight miles from toblach. [illustration: mount latemar] vigo di fassa--karer see. at vigo di fassa, feet, the chief village in the fassa thal on the road to bozen and the karer pass, the road branches off, leading in a westerly direction over the pass, feet, and past the karer see, feet, which lies at the base of the latemar, to bozen. [sidenote: the vajolet and schlern] karer see is one of the most beautifully situated places between the rosengarten and latemar, and is also one of the most celebrated and fashionable resorts in the dolomite region. from its situation and numerous delightful walks and excursions which can be taken from it, it is especially suited for a lengthy stay, and for these reasons partakes somewhat of the nature of the well-known swiss resorts such as st. moritz, pontresina, engleberg, and other places of a similar character. many of the hotels are most beautifully situated on the borders of the lake, with a picturesque background of pine woods, beyond which tower the serrated and deeply fissured summits of the dolomites, with striking views of the great peaks of the latemar, rothwand, ortler, oetz thal, and stubai alps. from karer see the latemar and the rosengarten, whose highest point is feet, are easily visited, and among the excursions which those who are not expert climbers can take is that from karer see, by the rosengarten, past the ostertag and ciampedie hut, feet, to the vajolet hut; or past the kolner hut, feet, over the tschager-joch, to the vajolet hut, feet. starting from the vajolet hut, one can ascend the vajolet thürme through a ravine filled with _débris_ and a steep slope usually covered with snow; the rosengarten spitz, feet, and the kesselkogel, feet; cima di laura, feet, and several others. all of those mentioned are difficult ascents, and should only be attempted by expert climbers and with guides. from the vajolet hut a fairly good footpath also leads over the grasleiten pass, feet, to the hut which occupies a magnificent position with an extensive view of the giant dolomites in the immediate vicinity, and towards the west a fine prospect of the presanella and ortler group. from this point the path leads through the bärenschlucht up the schlern. waidbruck--seis-schlern. the schlern, which is a huge accretion of dolomite rock, towering above the green, undulating plateau which forms its base, the middle peak known as the alt-schlern or petz, feet, is the highest of the series, although several of the peaks approach it in altitude within a few hundred feet. the schlern forms one of the most attractive groups of dolomite peaks, on account not only of the magnificent view which rewards the climber, but also because excellent accommodation for tourists and climbers has been provided on the slope of the alt-schlern just above the plateau, at a height of feet. there are situated the schlern house, belonging to the bozen alpine club, with upwards of thirty beds, and the schlern inn, containing a little over half that number. the starting-place for the ascent of the schlern is usually waidbruck, already referred to, and from thence a carriage-road leads by way of kastelruth and the charmingly situated summer resort seis, feet, to bad ratzes, feet, situated in the wild but well-wooded gorge of the frötschbach. between seis and bad ratzes, set in the forest, are the ruins of the ancient home of the minnesinger oswald von wolkenstein. from bad ratzes the peaks of the schlern can be easily reached by a mule track, although serious climbers generally take up their residence at either the schlern house or the schlern inn whilst ascending the various peaks which can be most easily reached from that point. blumau--tierser thal--rosengarten. from the schlern and rosengarten district one proceeds from the railway station to blumau, feet, near bozen, into the renowned and picturesque tierser thal. the carriage-road from blumau takes one through pretty scenery in about two and a half hours to the little village of tiers, and then on to weisslahn-bad, feet, from whence tourists' paths have been made leading up the schlern to the grasleiten hut, and over the niger to the kölner hut, from which one can then either ascend the rosengarten, or proceed through beautiful flower-bedecked alpine meadows to the charming karer see. karer see--bozen. from karer see the road, which, though a fair one, is not practicable for motors, winds, gradually descending, through beautiful woods to welschnofen, feet, a favourite summer resort, situated in a fine open valley with splendid views of the towering serrated ridge of the latemar on the right, and on the left the beautiful rosengarten. from welschnofen there is a good road to birchabruck, feet, a pretty place where the welschnofen thal branches to the left, and the wildly romantic eggen thal, leading to bozen--which is the principal town in southern tyrol--to the right. fassa thal--paneveggio--san martino--trent. at predazzo there branches off from the high road another good road which leads over the rolle pass, feet, into the pala dolomites, and then over primero, feet, on one side towards venice, and the other towards trent. this fine high road threads its way through a splendid forest to paneveggio, feet, a pleasantly situated village--set amid pine woods--from which one can return over the lusia pass, feet, to möena, and ultimately to karer see, with magnificent views of the colbricon, the cimon della pala, and the oetz thal alps in the background. from paneveggio, too, the road climbs up the rolle pass, which forms the watershed between the adige and brenta, and then descends to san martino, feet, which is charmingly situated in a beautiful wooded dell at the foot of the dolomites. the road from the head of the pass to san martino, once a monastery, is by stupendous zig-zags cut through a splendid forest. yearly the little village is becoming more and more popular, owing to its beautiful situation, the equableness of its climate, and the many charming excursions which can be made on every hand suitable either for the pedestrian or the climber. the imperial road from here descends rapidly to primiero, and then traverses a wildly romantic ravine full of boulders, and with tree-clad mountain slopes to primolano, on the italian frontier, and thence to tezze, feet, which is the present terminus of the railway, and is the principal point on the val sugana road uniting tezze with trent, feet, the chief town of the italian tyrol, with , inhabitants. these, then, are a few briefly sketched tours in the dolomite region which will, as we ourselves know, well repay the seeker after magnificent scenery, pure air, and solitude, or society, as the case may be. quite recently a most excellent and original type of relief map of the dolomites has been published, which on account of its clearness and comprehensive character makes it a very valuable, if not positively indispensable, companion for all who wish to travel in this most interesting, though somewhat complicated district. fortunately the map, which is published at a remarkably moderate price, is to be obtained at all the principal railway stations of the south austrian railways, and one cannot do better than obtain a copy ere setting out for a dolomite tour, whether it be an extended one or not. we would call particular attention to the fact that the dolomites being, many of them, on the frontier between austria and italy, there are numerous fortresses dotted about in quite unsuspected corners, the sketching and photographing of which, or even of their immediate surroundings, is very strictly prohibited. warnings on signboards are erected at all the points of danger, and the instructions placed thereon should on no account be disregarded. the consequences of so doing are likely to be extremely unpleasant, and possibly lead to the at least temporary incarceration of the offender. footnote: [ ] the heights given are those appearing in the latest edition of baedeker's "eastern alps" and the publications of the vienna and austrian alpine clubs. chapter xi through the unter-innthal: kufstein--kundl--rattenberg, and the story of wilhelm biener--brixlegg, and its peasant dramas--the famous castle of matzen--st. georgenberg, and its pilgrimage church--castle tratzberg--schwaz the first view one has of kufstein from the railway, or rather of its ancient fortress of geroldseck, which dominates the prettily situated little town, is almost bound to evoke the remark that it is a salzburg in miniature. indeed, the parallel is not an inapt one, for the partially tree-clad and rocky eminence on which the last stronghold held by the bavarians at the end of the invasion of stands bears considerable resemblance to the greater mönchsberg with the town spread out at its feet. the river inn has narrowed ere it reaches kufstein, which may be called the border town of north-eastern tyrol, and now flows rapidly onward to meet the danube. the place is pleasantly situated; but it is rather on account of the interest and beauty of its surroundings than to the town itself that its growing popularity as a holiday resort must be chiefly ascribed. and yet, with that ancient and grim old castle above one, with its huge round tower dominating the rock on which it stands, and the charming valley and pine-clad slopes of the environing hills spread out on either hand, one is tempted to linger in the town. the castle, which in all probability occupies the site of roman _albianum_, marks the position of one of the oldest settlements in tyrol. even in the times of charlemagne there is at least one record of the place "caofstein," accompanied by some interesting details. from its position near the borderland of an antagonistic race kufstein's history is romantic, stirring, and chequered. as a well-known writer upon tyrol aptly says, "for centuries it was turned into a political shuttlecock, now taken by force of arms, then by stealthy surprise, now mortgaged, then redeemed or exchanged for some other possessions by its whilom owners."[ ] and its general fate and varying fortunes were similar to those of other frontier fortresses, such as kitzbühel during the middle ages. the grim fortress upon the rock, somehow or other, when seen in the fading light of evening, seems to bear its story of cruelty, rapine and harshness on its face. many a gallant heart in the old days, which people are so prone to label "good," pined or fretted to death within its walls; and, unless tradition is entirely at fault, many a noble maiden and dame also were incarcerated and died tragic deaths within its thick, grim walls, and in its sunless dungeons. the history of the fortress, so far as it concerns us, may commence with its cession to bavaria in or about by the duchess margaret, the last of count albert's successors as rulers of tyrol, when she found herself unable to govern the country. she had acquired the estates of kufstein, rattenberg, and kitzbühel on her marriage with louis of brandenburg; and when she ceded tyrol to austria it was stipulated that these properties should revert to bavaria. [sidenote: siege of kufstein] these possessions remained bavarian until the reign of the emperor maximilian i., when the two latter gave allegiance to him. kufstein, however, refused to yield, and so in maximilian appeared before it, and commenced a siege. this event is particularly interesting, as some authorities state it constituted the first occasion on which proof was given that the introduction of artillery meant the death-knell of mediæval fortresses, however strong and hitherto regarded as inaccessible they might be. we are told, however, that the guns brought to bear upon the castle by the emperor in the first instance were quite ineffective, so much so, indeed, that the governor, named pienzenau, whose sympathies were strongly bavarian, aroused the emperor's anger by causing some of the garrison to sweep up with brooms the dust, which had been the only damage done by the besiegers' guns to the castle walls, which were of great thickness, and also to dust the latter themselves with the same articles in full sight of the besiegers. the guns were either too small, or had been placed at too great a distance from the castle to do more than graze it with their shot. finding his culverins and "serpents" of no avail, the emperor dispatched some one to innsbruck for two monster guns, known as _weckauf_ and _purlepaus_, which the governor of that town, philip von recenau, had recently cast at the foundry. these weapons, of which drawings are extant, although the chroniclers of the time do not mention their calibre or dimensions, were of considerably larger size than "queen elizabeth's pocket pistol" at dover, and threw balls of about pounds in weight, it is said, for a distance of nearly two thousand yards. the arrival of the great guns put a very different complexion upon the siege; and after they had been brought to bear upon the castle, and had been fired,[ ] it was found that their shot not only penetrated the fourteen-feet-thick walls with ease, but even the rock itself was pierced, according to some historians, to a depth of eighteen inches. pienzenau now wished to surrender to the emperor, provided his life was spared. but maximilian did not forget the incident of the brooms, which bears some slight analogy to the historic "broom" incident connected with the dutch admiral van tromp, who hoisted one at his masthead in derision of the english, whom he claimed to have swept off the seas. "so he is anxious to throw away his brooms, is he?" the emperor is said to have remarked. "he should have taken this course before. he has caused by his obstinacy the walls of this fine fortress to be so shattered, so he can do no less than give his own carcase up to a similar fate." and although great efforts were made to obtain pardon for pienzenau and some of his more important supporters they were unsuccessful, the emperor remaining quite obdurate. it is this execution of a brave man (whose courage and fidelity to his nation should have aroused nothing but admiration) which is a stain upon the emperor's record. no less than five and twenty of the principal defenders were condemned to be executed. the survivors of the garrison attempted to escape secretly before the general assault, which had been arranged, took place, but they were captured. the first to be beheaded was pienzenau; but when seventeen (some authorities say eleven) of his companions had shared the same fate, eric, duke of brunswick, interceded with maximilian so earnestly that the lives of the rest were spared. this same eric had formerly saved the emperor's life in battle, and possibly this fact influenced the latter towards clemency. over the grave in which the victims of maximilian were buried by the people of kufstein was erected a little chapel at ainliff on the opposite bank of the river. the booty and valuables taken from the castle were placed together and divided (including, for those times, the very large sum of , florins in hard cash) according to the rank of the victors. the emperor showed himself on this occasion more just to his troops than he had been clement to the defenders, as he paid his share of the spoil into the common fund. the small booty he took consisted chiefly, if not entirely, of skins of the lynx and marten, and other hunting trophies. kufstein, after its reduction by the emperor maximilian, was garrisoned, and in succeeding ages underwent numerous sieges, including the memorable one during the campaign of , when speckbacher performed deeds of bravery which were almost apocryphal in character. [sidenote: a kufstein romance] as is perhaps only natural, there are many legends and romantic stories connected with the fortress, some of them arising out of the life-histories and achievements of the many distinguished prisoners who were from time to time during the middle and succeeding ages confined within its walls. amongst the more romantic captives was the famous hungarian brigand, andrew roshlar, who was tried and condemned to death at szegedin nearly forty years ago, to whose account upwards of a hundred murders were ascribed. kufstein must have been a difficult place from which to break out, but there is, at least, the tradition of a prisoner in the fifteenth century making good his escape. he was a tyrolese knight captured by the bavarians, and confined, apparently with some degree of comfort and laxity of surveillance, in one of the upper chambers of the great round tower, from which, through the devotion of the girl (a maiden much beneath him in rank) to whom he was secretly betrothed, he succeeded in escaping. the story goes that this girl, who came from some place west of innsbruck, having discovered the whereabouts of her lover after some difficulty, succeeded in obtaining a post as maid in the household of the then owner. after some weary weeks of waiting, she obtained access to her lover's cell, having been given the work of carrying up to him daily his supply of food and water. it was then arranged between them that she should each day convey to him a small quantity of hemp, out of which he was to fashion a rope. this she did, concealing the hemp in the bosom of her dress. in course of time the imprisoned knight had made a sufficiently long rope to reach from his window to the ground, the bars across which he had gradually almost filed through from the outside inwards, so that any one casually examining them would not be likely to discover the fact. everything was ready for the escape, and it was arranged that the same night the girl was to make her way out of the castle and join him ere the great gate was shut. on the day fixed she had brought the captive's allowance of food about noon, as usual, when on leaving the cell and making her way downstairs she was accosted by one of the steward's sons who had sought her favour. she was horrified to find that he suspected the plot, and that the price of his silence was her honour. she hesitated, and pitifully entreated him to spare her, but to no avail. then, when he told her that not only would discovery mean her own death in all probability, but certainly the death of her lover, she yielded. about sundown she left the castle, and mad with grief at the shame and insult she had been compelled to suffer, she wandered about until it was dark. she had determined to assure herself of her lover's escape, and then to cast herself from the steepest point of the rock upon which the castle stands down into the valley below. in the dusk she at length saw faintly a black figure descending against the wall, and then she heard cautious footsteps approaching the thicket in which she stood concealed. with a half-stifled cry which she could not altogether suppress, she hurried through the undergrowth, and was within a few yards of the edge of the rock, when she was seized by her lover and saved from destruction. the story goes on to say that they both escaped, and that the knight eventually married (and, let us hope, lived happily with) the brave girl who had compassed his deliverance. [illustration: a peep of kitzbÜhel] the town of kufstein itself does not call for extended description. but one feature that immediately prepossesses the visitor in its favour, if one arrive, as we did when last there, on a hot summer day, is the number of shady promenades to be found, more especially on the east side of the town, in the neighbourhood of the delightfully picturesque kiengraben. none should fail to visit the calvarienberg, from which there are delightful and extensive views of the castle, town, and valley. [sidenote: kufstein to kitzbÜhel] to reach kitzbühel from kufstein it is necessary to change trains at wörgl, eight and a half miles down the unter-innthal, and proceed up the brixen thal by the staatsbahn past hopfgarten to kitzbühel. the town is a charming one, surrounded by gardens where once there ran a moat, and containing some interesting houses along the banks of the kitzbühler ache. many of them still have gothic roofs and gables, which give them a mediæval appearance, and one of great charm. the town has of late years become a favourite summer resort, and its fine situation in a wide valley nearly feet above sea-level has much to recommend it. but its fame is by no means merely that of a summer holiday spot. it is almost equally resorted to for winter sports of tobogganing, ski-ing, and skating, and may be, in fact, called the tyrolese grindelwald or adelboden. then the snow-clad valley is indeed beautiful, more like fairyland than aught else, with only the church spires of kitzbühel and the pines on the hillsides to break the wide white expanse. the kitzbühelhorn is a favourite ascent, from which very fine views are to be obtained, especially of the giants of the tauern range, the chiemsee, and the rocky and impressive kaiser gebirge. the pasturage and the alpine flora in the neighbourhood of kitzbühel are especially rich, and there are many beautiful excursions to be made in the district round about. in the brixen thal, indeed, the artist and the student of costumes and ancient customs, which are, alas! so rapidly dying out, will find much of interest. in many of the villages the annual contests, consisting of wrestling and other sports--which anciently were often so strenuous as to lead to serious injury to the combatants and competitors, and even bloodshed--still take place. at kitzbühel there is an athletic gathering in june, which is held on a plateau near the inn on the kitzbühelhorn, and partakes of the character of the grasmere sports of our own land, and the braemar gathering in scotland. the peasants as a general rule in the brixen thal, as in the more famous ziller thal, are musical, and often indeed are quite skilled musicians; and frequently as one wends one's way through the flower-spangled pastures or climbs the mountain-side, from some isolated hut or shady nook beneath a boulder will come the musical tinkling of a cowherd's zithern or the flutey notes of his pipe. but, as a rule, we have found the players shy of performing before strangers, who will therefore be well advised if they listen to the music unseen and without seeking to discover its source. the brixen thal, too, is a great dairy district, the chief industries of which are butter- and cheese-making. as regards the scenery of the valley one may say that in few others in tyrol does one come across a greater variety of light and shade, or more delightful cloud effects. indeed, the clouds, which at one time seem as though they will sweep down the mountain-sides and obscure everything, and at others sail majestically, like huge cotton-wool argosies, across the blue vault of heaven, thousands of feet above the highest peak of the tauern giants and the bare and grey limestone peaks of the kaisergebirge, in themselves form pictures and phenomena of the greatest beauty and of ever changing interest. [sidenote: monkish miracles] kundl is a small village some four miles south-west from wörgl, and it would attract little attention from travellers were it not for the curious church of st. leonard auf der wiese (st. leonard in the meadow) and the quaint legend attached to it. the story goes that early in the eleventh century a stone statue of st. leonard came floating down the inn to this spot; and the people, recognizing that for a stone statue to float was nothing less than miraculous, after securing it, set it up by the roadside, so that all who passed by should see and reverence it. probably modern scepticism will lead us to suppose that the figure was in reality of wood and not stone; and then the miracle explains itself! the region is subject to floods, and doubtless the figure of st. leonard came from some church higher up the valley which had been destroyed by avalanche or inundation. however, the story goes on to tell us that the statue had not long been placed in position alongside the high-road ere henry ii., duke of bavaria, himself passed that way, and seeing it paused to ask an explanation of its being there. when the story had been told him, he seized the opportunity (as did many other rulers in those days) to strike a bargain with heaven which, whilst benefiting mother church, would also be not without profit to himself. he therefore vowed that if the expedition into italy, which had brought him along that road, should prosper and his forces be victorious, he would on his return build a handsome votive church over the spot where the figure of the saint stood. alas! for human vows, even those of one destined to become an emperor. although his arms prospered, and he was crowned at pavia, and made king of germany, he forgot all about st. leonard. some years later (in ) fortunes and the cares of his kingdom once more brought him into tyrol on his way northward and to the spot where the figure of the saint still stood by the roadside. then another miracle happened, for his horse, "although urged forward with whip and spur and words," refused to pass the spot where his master had formerly made so solemn a vow, and stood foaming and champing his bit much to his rider's embarrassment. as was but natural, the emperor at once remembered his vow and set about fulfilling it. the church, which was forthwith commenced, was finished in a couple of years, but a catastrophe marked its completion. just as a young man was about to place the vane in position he was seized with sudden giddiness, and falling to the ground was dashed to pieces. "his body," so a somewhat quaint local version of the story has it, "was gathered together by the horrified onlookers," and his skull--which can still be seen--was placed at the foot of the crucifix on the high altar as an offering. there is a record in the church of the fact that the emperor erected the building, and that pope benedict viii., who was a nominee of his, made the very considerable journey from rome to consecrate it. there would, however, notwithstanding this, appear considerable reason for doubt whether he did. the image now to be seen only dates from , and there is no record regarding the disappearance of the original "miraculous" one which it must have replaced. the interior of this church has suffered both from neglect and whitewashing at various times. but there are some quaint and excellent carvings, including a few pew ends, and also some fine iron work, and the figures adorning the ten columns which surround the high altar are interesting. it is as one comes into the village that the prettiest view of the church is obtained. rattenberg, which is some five miles distant from kundl on the main line and road, is not much visited by tourists, and is chiefly of note on account of the copper mines, which are still worked. the town is, however, decidedly picturesque and repays a visit. scarcely anywhere in tyrol in a place of similarly small size does one get such contrasts in architecture. and, doubtless, for this reason one seldom fails, during the summer months, to find several artists at work in the narrow streets. one side of the river is occupied by houses and buildings of the most solid, gloomy, and altogether unprepossessing character, whilst on the opposite bank one finds the very antithesis in the pretty, light-looking dwellings, quaintly painted in delicate shades of buff, pink, and sky-blue. beside them and between them are quaint courtyards and narrow alleys of often an extremely picturesque character. [sidenote: wilhelm biener] many people seem to confuse the castle of rattenberg, which dominates the little town and river, with that of rottenberg, the crumbling ruins of which lie on an eminence overlooking the roads which lead out of the inn thal into the achen thal and ziller thal, once the seat of one of the most powerful feudal families of tyrol. rattenberg castle is said by some authorities to date back to the days of the roman occupation, and even to etruscan times, and its history has been not less stirring and chequered than that of most other similarly placed fortresses of the inn thal. the chief event in connection with it was the imprisonment of wilhelm biener, the brilliant chancellor of claudia felicitas de medici, wife of the archduke leopold v. biener, unfortunately, afterwards fell into disfavour with the pro-italians at the court of claudia's son and successor, the archduke ferdinand karl, regent of tyrol, and was executed at rattenberg in and buried near the wall of the churchyard. those who wish to know more of the romantic and stirring period of tyrolese history in which biener lived and died cannot do better than read that fine historical novel, "der kanzler von tyrol" (the chancellor of tyrol), by herman schmid. the story of biener's fall may be briefly told. claudia de medici, on the death of her husband, with her chancellor's advice and assistance, succeeded, not only in governing tyrol wisely and well during the minority of her two sons, but, by the exercise of great wisdom, contrived to escape embroilment in the terrible and disastrous thirty years' war in which the whole of the rest of the german empire was involved. her rule, however, was not altogether without some harshness, which was chiefly shown in the collection of taxes, and in this matter the chancellor biener was naturally concerned, with a result that his zeal for his beautiful mistress's interests caused him to incur the hatred of a certain section of the court and community at large. on one occasion he found himself in serious opposition to the then bishop of brixen concerning the payment of certain dues, the legality of which the bishop questioned. biener appears for once to have failed in his usual skilful and diplomatic treatment of affairs. he wrote a very intemperate letter to the bishop, which the latter never forgot nor forgave. years after the death of claudia, the resentment against biener took more definite shape, and he was accused of having misappropriated some of the money belonging to the state which had passed through his hands. tried by two italian judges, he was found guilty (though, apparently, upon very flimsy evidence), and condemned to death. the fallen chancellor made a last appeal to the archduke ferdinand karl, son of his late mistress, and the archduke, thoroughly believing in biener's good faith and innocence, and, doubtless, remembering his many distinguished services to his family, reprieved him. unhappily for the condemned man, his greatest enemy, the president of the council, named schmaus, was able to so delay the messenger that he arrived too late to save the chancellor. biener was led out for execution, and on stepping on to the scaffold, he cried out, "as truly as i am innocent of this thing, i summon my accuser (schmaus) before the judgment seat above before another year shall pass away." when the executioner had done his work, and stooped to pick up the head to exhibit it to the multitude, he found that he had also unknowingly smitten off three fingers of the victims right hand, strangely (so the story goes) bringing to mind the remark of the bishop of brixen on reading biener's letter years before--"the man who could write a letter like this to me deserves that his fingers which held the pen should be cut off." by an equally remarkable occurrence, we are told, the president of the council, who had been not only biener's most relentless enemy but his chief accuser, died within the specified time of a terrible disease. the wife of the chancellor is supposed to haunt the mountain paths in the neighbourhood, and at night may be sometimes met with proclaiming her husband's innocence in a moaning voice. the story, doubtless, has its basis in the circumstance that the unfortunate woman lost her reason and ran away no one knew whither, but was ultimately found wandering aimlessly, and quite bereft of her senses, on the mountain-side between brixlegg and rattenberg. there was for many years (and may be still for aught we know) a tradition that when any one was about to die in the little village near innsbruck, where biener's wife, after her marriage, lived happily for many years, she appears to warn them. near the town, in one of the mining buildings, is a most curious picture done upon a wooden panel, combining a representation of the mining works about with one of the crucifixion, in which the miners, with their pickaxes and shovels laid down beside them, are seen kneeling in prayer. [sidenote: brixlegg] brixlegg is but a mile or so from rattenberg. the neighbourhood is pretty, and there is a charming view from the bridge. the little busy town also forms an excellent centre from which to make some of the shorter excursions into the ziller thal and achen thal. but, although there are considerable smelting works and a wire-drawing industry at brixlegg, to the tourist it is chiefly its reputation for peasant dramas which forms the chief attraction in the town, which is, however, quaint and in a measure picturesque. the rural plays of brixlegg are not only interesting by reason of the historical scenes they many of them represent, but also as survivals of a very early (if not the earliest) type of german dramatic expression and art which has come down to us. most of the plays, types of costume, plots, and all the various items which go to make up these performances have done service for generations; but occasionally new plays are written and staged, mostly dealing with historical incidents and characters. in some parts of tyrol where these plays survive, till at least very recent times, old masks were extant, which must have been handed down from the early middle ages, and possibly (so some competent authorities assert) date from roman and etruscan times. the brixlegg performances should most certainly be seen by all who are interested in the true peasant drama and the evolution of dramatic art. the representations are far more interesting as native and peasant art than those of meran, where to a certain extent outside criticism and influence have served to bring about modifications, the meran performances lacking some of the naiveness and spontaneity of these simpler peasant dramatic plays. [sidenote: schloss matzen] just after leaving brixlegg, on the left-hand side of the road stand three castles of note--matzen, lichtwer, and kropfsberg. the first named is one of the most interesting and well-preserved examples of the mediæval schloss in tyrol. a whole volume might be devoted to a description of its beauty of situation, architecture, romantic history and sieges, and yet leave much unsaid. its huge round tower dominates the landscape, just as its beautiful lower courtyard, with its four tiers of cloistered corridors round two sides, with the "springs" of the arches supported upon short columns of unworked marble, its fine main hall, with priceless carved and panelled oak and hunting trophies, make it a unique possession. there is a charming view of its rivals, lichtwer and kropfsberg, from the drawing-room window, whilst standing at which (according to old chroniclers) one of the frundbergs was shot dead by a crossbow bolt fired by his brother from the tower of lichtwer, of which castle the latter was the owner. [illustration: schloss matzen] of special interest to most visitors who may be fortunate enough to be permitted to see matzen and its treasures will undoubtedly be the famous figure of christ upon the cross in the chapel; the library--one of the oldest rooms--with its fine renaissance chest; the fine collection of old pewter; the hunting-room, with the many trophies of its famous "sporting" as well as literary owner;[ ] and perhaps not without interest to most visitors will also be the stone table, once standing upon the place of execution at the other end of the castle, but now in the shadow of the great circular roman tower, just outside the postern entrance from the garden. at this table in olden times, it is said, the owner of matzen sat when dispensing justice to his vassals or retainers. set in the wide valley, and girt around by trees, matzen is one of the most picturesque as it is one of the most interesting and historic castles in tyrol. there is not much to detain one at jenbach, which is a small town at the entrance to the achen thal, on the northern, and the ziller thal on the southern, bank of the inn. just before one reaches schwaz, one sees storied castle tratzberg high on a wooded spur of the bavarian alps, with its three turrets in line, seeming to overhang the rocky eminence upon which it stands. up above the castle, scarcely visible from the valley, is the famous pilgrimage church of georgenberg, which all who can should visit. the path, though toilsome, winds through a sweet-scented pine forest. as one nears the goal of one's pilgrimage, the way is marked by stations of the cross. one passes through a silent region, and, as one ascends, the pretty villages scattered below in the valley of the inn are gradually and for a time lost to view. scarcely any one is met save a stray pilgrim or some tourist curious enough to make the ascent, and no sound is heard save the soughing of the summer breeze in the pines and the tinkle of little streams or the water-music of the stallen torrents. at last, through an opening in the environing forest, one catches the first glimpse of the white church, with its romanesque tower and rust-red roof, standing on a steep and barren rock some three hundred feet in height, to reach which the covered wooden bridge spanning the deep ravine must be crossed. and what a shrine it is! an isolated tabernacle set upon a rock in a solitary place, and amid surroundings of the greatest beauty and impressiveness; shut out of the world and shut in with nature. the cross at the head of the bridge records the miraculous escape of a girl long ago who, whilst attempting to pick the fairest flowers for a chaplet to place upon the madonna's head or lay upon the altar, fell into the ravine, a distance of over one hundred and fifty feet, and yet escaped serious injury when death seemed certain. the impression one receives when at last the summit of the rock upon which the church stands is reached is one of great solemnity and even of grandeur. for a time the outer world has receded from one's mind and ceased to exist. and when one enters the church itself, the impression which has been created cannot fail to be intensified by the silent, kneeling figures almost always found within, with their faces illumined with rapture and faith or transfigured by religious fervour. [sidenote: st. georgenberg] the little chapel of "our lady of sorrows" (schmerzhaften mutter) comes first, surrounded with a tiny graveyard, in which are buried the favoured few who have had their wish gratified to rest in death in the solitary but beautiful spot they loved and visited when alive. the larger building, the church of st. george opposite the chapel, contains one of those most curious legendary relics of which not a few have been preserved from time immemorial in tyrol. the story of the miracle which produced the relic is briefly as follows:--about the year , in the days when rupert i. was the fourteenth abbot in charge of the monastery of georgenberg, the ruins of which surround the present church, a benedictine monk was saying mass in this very church. just as he was about to consecrate the cup, a doubt came into his mind as to whether such a miracle as the changing of the water and wine into blood could be accomplished in his unworthy hands. torn with doubt, he nevertheless proceeded to use the words of consecration; and he was struck dumb with astonishment and awe to find, in place of the white wine and water he had placed in the cup, blood, which overflowed the chalice and fell upon the wafers. some portion of this miraculous blood was preserved in a phial, which was set in a reliquary and placed upon the altar. in former times this precious relic, we are told, has worked many miracles, and is venerated almost as much to-day as in mediæval times. [sidenote: a woodland shrine] the pilgrimage of st. georgenberg is one of the most famous and ancient in tyrol. so ancient, indeed, that its origin appears to have dated as far back as the end of the tenth century, when a chapel was consecrated here by albuin, the then bishop of brixen. even before this, however, scherer asserts that a young bavarian nobleman named rathhold, from aiblingen, "having learned the hollowness of the joys of even his great position, made up his mind to live apart from the haunts of men in some wilderness and solitary spot." and in pursuit of this determination he wandered on through the fertile fields and valleys of his own land and those of the inn until he at length reached this spot in the stallen valley, and ultimately came to the rock upon which the church stands. up on the mountain-side he carved out for himself a cave where he lived as a hermit. but after a while a desire possessed him to go to some of the shrines of the greatest saints. he visited many, even travelling so far afield as to the shrine of st. jago de compostella; and at length returned once more to his hermit's cave to finish his days in prayer and contemplation. but he brought back with him a picture of the madonna, over which with his own hands he reverently erected a protective shrine. soon from all the district round about, and even from distant parts of tyrol and bavaria, people came to worship at the shrine; and ere long "our beloved lady under the lindens" became a great pilgrimage resort. one day, years afterwards, so the story goes, there came to the place another young bavarian nobleman who had wandered far in pursuit of game, and on hearing of the shrine had determined to visit it himself to ascertain what were the attractions and virtues of a place which was so venerated by the peasants of the mountains and valley round about. on his arrival at the little chapel he sought the hermit guardian, when what was his joy and astonishment to discover, in the white-bearded recluse, the elder brother whose strange disappearance from his castle home years before had caused much grief. overjoyed at the meeting, the younger brother vowed that he would build a chapel on the spot more adequate for the protection of the holy and miraculous picture, and also a "shelter house" for pilgrims. the work was soon started, and from far and near peasants and even nobles came or sent offerings so that they might have some part in the work. then a strange thing happened. all the virtue, which had made the spot one of miracles, and one of such good fortune to the halt, diseased, blind, and dumb, seemed to depart. hardly had the workmen commenced the foundations of the proposed chapel ere accident after accident occurred, some of them fatal. the stones would not remain in place, and everything connected with the building "went wrong." another curious happening was the presence day by day of two white doves, which came down, apparently from out of the woods higher up the mountain-side, and picked up every chip of wood upon which any of the workers' blood had fallen when they cut themselves with their tools (as they frequently did), and then at once flew away with the chips in their beaks. [illustration: a wayside shrine in a pine wood] finding that this action of the doves continued and that no progress could be made, the hermit determined to seek an explanation of the mystery, and so one day he followed the birds up the mountain-side, and on reaching the spot where he saw them descend he found to his astonishment a perfect miniature chapel or shrine which had been constructed out of the chips and shavings the doves had carried away. "in this miracle the hermit discovered the directing hand of god, and going down again to his brother he entreated him to have the contemplated chapel built upon the spot which had been so miraculously pointed out." this the latter willingly consented to do, and the work now progressed without accident or other interruption. the chapel so erected, which is further up the hillside than the larger church of st. george, was rebuilt at the time the latter was erected in the eighteenth century. from time to time other pilgrims both noble and simple who visited the shrine set amid the woods and mountains were moved to remain, and thus gradually a community was gathered together living in roughly built huts in the vicinity of the hermit's cell, which in course of time about the twelfth century was put by the then bishop of brixen under the rules governing the order of st. benedict. the monks not only built a monastery but cultivated the surrounding land, and quite a large community at last dwelt in this secluded spot. but the life of the monks was destined to be very chequered, and often troubled with grave misfortunes. fire, avalanches, famine, and disease all did their best to extirpate the brotherhood. and at last, at the beginning of the eighteenth century--after having been established at st. georgenberg for more than five hundred years--it was decided to remove the monastic institutions to fiecht. vast funds were needed, for the then abbot, named celestin böhmen, who was a native of vienna, and had formerly been an officer of artillery, projected the new monastery and buildings upon a lavish and colossal scale. there was, however, no lack of funds. st. georgenberg held a place in the hearts of all the people for a wide district round about, and money also flowed into the monastic coffers from foreign lands from which pilgrims had come to the famous shrine. then a great disaster happened. the abbot, tempted by the vast wealth which had been placed in his hands, and perhaps weary of his life of retirement from the world in which he had once been a prominent figure, fled with the money which was to have been used for the new abbey at fiecht. the work of building was for a time brought to a standstill, as no trace of the defaulting abbot could be discovered. but after some years a sufficient sum of money was obtained to permit of the work being continued under the direction of abbot lambert. the result was the present handsome late renaissance building; which, however, comprises but a small portion of the first magnificent scheme. the renegade abbot, celestin böhmen, some years after his flight and crime, once more became enamoured of a life of contemplation, and suddenly appeared at the monastery, confessing his wrong-doing and throwing himself upon the mercy of his former companions. he did not appeal to their clemency in vain; for, refusing to deliver him up to justice, they allowed him to end his days in piety and repentance, which one can only trust was genuine. such, at all events, is substantially the story as told by burglechner and other writers. a strange fascination seems to enshroud this quiet and secluded shrine of st. georgenberg, and certainly it is one of the pilgrimage places which most inspire one with the spirit of those remote ages when in the making of such journeys many found comfort, peace of mind, and refreshment. indeed, one almost wonders that the monks should have deserted it for a new home and a less quiet situation on the hillside near schwaz, which has now for some years been used as a school. [sidenote: castle of tratzberg] just before reaching schwaz one passes the old and fine castle of tratzberg, which well deserves a visit, not only on account of its art and other treasures, but also by reason of the delightful views obtained from it. tratzberg, which was sold by the duke frederick to a rich mine-owner named christian tanzel in , with the title of knight of tratzberg, was often visited by the emperor maximilian i. on his various hunting expeditions in the neighbourhood. knight tanzel spared no expenditure to make it one of the most beautiful and famous castles in the inn thal. not the least interesting of the many finely decorated rooms which it contains are those which were generally occupied by maximilian on his visits, and the fine apartment known as the queen's room, with beautiful presses, interesting portraits, and magnificent panelled ceiling. the armoury, too, full of mediæval cannon, pikes, lances and other ancient weapons, never fails to interest the student and archæologist, who, whilst wandering through these ancient and wonderfully well-preserved rooms, gains a more vivid idea of the conditions of life in the middle ages than much "book learning" could give him. in the great hall are some remarkable frescoes in _tempera_, depicting the genealogical tree of the house of habsburg with quaint groups of portraits. some of the antlers, which are so attached to the wall as to serve as portions of the design, are said to have been hunting trophies of maximilian himself. the two maximilian rooms, which open one into the other, are happily in much the same condition and state as when occupied by the emperor. the panelling, whilst not comparing for elaborateness with that in some of the other rooms, is good, and the ancient stove, dating from the fifteenth century, is of great interest. on the walls of the room in which this stands is an inscription in chalk, said to have been written by maximilian himself, which sums up a quaint philosophy, and has been translated thus-- "i live i know not how long, i die i know not when; must go i know not whither; the wonder that i so joyful am." [sidenote: a gruesome story] in the castle and lands passed into the possession of the famous fugger family, and ultimately into that of the enzenbergs, one of whom is the present owner. there is at least one gruesome story and tradition told in connection with tratzberg, which is not itself at all gruesome-looking, as tyrol castles go. it appears that the ancient owners of the castle were most of them more noted for love of the chase than for being "instant in prayer," and one was so great a defaulter in this respect that, although he could always hear the notes of the hunting horn blown early in the morning and rise with alacrity to obey its summons, sad to relate, when the chapel bell rang for mass, it was quite a different matter. one morning the bell woke him as usual, and as usual he yawned, and turned over in his bed for another nap, thinking, no doubt, pityingly of the folk who had got up early to attend the service. he had no sooner done this than he had a dream or vision of the old chaplain performing the service in the chapel, and of the devout worshippers gathered to listen to him. then the triple tinkling of the mass bell announced to him the most solemn rite of the service was being performed. then came a rumbling noise, the very foundations of the castle seemed to shake, and the building to sway as though about to collapse, and the hundreds of windows rattled and shook. the knight, who was superstitious if not religious, terrified beyond control, shrieked aloud, and then tried to hide himself under the bedclothes in his terror. his cry was heard by some of the servants and retainers, who came hurrying to the room; and upon entering they were horror-struck to find their master dead, whilst upon his throat were the imprints of three claws, which had burned as well as torn the skin. the inference drawn was that the knight had been enjoined by some heavenly spirit to rise and repair to the celebration of the mass, but had resisted the divine influence, and had been claimed by his master, the devil, who had strangled him. some marks on the walls of the room where he died were for years afterwards shown as those of the wicked knight's blood. there are many other traditions and legends attached to this famous castle, which is one of the several buildings in europe making a claim to possess exactly as many windows as there are days in the year; but for these stories, interesting though they are as exhibiting the credulity, barbarism, and imaginativeness of mediæval times, we have not space. not far from tratzberg is the quaint, interesting, and flourishing town of schwaz, on the right bank of the inn, and overlooked by the castle of frundsberg. it was, far back in the times of the roman occupation of tyrol, a station of considerable importance and size; but after the evacuation of the country it gradually declined until the fourteenth century, when it was little more than a scattered hamlet of poor houses, with an inn for the accommodation of travellers who were too weary to proceed further on their way to innsbruck, or who had been overtaken near the place by nightfall. [sidenote: schwaz miners] then at the commencement of the fifteenth century, according to burglechner, a vein of silver ore was discovered through the rampant behaviour of a bull, who went mad or became uncommonly energetic, and, tearing up the grass on the hillside with his horns, was the means of disclosing what afterwards proved to be a vast deposit of silver ore. the news of the discovery was brought hot haste to the poor hamlet by the herdsman who was in charge of the animal, and the inhabitants flocked out to investigate the story of the shining metal which had been uncovered. in a very short time schwaz regained its ancient prosperity and importance, and at one time, when the silver mines were at their best, the population, which nowadays is about , was not far short of five times as many. the discovery of the silver caused several of the noble families in the neighbourhood to forsake the calling of arms and knightly service for that of mine owning and mine working; and the vast wealth of the augsburg merchants and bankers, notably the hochstetters, ilsungs, and fuggers, was largely employed in the working of the mines which had been speedily opened up. amongst the noble families who turned miners or mine proprietors was that of the fiegers, one of whom was an intimate companion of maximilian i. the latter, when fieger died full of years and leaving an astonishing progeny and an enormous fortune behind him, was present at his old friend's funeral. his son, hans fieger, married margaret von pienzenau, who, on her coming to her husband's home, was accompanied by a vast cavalcade consisting of four thousand horses, of which those drawing her coach were shod with silver.[ ] the mining industry was speedily developed by the immense sums wealthy merchants in bavaria and elsewhere were willing to embark in speculation, or advance upon the security of the mines themselves; and so skilful and daring did the schwaz miners become, that later on their services were requisitioned for use in the mines of other districts, and for military mining operations against the turks in hungary. in the siege of vienna in by the turks, soliman the magnificent, who invested the city with an army of , men, was forced to raise it, after losing nearly a fourth of his men, owing to the countermining of the schwaz miners. two centuries later, the schwazers undermined and blew up the splendid and almost impregnable fortifications of belgrade before it was ceded to turkey; and at various times their services were engaged by the dukes of florence and piedmont. schwaz, too, has the distinction of having had one of the earliest of printing presses set up in the town; and matters referring to mining and mining methods were often referred to the experienced and skilful miners and engineers of schwaz. just as was the case with the miners of the not far distant principality of salzburg, those of schwaz embraced the doctrines of luther, and made serious attempts to put down roman catholic clericalism and oppression. on two occasions at least they marched in considerable numbers upon innsbruck, but were met at hall by the bishop of brixen, who prevailed upon them to return to their homes by promises of redress of their grievances. but though they consented to do this and did not proceed further down the inn thal, in schwaz itself the new faith and its supporters became so powerful that at one time the latter managed to possess themselves of half of the parish church, in which portion the lutheran service was performed. ultimately they were ejected, and had to meet in a wood near the town, where two followers of the reformer, who had been deprived of their status as catholic priests, used to preach. the appearance some little time later of a franciscan, who came to schwaz with the object of "stiffening" the backs of the catholics and stamping out the new faith, led to collisions of a violent character between the two parties. one story, that was very generally accepted as a miracle by the catholic population, concerning these disputes, which sometimes were not confined to words and arguments alone, is as follows. a leader amongst the reformers is stated to have exclaimed during a heated discussion, "if pastor söll (one of the priests who had accepted luther's doctrines) does not preach the true doctrine, may the devil carry me up into the steinjoch." hardly, we are told, were the words out of his mouth when the speaker vanished. it is unnecessary to add that the lutheran faith received a heavy blow from this incident, and the effect of the miracle, establishing, as the catholics claimed, the true faith, was further increased when the unfortunate man who had thus been so suddenly spirited away returned some time afterwards, confessing his transportation to the steinjoch, with a bruised body, and shattered faith in pastor söll. later on the mining industry was brought almost to a standstill owing to religious disputes, and an invasion of anabaptists. and although the latter were expelled, and many thousands of those who favoured the reformed faith were brought back to the true fold through the instrumentality of the jesuit fathers from hall, the mines from this time commenced to decline in richness, and never recovered their former productiveness. for a considerable period copper and an excellent quality of iron was found in large quantities after the silver gave out, but the place as a mining centre declined more and more as the years rolled by. schwaz, in addition to its religious dissensions, has in the past suffered from a visitation of the plague, "when the inhabitants died off like flies"; and it also suffered terribly in the campaign of . in the latter year the bavarians under the duke of dantzic and their french allies under de roi determined to strike terror into the hearts of the inhabitants of the inn thal by burning the town. they attacked the place, and not content with putting the inhabitants to the sword practised upon them the most horrible cruelties; more especially upon the women and young girls; some so revolting as to be indescribable in print. none were spared; "old and young alike were outraged, then either slain or thrown into the river or the blazing ruins which had once been their homes." [sidenote: schwaz parish church] fortunately, although little of the town itself was left standing to show succeeding generations what ancient schwaz had been like, owing to successive occupations by hostile troops at the latter part of the eighteenth and early part of the nineteenth centuries, the fine parish church which had been commenced in (about) and was consecrated in was less injured than might have been expected. the plan of the building is remarkable, containing a double nave, each complete with its aisles, choir, and high altar, the cause of this peculiarity being the fact that the miners were of sufficient wealth and importance at the time of its construction to insist upon having a separate church to themselves apart from the townspeople. indeed, even nowadays one of the high altars is known as "the knappen hoch altar," or miners' high altar. in the roof, composed of copper tiles, of which there are said to be no less than fifteen thousand, provided as a contribution by the mine-owners and miners, and in the device of crossed pickaxes, appearing here and there in the decorations of the building, one can clearly trace its connection with the mining industry, and the interest the miners themselves showed in its erection. the church at various times has been unskilfully restored, but it still contains some very interesting and fine monuments, that to hans dreyling, a metal-worker and founder, being especially worthy of note. in it are depicted not only the metal-worker, but his three wives and children, who are habited as knights, all being under the protection of st. john the baptist. this remarkable work is by the famous founders alexander colin of malines, and the even more famous hans löffler. there are, too, nine altar pieces by tyrolese painters which should be carefully noted. one finds some interesting painted houses in schwaz, as in many other villages and towns of the district of the inn thal, and some of the frescoes, most of which depict religious subjects, are of considerable merit. the town, however, is not one to which many travellers come, or in which tourists linger, although it is on the main line of railway, and has considerable interest for those for whom church architecture, legendary lore, and picturesqueness of a sort possesses attractions. [sidenote: georg von frundsberg] the deserted and ruined castle of the famous frundsberg (whose name, by the way, outrivals that of shakespeare in the many forms in which it is and can be spelled), a fortress which was there before the dawn of the christian era, and no one seems to know quite how long even before that, is quite close to the schwaz. its history is obscure for many centuries after the period we have named, and only the barest fragments have come down to us of the doings and life at castle frundsberg during the eleventh down to the end of the fourteenth century. it was in the time of "the famous fighter of a fighting race," georg von frundsberg, son of ulrich, knight of frundsberg, born at mindelheim in , and the founder of the _landsknechte_, that the castle and the family appear to have reached their zenith of prosperity, wealth and fame, the former two characteristics being chiefly due to georg's marriage with a wealthy suabian heiress. he was "one of many sons, most of whom became distinguished, and three of whom (georg himself being one) were much esteemed by the emperor maximilian." georg was, at a very early age, made a general, and after the battle of regensburg, in , was knighted on the field by maximilian, who had witnessed his astonishing bravery and feats of arms. when only four and twenty, he was esteemed a skilled and unequalled leader of men, and in his campaigns against the swiss and venetians he was wonderfully successful. some most astonishing feats of personal strength of his are recorded; how he could push an ordinary man over with one of his fingers; could catch a runaway horse and bring him to his haunches with one hand; and many a time clove his opponents in two halves with a blow from his two-handled sword. it is not unlikely that his immense natural strength had a good deal to do with his being exalted into a popular hero, and being made the central figure of many legendary tales and astonishing romances. of him they sang-- "georg von frundsberg, von grosser sterk, ein theurer held; behielt das feld in streit und krieg. den feind niederslieg in aller schlacht. er legt got zu die er und macht." which maybe roughly translated: "george of frundsberg, of marvellous strength; a hero of renown; invincible upon the field of combat and war; victorious in every battle. the honour of which success he gave to god." he threw in his lot with the lutherans, and commanded the troops under charles v., and was one of the knights who were concerned in the attack upon rome. although at one time immensely wealthy, when he was at last taken with an apoplectic seizure during the siege of the latter city, and carried home to die at mindelheim, he was a ruined man. he had spared none of his wealth in the prosecution of expeditions in which he had been engaged, where, as often as not, the kings and emperors on whose behalf they were undertaken failed to pay the troops. to his credit, georg von frundsberg seems to have invariably paid the men himself; and we are told he seldom took the booty which fell to his share, selecting only some comparatively valueless, though generally historically interesting objects, such as flags and banners, a sword (jewelled sometimes, it is true, but still comparatively unimportant monetarily compared with the vast treasure he might have taken as his share), or the helmet of a conquered challenger, preferring that his men should be well paid by the major portion of the loot for their bravery and endurance. in those days money advanced by nobles and others to warring princes to carry on expeditions was generally not recovered from the actual borrowers, but repaid by robbery of the conquered, out of the booty seized, or by means of the ransoms paid by distinguished prisoners. so it happened that georg von frundsberg, scorning these means, was gradually ruined, for neither charles v. nor maximilian saw to it that the vast sums he from time to time expended on their behalf during their campaigns were repaid to him. his motto, which ran, "the more opponents the greater honour," was characteristic of himself and of his race. but with his death, and the financial embarrassments which afflicted his heirs, owing to the heavy mortgages on the estates which he had left behind him, with no means of discharging the same, the frundsbergs declined rapidly in power, and the race came to an end in the male line on the death of his son george (one of nine children) in ,[ ] though there are descendants in the female line of the frundsbergs living at the present time. the castle afterwards fell into ruins, and its history may be said to have ceased with the close of the sixteenth century. the bavarians, however, made use of the ruined walls for "cover" during the campaign of , when they were attacked by the forces raised by hofer and his comrades. footnotes: [ ] w. a. baillie grohman, "tyrol: the land in the mountains." [ ] the emperor is stated to have trained and fired the first shot himself. [ ] mr. w. a. baillie-grohman. [ ] one account states that the coach itself was drawn by the four thousand horses! [ ] some authorities give the year as .--c. h. chapter xii through the ober-innthal: zirl, its church, legends, and painted houses--the martinswand and maximilian--scharnitz--landeck--bludenz--bregenz and its legend of the maid from schwaz to zirl,[ ] beyond innsbruck, is between twenty-nine and thirty miles, either by train or road. the latter is quite good for cycling, and those who are not cyclists or pedestrians will find to make the journey by carriage a delightful way of reaching the picturesque little village from which the ascent of the gross solstein may be made, and that also of the more romantic and famous martinswand. the village is, unlike many of those lying in the unter-innthal, east of innsbruck, an agricultural one, with most of the houses built in straight rows, and having quaint and picturesque, but not very clean or salubrious, courtyards in the rear. some of the most charming groups of peasants, ox-carts, and "farm scenes" are to be found at zirl, which is a good deal visited by artists, and invites the attention of amateur photographers. in most cases the houses have their dwelling-rooms and sleeping accommodation on the first floor, which is reached by flights of steps, and the exteriors of the dwellings are made picturesque and quaint by the projecting gables of carved wood, and the galleries which jut out beneath them, where the corn, herbs, and other produce is either laid out or hung up to dry. as in other villages of the inn thal, one sees the love of colour in the delicate pink, blue (almost a lavender), and green tints of the stucco-work on the house-fronts and walls. zirl is a picture-village, too, and on the houses, as one drives or walks through the narrow streets, one catches glimpses of paintings of virgins, saints engaged in vigorous and deadly combats with evil-looking monsters of the dragon tribe, and here and there, set in a niche in the wall, a tiny figure of a madonna, saint, or crucifix protected with glass, and often surrounded with a chaplet or bunches of withered flowers. one of the inns, named "the regenbogen," has a most vivid and even startling representation of a rainbow (which gives it its name) painted over the arched doorway. the church of zirl is chiefly interesting from the frescoes it contains, which are the work of schöpf. the churchyard is a spot in which to linger. it is instinct with the pathos which comes in a measure from partial neglect, and picturesqueness of environment. one of the little town's chief attractions to the antiquarian and the student of ancient and curious things will undoubtedly be the calvarienberg, which lies a little to the north; green and beautiful, and crowned by a picturesque pilgrimage church. the ascent is comparatively easy, and well repays one for the climb, not only on account of the interest of the "calvary," to form which the natural rocks have been adapted, but by reason of the delightful views which are obtainable from the plateau. the path is dotted here and there by tiny buff-coloured chapels, painted a sky blue inside, marking the stations of the cross; and from almost all, as one turns round and faces the way one has come, or looks out over the valley below, there is some charming view, or tiny tree-framed vista, to arouse one's interest and delight one's eyes. the church, were it not so isolated, and set amid greenery, and surrounded with flower-bedecked grass, would strike one as garish, so bright in tone are the colours with which it is adorned. but somehow or other there, amid silence scarcely ever disturbed by the noises of the village and only occasionally broken by the musical tinkle of cow bells, and in a sunshine and air which is so bright and breezy and clear, one's artistic sense seems to rest unshocked by the vividness of the distemper and paint, and the crudity of the decorations. [sidenote: the martinswand] the village is, of course, very closely connected with several incidents in the defence of tyrol against the various bavarian invasions; and in the immediate neighbourhood is the martinswand, which rises sheer from the valley below zirl, and was the scene, according to tradition, of a perilous hunting adventure of the emperor maximilian. the story is as follows: it was on easter monday, in the year ,[ ] when "kaiser max," as he was familiarly and affectionately called by his tyrolese subjects, was staying at weierburg, that he determined to set out on one of his favourite hunting expeditions on the zirlergebirge. there are many accounts of what happened, but one of the most credited says that the chamois which the emperor had been stalking suddenly led him down the precipitous face of the martinswand. [sidenote: maximilian's exploit] intrepid hunter as he was, however, the steepness of the terrible descent, which suddenly opened up beneath his feet, did not quench his ardour for the chase nor deter him. but unfortunately, in his haste in scrambling down the rocks, the iron nails in his hunting boots were torn out one by one, until when he at last reached a rocky ledge scarcely a foot in width there was but a single spike left in either of them. to descend further was impossible, and upon glancing upward along the path he had come, the emperor at once saw that retreat by the same way was equally hazardous. so there he hung literally between earth and sky, visible as a mere speck from the valley which yawned beneath him. a less fearless sportsman might well have been unnerved by the position in which he found himself, or exhausted by the strain put upon him. but the emperor was made of tough and enduring stuff, and his nerves were iron. not only did he manage to retain his foothold at that dizzy height, but he succeeded in nerving himself to look about him, and after doing so for some time discovered near by a small cleft or cavity in the rock which would afford him at least a better foothold, if not actual protection. the members of his hunting party who had followed him to the edge of the precipitous martinswand now looked down, but were unable to determine what had become of maximilian. and none from below in the valley could, of course, see him, even if he had not been partly hidden, first, by the ledge of rock and then by the cave, from the fact that he was more than a thousand feet above them. at last, however, when his probable situation became known to his followers and to the inhabitants of zirl, prayers for his safety and ultimate escape were offered up in the church; and the priests also brought the holy sacrament out to the top of the martinswand, and there again offered prayers for the emperor's deliverance. his retainers, huntsmen, and companions in the chase gazed up or down, as the case might be, helplessly and hopelessly at him, and to them no human aid seemed to be possible. just as every one was about to abandon hope (one version of the occurrence tells us), a daring huntsman, named oswald zips, appeared, having himself climbed down the precipice in pursuit of his quarry. surprised to find the emperor, he called out, "hullo! what brings you here?" [illustration: autumn in s. tyrol] and the former, no doubt, relieved in mind and not disposed to stand upon ceremony or resent so unconventional a greeting, replied, "i am on the look out." to which the newcomer replied, "and so am i. shall we venture down together?" and upon the emperor agreeing to make the attempt--after, according to various accounts, having spent from twenty-four to seventy-two hours in his perilous position--they set out to descend the remainder of the cliff face, and ultimately succeeded in doing so in safety. the daring hunter (who various accounts say was a brigand, and others an outlaw), to whom a secret path was known, was naturally well rewarded by the grateful monarch, and ultimately was ennobled with the title of hollaner von hohenfelsen; the last word, "high rock," commemorating the incident. as is perhaps natural, some accounts place a supernatural aspect upon the emperor's deliverance, and state that it was an angel which guided him to safety, sent by heaven in answer to the prayers of the priests and people and the emperor's trust in providence. amongst the treasures of schloss ambras is the monstrance in which the host was carried by the priests of zirl when they celebrated mass for the comfort of the emperor on martinswand and offered up prayers for his deliverance. maximilian, finding afterwards that many of the people of zirl and the district were determined to make the perilous descent to the little cave which had afforded him shelter and foothold, employed some of the schwaz miners to cut a path down to it and to enlarge the cavity, which became known as the max-höhle. in the cave was placed a crucifix, with figures of the virgin and st. john on either side, of sufficiently large size to be visible from the valley below. the cavern can be reached by this path (or one made since) in about an hour and a half; but the climb is distinctly one which should be attempted only by the clear-headed and sure-footed. a very excellent view of the "hole" used to be obtainable from the ruins of the little hunting-box and chapel to st. martin which maximilian afterwards erected upon the green knoll opposite to it, known as the martins-buhel, but now private property. those who stop at zirl and visit the martinswand should not fail to proceed a few miles further northward to the pretty little village of seefeld. on the way along the six miles of winding and picturesque road one passes fragenstein, once a strong fortress and afterwards converted by "kaiser max" into one of his numerous hunting seats, which lie scattered about the inn thal and the district round about. there is quite a romantic story of buried treasure in connection with ruined fragenstein, in which a huntsman clad in green is mixed up, who appears periodically and invites the peasants by his gestures to come and assist him in digging up the treasure. several attempts have been made to discover the latter in past times, but all have been frustrated when success appeared to be certain. on one occasion the peasants of the valley say those who were digging, and had worked hard for many days turning up the soil in every direction, actually had the metal chest, in which the treasure is reputed to lie buried, in sight, when a terrific storm burst over the valley, and when it had subsided all traces of their work had been washed away or otherwise obliterated, and the clue was never again discovered. the road to seefeld, though tempting for pedestrians, is steep, especially up to leiten and reit; but those who walk may take some short cuts on the curves, and will be well repaid by the pretty scenery and fresh, invigorating air. neither at leiten nor reit is there much to detain the traveller--a few picturesque houses; nothing more. and so on to seefeld. in connection with the village and its heilige blutskapelle there is one of those many legendary stories, of which there are so great a number known to tyrolese folk-lore. many centuries ago there appears to have lived at seefeld a man named oswald milser, who was rich and powerful and generous both to the church and to his poorer neighbours. his one besetting sin, however, was pride, and so one day when he went to take the easter eucharist he insisted that to distinguish him from the other communicants and mark his importance the priest should give him one of the larger wafers reserved for the use of the priests alone. afraid to offend milser, who had been a generous supporter of the church and a giver of large alms, the priest complied with his request. no sooner, however, was the host placed upon his tongue than the weight of it bore milser to the earth. and although in his terror and predicament he clung to the altar, and then to the altar steps as he sunk further, the latter gave way, and he continued to sink lower and lower, till in his terror he called upon the priest to take the host back from him. this the priest did, and when oswald milser had recovered from his fright he recognized that the circumstance was a lesson to his pride, and ultimately he gave his goods to the poor and the church, and entered a monastery to lead a life of penance and contemplation. [sidenote: a miraculous rosebush] when his wife was told the miracle, she refused to credit it, saying that sooner than do so she would believe that a dead rose-tree could blossom. the story goes on to tell how immediately "a rose-tree which was near by and had been dead for a long time, put forth the most beautiful blooms, and so confounded the wicked woman that she went out of her mind, rushed from her house, and was never more seen in the flesh." but her spirit was often heard at night, wailing and moaning on the mountain-side. it was to contain this miraculous host which had confounded oswald milser's pride that the archduke ferdinand, in , built a special little chapel on the left side of the fine fourteenth-century gothic church of seefeld. this is even nowadays an object of veneration, to which a considerable number of pilgrims come. the altar-piece is a fine one, and was well restored about five-and-thirty years ago. the statues which adorn it are those of the favourite legendary heroes of tyrol, st. oswald and st. sigismund, whilst the subjects of the bas-reliefs are the incidents of biblical history, known as "the mysteries of the rosary." amongst the "treasures" of the church are a remarkably fine and interesting crystal reliquary and crown, given by the archduchess eleonora. from seefeld there are many interesting excursions to be made into the picturesque mittenwald district, which lies to the north, upon the bavarian frontier. scharnitz lies at the point where the hinderan and karwendel valleys unite. it has memories of many a struggle against the bavarian invaders, and more particularly of the defence of the fortress porta claudia, built during the thirty years' war by claudia de medici, by an englishman named swinburne, an ancestor of the late algernon charles swinburne the poet. he was an officer in the austrian service, and had a force of only against marshal ney, with nearly , , and made so gallant and stubborn a defence that when the garrison at length surrendered to such vastly superior numbers they made their own terms and were allowed to march out as prisoners of war whilst retaining their side-arms. they were sent as prisoners to aix-la-chapelle, but the "colours" were saved by one of the garrison, a tyrolese, who made his escape with them wound round his body. he was sought for amid the mountains for many weeks, but was not recaptured, and lived to, later on, reach vienna and hand the precious colours to his gallant chief, who had so well defended the fortress. we reached telfs from seefeld by road. the village, which boasts a large cotton factory, is prettily situated and pleasant, but there is nothing in the place itself to detain the traveller. the same remark applies to imst, once given over to the breeding of canaries, which were so celebrated for their singing qualities that they were exported to all parts of europe. the old inn, however, is worth inspection should a stop be made at the little town, and there are many excursions of a charming character to be made in the district round about. [sidenote: landeck] landeck is a prettily situated and important little town in a wide bend of the inn thal, having a fine prospect of environing mountain summits occupying both sides of the river and dominated by castle landeck, whose grim, square, and battlemented tower forms a striking feature of the landscape. another prominent building, which at once strikes one on approaching the place either by road or rail, is the fine fifteenth-century parish church standing on the slope of the hill, which is crowned by the castle. the church was founded by two natives of the place, only the christian names of whom appear to have survived, who, having lost their two children in the forest near by, vowed that if the latter were found they would show their gratitude by erecting a church to the holy virgin. hardly had the vow been uttered, the legend states, when the distracted parents saw a bear and a wolf advancing towards them, each bearing a child unharmed in its mouth! the spire of the church, which has a curious double bulb surmounting it, is of considerably later date than the building itself, which, although thoroughly restored some forty years ago, was done very carefully and sympathetically, and preserves many of its most interesting architectural features, including some very early sculpture. in the churchyard, from which such a delightful prospect of the valley of the inn is obtained, there are two monuments, which should not be missed by any one interested in antiquities and history. one is to oswald von schrofenstein, dating from early in the fifteenth century; the other takes the form of a little gothic chapel, dating from , which was erected to the memory of the landeckers who fell whilst assisting to defend the italian frontier of tyrol during the austro-italian campaign of . [sidenote: a tyrolese victory] landeck bore a brave part in the war of the spanish succession in , when maximilian, elector of bavaria, joined forces with the french and italians against austria, and invaded tyrol. the tyrolese, always ready to speedily assemble in defence of their beloved country, soon made the main road over the brenner impossible of passage by the enemy, and maximilian thought to elude the sharpshooters who swarmed upon the hillsides commanding that way, by sending his forces round by the finstermunz and ober-innthal. they reached the neighbourhood of landeck without much opposition; but the tyrolese had gathered to dispute their further advance on the first favourable opportunity. the judge of the district, one martin sterzinger, had speedily summoned all the available landsturm forces of the neighbourhood, and worked out a plan of campaign. the latter were to permit the enemy to advance until they were well into the gorge, and then attack them so fiercely and from so commanding a position as to have some hope--in spite of their greater numbers--of severely and finally defeating them. they were in consequence allowed to advance into the narrow gorge, the road through which was spanned by the pontlatzerbrucke. but before they entered the defile the bridge had been destroyed by the tyrolese. the bavarians, who were compelled to traverse a steep and narrow mountain path, when they came in sight of the destroyed bridge at once realized that they were entrapped. the precipitous sides of the hills above them were practically unscalable, and there was no way now the bridge was destroyed by which they could cross the roaring, rushing inn to safety on the other side. in the panic which ensued numbers fell or were pushed from the road into the river, to be swept swiftly away. [illustration: landeck and its ancient fortress] then suddenly the heights above literally swarmed with tyrolese, who had remained hidden until the right moment to attack, who poured into the huddled and panic-stricken mass of the enemy a hail of bullets, supplemented by stones and pieces of rock hurled down by those who were not possessed of guns. only a mere handful of the force was able to turn back and escape along the path by which they had come, and these were speedily overtaken by the active mountaineers and made prisoners. not one, we are told, made good his escape to bear news of the disaster to headquarters, and thus the french and bavarian commanders were for some considerable time in doubt as to what had occurred. in the end they learned how their immensely superior force had been literally cut to pieces and wiped out, and perhaps also to hold the "rough jackets" of landeck and the inn thal in greater respect than they had done before. the victory of july st, as it is known amongst the many other successes of the peasants' campaign against the invaders of their land, is celebrated every year by a procession and _fête_. besides being a most interesting little town, landeck is yearly growing more popular with holiday makers and rest seekers as a fine centre from which to make some of the most delightful excursions and short tours in the whole of the inn thal. the chief of these are either in the immediate neighbourhood into the lotzer thal, and medriol thal, or along and by way of the splendid finstermunz high road to sulden, trafoi, and other smaller places. there is also, of course, the famous stilfserjoch, the highest carriage-road in europe, and the pretty villages and valleys of the kaunser thal to invite a long stay amid surroundings which are scarcely excelled in any other district of north tyrol. but not merely days and weeks, but even months could be pleasantly spent with landeck as a base from which to explore the numberless beautiful and almost unknown smaller valleys and gorges which run out of the inn valley north and south, and in the former case lead one to that wonderland of the bavarian highlands, with its many ancient and royal castles, lovely little lakes, and fertile, flower-decked pastures. soon after leaving landeck, either by rail or road, one crosses the boundary which separates the ober-innthal from the vorarlberg. if by the latter, as one approaches the summit of the arlberg, which is feet above sea-level, one catches sight of an immense crucifix overshadowing the road, near which are the two posts marking the boundary line. the old road was opened for traffic nearly a century and a quarter ago, but a considerable portion of that now generally used, which is more sheltered and protected, was not made until . by the magnificent arlberg pass route one can reach bregenz, and to make the journey in this way by carriage or afoot is most delightful, though the railway, after the long tunnel is passed, is very interesting and picturesque. however, comparatively few tourists and travellers nowadays devote the time necessary to traverse the arlberg to bregenz by road, and so bludenz must be included in the itinerary we are describing. the little town, which has a bustling and prosperous air, though it is decidedly hot in summer, still possesses a considerable number of its older buildings and houses. the ancient château or castle of gayenhofen is now used for government purposes; it forms a picturesque landmark in the town. bludenz will always have a place in the romantic history of tyrol from the fact that it was here that the well-beloved "frederick with the empty purse" came while an outlaw and in fear for his life. he made himself known to the innkeeper where he sought refuge, who, though embarrassed, was delighted to shelter the popular hero. his view was shared by the rest of the inhabitants of the town, who when summoned by the emperor sigismund to deliver up their prince declined to do so, saying, "they had sworn fealty to duke frederick and the house of austria, and they would not betray him." frederick, though doubtless touched by the loyalty of the bludenz folk, knew that if he remained amongst them the result would probably be the dispatch of a force by the emperor to capture him, and the possible destruction of the town by way of reprisal. so he stole quietly away, and bludenz was saved. the old town is well worth a few hours' stay, and there are many picturesque "bits" to be discovered for sketch book and camera in the older houses and side alleys, even if time will not permit of a sufficiently long sojourn to allow one to visit the pretty montfacon thal, with its legend of a beautiful maiden who lived up in the mountain guarding a hidden treasure, which she is condemned to watch over until some one is bold enough to kiss three times a huge toad which lives hard by, and also guards the wealth that is to reward the bold rescuer of the maiden. [sidenote: feldkirch] feldkirch is the last important town on the route to bregenz. pleasantly situated near the grim gorges through which the river ill rushes with ever-increasing rapidity and force to join the rhine, there is much of interest in the quaint streets, and the arcades which run in front of many of the houses. the town itself is shut in by the mountains and dominated by the old fortress of shattenburg, now used as a retreat or home for the poor; and for this reason perhaps is less resorted to than it otherwise might be. there are, however, a large number of most interesting excursions to be made in the neighbourhood, and the fifteenth-century church is a fine one, with a good "descent from the cross" by a native artist, wolfgang huber, and a remarkable and handsome pulpit, both dating from the early years of the sixteenth century. costume, too, is occasionally seen in feldkirch, and on one sunday, the occasion of a festival, there were quite a number of women wearing the old-time steeple-crowned, brimless beaver hats--in shape somewhat like that of a russian _moujick_ or the busby of a grenadier--wide white collars, embroidered bodices, and handsome brocaded aprons. the last place in tyrol when leaving it by the arlberg route is the most delightful and ancient town of bregenz, standing upon the north-eastern shore of lake constance. it is the capital of the vorarlberg, and in this delightful corner of tyrol there is no town of greater charm or historic interest. above it rises the picturesque gebhardsberg, from the summit of which there is one of the most celebrated panoramic views in tyrol, embracing as it does the beautiful lake, the appenzell mountains, and the rapidly flowing rhine. there are really two towns in bregenz. the old town, shaped like a quadrilateral, standing on the hill which ages ago was the site of the roman settlement and castle, with two ancient gates, one of which has been pulled down; and the newer town, with its shady promenades, quay, modern buildings, and air of bustle during the tourist season. [sidenote: a legend of bregenz] irrespective of its unusually beautiful situation, one finds in bregenz much to interest and detain. it is a truly ancient place, with much history--some of it of a romantic kind--attached to it. in the middle ages, indeed, the overlords of the town and district were so powerful that their house supplied the emperor charlemagne with a bride, concerning whom there is a legendary and highly romantic tale. [illustration: church interior, tyrol] it would appear from this story that charlemagne was of a more than usually suspicious nature, and by no means one of those complaisant husbands with which the mediæval tales have familiarized us. an old lover of hildegarde, having seen her married to the emperor with great distress of mind, in his wrath against her for preferring even an emperor to himself, got ear of charlemagne, and so succeeded in poisoning the latter's mind against his bride, that he either divorced or repudiated her, and married a lombardian princess called desiderata. accepting her fate resignedly, hildegarde eventually found her way to rome, where she devoted herself to the care of the sick, and especially of the sick pilgrims who came to the "eternal city." in course of time, so the story goes, her revengeful lover, whose name, taland, is almost as common a one in tyrol as smith in england, having lost his sight, came on a pilgrimage, and whilst in rome was cared for by hildegarde, "whose tender and saintly hands," we are told, "not only restored his physical sight, but also his moral perception of right and wrong." he was so overcome with remorse when he learned to whom, under providence, he owed his restoration to sight, that he confessed his fault to hildegarde, and insisted upon accompanying her to charlemagne, to whom he also confessed, and proved hildegarde to have been blameless. the emperor at once restored her to favour and honour. in another story connected with bregenz, which was made the subject of a poem by the late adelaide ann proctor, one has preserved an incident connected with the heroic conduct of a bregenz woman in saving the town from surprise and destruction by the swiss. there are several versions of the story, which dates from , but probably, as it is of a legendary character, the one given in the ballad is as correct as any other. unhappily, the bregenz folk of to-day appear to know little of this heroine; and on one occasion on which we visited the town, and made a search for the effigy of the maid and her steed on the gate of the old castle, or walls of the upper town, we were unable to find it. no one seemed to know the story of the "maid of bregenz," and an old lady, who had a temporary stall outside the gate for the sale of cakes and other refreshments, became quite irascible upon our persisting in the belief that there must have been a "maid," and that she (the old lady) ought to know the legend. "there is no 'maid of bregenz,'" she said angrily at last. adding, after a pause, during which she looked us up and down as though to decide upon our nationality, "but mad english people have asked me hundreds of times about her. i know nothing. there is no more to be said." and with this she returned to her perusal of the paper she had been reading when we accosted her, and we had to be content. we made our way down the somewhat rugged and steep road to the lower town a little crestfallen, although the view of the lake in the late afternoon sunshine of a july day was exquisite beyond description, the water deep blue and green in patches, with the incoming and outgoing boats and steamers leaving frothy-white or rippling wakes behind them almost as long as they themselves remained in sight. one determination we came to. it was in future not to inquire too closely into such pretty and poetical stories as that of the "maid of bregenz," and not to allow our desire for legendary or antiquarian knowledge to permit us to run the risk of further disillusionment.[ ] we did not find the effigy of "the maid and her milk-white steed," on which she had ridden over the swiss frontier and swum across the rhine to warn the inhabitants of her old home of a projected attack by the swiss amongst whom she had gone to dwell in service. the genial proprietor of the oesterreichischer hof, we found, had heard of "the maid." alas! not from his fellow-townsfolk (who should have cherished her memory), but, like the old lady in the upper town, from english tourists, who had, doubtless, climbed the steep ascent on a similar errand of inquiry and research to our own. "maid" or no maid, however, bregenz is delightful, and well deserves the title of "pearl of the vorarlberg" which has been bestowed upon it. in its quaint old streets, its capuchin convent, which is so prominent a feature, standing as it does upon a wooded knoll of the gebhardsberg, and its fine church, to the south on another eminence, with an ancient and weather-worn tower, there is plenty of interest. picturesque the place most certainly is, and the effect is greatly heightened by the near presence of the lake, which stretches away in front of the town to fair constance in the far distance. [sidenote: farewell, tyrol] in leaving tyrol by way of beautiful bregenz, washed as it is by the waters of one of the most delightful of swiss lakes, one carries with one a last impression which is fragrant with the memories of a hospitable race, charming scenery, and innumerable things of historic, artistic, and antiquarian interest. there is, indeed, no other gate through which one would rather leave this "land within the mountains," which, as yet unspoiled by crowds of tourists and general sophistication and the deterioration which arises therefrom, lures one to return to it again and again. footnotes: [ ] by a strange coincidence, whilst the following description of this interesting and charming village was actually being written, the news of its almost total destruction by fire reached the author, necessitating the omission of some details. many of the houses, however, have been rebuilt, in much the same style as formerly.--c. h. [ ] some authorities give the date as being several years earlier.--c. h. [ ] it is possible that miss proctor's poem ("a legend of bregenz") is founded upon the legendary story of ehre guta, who is reputed to have delivered the country-folk of the bregenz district from an attack of the appenzellers some time during the early part of the fifteenth century.--c. h. index a abbey of wilten, abel of cologne, work of, absam, - and jakob stainer, maker of violins, dragon legend of, painted houses at, story of "miraculous window" at, a buried city, adventures of oswald von wolkenstein, - aeni, pons, a fifteenth-century "blue stocking," aguntum (innichen) station, albianum (kufstein), "a legend of bregenz," alemanni, the, alpine flowers at cortina, alt, salome, and archbishop von raitenau, altissimo di nago, ambras, castle, court at, early history of, the hoch schloss, the tourney ground, traditions, treasures at, ancient palaces of trent, - andechs, family of, anif, castle of, anna katharina gonzaga of mantua, anton gump, landhaus of, aquila nera inn, cortina, araba, archduke ferdinand, leopold, arco, church at, arlberg tunnel, arms, summons to, arno, bishop of salzburg, art, collection at innsbruck, art, world-famous collection, arthur, king of england, arzl, pilgrimage chapel of, augusta vindelicorum, austerlitz, battle of, austria, emperors of, austrian, defeat of forces at wagram, b bad ratzes, baiovarii, battle of austerlitz, custozza, giants, leipsic, marengo and hohenlinden, naïssus, near the brenner, sadowa, spinges, , vercelli, bavaria, duke louis of, bavarian occupation, troops enter tyrol, bavarians, belluno, cathedral at, bible incidents, oral versions of, biener, william, and rattenberg, story of, - bishop of freisingen, passau, bisson, general, surrender of, black death, bludenz, and "frederick of the empty purse," , bohemia, prince john of, bozen, - calvarienberg, near, description of, , fine houses, franciscan monastery at, history of, laubengasse at, parish church, (pons drusi), sarnthal costumes at, bozen, statue of von vogelweide at, bregenz, - capuchin convent, brenner route, the, road, the, history of, brixen, - cathedral of, , bishop's palace at, brixlegg, peasant plays at, , buchenstein, büchsenhausen, castle of, burg, the, c campo formio, treaty of, canazei, caprile, castle ambras, court at, early history of, the hoch schloss, the tourney ground, traditions of, treasures at, castle tyrol, siege of, castle of büchsenhausen, frundsberg, lizzana, runkelstein, castle of runkelstein, frescoes of, , schonna, near meran, starkenberg, tratzberg, trautson, trostburg, , cathedral, belluno, brixen, , salzburg, , cathedral, salzburg, burning of, trent, catherine of saxony, catholic persecutions, cavalese, bishop's palace at, cell, maximilian's, cenotaph, maximilian's, description of panels surrounding, description of, ceremonials, pathetic, chapel, pilgrimage, of maria larch, silver, innsbruck, silver, innsbruck, statues in, charlemagne, empire of, , reforms by, chasteler, general, church of the servites, innsbruck, jesuit, innsbruck, of maria waldrast, near matrei, madonna alle laste, near trent, cimbri, the invasion of, civil war, , conquest of the country, roman, constance, council of, cortina, , church at, famous inn at, festivals at, frescoes at, costumes of innsbruck, at feldkirch, at st. ulrich, national, of tyrol, the sarnthal, tyrol, council of constance, trent, - counts of tyrol, , court at castle ambras, innsbruck, customs, curious wedding, quaint tyrolean, custozza, battle of, d dante and the castle lizzana, trentino, val sacra, "das land im gebirge," death, black, defregger, franz, historical masterpieces of, dialect, concerning, diaries of early travel, of the bishop of passau, dolomite district, groups, , scenery, dolomites, - characteristics of the, formation of, , inns and hotels in the, theories concerning, theories of origin of, touring in, dreiheiligen kirche (holy trinity), drusi, pons (bozen), drusus, , duke ernest, frederick, , louis of bavaria, sigismund, e eggenthal, famous waterfall in the, eleanora, daughter of james i. of scotland, vincenzo of mantua, emperor theodoric the goth, empire, charlemagne's, "empty purse, frederick of the," enneberger, epiphany performances, eppans, the, ernest, duke--reconciliation of duke frederick, etruria, ancient language of, evangelic union, f falzarego pass, fassa thal, , feldkirch, costumes at, engagement near, ferdinand, archduke, tomb of, festival of st. vigilius, festivals at cortina, first counts of tyrol, fleimse thal, florus, the historian, franz defregger, historical masterpieces of, franzenfeste, frauenberg, conrad of, frederick, duke, reconciliation of duke ernest, of the "empty pocket," story of, freisingen, bishop of, french, bavarian and saxon troops enter tyrol, french revolution, frundsberg, georg von, - fugger, george, story of, - fulpmes, g gaisberg, , view from, gebhardsberg, general bisson, chasteler, georgenberg, st., ancient shrine at, dishonest abbot of, miracle of, origin of the church of, germanization of tyrol, ghostly legend, a, giants, battle of, gilg sesselschreiber, flight to augsburg, golden roof, the, "goldener adler," goths and huns, goths, emperor theodoric of the, goths, inroads of the, grafschaften, "grape cure" at meran, , grape harvest at meran, grasleiten pass, "great week" in tyrolese history, grödenerthal, ascents in, h habsburgs, schemes of the, haimon and the dragon, hall, - interesting church of, münsterturm at, st. saviour's church, salt mines, haspinger, the capuchin monk, haydn, michael, at salzburg, heilig wasser, hellbrunn, chateau of, - gardens and fountains, mechanical theatre at, monatsschlösschen at, stone theatre at, henry, youngest son of meinhard ii., herzog-friedrich-strasse, arcades of the, highway, tyrol, historian florus, historic events, innsbruck, historical masterpieces of franz defregger, history of the statues at hofkirche, history in marble, innsbruck, hofburg, the, innsbruck, hofer andreas, , birth of, commander-in-chief, "battle cry" of, triumph of, hofer's nickname, hofer named dictator of tyrol, capture of, led forth to die, death of, tomb of, in the meran "hero plays," , hofkirche, the, innsbruck, , history of the statues, hohen-salzburg, - description of, sieges of, cable railway, hohen tauern, range, hohenlinden, battle of, hollaner von hohenfelsen, horace, hostelries, huns and goths, i igls, inhabitants, original, innichen (aguntum) station, church and village, inns and hostelries, ancient, , innsbruck, approach to, art collection, attractions of, capture of, character of, costumes and uniforms at, famous statues, gaieties, gay court at, historical masterpieces of franz defregger, jesuit church at, market types, marktgraben, maximilian's tomb, maximilian's, description of, cenotaph, , mediæval buildings in, museum treasures, national museum, plague, rise of, rulers, silver chapel at, site of, some historic events at, the environs of, - the hofburg, the hofkirche, the newer town, winter sports at, invaders, teutonic, j jews, the, john, prince of bohemia, , julium carnicum (zuglio) station, k kapuzingerberg, view from, karrersee, , kastelruth, kerpen, general, king arthur of england, kitzbühel, , sports at, kitzbühlerhorn, ascent of, klausen, story of a nun, kufstein, - castle of, - siege of, , plundering of, maximilian at, , legend of, , l ladin, the dialect of the grödenerthal, lake missurina, landeck, , church of, landhaus of anton gump, landtag, first tyrolean, language, the tyrol, larch, maria, pilgrimage chapel of, latemar, curious customs relating to, laudon, general, legend of castle of tratzberg, a ghostly, chapel of madonna alle laste, , kufstein castle, , st. leonard auf der wiese, , san marco, the sclavini di san marco, - legends of the rosengarten, tyrol, wilten, leipsic, battle of, leopold, archduke, i., emperor, ii., emperor, lienz (lonicum) station, lizzana, castle, löffler, gregor, and castle of büchsenhausen, lonicum (lienz) station, lotzer thal, louis, duke of bavaria, lueg pass, luneville, treaty of, m madonna alle laste, chapel of, "maid of spinges," "maid of bregenz," , mantua, anna katharina gonzaga of, eleanor vincenzo of, marco, san, marengo, battle of, maria larch, church of, maria theresa, empress, maria waldrast, chapel of, marriage in tyrol, martin, st., home of speckbacher, martinswand, - maximilian's adventure on the, - masciacum (matzen), massena, general, matrei, church of maria waldrast, matrejum (matrei), matzen, schloss, , maurice of saxony, max-höhle at zirl, maximilian, maximilian's cell, tomb, innsbruck, cenotaph description, medriol thal, meinhard ii., youngest son of, untimely end, meran, - architecture of, the burg, the landesfürstliche burg, , gardens of, "hero plays" at, , costumes at, "grape cure" at, the "saltner" at, sports and pastimes at, castles near, - merchants, venetian, michael, st., milser, oswald, , mines, salt, mirabell, schloss, garden of, , missurina lake, monasteries, suppression of, mönchsberg, early church in, walk along the, , mozart's birthplace, relics in, mozart-häuschen on the kapuzingerberg, furniture and relics in, mozart-häuschen, beautiful garden of, muhldorf, battle of, munatius plancus, museum, national, at innsbruck, treasures, myths of tyrol, n naïssus, battle of, napoleonic wars and salzburg, nave d'oro, inn, nonnberg, convent on the, gothic chapel of the, o ober-innthal, through the, - original inhabitants of tyrol, ostrogothic leader, theodoric, oswald milser, , ottoburg, the, p paneveggio, paris von lodron, archbishop, passau, bishop of, passeier valley, hofer's hiding-place in, peace of westphalia, peasants' revolt at salzburg, persecution by catholics, petermann, lover of margaret of tyrol, philippine welser, tomb of, romantic story of, - character of, death of, pienzenau, story of governor, , plague, ravages of the, at trent, plancus, munatius, plätz-wiese, pliny, quotation from, plutarch's "marius," "pocket-mouthed meg," , , pons aeni, pons drusi (bozen), pontlatzerbrucke, porta claudia, scharnitz, post road, brenner, power of rome, pragser lake or wildsee, predazzo, , nave d'oro inn, pressburg, treaty of, , prince counts of tyrol, prince john of bohemia, princess catherine of saxony, protestants, expulsion of, "pulpit bride," the, r rattenberg, castle of, history of, reforms by charlemagne, regent, archduke leopold as, revolution, french, rhætians, the, , their dialect, rhæto-roman stations, riva, , parish church of, roman conquest of the country, occupation of rhætia, rhæto-, stations, rome, power of, romedius, st., story of, , rosengarten, - excursions in the, legend of, route, the brenner, , roveredo, , churches of, rudolph iv., rulers, innsbruck's, rum, village of, runkelstein, castle of, frescoes at, , rupert, st., at salzburg, s sadowa, battle of, st. leonard auf der wiese, , st. martin, village of, hofer's inn at, hofer relics at, st. peter's church, salzburg, cemetery, salzburg, monastery, salzburg, st. romedius, story of, , st. ulrich, costume at, quaint guide-book to, toy industry of, , village of, , st. vigilius, festival of, salome alt and archbishop von raitenau, and schloss mirabell, salsbund, the, salt mines, discovery of, , "saltner," the, at meran, salzach valley, salzburg, - beauty of, salzburg, approach to, province of, in roman times, building of, history of, rise of, early rulers of, the reformation and peasant revolt at, province of, during french invasions, luxurious archbishops of, rebuilding of, , ancient fortress of, cathedral, burning of, cathedral, , residenz-platz, st. peter's church, monastery, cemetery, carolina-augusteum museum, special features, peasants' ball at, , a curious custom, the market, , sandyland, birth of andreas hofer, san martino, sarnthal, costumes of the, saxon troops enter tyrol, saxony, princess catherine of, maurice of, scarbio (scharnitz), scenery, tyrol, schabs (sebatum) station, scharnitz, defence of, by swinburne, schlern, the, schloss mirabell and salome alt, gardens of, , zenoburg, meran, rubein, meran, tyrol, near meran, " description of, , matzen, description of, , schluderbach, schmalkald, war of the, schonberg, schonna, castle of, schwaz, - silver mines at, curious church at, sclavini di san marco, - sebatum (schabs) station, servites, church of the, sesselschreiber, gilg, flight to augsburg, sigismund, duke, silver chapel, innsbruck, statues, site of innsbruck, spanish succession, war of the, speckbacher, birth of, spinges, battle of, , maid of, engagement of, sports, tyrolese, at kitzbühel, , at meran, winter, at innsbruck, starkenberg, castle of, stations, rhæto-roman, tricesimum, julium carnicum (zuglio), aguntum (innichen), lonicum (lienz), sebatum (schabs), statues, famous, at innsbruck, " " hofkirche, in silver chapel, innsbruck, sterzing (vilpetenum), sterzing, - rathaus at, church at, stilfes, gorge of, story of charlemagne and hildegarde, , a nun, georg von frundsberg, - governor pienzenau, , heilig wasser, oswald milser, , oswald von wolkenstein, - pastor söll, philippine welser, - st. romedius and the bear, , teufelspalast, trent, - the "maid of bregenz," , strange natural phenomena, stubai valley, bahn, summons to arms, superstitions of tyrol, swinburne and scharnitz, t telfs, territory, new, teutonic invaders, thaur, village of, theodoric, emperor of the goths, the ostrogothic leader, thirty years' war, tiberius, , toblach, tomb of archduke ferdinand and philippine welser, tomb of hofer, maximilian, "toy-land," , tratzberg, castle of, , maximilian rooms, , story of, , trautson, castle of, travel, diaries of early, treaty of campo formio, luneville, pressburg, , vienna, tre croci pass, trent (tridentum), trent, - ancient, " palaces of, - cathedral of, church of santa maria maggiore, claudia porticelli, story of, council of, - dante and, decrees of the council of, end of the council of, festival of st. vigilius at, foundation of, museum, opening of the council of, plague at, story of the organ-builder of, teufelspalast, - tricesimum, roman station of, tridentum (trent), trostburg, castle, , tunnel, arlberg, types, ancient, along the highway, types, market, innsbruck, tyrol scenery, inhabitants, types along the great highway, counts of, , castle of, possession of, population of, french, bavarian, and saxon troops enter, hofer, dictator of, as bavarian territory, triple division of, description of, germanization of, the language of, legends, superstitions, and myths of, wälsch, tyrol folk-lore, tales of, quaint customs relating to christmas in, epiphany performances, pathetic ceremonials in, marriage in, bride's procession, costumes of, curious wedding customs, sports and wrestling in, national costume of, margaret of, "toy-land" in, tyrolean dances, landtag, first, wedding, tyrolese character, history, in--as "the great week," masters, works of the, sports, u ulrich, st., , church at, costume at, quaint guide-book to, toy industry of, , university, of innsbruck, unter-innthal, vast mineral wealth of, through the, - v val sacra and dante, val sugana, veldidena, , vendome, general, venetian merchants, vercelli, via claudia augusta, vienna, treaty of, vigilius, st., festival of, vilpetenum (sterzing), vindelicorum, augusta, vineyards at meran, , von keutschach, bishop leonhard, von lodron, paris, archbishop, von raitenau, bishop wolf dietrich, , von vogelweide, statue of, von wolkenstein, story of, - vorarlberg, words and expressions used in, w wagram, defeat of austrian forces at, waidbruck, war, civil, of the schmalkald, of the spanish succession, thirty years', wasser, heilig, story of, wealth, vast mineral, wedding, a tyrolean, customs, weisslahn-bad, welser, philippine, character of, death of, romantic story of, - tomb of, westphalia, peace of, wildsee, pragser, wilten (veldidena), abbey of, a legend of, story and description of abbey of, woodcarvers of st. ulrich, , wrestling, tyrolese, z zillerthal maidens, zirl, - calvarienberg of, maximilian at, - painted houses of, zuglio (julium carnicum), roman station of, printed by william clowes and sons, limited, london and beccles. distributed proofreaders [illustration: professor thomas g. masaryk] independent bohemia an account of the czecho-slovak struggle for liberty by vladimir nosek secretary to the czecho-slovak legation in london preface in the following pages i have attempted to outline the story of our movement for independence. the manuscript of this book was completed over four months ago. since then many important changes have occurred in the international situation. chapters in which we dealt with the then still existing dual monarchy must of course be read in the past tense, since austria exists no more. and again, many things which we anticipated and hoped for in the future have already become accomplished facts. however, i trust that the story itself has not only lost none of its value thereby, but has acquired an additional interest from a historical point of view. our aim of national independence, only quite recently declared by our adversaries to be "an empty dream of moonstruck idealists," has become to-day not only a practical proposition, but an accomplished fact. we have our own army, which is by no means the smallest allied army, and we also have our own provisional government in paris, recognised not only by the allies and by all czecho-slovaks abroad, but even by czech leaders in bohemia, with whom we have since the beginning of the war worked in complete harmony and understanding. the organisation of our independent state is rapidly proceeding. austria-hungary, exhausted economically and bankrupt politically, has fallen to pieces by the free-will of her own subject peoples, who, in anticipation of their early victory, broke their fetters and openly renounced their allegiance to the hated habsburg and hohenzollern rule, even before austria had actually surrendered to the allies. events have moved rapidly in austria, especially since the momentous british declaration of august , , recognising the czecho-slovaks--those resident in the allied countries as much as those in bohemia--as an allied nation, and the czecho-slovak national council--in paris as well as in prague--as the provisional government of bohemia. british statesmen already then foresaw the coming collapse of austria and acted accordingly. it is also no more a secret to-day that because of the promulgation of the british and united states declarations our council was able to conclude special conventions with all the allied governments during september last, whereby all the powers exercised by a real government have been granted to it. in the meantime germany had been losing more and more control over her allies, being herself hard pressed on the western front, and the consequence of this was a growing boldness on the part of the austrian slavs. on october deputy stanek declared in the name of the whole czech deputation that the national council in paris were their true spokesmen and representatives with whom austria would have to negotiate. soon afterwards the austrian poles went to warsaw, where they formed a new all-polish government, and the southern slavs entrusted the government of their territories to their national council in zagreb. similar councils were formed also by the ruthenes and rumanians. on october the czecho-slovak national council in paris constituted itself as a government of which the council in prague acts as an integral part. the latter took over the reins of government in bohemia a fortnight later. on october the czecho-slovak council issued a declaration of independence which we publish in the appendix, and from which it will be seen that bohemia will be progressive and democratic both in her domestic and foreign policy. a glorious future is no doubt awaiting her. she will be specially able to render an immense service to the league of nations as a bulwark of peace and conciliation among the various peoples of central europe. the break-up of austria will, of course, affect enormously the constitution of the future europe, and in our last chapter we have tried to give an outline of these impending changes of conditions and international relations. the break-up of austria was bound to come sooner or later, whether some misinformed critics or prejudiced pro-austrian politicians liked it or not. we ourselves were always convinced, and we declared openly, that austria could not survive this war, because she was at war with the majority of her own subjects, who wished for nothing more than for her destruction. unfortunately the fact that the sympathies of the thirty million of austrian slavs and latins were on the side of the entente, constituting such an incontestable moral asset for the allies as it does, has not always been fully appreciated by allied public opinion. we ourselves, however, never doubted for a moment that the allied cause would ultimately triumph and that we would achieve our independence, because we knew that in struggling for this aim we were only carrying out the unanimous will of our whole nation. without waiting for any pledges, without regard as to which side would be victorious, our nation has from the beginning staked its all on the allied victory and has contributed with all its powers to hasten it. despite all adverse circumstances, our people, at first completely at the mercy of their enemies, ruthlessly persecuted and tortured by them, nevertheless remained firm and resolute. their attitude was most outspoken and courageous at all times, and they have also rendered the allies active assistance, which is being duly appreciated by them. it is chiefly due to the efforts of the subject peoples themselves, of whom the czechs have certainly been the most outspoken, that the collapse of austria has occurred, which finally sealed the fate of kaiserism and of the pan-german plans of mitteleuropa. to-day our hopes for a better future are at last being fulfilled as a result of the allies' complete victory, assuring the creation of a new and just international order. our much-afflicted yet undaunted people already consider themselves as independent. the peace conference, at which the czecho-slovak government will be represented, will only confirm the existence of an independent czecho-slovak state. in conclusion, we should like to express our deep gratitude to all our english friends for their valuable assistance in our struggle for the realisation of our ideals. we especially wish to thank once more the british government for the generous step taken by them in recognising us as an allied and belligerent nation. it was chiefly because of this recognition and of the gallant deeds of our army that we achieved all our subsequent diplomatic and political successes. we may assure great britain that the czecho-slovaks will never forget what they owe to her, and that they will endeavour to do their best to merit the trust so generously placed in them. vladimir nosek. , grosvenor place, london, _november_, . [illustration: the international position of the czecho slovak republic in future europe] contents i. what is austria-hungary? ii. austria-hungary and the present war iii. czech political parties before and during the war iv. terrorism in bohemia during the war _(a)_ czech deputies and leaders imprisoned and sentenced to death; _(b)_ monster trials, arbitrary executions, internment of civilians, etc.; _(c)_ persecution of the press; _(d)_ reichsrat interpellations. v. how the czecho slovaks at home assisted the allies vi. the military and political action of the czecho-slovaks abroad vii. the czechs at home begin to speak _(a)_ czech declaration of may , ; _(b)_ courageous speeches delivered by czech deputies in the reichsrat; _(c)_ after the amnesty; _(d)_ during peace negotiations with russia; _(e)_ the constituent assembly of prague on january , ; _(f)_ the oath of the czecho slovak nation; _(g)_ the slovaks' attitude; _(h)_ the czecho-slovak national council in prague. viii. czecho-slovak co-operation with other non-german nations of central europe _(a)_ the congress of rome; _(b)_ the may manifestations in prague. ix. bohemia as a bulwark against pan-germanism appendix of some recent documents bibliography i what is austria-hungary? . the habsburg empire is built upon centuries-old traditions of reaction and violence. its present power is chiefly based on the alliance which bohemia and hungary concluded with austria against the turkish peril in . the czechs freely elected the habsburgs to the throne of bohemia which remained a fully independent state, its alliance with austria and hungary being purely dynastic. but soon the habsburgs began to violate the liberties of bohemia which they were bound by oath to observe, and this led finally to the fateful czech revolution of . at the battle of the white mountain in the czechs suffered a defeat and were cruelly punished for their rebellion. all their nobility were either executed or sent into exile, and their property confiscated. the country was devastated by the imperial hordes, and its population was reduced from , , to , during the thirty years' war. in ferdinand ii. greatly curtailed the administrative rights of bohemia, yet he did not dare to deprive her entirely of her independence. in his "renewed ordinance of the land" ferdinand declared the bohemian crown to be hereditary in the house of habsburg, and reserved legislative power to the sovereign. but otherwise the historical rights of bohemia remained valid, notwithstanding all subsequent arbitrary centralising measures taken by the habsburgs. bohemia's rights were repeatedly recognised by each succeeding habsburg. legally bohemia is an independent state to-day. the heavy persecutions inflicted upon bohemia had a disastrous effect upon her intellectual life and national development which were completely paralysed until the end of the eighteenth century, when owing to the humanitarian ideals of those times, and as a reaction against the germanising centralistic efforts of joseph ii., the czechs again began to recover their national consciousness. this revival marked the beginning of the czecho-slovak struggle for the re-establishment of their independence. the movement was at first literary, and only in the forties became political. it was a continuous struggle against reaction and absolutism, and if the czecho-slovaks to-day can boast of an advanced civilisation, it is only owing to their perseverance and hard endeavours, and not because of any good-will on the part of the austrian government which put every possible obstacle in their way. . _the present austria-hungary_ is primarily a dynastic estate, for the crown was always its supreme political driving force, although at present the habsburgs are mere slaves of their masters, the hohenzollerns. it is this characteristic which justifies us in concluding that austria is an autocratic state _par excellence_. if there were no other reason, this should be sufficient to make every true democrat an enemy of austria. furthermore, it is this characteristic which makes us comprehend why the habsburg monarchy is fighting side by side with german autocracy and imperialism against the allied democracies of the world. notwithstanding the so-called constitution which is a mere cloak for absolutism, the monarch in austria is emperor by "divine right" alone, and is the absolute master of his subject peoples in virtue of his privileged position which confers on him an inexhaustible amount of power and influence. the internal as well as the foreign policy of the monarchy is directed in the real or supposed interests of the dynasty. the principle _divide et impera_ is its leading idea in internal politics, and the increase of dynastic power in foreign policy. the question of war and peace is decided by the emperor, to whom it also appertains to order matters concerning the management, leadership and organisation of the whole army. and though in hungary the power of the monarch largely depends on the budapest parliament, yet even here the constitutional power of the dynasty is enormous, the king of hungary being a governing and legislative factor by no means inferior to that of the parliament. even when attempts were made at enfranchising the masses (as in and finally in ), the motive again was purely dynastic. such constitutional measures as were taken, only strengthened racial dissensions and were equally insincere and inefficient. the present constitution of , as well as the previous constitutions of , and , was granted by the crown, to whom it was reserved to reverse or modify the same. the parliament is absolutely powerless in austria. it is a mere cloak for absolutism, since the famous paragraph provides for absolutist government by means of imperial decrees without parliament in case of emergency. the dynasty took ample advantage of this clause during the first three years of this war when absolutism and terrorism reigned supreme in the dual monarchy. while since up to the beginning of the war imperial decrees had been issued, fully have been passed during the first three years of the present war. the arbitrary power of the dynasty is based: upon the organisation of the army, the leadership of which is entrusted to the germans; upon the feudal aristocracy who are the only real austrians, since they have no nationality, though they invariably side with the dominant germans and magyars; upon the power of the police who form the chief instrument of the autocratic government and who spy upon and terrorise the population; upon the german bureaucrats who do not consider themselves the servants of the public, but look upon the public as their servant, and whose spirit of meanness and corruption is so characteristic of the austrian body politic; finally, the dynasty relies upon the catholic hierarchy who hold vast landed property in austria and regard it as the bulwark of catholicism, and who through clericalism strive for political power rather than for the religious welfare of their denomination. in alliance with them are the powerful jewish financiers who also control the press in vienna and budapest. clearly austria is the very negation of democracy. it stands for reaction, autocracy, falsehood and hypocrisy, and it is therefore no exaggeration to say that nobody professing democratic views can reasonably plead for the preservation of this system of political violence. when we remember the enormous power of the dynasty and the political system which supports it, we understand why in the past austria has always played the part of the most reactionary, autocratic and tyrannic state in europe. hopes have indeed been expressed by some austrophils in the good-will of the new austrian emperor on account of his amiable character. the slavs have ample reason to distrust the habsburgs who have proved to be treacherous autocrats in the past, and whose records show them as an incapable and degenerate family. as a political power kaiser karl is the same menace to his subject slavs as his predecessors. above all, however, he is of necessity a blind tool in the hands of germany, and he cannot possibly extricate himself from her firm grip. the habsburgs have had their chance, but they missed it. by systematic and continuous misgovernment they created a gulf between the slavs and themselves which nothing on earth can remove. every habsburg believes he has a "mission" to fulfil. the only mission left for kaiser karl is to abdicate and dissolve his empire into its component parts. there is no reason whatever why austria should be saved for the sake of the degenerate and autocratic habsburg dynasty. . let us now examine the much misunderstood racial problems of the dual monarchy. there is no austrian nation, since there is no austrian language. austria is a mere geographical expression. in fact the slavs, constituting the majority of austrian subjects, would think it an insult to be called austrians. during the war they have been treated as subjects of an enemy state, and to-day they have no part or lot with austria. the czech statesman rieger once declared that when the slavs no longer desired the existence of austria, no one would be able to save her. and indeed, the claims raised by the majority of austria's population to-day mean the death warrant of the dual monarchy. to get a clear idea of the racial issue, we will quote the official austrian statistics, which tell us that in austria-hungary there are: austria. hungary. bosnia. total. slavs: million. million. million. million. million. czecho-slovaks . -- . yugoslavs . . poles -- -- ruthenes . . -- -- . latins: italians . -- -- . rumanians . . -- . -- germans -- magyars -- -- others . . -- . . . . thus it appears that the slavs alone (without italians and rumanians) form about per cent. of the total population. the germans form only per cent. of the population of austria-hungary, while in hungary proper the dominant magyars do not form quite per cent. of the population. the predominance of the german and magyar minorities is apparent not only from the fact that they hold the reins of government, but also from their unfair proportional representation in both parliaments. thus instead of seats out of in the reichsrat the slavs hold only , while the germans hold instead of . by gaining polish votes in return for temporary concessions, the germans have thus always been in the majority in the reichsrat in the past. in hungary the proportion is still more unjust. the magyars hold seats instead of in the parliament of budapest out of the total number of , while the non-magyars, entitled according to their numbers to seats, have in reality only five representatives in the "democratic" parliament of budapest. all the above calculations are based upon official statistics which are grossly exaggerated in favour of the germans and magyars. the picture would be still more appalling if we took into consideration the actual number of the slavs. the austrian census is not based upon the declaration of nationality or of the native language, but upon the statement of the "language of communication" ("umgangsprache"). in mixed districts economic pressure is brought against the slavs, who are often workmen dependent upon german masters and bound to declare their nationality as german for fear they should lose their employment. from private statistics it has been found that the percentage of germans in bohemia can hardly exceed per cent, as against per cent, given by the official census. still greater pressure is brought to bear against the slavs by the magyars in hungary, who are famous for the brutal methods in which they indulge for the purpose of shameless falsification of their official statistics. thus the actual strength of the rival races of austria-hungary may with every justification be estimated as follows: slavs: czecho-slovaks million \ yugoslavs - / " | > million poles " | ruthenes - / " / latins: italians million \ > " rumanians " / germans " \ > " magyars " / others " __________________________ million . the rule of the german-magyar minority over the slav and latin majority, finally established by the introduction of dualism in , was made possible only by the demoralising system of violence described above. one race was pitted against the other in austria and this enabled the germans to rule them better, while the magyars in hungary, by keeping their subject races in the darkness of ignorance and by using the most abominable methods of violence, succeeded in securing for themselves the entire monopoly of government. the magyars, who are a race of asiatic origin, are truly the faithful descendants of the ancient huns, and true allies of the huns of to-day. when kossuth came to england in , he was hailed as the champion of freedom and liberty, and entranced his audiences in london and other english cities by his remarkable oratory. as a matter of fact kossuth, though called "the father of the magyars," was himself a denationalised slovak; instead of a "champion of liberty," he might with much greater justification have been called the champion of the greatest racial tyranny in europe. for even then, while fighting for their own liberty and for the independence of hungary, the magyars denied the most elementary political and national rights to the other peoples living in hungary. in there were , , slovaks in hungary according to the official census. these two million slovaks had only two deputies (dr. blaho and juriga), while the , , magyars had seats, so that every slovak deputy represented one million electors, every magyar deputy, however, , . as regards administration, all civil service officials in hungary have to be of magyar nationality. the cases of persecution for political offences are innumerable: slovak candidates were prevented from being elected by being imprisoned. corruption and violence are the two main characteristics of all elections in "democratic" hungary. even to-day when some radicals in budapest talk of electoral reform, they want suffrage to be extended to magyar electors only, and also stipulate that the candidates shall be of magyar nationality. no magyar politicians will ever abandon the programme of the territorial integrity of hungary, their aims being expressed in the words of koloman tisza: "for the sake of the future of the magyar state it is necessary for hungary to become a state where only magyar is spoken. to gain the slovaks or to come to a compromise with them is out of the question. there is only one means which is effective--extirpation!" and this aim the magyars have faithfully kept before them for at least the last hundred years. in the same way also the economic development of the non-magyar nationalities has been systematically hampered, because the magyars know that economic dependence means also political subservience. the slovaks and rumanians are not allowed to found co-operative societies or banks on the ground that such institutions "are opposed to the interests of the elements which hold the magyar state together." but it is not only the non-magyars who suffer. the magyar working classes and the majority of the magyar country people themselves are deprived of political rights, for hungary is ruled by an oligarchy and scarcely per cent. of the population has the suffrage right. we may say, therefore, without exaggeration that to-day hungary is the most reactionary country of europe. nowhere else (not even in prussia) have the people so little power as in hungary, where the socialists have not a single seat in parliament. the "politics" in hungary are the privilege of a few aristocrats. hungary is a typical oligarchic and theocratic state. when the magyars plead to-day for "peace without annexations" and for the integrity of hungary, they want to be allowed to continue to oppress and systematically magyarise the slavs and rumanians of hungary. the triumphant allied democracies will not, however, stoop before autocratic hungary. the dismemberment of hungary, according to the principle of nationality, is a _sine qua non_ of a permanent and just peace in europe. . the four strongest races in austria-hungary, then, are the germans, magyars, czecho-slovaks and yugoslavs, numbering from eight to ten million each. the austrian germans and the magyars occupy the centre, while the czecho-slovaks inhabit the north (bohemia, moravia, silesia and slovakia), and the yugoslavs ten provinces in the southern part of the monarchy. in order to facilitate german penetration and domination and to destroy the last remnants of bohemia's autonomous constitution, the austrian government attempted, by the imperial decree of may , , to dismember bohemia into twelve administrative districts with german officials at the head, who were to possess the same power to rule their respective districts as had hitherto appertained only to the governor (statthalter) of bohemia, legally responsible to the bohemian diet. but not only are the czecho-slovaks and yugoslavs divided between both halves of the monarchy and among numerous administrative districts which facilitate german penetration. dissensions were fomented among the different parties of these two nations and religious differences exploited. the yugoslavs, for instance, consist of three peoples: the serbs and croats, who speak the same language and differ only in religion and orthography, the former being orthodox and the latter catholic; and the slovenes, who speak a dialect of serbo-croatian and form the most western outpost of the yugoslav (or southern slav) compact territory. it was the object of the austrian government to exploit these petty differences among yugoslavs so as to prevent them from realising that they form one and the same nation entitled to independence. at the same time austria has done all in her power to create misunderstandings between the slavs and italians, just as she tried to create dissensions between poles and ruthenes in galicia, and between poles and czechs in silesia, well knowing that the dominant races, the germans and magyars, would profit thereby. fortunately the war has opened the eyes of the subject peoples, and, as we shall show later on, to-day they all go hand in hand together against their common enemies in berlin, vienna and budapest. ii austria-hungary and the present war in order to understand fully what is at stake in this war and why the slavs are so bitterly opposed to the further existence of austria-hungary, it is necessary to study the foreign policy of the central powers during the past century. the "deepened alliance" concluded between germany and austria-hungary in may, , resulting in the complete surrender of austria's independence, is in fact the natural outcome of a long development and the realisation of the hopes of mitteleuropa cherished by the germans for years past. the scares about the dangers of "pan-slavism" were spread by the germans only in order to conceal the real danger of pan-germanism. . the original theory of pan-germanism was the consolidation and unity of the whole german nation corresponding to the movement of the italians for national unity. in fact it was a german, herder, who first proclaimed the principle of nationality and declared the nation to be the natural organ of humanity, as opposed to the idea of the state as an artificial organisation: "nothing seems to be so opposed to the purpose of government as an unnatural extension of territory of a state and a wild confusion of holding different races and nations under the sway of a single sceptre." it was this humanitarian philosophy recognising the natural rights of all nations, great or small, to freedom which inspired the first czech regenerators such as dobrovský, jungman and kollár. the legitimate claims of the germans to national unity became unjust and dangerous for europe when the germans began to think of subduing the whole of central europe to their hegemony, which meant the subjugation of some million slavs and latins. at first it was austria which, as the head of the former holy roman empire, and the traditional bulwark of germany in the east (osterreich--an eastern march), aspired to be the head of the pan-german empire. at the congress of vienna in , the austrian emperor became the head of the german confederation. prussia at that time entirely gave way and left the leadership to metternich's system of absolutism. by and by, it became obvious that austria was, on account of her non-german population, internally weak, condemned to constant employment of violence and reaction, and therefore unfit to stand at the head of a strong modern pan-germany. prussia therefore, as the greatest of the homogeneous german states, became austria's rival and was accepted by the frankfurt assembly as the leader of the confederation. the rivalry between austria and prussia ended in , when after austria's defeat the clever diplomacy of bismarck turned the rivalry between austria and prussia into friendship. since the germans in austria began to feel their impotence in the face of the growing slav power, a year later the centralising efforts of the habsburgs were finally embodied in the system of dualism which gave over the slavs and italians in austria to german hegemony and the slavs and rumanians in hungary to magyar tyranny. for the support of this hegemony the austrian germans and magyars, whose ambitions are identical with those of germany, were entirely dependent on berlin. thus austria-hungary became inevitably germany's partner and vanguard in the south-east. finally, the present war was started by the germans and magyars with the object of achieving the ambitious plans preached and expounded by pan-german writers for years past. the germans wanted at all costs to become the masters of central europe, to build an empire from berlin to bagdad, and finally to strike for world domination. . in this turn of events magyar influence played a greater part than might be thought. already in kossuth defined the hungarian foreign policy as follows:-- "the magyar nation is bound to maintain the most cordial relations with the free german nation and help it in safeguarding western civilisation." and while the hungarian slavs were prohibited from attending the pan-slav congress held in prague in , the magyars sent two delegates to frankfurt in order to give practical expression to the above magyar policy. the value of hungary for the pan-german plans has been expressed by friedrich list who, in , dreamt of "a powerful oriental german-magyar empire," and declared: "the way towards the realisation of this plan runs through hungary, and while without hungary we can do nothing, with her aid we can do everything. hungary is for germany the clue to turkey and the near east, and at the same time a bulwark against a superior power from the north." the magyars realised from the beginning the importance of an understanding between themselves and prussia, and they directed their foreign policy accordingly. the setting up of dualism in , which finally established the german-magyar hegemony in austria-hungary in the interests of prussia, was the work of two magyars--julius andrassy and francis deak, who took advantage of austria's defeat at sadova to further their interests. in , when vienna contemplated revenge against prussia, the magyars again intervened in favour of prussia. when questioned as to hungary's attitude, andrassy, then premier, declared in the hungarian parliament that under no circumstances would he allow any action against prussia, and exerted all his influence in vienna to that effect. it was also due mainly to magyar influence that all attempts of the czechs to weaken german influence in austria were frustrated. francis joseph always promised to be crowned king of bohemia when he wished to placate the czechs in times of stress for austria: in , , and . but he never carried out his promises. in this he was guided not only by considerations of dynastic interest, but also by the advice of the magyars. but the most decisive and fateful exercise of magyar influence upon austria's foreign policy occurred in , when the austro-german alliance was finally concluded. this was equally the work of bismarck, who spared the defeated austria in order to make an ally of her, and of a magyar--count andrassy--who from to was the austro-hungarian foreign minister. it was this magyar help which made bismarck utter words of gratitude and declare in : "our political judgment leads us to the conviction that german and magyar interests are inseparable." it is true that there always was a magyar opposition against austria (though never against prussia). but this opposition was used as a weapon to extort concessions from austria. at the bottom of their hearts, however, the austrian germans were always at one with the magyars in their common desire to oppress the slavs. and the responsibility of count tisza for the present world catastrophe is just as great as that of the kaiser himself. . the czechs saw clearly the progress of events. bismarck was well aware of the importance of bohemia, for he declared that the master of bohemia would become the master of europe. he did not desire to annex any austrian territory, since he knew that sooner or later germany would swallow the whole of austria, as she has done in this war. indeed, at the congress of berlin in , bismarck did not conceal his intention of using austria-hungary in germany's interests. at the bottom of his heart he was at one with the radical pan-german writers, like lagarde, treitschke, mommsen, naumann and others, who openly declared that the slavs should be subjugated and the czechs, as the most courageous and therefore the most dangerous of them, crushed. the slavs always bitterly opposed the encroachments of germanism, and saw in it their chief enemy. the czech leader palacký rejected the invitation to frankfurt in and summoned a slav congress to prague. it is true that palacký at that time dreamt of an austria just to all her nations. he advocated a strong austria as a federation of nations to counterbalance pan-germanism. yet at the same time palacký has proved through his history and work that bohemia has full right to independence. he was well aware that a federalistic and just austria would have to grant independence to the czecho-slovaks. but later on he gave up his illusions about the possibility of a just austria, when he saw that she abandoned the slavs entirely to german-magyar hegemony, and declared that bohemia existed before austria and would also exist after her. in he wrote: "i myself now give up all hope of a long preservation of the austrian empire; not because it is not desirable or has no mission to fulfil, but because it allowed the germans and magyars to grasp the reins of government and to found in it their racial tyranny." exasperated by the pact of dualism which the czechs never recognised, palacký went to moscow and on his return declared: "i have already said that i do not cherish any hopes of the preservation of austria, especially since the germans and magyars made it the home of their racial despotism; the question therefore as to what will happen to the slavs hitherto living in austria is not without significance. without attempting to prophesy future events which for a mortal man it is difficult to foreshadow, i may say from my inner conviction that the czechs as a nation, if they fell under the subjection of either russia or prussia, would never rest contented. it would never fade from their memory that according to right or justice they should be ruled by themselves, that is by their own government and by their own sovereign. they would regard the prussians as their deadly enemies on account of their germanising rage. but as to the russians, the czechs would regard them as their racial brothers and friends; they would not become their faithful subjects, but their true allies and, if need be, vanguards in europe." moreover, modern czech politicians always clearly saw what the germans were aiming at. dr. kramár, for instance, foresaw the present situation with remarkable perspicacity. in the _revue de paris_ for february, , he wrote on "the future of austria," declaring that her subject nationalities should be on guard lest she should become a vassal of germany and a bridge for german expansion into asia: "the austrian germans wish to see austria subordinated to german policy, and with the help of a subordinated austria, the sphere of german political and economic activity would extend from hamburg to asia minor." similarly also he warned great britain in the _national review_ for october, , that if pan-german plans were realised, "austria would become an appanage of germany as regards international relations, and the policy of europe would be obliged to reckon, not with a free and independent austria, but, owing to austria's unconditional self-surrender, with a mighty, almost invincible germany.... the pan-germans are right, the czechs are an arrow in the side of germany, and such they wish to and must and will remain. their firm and unchangeable hope is that they will succeed in making of themselves an impenetrable breakwater. they hope for no foreign help; they neither wish for it nor ask for it. they have only one desire, namely, that non-german europe may also at last show that it understands the meaning of the bohemian question." in dr. kramár wrote again in detail on the plans of german domination in central europe, in the adriatic and in the near east. in a book on czech policy he declared that to prevent the realisation of these plans was the vital interest of the czech nation: "a far-seeing austrian policy should see in the czech nation the safeguard of the independence of the state." and then followed the famous passage which formed part of the "evidence" quoted against him during his trial for high treason: "if austria-hungary continues her internal policy by centralising in order to be better able to germanise and preserve the german character of the state, if she does not resist all efforts for the creation of a customs and economic union with germany, the pan-german movement will prove fatal for her. to preserve and maintain a state the sole ambition of which was to be a second german state after germany, would be superfluous not only for the european powers, but also for the non-german nations of europe. _and if, therefore, a conflict should break out between the german and the non-german world and the definite fate of austria should be at stake, the conflict would surely not end with the preservation of austria_." and on november , , he admitted that his former hopes for the destruction of the austro-german alliance and a rapprochement between austria and russia proved to be in vain: "... _i had an aim in life and a leading idea. the events of the annexation crisis have proved calamitous for the policy which i followed all my life_. i wished to do everything which lay within the compass of my small powers, to render my own nation happy and great in a free, powerful and generally respected austria ... _i have always resented the fact that when they talked about austria people really meant only the germans and magyars, as if the great majority of slavs upon whom rest the biggest burdens did not exist_. but now--and no beautiful words can make me change my opinion on that point--an entirely independent policy has become unthinkable, because the only path which remains open to vienna leads by way of berlin. berlin will henceforward direct our policy." . to offer any proofs that the present war was deliberately planned and provoked by the governments of berlin, vienna and budapest seems to me superfluous. who can to-day have any doubt that austria wilfully provoked the war in a mad desire to crush serbia? who can doubt that austria for a long time entertained imperialist ambitions with respect to the balkans which were supported by berlin which wished to use austria as a "bridge to the east"? no more damning document for austria can be imagined than prince lichnowsky's memorandum. he denounces austria's hypocritical support of the independence of albania. in this respect he holds similar views to those expressed in the austrian delegations of by professor masaryk, who rightly denounced the austrian plan of setting up an independent albania on the plea of "the right of nationalities" which austria denied her own slavs. professor masaryk rightly pointed out at that time that an outlet to the sea is a vital necessity for serbia, that the albanians were divided into so many racial, linguistic and religious groups and so uncivilised that they could not form an independent nation, and that the whole project was part and parcel of austria's anti-serbian policy and her plans for the conquest of the balkans. prince lichnowsky admits that an independent albania "had no prospect of surviving," and that it was merely an austrian plan for preventing serbia from obtaining an access to the sea. he apparently disagrees with the idea of "the power of a ruling house, the dynastic idea," but stands up for "a national state, the democratic idea." that in itself seems to indicate that he is in favour of the destruction of austria and its substitution by new states, built according to the principle of nationality. he admittedly disagrees with the views of vienna and budapest, and criticises germany's alliance with austria, probably knowing, as a far-sighted and well-informed politician, that austria-hungary cannot possibly survive this war. prince lichnowsky frankly admits that the murder of the archduke francis ferdinand was a mere pretext for vienna, which in fact had resolved on an expedition against serbia soon after the second balkan war by which she felt herself humiliated. in scathing terms he denounces the triple alliance policy and thinks it a great mistake that germany allied herself with the "turkish and magyar oppressors." and though he says that it was germany which "persisted that serbia must be massacred," he makes it quite clear that it was vienna that led the conspiracy against europe, since on all questions germany "took up the position prescribed to her by vienna." the policy of espousing austria's quarrels, the development of the austro-german alliance into a pooling of interests in all spheres, was "the best way of producing war." the balkan policy of conquest and strangulation "was not the german policy, but that of the austrian imperial house." what better testimony is required to prove that austria was not the blind tool, but the willing and wilful accomplice of germany? iii czech political parties before and during the war the czech policy during the past seventy years has always had but one ultimate aim in view: the re-establishment of the ancient kingdom of bohemia and the full independence of the czecho-slovak nation. from the very beginning of their political activity czech politicians resisted the pan-german scheme of central europe. they preached the necessity of the realisation of liberty and equality for all nations, and of a federation of the non-germans of central europe as a barrier against german expansion. the chief reason for the failure of their efforts was the fact that they sometimes had illusions that the habsburgs might favour the plan of such an anti-german federation, although the habsburgs always mainly relied on the germans and magyars and could not and would not satisfy the czech aspirations. the czechs were greatly handicapped in their political struggle, because they had only just begun to live as a nation and had to face the powerful german-magyar predominance, with the dynasty and the whole state machinery behind them. moreover, the czechs had no national aristocracy like the poles or magyars, and their leaders lacked all political experience and all sense of reality in politics which was so marked in a state built on deceit and hypocrisy. they continually defended themselves with declarations about the justice of their claims, satisfied themselves with empty promises which austria has never kept, and cherished vain illusions of obtaining justice in austria, while austria was _via facti_ steadily depriving them of all their rights. on the other hand, it should be remembered that they were faced with a government that had the whole powerful german empire behind it, and that they had to struggle for freedom in a state where genuine constitutional government and democracy were unknown. the czech efforts to obtain some measure of freedom by struggling for democratic reforms were consistently opposed by the dominant germans. to-day, of course, the situation has greatly improved as compared with the situation seventy years ago. the czecho-slovak nation, through its own work and energy, is a highly advanced and economically self-supporting and rich nation, and in its struggle for a just resettlement of central europe it has the support not only of all the other non-german nations of central europe, but also of the entente on whose victory it has staked its all. the czecho-slovaks are resolved not to let themselves be fooled by austria any longer and claim full independence from berlin, vienna and budapest, which alone will safeguard them against the possibility of being again exploited militarily, economically and politically against their own interests for a cause which they detest. . although as early as the bohemian diet (then a close aristocratic body) demanded the restitution of the rights of the kingdom of bohemia, the political activity of the czechs did not really begin until when, on april , the emperor issued the famous bohemian charter recognising the rights of bohemia to independence. it was that year which marked the end of metternich's absolutism and in which revolution broke out in western and central europe, including hungary and bohemia. already at that time the czechs counted on the break-up of austria. havlícek, who in began to publish the first national czech newspaper, wrote on may , , when inviting the poles to attend the pan-slav congress in prague: "an understanding between us--the czecho-slovaks and the poles--would be to the mutual advantage of both nations, especially under the present circumstances when everything, even the break-up of austria, may be anticipated. i am sure that if the government continues to pursue its present policy, austria will fall to pieces before next winter and the czechs are not going to save her. the czecho-slovaks, poles and yugoslavs, united politically and supporting each other, will surely sooner or later attain their object, which is to obtain full independence, national unity and political liberty." it is characteristic of austria that during the present war she has prohibited the circulation of this article written seventy years ago. similarly, also, palacký in his letter to frankfurt, explaining why the czechs would not attend the pan-german parliament, made it clear that he had no illusions about the good-will of austria to adopt a just policy towards her nationalities: "in critical times we always saw this state, destined to be the bulwark against asiatic invasions, helpless and hesitating. in an unfortunate blindness this state has never understood its true interests, always suppressing its moral duty to accord to all races justice and equality of rights." at the pan-slav congress presided over by palacký, bakunin, the russian revolutionary, openly advocated the dismemberment of austria in the interests of justice and democracy, and proposed a free slav federation in central europe. the pan-slav congress, in which also the poles and yugoslavs participated, issued a manifesto to europe on june , , proclaiming the "liberty, equality and fraternity of nations." it ended prematurely by the outbreak of an abortive revolt in prague, provoked by the military, which resulted in bloodshed and in the re-establishment of reaction and absolutism. . in the first austrian parliament of , eighty-eight czech deputies formed a united _nationalist party_ (later on called the _old czech party_), led by palacký, rieger and brauner. they formed the right wing which stood for democratic and federalist ideals. the left was formed by the germans who stood for centralism and a close union with germany. only an insignificant number of germans formed the centre which stood for the preservation of austria. in october, , fresh troubles broke out in vienna, partly directed against the presence of the czechs. on november , the parliament was summoned to kremsier, in which the czechs, ruthenes, yugoslavs and some poles formed a slav _bloc_ of members. on december , francis joseph ascended the throne, and a constitution was proposed by a parliamentary committee of which rieger was a member. the proposal was opposed by the government, because it defined "the people's sovereignty as the foundation of the power of the state," and not the dynasty. on march , , the parliament was dissolved and a constitution imposed by an imperial decree. the _czech radical democrats_, led by fric, sabina and sladkovský, who already in stood for a more radical policy than that of the liberal nationalists led by palacký, now again thought of organising an armed revolt against austria. but the leaders of the conspiracy were arrested and sentenced to many years' imprisonment. after the austrian victories in italy and the collapse of the hungarian revolution, absolutism again reigned supreme. during the ten years that followed, bach tried, relying upon the army and the hierarchy, to centralise and germanise the empire. in january, , havlícek's _národní noviny_ was suppressed and later, also, three of the other remaining czech journals. palacký openly declared that he abandoned political activity and rieger went abroad. havlícek continued to work for the national cause under great difficulties, until he was arrested in december, , and interned without a trial in tyrol where he contracted an incurable illness to which he succumbed in . even as late as the czechs were not allowed to publish a political newspaper. . after the defeats at magenta and solferino in , austria began to see the impossibility of a continued rule of terrorism and absolutism. bach was obliged to resign, and on march , , a state council was summoned to vienna. bohemia was represented only by the nobility who had no sympathy with the czech national cause, and on september the rumanian delegate, mosconyi, openly deplored the fact that "the brotherly czech nation was not represented." the era of absolutism was theoretically ended by the so-called "october diploma" of , conferring on austria a constitution which in many respects granted self-government to hungary, but ignored bohemia, although formally admitting her historical rights. this "lasting and irrevocable constitution of the empire" was revoked on february , , when schmerling succeeded goluchowski, and the so-called "february constitution" was introduced by an arbitrary decree which in essence was still more dualistic than the october diploma and gave undue representation to the nobility. the czechs strongly opposed it and sent a delegation on april to the emperor, who assured them on his royal honour of his desire to be crowned king of bohemia. in the meantime dr. gregr founded the _národní listy_ in prague in november, , to support the policy of rieger, and in january, , the latter, with the knowledge of palacký, concluded an agreement with clam-martinic on behalf of the bohemian nobility, by which the latter, recognising the rights of the bohemian state to independence, undertook to support the czech policy directed against the centralism of vienna. the bohemian nobility, who were always indifferent in national matters and who had strong conservative and clerical leanings, concluded this pact with the czech democrats purely for their own class interests this unnatural alliance had a demoralising influence on the old czech party and finally brought about its downfall. the czechs elected two delegates to the parliament summoned for april , , while hungary and dalmatia sent none, so that the parliament had instead of deputies. in the upper house the czechs were represented by palacký. in the lower house the slavs, forming a united body, again found themselves in a hopeless minority which was absolutely powerless against the government. in june, , the czechs decided not to attend the chamber again, seeing that all hopes of a modification of the constitution in the sense of the october diploma were in vain. the government replied by depriving them of their mandates and by suspending the constitution in . a period of "sistierung," that is of veiled absolutism, then set in. . in the meantime, a new political group came to the front in bohemia, called the young czechs. the party was led by sladkovský, and had more democratic leanings than the old czechs. in the diet, however, the czechs remained united in a single body. the young czechs opposed the policy of passive resistance which the old czechs pursued for fully sixteen years, that is up to . the young czechs clearly saw that it enabled vienna to rule without the czechs and against them. the czechs, of course, still reckoned upon the break-up of austria, although, as we shall see later on, they failed entirely to profit from austria's difficulties in that period. in rieger openly warned austria: "those who direct the destinies of austria should remember that institutions based on injustice and violence have no duration. if you desire to save austria, the whole of austria, you must make justice the basis of your policy towards the slavs. do not then say that we did not warn you. _discite justitiam moniti_." in the same sense also palacký warned the government against dualism, pointing out that if it were introduced it would inevitably lead to the break-up of austria. seeing that austria did not listen to his warning, he later on declared that he no longer believed in the future of austria, and added: "we existed before austria, we shall also exist after her." the greatest mistake the czechs made was when in , after the battle of sadova, they thought that austria would cease to be the bulwark of pan-germanism and would do justice to her subject slavs, and thus become a protection against germany. it is true that austria did cease to be the head of the pan-german confederation, but instead of becoming a bulwark against prussia, she became her faithful ally and obedient tool. the czechs, who feared lest they should be annexed by prussia, failed to grasp the subtle plans of bismarck who in a short time succeeded in converting austria into germany's bridge to the east. when the victorious prussians entered prague in , they issued a proclamation to the czechs recognising their right to independence. this proclamation was probably drafted by the czech exile j.v. fric, an ardent democrat who fled abroad after the abortive revolution of . fric, who was a man of keen sense for political reality and a great friend of the poles, exerted all his influence with the czech leaders to proclaim bohemia independent, without an armed revolt, simply by means of a plebiscite, as he was aware that the masses were always thoroughly anti-austrian and desired nothing more than independence. he proposed to his fellow-countrymen to establish a monarchy, with some other dynasty than the habsburgs on the throne, preferably the youngest son of the italian king, victor emmanuel. even while peace negotiations between prussia and austria were going on, he conducted an active propaganda and distributed a proclamation all over bohemia in which he declared himself as "the deadly enemy of the habsburg dynasty and of austrian militarism and bureaucracy": "the hungarians are preparing, the yugoslavs are ready. let us come to a common agreement with them and we shall succeed. and when all the austrian nations have been freed they may form a great federation on the basis of international law which will be an example to europe. _a federation without the freedom and independence of the nations who form part of it is an empty dream. let him who desires a federation work for the independence of his nation first_. it is not a question of a revolution, it is a question of a public proclamation of the czech nation so that europe may realise that we live and what we want. europe will surely lend us a helping hand, but she expects us to ask for it. let us therefore, my brother czecho-slovaks, proclaim aloud, so that the whole world may hear us: '_we do not want austria because we realise that she not only does no good to us, but directly threatens our very existence. we are able to and want to maintain an independent state existence without austria_." unfortunately, however, the czech leaders at that time did not follow fric's advice and, as we have already pointed out, they fell into bismarck's trap. in november, , the bohemian diet uttered a warning against the danger of dualism, pointing out that bohemia had the same right to independence as hungary. relying upon the support of the other slav races of austria, the czechs declared they would never enter the reichsrat. in february, , beust concluded an agreement with hungary, and on december the "december constitution" was introduced. thus _dualism_ became a _fait accompli_. . exasperated by this step, the czech leaders visited moscow in the same year and fraternised with the russians, thus showing their hostility to austria. in they published an eloquent declaration, written by rieger, declaring that they would never recognise dualism and emphasising bohemia's right to independence. when francis joseph visited prague in the same year, people left the city in crowds, anti-austrian demonstrations were held throughout the country, and flowers were laid on the spot where prominent members of the bohemian nobility had been executed by the austrians in . vienna answered by fierce reprisals. baron koller was sent to prague where a state of siege was proclaimed. czech papers were suppressed, and their editors imprisoned. this only strengthened czech opposition. the passive policy of the old czechs gained popularity and the czechs did not even attend the bohemian diet. finally, when the franco-prussian war was imminent, the dynasty was forced to yield, and potocki began to negotiate with the czechs. meanwhile the czechs again entered the bohemian diet on the day of the battle of sedan, august , , and issued a declaration of rights with which also the bohemian nobility for the first time publicly identified themselves. on december , , the czechs (without the nobility) presented the imperial chancellor, beust, with a memorandum on austrian foreign policy, declaring their sympathy with france and russia and protesting against the annexation of alsace-lorraine and against an alliance of austria with germany. in february, , hohenwart was appointed minister president with the object of conciliating the czechs, and francis joseph addressed to them an imperial proclamation, called the "september rescript," in which he declared:-- "remembering the constitutional ('staatsrechtliche') position of the crown of bohemia and the glory and power which the same has lent to us and our ancestors, remembering further the unswerving loyalty with which the population of bohemia at all times supported our throne, we gladly recognise the rights of this kingdom and we are ready to acknowledge this recognition by our solemn royal oath." it is well known, of course, that francis joseph did not keep his word and was never crowned king of bohemia. . in answer to the rescript, the czechs formulated their demands in the so-called "fundamental articles," the main point of which was that the bohemian diet should directly elect deputies to the delegations. the _národní listy_ declared that the "fundamental articles" meant minimum demands, and that the czechs would in any case work "for the attainment of an independent czecho-slovak state, as desired by the whole nation." at this stage berlin and budapest intervened. the emperor yielded to the advice of william i. and andrassy, and signed an unfavourable reply to the czech address on october , . czech opposition was now openly directed against the dynasty. hohenwart resigned on october . in november, baron koller was again appointed governor of bohemia and repressive methods of administration were once more introduced. in elections were held, marked by violence and corruption. notwithstanding the passive resistance of czech deputies, the parliament continued to meet in vienna. in austria occupied bosnia and thus inaugurated the conquest of the balkans for germany. in count taaffe at last induced the czechs to abandon their policy of "passive resistance" and to enter the parliament in return for some administrative and other concessions, including a czech university. on september , the czechs, united in a party of fifty-two members, entered the reichsrat to maintain their protest against the dual system. . in parliament it became clear that the old czech party, now led by rieger, was inclined to be too conservative and too opportunist. in the young czechs left the national party and entered into opposition. their party grew steadily, and during the elections in gained a decided victory in the country districts. the old czechs finally sealed their fate when, in , they concluded an unfavourable agreement with the germans, called the _punctations_, to the detriment of czech interests and of the integrity of bohemia. this roused popular indignation throughout bohemia and brought about the complete collapse of the old czech party. at the same time the so-called _"realist" movement_ originated in bohemia, led by professor masaryk, professor kaizl and dr. kramár. it was not a separate party movement, but a philosophic effort for a regenerated democratic national policy. the realists demanded a practical, forward movement, such as would at last secure independence for the czechs. in the realists published their programme and joined the young czechs. this meant the end of the political career of rieger and the old czechs. . in parliament the young czechs inaugurated a radical anti-german policy. in they openly attacked the triple alliance, and in dr. menger called masaryk a traitor for his outspoken defence of the right of bohemia to independence. a _radical movement_ was also started at this time in bohemia, mainly by students and advanced workers of the young czech party, which called itself "omladina" (czech word for "youth"). its object was to rouse the young generation against austria. in anti-dynastic demonstrations were organised by the "omladina." a state of siege was proclaimed in prague and seventy-seven members of this "secret society" were arrested; sixty-eight of them, including dr. rasín, were condemned for high treason, and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. in professor masaryk, realising the futility of his efforts against the encroachments of germanism, resigned his mandate and devoted his energies to scientific and philosophical work. in , however, he founded a party of his own, with a progressive democratic programme. in the elections to the bohemian diet in , the young czechs gained eighty-nine seats out of ninety-five; in the moravian diet seventeen seats were held by the _people's party_, corresponding to the young czech party in bohemia, thirteen by the old czechs and five by the clericals. in badeni made an attempt at enfranchising the masses; seventy-two additional deputies were to be elected by universal suffrage. in these elections the young czechs again won in bohemia. in moravia the people's party concluded a compromise with the old czechs and gained fifteen seats, the socialists gained three seats and the clericals one. on entering the parliament the czechs again made a declaration of state right. in badeni, a pole, issued his famous language ordinances, asserting the equality of the czech and german languages in bohemia and moravia. the germans raised a fierce opposition, supported by the socialists, and the reichsrat became the scene of violent attempts on the part of the germans to obstruct sittings by throwing inkstands at the leader of the house and using whistles and bugles to make all proceedings impossible. badeni lost his head and resigned, and his decrees were rescinded. the dynasty, afraid of a repetition of german obstruction, gave the germans a completely free hand in all matters of government. . owing to the rapid cultural, economic and industrial development of bohemia, the czech party system began to expand. the _czecho-slav social democratic party_, founded in , began to acquire increasing influence. at first it was based on purely international socialism, and in it even opposed the national czech demands. later, seeing the duplicity of their german comrades who recognised the state right of finland and hungary, but not that of bohemia, and who openly preached the necessity of assimilating the slavs, the czech socialists began to identify themselves more and more with the national struggle for independence. they organised their own trade unions, which brought them into open conflict with the austrian socialists. this question was discussed at the socialist international conference at copenhagen in . it is, moreover, on account of these differences on nationality questions that the various socialist parties of austria have not met since . in april, , the _czech national social party_, led by klofác, was formed in opposition to the socialists. it was radically nationalist, and consisted mainly of workmen, as it was evolved from the workers' organisation in the young czech party. on january , , the _agrarian party_ was formed. it was chiefly composed of farmers and peasants. it defended the interests of their class and acquired considerable influence among them. in national matters it subscribed to the programme of bohemian independence, and its organs have during the present war adopted a courageous anti-austrian attitude. in the so-called _state right party_ was founded by some of the members of the former "omladina." it had a radical programme and stood uncompromisingly against austria, demanding independence for bohemia chiefly on the ground of her historic rights. in the elections of the united czech club gained fifty-three seats, the national socialists four and the agrarians five. but the real influence of the various new parties began to appear only in , after the introduction of the universal suffrage which deprived the young czechs of their predominance. the reichsrat elected in consisted of non-slav and slav members, of whom were czechs. the result of the election in bohemia, moravia and austrian silesia was as follows:-- agrarians social democrats young czechs national catholics radicals moravian people's party realists independent candidate. this result showed that the young czechs, owing to their deficient organisation, had lost ground, especially among the country population, which formed the bulk of the nation. among the workers socialist doctrines were spreading with remarkable rapidity. the parliamentary activity of the czechs soon revealed to them how vain were their hopes that a new era of democracy was dawning in austria. they soon found out that in austria parliamentary institutions were a mere cloak for absolutism and that all their efforts were doomed to failure. the czechs were strongly opposed to the annexation of bosnia. in professor masaryk gained a world reputation by his courageous defence of the yugoslav leaders, who were accused of high treason at zagreb (agram). during the friedjung trial it was again chiefly due to professor masaryk's efforts that forgeries of the vienna foreign office, intended to discredit the yugoslav movement, were exposed and the responsibility for them fixed on count forgach, the austro-hungarian minister in belgrade. professor masaryk clearly saw that austria aimed at the conquest of the balkans and intended at all costs to crush serbia. . in new elections to the reichsrat took place with the following result for the czechs:-- agrarians social democrats young czechs national socialists radicals clericals old czech socialist (centralist). the radicals (four moravian people's party, two state right party, one realist) formed a party of independent deputies with professor masaryk at their head. they demanded full independence for bohemia, some of them laying greater stress on her historical rights, some on the natural right of czecho-slovaks to liberty. the whole group of czech deputies stood in opposition against vienna with the exception of kramár, who tried to imitate the polish positivist policy in the hope of obtaining concessions in return. but, as we have already shown in a previous chapter, dr. kramár abandoned this policy even before the war, when he saw how completely austria was tied to germany. the bulk of the czech people were, of course, always solidly anti-austrian. during the balkan war the czechs openly showed their sympathies with their brother slavs who were struggling for liberty. the _clerical party_ had comparatively little influence and prestige. all their deputies (seven) were elected in country districts of moravia, where civilisation is comparatively less developed than in bohemia. in bohemia and in the more developed districts of moravia, people resist the efforts of the clergy to mix religion with politics. the three million slovaks in hungary, who speak a dialect of czech and who form with the czechs a single czecho-slovak nation, had only two deputies (dr. blaho and father juriga), and were without any influence in the budapest parliament. . although many czech politicians foresaw that austria's anti-serbian policy in the balkans and her increasing dependence on germany must lead to war, yet on the whole the czechs were not prepared for this contingency. the reichsrat was closed when war broke out, and the diet of bohemia had been replaced by an imperial commission in . war was declared by austria against the will of the slavs, and yet they did not dare to protest, as an organised revolution was impossible in view of the presence of german troops and of the perfect police spy system in austria. two german divisions would have been sufficient to suppress the best organised revolutionary movement in bohemia. the immediate effect of the declaration of war was the unity of the whole czech nation. one of the leaders, professor masaryk, escaped abroad, and is at the head of the czecho-slovak government, recognised by the allies as the trustee and representative of the czecho-slovak nation. political activity was of course out of the question until the reichsrat reopened on may , . before that date there was an absolute reign of terror in bohemia. some of the leading czech newspapers were suspended soon after the outbreak of the war. the few slovak papers published in hungary were suppressed at the same time. those newspapers which survived were subject to strict censorship and were compelled to publish leading articles written by government officials and supplied to them by the police. dr. kramár, one of the most prominent czech leaders, his colleague dr. rasín, and five national socialist deputies were thrown into prison, and some of them even sentenced to death. the effect of these persecutions was that all the czecho-slovaks became unanimous in their desire to obtain full independence of austria-hungary. old party differences were forgotten and some of the czech deputies who had formerly been opportunist in tendency, such as dr. kramár and the agrarian ex-minister prásek, now at last became convinced that all hopes of an anti-german austria were futile, that austria was doomed, as she was a blind tool in the hands of germany, and that the only way to prevent the ten million czecho-slovaks from being again exploited in the interests of german imperialism was to secure their complete independence. on entering the reichsrat on may , , all the czech deputies, united in a single "bohemian union," made a unanimous declaration that it was their aim to work for the union of all czechs and slovaks in an independent, democratic state. to-day dr. kramár is in complete agreement with the radicals who formerly were his most bitter opponents. in fact four czech nationalist parties (the young czech, realist, state right and moravian people's parties) united in february, , as a single body under the name of "the czech state-right democracy." the president of its executive is the former young czech leader dr. kramár, who was sentenced to death in , but released in july, . the executive committee of the new party included all the leaders of the four former parties, namely, dr. stránský, dr. herben, m. dyk, professor drtina, and others. in their proclamation published in the _národní listy_ of february , , the executive declared that: "the chief aim of the new party will be to engage in a common national effort for the creation of an independent bohemian state, the fundamental territory of which will be composed of the historical and indivisible crown-lands of bohemia and of slovakia. the bohemian state will be a democratic state. all its power will come from the people. and as it will come from the czech people, it will be just towards all nationalities, towards all citizens and classes." in a speech to the young czech party before its dissolution, dr. kramár openly declared that "at the moment of the outbreak of the war it became quite clear that, despite all tactics of opportunism, our party remained true to the programme of czech independence. it became at once evident to all of us that _the chapter of our former policy was forever closed for us_. we felt with our whole soul that the czech nation would not go through the sufferings of the world war only to renew the pre-war tactics of a slow progress towards that position to which we have full historical rights as well as the natural rights of a living and strong nation...." and again, in an article in the _národní listy_ of december , , kramár wrote under the heading "by order of the nation": "we have sought with utmost sacrifice to find a compromise between our just claims and the international situation which was unfavourable to us. the war has completely changed all our policy, removing the possibility of a compromise to which we might have been disposed, and we cannot once more roll up our flag now so proudly unfurled, and put it aside for the next occasion." as we shall show also later on, there is not the least doubt that the necessity for the independence of bohemia was proclaimed not by a few extremists, but by all the czech parties with the approval of the entire nation. when kramár in again took over the leadership of the young czech party, which led to the amalgamation of four nationalist parties, a change took place also in the leadership of the czech social democratic party which hitherto was in the hands of a few demagogues and defeatists, such as smeral, who dominated the majority of the members. the return of the socialist party to its revolutionary traditions and its entire approval of the bohemian state right and the national policy of czecho-slovak independence means a complete and absolute consolidation of the whole czech nation. as the social democrats became quite loyal to the czech cause, the national socialist party lost its _raison d'être_. owing to the great sufferings of the working class during the war, it became imbued with socialist ideas. on april , , the czech national socialist party held its eighth annual conference in prague, at which it adopted a resolution endorsing international socialism and changing its name to "the czech socialist party." the conference was attended also by two representatives of the czecho-slav social democratic party, j. stivin and deputy nemec. the national socialist leader, deputy klofác, welcomed the representatives of the social democrats "whom we have for years past been struggling against, but with whom the trials of this war have united us." he declared that his party accepted the socialist programme and would join the new socialist international. on september , , the executive committees of the two parties elected a joint council. its object is to work for the consolidation of the czech working classes and for the formation of a united czech labour party, composed of social democrats as well as of the former national socialists. a similar process of consolidation is taking place also among the other parties, so that soon there will probably be only three czech parties, on the basis of class difference, viz. socialists, agrarians and democratic nationalists (_bourgeoisie_), all of whom will stand behind the programme of full czecho-slovak independence. the most significant demonstration of the czech national sentiment took place at prague on january , , at a meeting of all the czech deputies of the reichsrat and of the diets of bohemia, moravia and austrian silesia, with which we deal in another chapter, and at which a resolution was unanimously carried demanding full independence and representation at the peace conference. finally, on july , , a national council or committee was formed in prague on which all the parties are represented and which may rightly be described as part of the provisional government of bohemia. the whole czech nation to-day is unanimously awaiting the victory of the entente, from which it expects its long-cherished independence. the czecho-slovaks are only waiting for a favorable opportunity to strike the death-blow at the dual monarchy. iv terrorism in bohemia during the war austria-hungary declared war not only on her enemies outside her frontiers, but also on her internal enemies, on her own slav and latin subjects. from the very first day of war terrorism reigned supreme in bohemia, where the austrian government behaved as in an enemy country. three political parties (the national socialist, radical and realist parties) were dissolved and their organs suppressed. fully three-quarters of all czech journals and all slovak journals were suspended. political leaders were arrested, imprisoned, and some of them even sentenced to death. many leaders have been imprisoned as hostages in case an insurrection should break out. over , czech civilians have been interned merely for being "politically suspect," and about were hanged in an arbitrary way by military tribunals, since juries had been abolished by an imperial decree. other slav districts were no better off: the polish socialist deputy daszynski stated in the reichsrat that , persons were hanged in galicia alone, and another deputy stated that the number of slavs (austrian subjects) who were executed by austria exceeded , . czech troops were marched to the trains watched by german soldiers like prisoners of war. thousands of them were massacred at the front. the property of those who surrendered was confiscated, while the families of those czech leaders who escaped abroad were brutally persecuted. it is impossible for us to give a detailed description of all the persecutions committed by austria on the czecho-slovaks, but the following is a brief summary of them:-- _(a) czech deputies and leaders imprisoned and sentenced to death_ the most important perhaps was _the case of dr. kramár,_ one of the most moderate of the czech leaders. dr. kramár was arrested on may , , on a charge of high treason as the leader of the young czechs; together with him were also arrested his colleague, deputy dr. rasín, mr. cervinka, an editor of the _národní listy_, and zamazal, an accountant. on june , , all four of them were sentenced to death, although no substantial proofs were produced against them. subsequently, however, the sentence was commuted to long terms of imprisonment, but after the general amnesty of july, , they were released. among the reasons for which they were imprisoned and sentenced to death were the following, as given in the official announcement, published in the austrian press on january , : dr. kramár before the war was "the leader of pan-slav propaganda and of the russophil movement in bohemia." he was also alleged to have kept up a connection with the pro-ally propaganda conducted by the czecho-slovaks and their friends abroad during the war, and the czech military action against austria on the side of the entente. dr. kramár was further blamed for the "treasonable" behaviour of czech regiments who voluntarily surrendered to russia and serbia, and for the anti-german sentiments cherished by the czecho-slovaks for centuries past. obviously in striking dr. kramár austria meant to strike at the czech nation. the "proofs" for the high treasonable activity of dr. kramár before and during the war were the following:[ ] ( ) dr. kramár was (before the war) in communication with brancianov, bobrinski, denis, masaryk, pavlu and others, who now preach the dismemberment of austria-hungary. ( ) in his articles in the _národní listy_, published during the war, dr. kramár advocated the liberation of small nations as proclaimed by the entente. his organ, "the _národní listy_, laid special stress on news favourable to our enemies and on the state of disruption of austria, and indirectly invited czechs to passive resistance." ( ) a copy of _la nation tchèque_ was found in dr. kramár's pocket at the time of his arrest. ( ) dr. kramár had a conversation with the italian consul in april, , which is "an important cause of suspicion." ( ) in a letter to the governor of bohemia, prince thun, dr. kramár admitted that, always faithful to his political principles, he refrained from everything that might appear as approval of the war. this was the evidence brought up against kramár, on the ground of which he was to be hanged. these are the "proofs" of his responsibility for the distribution of treasonable russian proclamations in bohemia, repeated manifestations of sympathy with the enemy, and the refusal of czech deputies to take part in any declarations or manifestations of loyalty. equally characteristic is also _the case of the national socialist leader, deputy klofác_, who was arrested in september, . owing to lack of proofs the trial was repeatedly postponed, while klofác was left in prison. a formal charge was brought against him only when the reichsrat was about to open in may, , so as to prevent him from attending the meeting. nevertheless he was released after the amnesty of july, . writing in the _národní politika_ about his experience in prison, deputy klofác says: "many educated and aged political prisoners were not allowed out to walk in the yard for five months or more, which is contrary to all regulations. they were also not allowed to read books given to them by the judge, and they had to do the lowest work. one student who refused to wash the floor was beaten and confined to a dark cell. no wonder that many committed suicide. dr. vrbenský could tell how he used to get excited by the cry of the ill-treated prisoners. even his nerves could not stand it. it is quite comprehensible, therefore, that dr. scheiner (the president of the 'sokol' union) in such an atmosphere was physically and mentally broken down in two months. dr. kramár and dr. rasín also had an opportunity of feeling the brutality of polatchek and teszinski. in the winter we suffered from frosts, for there was no heating. some of my friends had frozen hands. we resisted the cold by drilling according to the müller system. this kept us fit and saved us from going to the prison doctor, dr. a. prinz, who was a magyar and formerly a doctor in karlsbad. if a prisoner went to this 'gentleman,' he did not ask after his illness, but after his nationality, and for the reason of his remand imprisonment. on hearing that a prisoner was czech and on remand for par. _c_ (high treason), he only hissed: 'you do not want any medicine. it would be wasted, for in any case you will be hanged.'" besides klofác, the following four national socialist deputies were also imprisoned: choc, burival, vojna and netolický. the accused were condemned on july , , for "failing to denounce professor masaryk's revolutionary propaganda." _professor masaryk_, who escaped abroad in , was sentenced to death in austria in december, . unable to reach him, the austrian government revenged themselves on his daughter, dr. alice masaryk, whom they imprisoned. only after an energetic press campaign abroad was she released. a similar fate also met the wife of another czech leader, dr. benes, who escaped abroad in the autumn of and became secretary general of the czecho-slovak national council. _dr. scheiner_, president of the "sokol" gymnastic association, was imprisoned, but was again released owing to lack of proofs. a similar fate also met the czech social democratic leader _dr. soukup_, who was for some time kept in prison. _(b) monster trials, arbitrary executions, internment of civilians, etc_. a notorious reason for imprisonment, and even execution, was the possession of the so-called russian manifesto dropped by russian aeroplanes, being a proclamation of the tsar to the people of bohemia promising them the restoration of their independence. mr. matejovský, of the prague city council, and fifteen municipal clerks were sentenced to many years' imprisonment for this offence in february, . in may, , six persons, among them two girls, were condemned to death in kyjov, moravia, for the same offence. on the same charge also sixty-nine other persons from moravia were brought to vienna and fifteen of them sentenced to death. one of the czech girls who were executed for this offence was a miss kotíková, aged twenty-one, who, according to the _arbeiter zeitung_ of september , , refused to say from whom she had received the manifesto, and through her heroic attitude saved the lives of others. without a fair trial and without evidence, the editor of the national socialist organ _pokrok_ in prostejov, mr. joseph kotek, was sentenced to death on christmas eve of . the sentence was passed at noon, confirmed at half-past four and carried out at half-past six. as no one could be found to act as hangman, kotek was shot. the reason given for the verdict was that the accused editor of the _pokrok_, which was suppressed as being dangerous to the state, delivered a speech at a meeting of a co-operative society in which he said that all czechs were unanimous that they knew that austria was losing the war and that they prayed to god that her downfall might be soon. he was further alleged to have said that it was doubtful how europe would be divided after the war, but that in any case the czecho-slovak countries would be made independent as a wedge between germany and austria, and that if germany won the czechs would be germanised, like the poles in germany. the accused admitted that he did speak about the reorganisation of europe, but not in the words used by the prosecution. but, as the _arbeiter zeitung_ said, even if he did say what the prosecution alleged, as a civilian he should never have been sentenced to death by a military tribunal. according to czech papers, kotek was buried among ordinary criminals outside the cemetery. the grave of the innocent martyr was not even marked with his name, and his wife was not allowed to visit it, because the military authorities forbade the sexton of the church to allow any one to see the graves of those executed for high treason. _dr. preiss_, the manager of the czech bank, zivnostenská banka, which has its branches in galicia, rumania, serbia and elsewhere, and four of his colleagues were imprisoned, because the czechs would not subscribe to austrian war loans and dr. preiss had done nothing to induce them to do so. as regards the horrors of the internment camps, in which over , innocent czechs, men, women and children, were confined, we will only quote the revelations of the czech national socialist deputy stríbrný, who declared in the reichsrat on june , : "this war was begun by the austrian government without the consent of the austrian parliament, against the will of the czech people. "in bohemia, the most brutal cruelties have been perpetrated by the austrian authorities against the czech population. an anonymous denunciation suffices to bring about the arrest and imprisonment of any czech man, woman or child. thousands of czech citizens have simply been seized and placed in internment camps on the ground that their political opinions are dangerous to the existence of austria. "such prisoners were led away from their homes handcuffed and in chains. they included women, girls and old grey-haired men. they were conveyed from their homes to internment camps in filthy cattle trucks and were cruelly ill-treated with a strange persistence. on one occasion forty-three czechs, who were being conveyed to a camp of internment, were killed on the way by a detachment of honveds (hungarian militia) which was escorting them to their place of imprisonment. "the conditions under which the czechs were interned at the talerhof camp, near graz, were absolutely outrageous. they were beaten and tortured on their way there. immediately after their arrival many were tied to stakes and kept thus day and night in absolutely indescribable sanitary conditions. many were done to death by their guards. when the thermometer showed degrees of frost, old men, women and girls were left to sleep in the open air, and mortality increased amongst them to a frightful extent. two thousand unhappy victims of austria's brutal tyranny lie buried in the cemetery attached to the talerhof camp of internment. of these, died of epidemics." other information concerning the same camp of talerhof fully corroborates this statement. in a letter to his friends, a czech interned at talerhof wrote as follows: "many of my friends died from bayonet wounds; out of , at least, have so perished. the majority of us did not know why we were interned. many were hanged without a trial on mere denunciation. human life had no value for them. the soldiers had orders to strike us with bayonets for the slightest movement.... "we were covered with insects. one day an order was given that everybody should undress to be rubbed with paraffin. some ladies who objected were undressed by force before our eyes, since men and women slept together, and the soldiers rubbed them with paraffin. "a ruthene who protested against the ill-treatment of women, who were forced to do the lowest work, was bayonetted. he was lying for five days between two barracks more dead than alive. his face and body were all green and covered with lice and his hands were bound. then the austrian officers and soldiers ill-treated him till he died." in consequence of the general political amnesty, over , political prisoners in austria were released. thousands of them emerged from prison or internment camps reduced to mere skeletons by the systematic lack of food. according to reports published in the austrian press, one of the ukrainian prisoners, named karpinka, was left in solitary confinement without any fire in winter, so that his feet were frost-bitten and had to be amputated. a czech named jarý, who was condemned to twelve years' hard labour, came out with consumption contracted through the rigour of his imprisonment. many others were reduced to such weakness through starvation that they had to be carried out of the prison. (c) _persecution of the press_ among the czech journals suppressed in bohemia at the beginning of the war, the following deserve to be especially mentioned: _ceské slovo_, organ of the national socialist party; the editors have been imprisoned. _cas_ ("times"), organ of professor masaryk (realist party); the editors dusek and hájek were imprisoned. _samostatnost_, organ of the state right (radical) party; the editors were imprisoned or sent to the front. the _národní listy_ (kramár's organ) was twice suspended, and in may, , suppressed altogether because it "fostered sympathies for the entente." the _lidové noviny_, organ of dr. stránský (moravian people's party), was also several times suspended during the war. all socialist journals were suppressed except _právo lidu_ and _rovnost_. according to the _wiener zeitung_, seventy-eight czech journals were suspended during the months of april, may and june, , alone. all slovak newspapers were also suppressed. as regards censorship, we need only mention that even speeches delivered in the austrian parliament were censored in the press. the sense of the speeches delivered by allied statesmen was invariably distorted and declarations in favour of czecho-slovak independence were suppressed. foreign newspapers were not allowed to be quoted; and the journals were forced to publish unsigned articles supplied to them by the police.... the union of czech journalists declared on april , "we protest against the practice prevailing in prague as against means quite contradictory to the moral principles of modern journalism, as in prague the newspapers are forced to publish articles supplied by the official press bureau, as though written by the editor, without being allowed to mark them as inspired. thus the journals are not in reality edited by the editors themselves, but by the press institution of the state." the same union again protested on november , "after the victorious russian revolution which brought about also the opening of the reichsrat, the fetters binding the czech press were a little relaxed, but only for a short time, and to-day we see the same conditions prevailing in which we lived for the first three years of war. every free reflection in the czech journals is confiscated. they are even prohibited to publish articles which appeared in the german and austrian press. furthermore, they are again compelled to publish articles written by officials without marking them as such. they cannot even inform their readers correctly about parliamentary debates, _as speeches and interpellations delivered in parliament are suppressed_. we ask the union of czech deputies to protest again against this violation of parliamentary immunity, and to obtain a guarantee that in future the czech papers will not be compelled to print articles not written by the editorial staff and that the czech press shall enjoy at least the same freedom as the press in berlin, vienna and budapest." _(d) reichsrat interpellations_ to complete the picture of austrian terrorism, we will quote some of the interpellations addressed to the austrian government by czech deputies in the summer of . the czech deputies_ prokes, jaros and charvát_ (socialists) have demanded an explanation from the minister for home defence respecting czech teachers from moravia who were interned in , being suspected of disloyalty, although there was no charge made against them either by the civil or by the military authorities. they were first interned in lower austria and then in hungary, and had to do the hardest work. though the educational authorities reclaimed them they were not set free even to attend to the burials of their relatives. the only exception made was when one teacher was allowed to be married in vienna, and even then he was followed by the guard with fixed bayonets. in hungary the conditions were still worse, and many of these teachers died and many of them are still in hospitals. a long interpellation was addressed to the government by the czech deputies_ binovec, filipinský and stejskal_ (socialists) regarding the outrageous and inhuman treatment of the czech political prisoners. they mentioned a vast number of appalling instances of deliberate torturing and starving of the prisoners. all rights of the prisoners were suspended and they depended entirely on the will of the commander: many of these political prisoners were imprisoned together with ordinary murderers; they were not allowed to read books or to write letters; their families were not permitted to visit them or even to send them provisions from home, so they starved in prison. such cruel treatment did not affect only political prisoners but even people on remand, and it was nothing extraordinary for them to be imprisoned for years on remand only. the deputies asked whether the authorities wanted these prisoners to die from starvation. the most interesting document is the interpellation of deputies _stanek, tobolka and co_. on the persecutions against the czech nation during the war. the interpellation has been published as a book of pages which has been prohibited by austria to be sent abroad, but a copy of which we have nevertheless been able to secure. the following are short extracts from the volume: the behaviour of the austrian government towards the czech nation during the war "your excellency,--at a time when it proved impossible to continue to rule in an absolute way in this empire and when after more than three years the reichsrat is sitting again, we address to you the following interpellation in order to call your attention to the persecutions which during the past three years have been perpetrated on our nation, and to demand emphatically that these persecutions shall be discontinued. they were not done unintentionally or accidentally, but, as will be shown from the following survey, this violence was committed deliberately and systematically by the austrian government on our nation, which took the abominable view that the present war is the most suitable period for realising the plans and aims of german centralism in the habsburg monarchy by curing the czechs forever of all hallucinations about equality among nations, and about the glorious past of bohemia and her relationship with other slav nations. a general attack was made upon the czech nation during the critical situation created by the war: our participation in civil service was curtailed, german was made the official language of the state, the press was muzzled, schools persecuted, the sokol idea declared to be high treason, men distinguished for service in the state arrested, imprisoned, persecuted and sentenced to death, everything reminding the population of the famous past of bohemia removed, the ancient czech aspirations for political independence or even aims for a mere reorganisation of the habsburg monarchy on a federal basis were not allowed and were suppressed, even the name of the ancient kingdom of bohemia, which was the foundation stone to the habsburg monarchy in , was to disappear for ever. "the persecutions against our nation were very cruel indeed. "in the first place, _dr. kramár_ was attacked as the veritable leader of the czech nation. in return for his valuable services for this state and for his nation, in return for his endeavours to educate the czech nation towards realism in politics, he was recompensed by being arrested, imprisoned and sentenced to death, although a member of the delegations and therefore enjoying immunity. he was not brought up before the ordinary tribunal, but before a judge who was absolutely ignorant of czech or foreign politics, so that his condemnation might be assured. "the same fate also met his political friends, deputy dr. rasín and the editor of _národní listy_, v. cervinka. "incredible proceedings were taken against the deputy klofác. although being a member of the delegations and therefore enjoying immunity, he was arrested on september , , and has been imprisoned ever since. a charge was hurriedly prepared against him on may , , that is when the reichsrat was to be opened. both dr. kramár and klofác were prosecuted by the vienna court-martial under the direction of colonel gliwitzki and dr. preminger in such a way that no ordinary judge would dare to act. "the way in which the military tribunals treated the ordinary uneducated people is apparent from the following examples: "the tailor smejkal in vienna was sentenced to six months' hard labour for saying, 'the government does not want to give us czech schools in vienna.' "for saying, 'i do not know whether the emperor francis joseph was ever crowned king of bohemia or not,' a boy gardener named tesar was sentenced to six months' hard labour, which sentence was altered to sixteen months by the high court of justice (the poor boy died in prison). "the shoemaker's assistant hamouz, of vienna, sixty-seven years of age, ill and mentally stunted, served in his youth with the th regiment. he defended this regiment, therefore, by saying, 'it is a good regiment.' he was sentenced to six months' imprisonment. "private cepera from moravia was sentenced to three years' hard labour for saying, 'the german kaiser is responsible for the war.' "for saying that 'those of the th regiment are our "boys,"' gunner purs, of benatky, was sentenced to four years' imprisonment. he was sent in chains to the military prison in möllersdorf. "the wilfulness of military tribunals, culminating in many cases in apparent hatred against everything that is czech, is shown by the following, out of many examples: "the editor of _ceské slovo_, e. spatny, of prague, was arrested on september , , and interned in prague, without being told the reason. in march, , he was transferred to the internment camp at göllersdorf, in lower austria. the czechs interned there arranged on july a hus anniversary at which the editor e. spatny and dr. vrbenský spoke about the life and importance of hus. being accused by a certain fellow-prisoner, davidovský, that they had been speaking against the germans and that 'the speakers expected deliverance by a certain state but were disappointed,' they were transferred to the military prison in vienna, and charged with high treason according to par. _c_. the latter was discharged for want of proofs, but the editor spatny was sentenced to fourteen years' hard labour. "the sarajevo prisoners were not allowed to be visited by their relatives in contravention of the orders of the official statutes d . out of five of those prisoners, three have already died, the fourth is dying, and the last one, a student cubulic, was allowed a visit after two years when it became certain that the reichsrat would meet. "the extent to which starvation and inhuman treatment is raging in the state prisons is best shown by the conditions prevailing in the prison of möllersdorf. in the years - , prisoners died there out of to prisoners on the roll. between january , , and may, , prisoners were doomed to death. the majority belong to the sixth category of prisoners. the thieves, criminals and impostors, if they had served previously in the army, enjoy special treatment in möllersdorf prison. they wear civilian clothes, and are treated with consideration and well fed. on the other hand, political prisoners, especially those classed as second category, are dying from ill-treatment and insufficient nourishment. the judge, auditor a. könig, famous for his arbitrary verdicts against the czech people, was a solicitor's clerk in civil life, and now recommends to his wealthy defendants his vienna lawyer friends as splendid specialists and advocates in political matters. thus, for instance, he forced dr. glaser upon mr. kotik as the counsel. kotik was sentenced to death by könig, and glaser sent him a bill for , kronen (£ ) for the 'successful defence.' _the persecutions of the sokols_ "terrible persecutions were inflicted on the sokol gymnastic association during the war. the sphere of the sokols' activity does not touch political affairs at all, being reserved to gymnastics and spiritual education. their activity was public, open to official inquiries and supervision. but this did not save them from persecutions. the first persecution was already committed in in moravia, when some branches of the sokol association were dissolved for various reasons. numerous societies were afterwards dissolved throughout bohemia and moravia. "_on november_ , , _the central czech sokol association (ceská obec sokolska) was dissolved_ as the centre of the czech sokol movement, which before the war kept up lively relations with foreign countries and manifested brotherly feelings of sympathy towards serbia and russia. it was alleged that the central sokol association had had relations with the american sokol branches during the war through its president, dr. j. scheiner, and conducted an active propaganda against austria. the alleged relations were founded on a communication of the american branches to the president, dr. scheiner, asking him whether he would be willing to distribute money collected in america to people in bohemia afflicted by the war. dr. scheiner was arrested and kept in prison for two months. "very characteristic was the way in which the military authorities treated the members of sokol societies. in many cases soldiers, especially recruits, were questioned whether they belonged to the sokol association. the authorities searched for sokol badges or membership cards, and those who were found to have these in their possession were severely punished. the members of the sokol societies as long as they were in the army were invariably subjected to ill-treatment and persecution. they were transferred to do heavy work, and not recommended for promotion, and in every way treated more brutally than other soldiers. in the case of both civil and military trials, one of the most important questions asked, was whether the accused belonged to any sokol society, and if the accused did belong to a society this always went against him. _bohemian history_ "every possible means was employed to wipe out the memory of important events in bohemian history. not only were historical books (like lützow's _bohemia_ and others) confiscated, but even scientific lectures on john hus and the hussite movement were prohibited. the metal memorial plate with the names of bohemian lords executed in inscribed upon it was removed from the town hall, and that part of the square which showed the spot on which they were executed was ordered to be repaved. "in order to destroy the idea that the czechs are of slav origin, any use of red, blue and white colours was prohibited. varnishes in these colours were not allowed to be used. the street plates of pre-war times had to be repainted in black and yellow. newspaper posters, match-boxes and other articles were not allowed to be sold or exhibited, if they were painted in the slav tricolours. _the suppression of czech literature_ "more than two hundred books published before the war were confiscated. the tendency of this action was clear. the government wanted to destroy the memory of the glorious past of bohemia, of john hus and the hussite movement, of the suffering of the czech nation after the defeat of the white mountain, to restrict all progressive and liberal movements and to kill the 'sokol' idea, and further to destroy the consciousness that czechs and slovaks are the same nation and belong to the great slav family. the apostles of this idea were proclaimed traitors, especially dr. kramár, j.s. machar and others. these persecutions cover a great period before the war, and the following is a list of the books suppressed (follows a list comprising eleven foolscap columns). the government treated the czech nation with special brutality. the persecutions in bohemia were opposed not only to the liberal ideas of czechs, but especially to their national feelings. the anxiety of the censor for the safety of the monarchy often bordered on absurdity. the word 'shocking' was deleted from a play, for instance, because it was english. _henry iv_. was not allowed to be played 'until we reach a settlement with england,' and it was only when it was reported by the vienna and berlin papers that the prohibition was withdrawn. _persecution of the czech press_ "the czech press was persecuted in a peculiar manner. its editors were not allowed to receive papers from neutral countries and to express their own opinions as regards the propaganda of the czechs abroad. under threats of suppression of the journals and imprisonment of the editors, the journals were obliged to print and publish articles supplied to them by the police, without mentioning the source from whence they came. the articles had to be put in in such a way that they appeared as if they were the editors' views. the articles betrayed the low intellectual level of the authors who lacked any knowledge of czech affairs. such articles which the czech journals were compelled to publish were, for instance: 'in foreign pay,' published march , ; 'the czechs in america against masaryk's agents,' published in all czech papers on april , ; on january , , the article 'our answer to the quadruple entente.' "the police directorate ordered first that such articles should appear on the same day in all papers and in the same wording, but recognising the stupidity of such an action, they compelled only one journal to publish them and the others had to 'quote' from them. "preventive censorship was established and a number of articles were passed by the censor for publication in czech papers only when proofs were supplied that the articles had already appeared in some other journal in austria. _independent articles or reports were not allowed to be published_. the _národní listy_ was treated with special spite by the censorship. "_almost ninety important journals were suppressed by the government_, the majority of them without any apparent reason or justification. _the suppression of czech school and national literature_ "words, sentences or whole paragraphs in school books were found objectionable, since they were alleged to propagate pan-slavism and to encourage in the pupils hostile feelings against austria's allies. according to the official ideas about austrian patriotism, purely educational paragraphs were considered as wanting in patriotic feeling; not only literary but also historical paragraphs were 'corrected,' and official advice was issued as to how to write handbooks on patriotic lines on special subjects, as for instance on natural history, physics, geometry, etc. the foundations of all knowledge to be supplied to the pupils in the public schools had to reflect the spirit of the world war. "numerous folk-songs with absolutely no political tendency in them were confiscated, merely because they expressed the czech national spirit. all songs were suppressed which mentioned the word slav--'the slav linden tree'--the army or the allies. even if the publishers offered to publish new editions without the objectionable songs they were not allowed to do so, and were asked to put in more 'loyal songs' and to replace melancholy songs with cheerful ones. "in every secondary school a zealous library revision was started and many books were removed, so that these libraries lost all their value for the students. the czech youth must not know the principal works either of their own or foreign literature. certain libraries had to be deprived of some hundreds of books. all this happened at a time when the discussions here and abroad were taking place about the importance of raising the standard of knowledge of the educated classes. "the opening of czech minority schools has been postponed since the beginning of . consequently the czech school society must keep them up and pay the expenses in connection with them, amounting to a loss of more than two million kronen up till now. on the other hand, many german schools have been established in bohemia. "the steps which are being taken against czech schools in lower austria, especially in vienna, are not only contrary to the standing laws but also to the decisions of the ministry concerned. "we conclude by asking: "are the above facts of systematic persecution of the czech nation during the war known to your excellency? "is your excellency prepared to investigate them thoroughly? "is your excellency prepared to stop the persecution of the czech nation and the wrongs suffered by us through these proceedings? "_in vienna, june_ , ." [footnote : for the full text of this document see dr. benes' _bohemia's case for independence_.] v how the czecho-slovaks at home assisted the allies from the foregoing chapters it is clear that by continuous misrule and by the attempt to reduce the czecho-slovak nation to impotence through terrorism and extermination during this war, the habsburgs have created a gulf between themselves and their czecho-slovak subjects which can never again be bridged over. realising this, and seeing that since austria has voluntarily sold herself to berlin their only hope for a better future lies in the destruction of the political system called austria-hungary, the czecho-slovaks have from the beginning staked their all on the victory of the entente, towards which they have contributed with all possible means at their disposal. . since they could not think of revolting, the czecho-slovaks at home tried to paralyse the power of austria in every way. not only individuals but also czech banks and other institutions refused to subscribe to the war loans. their newspapers published official reports with reluctance, and between the lines laid stress on news unfavourable to austria so as to keep up the spirit of the people. czech peasants refused to give up provisions, and thus the czechs, who already before the war boycotted german goods, accelerated the present economic and financial ruin of austria. . politically, too, they contributed to the internal confusion of the dual monarchy, and to-day their opposition forms a real menace to the existence of austria. czech political leaders unanimously refused to sign any declaration of loyalty to austria, and they never issued a single protest against professor masaryk and his political and military action abroad. on several occasions they even publicly expressed their sympathies and approval of this action. for nearly three years they prevented the opening of the austrian parliament which would have been to their prejudice. only after the russian revolution, when austria began to totter and her rulers were apprehensive lest events in russia should have a repercussion in the dual monarchy, did the czechs decide to speak out and exerted pressure to bring about the opening of the reichsrat, where they boldly declared their programme, revealed austria's rule of terror during the first three years of war, and by their firm opposition, which they by and by induced the poles and yugoslavs to imitate, they brought about a permanent political deadlock, menacing austria's very existence internally and weakening her resistance externally. . but the most important assistance the czechs rendered to the allies was their refusal to fight for austria. out of , prisoners taken by serbia during the first months of the war, , were czechs. of these, , perished during the serbian retreat, and died of typhoid fever and cholera at asinara. the remaining were transferred to france and voluntarily joined the czecho-slovak army. over , czecho-slovaks surrendered voluntarily to russia whom they regarded as their liberator. unfortunately the old régime in russia did not always show much understanding of their aspirations. they were scattered over siberia, cut off from the outer world, and often abandoned to the ill-treatment of german and magyar officers. it is estimated that over thirty thousand of them perished from starvation. it was only after great efforts, after the russian revolution, and especially when professor masaryk himself went to russia, that the czecho-slovak national council succeeded in organising a great part of them into an army. finally, when austria desired to strike a death-blow at italy in , and began again to employ slav troops, she failed again, and this failure was once more to a large extent caused by the disaffection of her slav troops, as is proved by the austrian official statements. indeed, whenever austria relied solely on her own troops she was always beaten, even by the "contemptible" serbians. the czechs and other slavs have greatly contributed to these defeats by their passive resistance. it was only the intervention of german troops which saved austria from an utter collapse in , and which prevented the czechs from completing their aim of entirely disorganising the military power of austria. slav regiments have since then been intermixed with german and magyar troops. the slavs receive their ammunition only at the front, where they are placed in the foremost ranks with germans or magyars behind them, so that they are exposed to a double fire if they attempt to surrender. nevertheless, up to some , czechs out of a total of , in the austrian army surrendered to the allies. . from the very beginning of the war czech soldiers showed their real feelings. they were driven to fight against the russians and serbs who were their brothers by race and their sincere and devoted friends. they were driven to fight for that hated austria which had trampled their liberties underfoot for centuries past, and for a cause which they detested from the bottom of their hearts. they were driven to fight in the interests of their german and magyar enemies against their slav brothers and friends under terrible circumstances. in september, , the th czech regiment refused to go to the front until threatened by the german troops. the th czech regiment of pisek refused to march against serbia and was decimated. the th regiment revolted in the barracks and was massacred by german troops. the th regiment, which made an unsuccessful attempt to surrender to russia, was shot down by the magyar honveds. a similar fate befell the th and nd slovak regiments. on the other hand, many czech troops succeeded in surrendering. the th regiment of pilsen went over to the russians in a body half-an-hour after arriving at the front. soon after, the th regiment of prague surrendered _en masse_, having been "fetched" by the czechs fighting on the russian side. immediately afterwards the austrian commander-in-chief issued an order of the day in which he declared. "on april , , almost the whole of the th regiment surrendered without fighting to a single enemy battalion.... this disgraceful act not only destroys the reputation of this regiment, but necessitates its name being struck off the list of our army corps, until new deeds of heroism retrieve its character. his apostolic majesty has accordingly ordered the dissolution of this regiment, and the deposition of its banners in the army museum." and indeed "new deeds of heroism" did follow. a fresh battalion was founded composed of czech youths who were sent to the isonzo front and exposed in a dangerous position to deadly artillery fire. almost the whole battalion was thus unscrupulously wiped out. only eighteen of them survived. this was followed by a new imperial order saying that the disgrace of the th regiment was "atoned for" by the "sacrifice" of this regiment on the isonzo. as regards italy, over , czechs surrendered voluntarily on the italian front up to , and during the last offensive on the piave in june, . of recent cases we need mention only the "treachery of carzano," where, on september , , some czech officers went over to the italians, communicated to them the austrian plans of campaign and led them against the austrians whose front was thus successfully broken through. this incident was not the only one of its kind. it has been repeated several times by czech officers whenever they found an opportunity of going over to the italians. during the offensive of june, , the austrian press openly attributed the austrian failure to "czech treachery," asserting that the plan of the offensive was communicated to the italian headquarters staff by czecho-slovak officers. this the austrian military authorities themselves admitted later, when they published the following official statement, which appeared in the german press on july : "on the morning of june , we started a vigorous offensive on the whole front between the tyrolese mountains and the adriatic, with a power that can be attained only by complete co-operation of all the units and with an accurate execution and a common and uniform action. but, just at the beginning of the attack, it became apparent that the enemy were making a counter-attack according to a well-defined plan, as in the case of a projected vigorous offensive. it was also found out that the enemy was perfectly aware of the extent, the day and the hour of our attack. the intended surprise, so important for the success of an offensive, has thus failed. in due course italy also obtained, from documents which some deserters handed to the italian high command, information which gave her a sufficiently precise idea of our dispositions. english, french and italian officers and men captured by us declare unanimously that their regiments were advised on the evening of june that the austrian offensive would start at two o'clock on the following morning. "the exact time of the beginning of our offensive must have been betrayed by _yugoslav and czech deserters_. the enemy took steps against the bombardment by means of gas, which was expected. these steps later proved insufficient. as an example we may mention only the following facts: the battalion of bersaglieri received, at . on june , a quantity of ammunition at to cartridges per man. the pinerolo brigade took up fighting position at o'clock at night. an order, captured late on july , said: 'according to reports received, the enemy will commence early on june their bombardment preparations for attack. at midnight hot coffee and meat conserves will be distributed. the troops will remain awake, armed and prepared to use their gas-masks.' "for some time now the italian command have tried to disorganise our troops by high treasonable propaganda. in the italian prisoners-of-war camps the slavs are persuaded by promises and corruption to enlist in the czecho-slovak army. this is done in a way prohibited by law. their ignorance of the international situation and their lack of news from home, partly caused by italian censorship, are exploited by means of propaganda without scruples. an order of the th italian army corps ( prot. r. j.) of may , , refers to active propaganda by czecho-slovak volunteers with the object of disorganising the austro-hungarian army. the italian military authorities on their part deceive the czecho-slovaks by telling them of the continuous disorders and insurrections in bohemia. in the above-mentioned order it is asserted that in the corps to which it is addressed, as well as in other corps, some attempts of the czecho-slovak elements have been successful in causing confusion among enemy ranks. _some of our czecho-slovak soldiers deserted and went over to the italians_. others remained in touch with them and declared themselves ready to stay in our positions as a source of ferment for future insurrections. although the high treason miscarried owing to the heroic resistance which our troops, without distinction of nationality, offered to the enemy, it is nevertheless true that some elements succumbed to the treacherous enemy propaganda. "the gunner rudolf paprikar, of the machine gun section, according to reports of the th army corps jumped off the river bank into the piave below villa jacur and swam across under danger of being drowned. he betrayed the position, strength and composition of his sector, and through observation and spying, he acquired some valuable information by which our projected attack against montello was disclosed. further, he revealed to the enemy some very secret preparations for the crossing of the river piave, and also supplied him with plans of the organisation of troops, battery positions, etc. "the principal part in the treachery is attributed by the italian high command, not without reason, to lieutenant karel stiny of an infantry regiment, who deserted near narenta. it appears from the detailed italian official report in which his statements are embodied, that he betrayed all our preparations on the piave and provided the enemy with a great deal of most important information. let us mention further that stiny in his mendacious statements to the italian command about the austro-hungarian situation at the front and in the interior, followed the line of all traitors in order to appear in a favourable light. it is characteristic that in his declaration about our offensive he said that many austro-hungarian troops would have surrendered if it had not been for the german and bulgarian bayonets behind their backs. "_it is proved by various documents to what extent the czechs have forgotten their honour and duty_. by breaking their oath to austria and her emperor and king, they have also forgotten all those who were with them at the front, and they are responsible for the blood of our patriots and the sufferings of our prisoners in italy. the false glory which is attributed to them by the italian command, who have lost all sense of the immorality of these proceedings, cannot efface the eternal crime which history always attaches to the names of traitors." . we could give many proofs of the great service the czecho-slovaks rendered the allies by their surrenders. but for our purpose it will be sufficient to quote only some more admissions of the germans and magyars themselves. count tisza admitted that czech troops could not be relied upon, and count windischgrätz stated that the chief of staff dare not use them except when mixed with magyars and germans. deputy urmanczy declared in the budapest parliament on september , , that during the first encounters with rumania, a czech regiment retired without the slightest resistance, provided themselves with provisions, entered a train and disappeared. the men went over to rumania. he blamed the czechs for the austrian reverse in transylvania. on june , , when the case of deputy klofác was discussed by the immunity committee of the reichsrat, general von georgi, austrian minister for home defence, according to the czech organ _pozor_ of june , described "... the conditions prevailing in the army, especially the behaviour of certain czech regiments, and brought forward all the material which had been collected against the czechs since the outbreak of the war, and which had been used against them. he referred to the th and th regiments as well as to eight other czech regiments which had voluntarily surrendered to the russians. he mentioned also that czech officers, not only those in reserve but also those on active service, including some of the highest ranks of the staff, surrendered to the enemy; in one instance fourteen officers with a staff officer thus surrendered. czech soldiers in the russian and french armies, as well as in other enemy armies, are fighting for the entente and constitute legions and battalions of their own. the total number of czechs in the enemy armies exceeds , . in the prisoners' camps in the enemy countries, non-german prisoners were invited to join the enemy's ranks. czech legions and battalions are composed almost entirely of former prisoners of war. the minister further went on to describe the propaganda of the czechs abroad, the activity of czech committees in enemy and neutral countries, especially in russia and switzerland. he also mentioned the case of pavlu, a czech soldier, who in a russian newspaper described how he penetrated the austrian trenches in the uniform of an austrian officer, annihilated the occupants and after a successful scouting reconnaissance returned to the russian ranks. the minister described the attitude of the 'sokols' and the czech teachers. the tenor of his speech was that klofác is responsible for the anti-austrian feeling of the czech nation and that therefore he should not be released." when the russian offensive of july, , started, herr hummer, member of the austrian reichsrat, addressed the following interpellation to the austrian minister for home defence: "is the austrian minister for home defence aware that in one of the early engagements of the new russian offensive, the th austrian infantry division, which consists almost entirely of czecho-slovaks and other slavs, openly sided with the enemies of austria by refusing to fight against the russians and by surrendering as soon as an opportunity offered itself?" the most interesting document in regard to the attitude of czecho-slovaks during the war is the interpellation of ninety german nationalist deputies (schurf, langenhahn, wedra, richter, kittinger and others), of which we possess a copy. it contains large-size printed pages, and it is therefore impossible for us to give a detailed account of it. the chapters of this interpellation have the following headings: . the dangers of pan-slavistic propaganda. . the situation at the outbreak of the war. . motives for the arrest of kramár. . the behaviour of czechs in austria: _(a)_ demonstrations of czech national spirit in prague; _(b)_ czech school-books; _(c)_ czech officials; _(d)_ the activities of the "sokols"; _(e)_ what happened at litomerice and elsewhere; _(f)_ the czech attitude towards war loans; _(g)_ the zivnostenská banka and the war loans; _(h)_ the financial policy of the zivnostenská banka; _(i)_ the czechs and war emergency affairs; _(k)_ the czechs and the question of food supplies. . the anti-austrian attitude of czechs abroad: _(a)_ in france; _(b)_ in england; _(c)_ in russia; _(d)_ in america; _(e)_ in switzerland; _(f)_ the campaign of professor masaryk; _(g)_ the czech secret intelligence service. . the conduct of czech soldiers on the battlefield. . military consequences. . some recent documents. according to the _neue freie presse_ of june , , the austrian minister for home defence made the following important admissions in reply to the part of this interpellation concerning the czech contribution to the defeats of austria: "the th regiment, according to unanimous reports of the high command, failed to do its duty in may, , on the russian front, and thereby caused a heavy defeat of other detachments. this regiment was dissolved by the imperial decree of july , . "the unsuccessful fighting and heavy losses of the th division in the battle north of tarnopol between september and , , were caused by the weak resistance of the th regiment.... during the battles of june to july , , near zloczow the resistance offered by this regiment was weak. "as regards regiment no. of prague, according to the statement of regimental commanders, it appears that the whole detachment, without firing a single shot, was taken prisoner by a single enemy battalion, or rather was brought by that battalion from its position." and in this policy czech soldiers continue by surrendering voluntarily to the entente troops whenever they have the opportunity. vi the military and political action of the czecho-slovaks abroad when war broke out, the czecho-slovaks all over the world felt it their duty to prove by deeds that their place was on the side of the entente. the czecho-slovaks in great britain, france and russia volunteered to fight for the allies, while in the united states of america, where there are some one and a half million czecho-slovaks, they have counteracted german propaganda and revealed german plots intended to weaken the american assistance to the allies. . in france czechs, _i.e._ over per cent., entered the foreign legion and greatly distinguished themselves by their bravery. the majority of them have been mentioned in dispatches and received the military cross. they have also won five crosses and twenty medals of the russian order of st. george. their losses amount to more than per cent. further, many czechs living in great britain at the outbreak of the war joined the french foreign legion in france, and after his majesty's government allowed czechs to volunteer for service in the british army in the autumn of , practically all czechs of military age resident in great britain enrolled so far as they were not engaged on munitions. in canada, too, the czechs joined the army in order to fight for the british empire. the most important part was taken, however, by the czecho-slovak colonies in russia and america. in russia, where there are large czecho-slovak settlements, numbering several thousand, a czecho-slovak legion was formed at the outbreak of the war which has rendered valuable services, especially in scouting and reconnoitring. this legion grew gradually larger, especially when czech prisoners began to be allowed to join it, and finally, under the direction of the czecho-slovak national council, it was formed into a regular army. in september, , it had already two divisions, and in fresh prisoners joined it, so that it counted some , . in order to be able fully to appreciate this achievement, we must remember that this was an army of volunteers, organised by the czecho-slovak council without the powers of a real government. at the beginning of the war the czecho-slovaks not only had no government of their own, but not even any united organisation. and if we realise that to-day, after three and a half years of strenuous effort, the national council are recognised by the allies as the provisional government of bohemia with the right of exercising all powers appertaining to a real government, including the control of an army as large as great britain had at the outbreak of the war, it must be admitted that the action of the czecho-slovaks abroad was crowned with wonderful success. in russia the difficulties with which the national council had to cope were especially grave, and mainly for two reasons. in the first place, the czecho-slovak prisoners who voluntarily surrendered were scattered all over russia. it was extremely difficult even to get into touch with them. in addition there was a lack of good-will on the part of the old russian government. thus very often these prisoners, who regarded russia as bohemia's elder brother and liberator, were sadly disillusioned when they were left under the supervision of some german officers, and thousands of them died from starvation. nevertheless they never despaired. eager to fight for the allies, many of them entered the yugoslav division which fought so gallantly in the dobrudja. nearly all the czech officers in this division were decorated with the highest russian, serbian and rumanian orders. half of them committed suicide, however, during the retreat rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. it was not until after the russian revolution, and especially after the arrival of professor masaryk in russia in may, , that the czecho-slovak army in russia became a reality. the czecho-slovaks have been mentioned in russian official _communiqués_ of february , , and march , . the most glorious part was taken by the czecho-slovak brigade during the last russian offensive in july, , in which the czechs showed manifestly the indomitable spirit that animates them. since every czech fighting on the side of the entente is shot, if he is captured by the austrians, the czechs everywhere fight to the bitter end, and rather commit suicide than be captured by their enemies. for this reason they are justly feared by the germans. as in the hussite wars, the sight of their caps and the sound of their songs struck terror in the hearts of the germans and magyars. at the battle of zborov on july , , the czechs gave the whole world proof of their bravery. determined to win or fall, they launched an attack almost without ammunition, with bayonets and hand-grenades--and they gained a victory over an enemy vastly superior in numbers. according to the official russian _communiqué_: "on july , at about three o'clock in the afternoon, after a severe and stubborn battle, the gallant troops of the czecho-slovak brigade occupied the strongly fortified enemy position on the heights to the west and south-west of the village of zborov and the fortified village of koroszylow. three lines of enemy trenches were penetrated. the enemy has retired across the little strypa. the czecho-slovak brigade captured sixty-two officers and soldiers, fifteen guns and many machine guns. many of the captured guns were turned against the enemy." finally, however, when the russians refused to fight, the czechs had to retire as well. general brussiloff declared: "the czecho-slovaks, perfidiously abandoned at tarnopol by our infantry, fought in such a way that the world ought to fall on its knees before them." . the spontaneous and unanimous political action of the czecho-slovaks abroad became co-ordinated when professor masaryk escaped from austria and placed himself at the head of the movement. _professor masaryk_, the distinguished czech leader and scholar, whose name we have already mentioned in the preceding chapters, went to italy in december, , and although he desired once more to return to austria before leaving finally for france, he found it too dangerous, as the reign of terror had already been established in bohemia. he accordingly went to switzerland and afterwards on to france and england. in october, , he was appointed lecturer at the newly founded school of slavonic studies at king's college, university of london. mr. asquith, then prime minister, who was prevented through indisposition from presiding at professor masaryk's inaugural lecture on october , , sent the following message to the meeting: "i congratulate king's college on professor masaryk's appointment, and i can assure him that we welcome his advent to london both as a teacher--the influence of whose power and learning is felt throughout the slav world--and as a man to whose personal qualities of candour, courage and strength we are all glad to pay a tribute. we believe that his presence here will be a link to strengthen the sympathy which unites the people of russia and great britain." "first and foremost the allies are fighting for the liberties of small nations, to the end that they may be left in future free from the tyranny of their more powerful neighbours to develop their own national life and institutions. above all, to-day our thoughts and our sympathies are moved towards serbia, whose undaunted courage wins day by day our unbounded sympathy and admiration." during the lecture on the problem of small nations in the european crisis, professor masaryk outlined his political programme which he has ever since insisted the allies should adopt, to destroy the german plans of mitteleuropa. he declared: "great britain came into this war to protect little belgium, and now with her allies she is faced by the task of protecting serbia. this evolution of the war is almost logical, for germany's aim is and was berlin--bagdad, the employment of the nations of austria-hungary as helpless instruments, and the subjection of the smaller nations which form that peculiar zone between the west and east of europe. _poland, bohemia, serbo-croatia (the south slavs) are the natural adversaries of germany_, of her _drang nach osten_; to liberate and strengthen these smaller nations is the only real check upon prussia. free poland, bohemia and serbo-croatia would be so-called buffer states, their organisation would facilitate and promote the formation of a magyar state, of greater rumania, of bulgaria, greece and the rest of the smaller nations. if this horrible war, with its countless victims, has any meaning, it can only be found in the liberation of the small nations who are menaced by germany's eagerness for conquest and her thirst for the dominion of asia. the oriental question is to be solved on the rhine, moldau and vistula, not only on the danube, vardar and maritza." soon afterwards professor masaryk issued a proclamation signed by representatives of all czecho-slovaks abroad, the full text of which reads as follows: "we come before the political public at a moment when the retreat of the victorious russian army is exploited against russia and her allies. we take the side of the struggling slav nations and their allies without regard to which party will be victorious, simply because the allies' cause is just. the decision as to which party in this fatal struggle is defending the right, is a question of principle and political morality which to-day cannot be evaded by any honest and clear-thinking politician nor by any self-conscious nation. but we are prompted to step forward also by our vivid sense of slav solidarity: we express our ardent sympathies to our brother serbs and russians, as well as to our brother poles, so heavily struck by the war. we believe in the ultimate victory of the slavs and their allies, and we are convinced that this victory will contribute towards the welfare of the whole of europe and humanity. the spiteful anti-slav attitude of ferdinand the koburg and his government cannot retard the victory of a just cause. "the czech nation made an alliance with hungary and the austrian germans by a free election of a habsburg to the throne of the kingdom of bohemia in ; but the dynasty created through a systematic centralisation and germanisation a unitary absolutist state, thus violating their treaty guaranteeing the independence of the bohemian state within and without. the czech nation, exhausted by the european and habsburg anti-reformation, has only since the czech regeneration at the end of the eighteenth century been able to resist this violence. it was especially the revolution of which challenged it. "the revolution was crushed, and the secured rights of nations, especially of the czechs, were again sacrificed to absolutism which, however, was shattered by the war of , and replaced by an incomplete constitutionalism. then vienna gave way to the magyars. but the czechs had to content themselves with solemn promises that were never kept. the czech nation started a struggle of passive opposition. later on it also took an active part in the new parliament, but whether in parliament or in the diets, it always claimed its historic right of independence and struggled against the german-magyar dualism. the attempts made to come to an understanding were frustrated by the obstinate spirit of domination of the germans and magyars. "the present war has only accentuated the czecho-slovak opposition to austria-hungary. war was declared without the parliament being consulted: all other states presented the declaration of war to their parliaments for ratification, only the viennese government was afraid to consult its peoples, because the majority of them would have declared against the war. the representatives of the czech nation would have certainly protested with the greatest emphasis. that is why the government did not consult a single czech deputy or politician with regard to taking so momentous a step. "the czech nation has always in modern times defended a thoroughly slav programme. also during this war, which has found our nation unprepared like all other peaceful nations, the czechs have since the very beginning expressed their sympathies for russia, serbia and their allies, notwithstanding the unprecedented austrian terrorism, suppressing every manifestation of the real feelings of the people. the pro-austrian declarations are enforced by the government. to-day the leading czech politicians are in prison, the gallows have become the favourite support of the incapable administration, and czech regiments have been decimated for acting spontaneously up to our national czech programme. the rights of the czech language have been ruthlessly violated during the war, and the absolutist military rule has reigned throughout bohemia and other non-german and non-magyar parts of the monarchy as in enemy countries. every declaration in the czech journals is suppressed, while our national adversaries are not only allowed to make propaganda against the czech nation, but even the pan-german orgies in the spirit of lagarde, von hartmann, mommsen, and treitschke are supported by vienna and budapest. "under these circumstances the czech nation cannot continue to keep silence. that is why the czech and slovak emigrants abroad deem it their duty to inform foreign opinion about the true situation of bohemia, to interpret the aspirations of the czecho-slovak nation to the allied statesmen, politicians and journalists, and to defend the czecho-slovak programme. "the czech parties have hitherto striven for the independence of their nation inside austria-hungary. _the course which this fratricidal war has taken and the ruthless violence of vienna make it necessary for all of us to strive for independence without regard to austria-hungary. we are struggling for an absolutely independent czecho-slovak state_. "the czech nation has come to the conclusion that it must take its destiny into its own hands. austria was defeated not only by russia, but also by the small and despised serbia, and became a dependency of germany. to-day it has recovered a little under the direction of berlin, but that desperate strain of forces does not deceive us: it is only a proof of the abdication of austria-hungary. we have lost all confidence in the vitality of austria-hungary, and we no more recognise its right to existence. through its incapability and dependence it has proved to the whole world that the assumption of the necessity of austria has passed, and has through this war been proved to be wrong. those who have defended the possibility and necessity of austria-hungary--and at one time it was palacký himself--demanded a confederated state of equal nations and lands. but the dualist austria-hungary became the oppressor of non-german and non-magyar nationalities. it is the obstacle to peace in europe and it has degenerated into a mere tool for germany's expansion to the east, without a positive mission of its own, unable to create a state organisation of equal nations, free and progressive in civilisation. the dynasty, living in its absolutist traditions, maintains itself a phantom of its former world empire, assisted in government by its undemocratic partners, the barren aristocracy, the anti-national bureaucracy, and the anti-national military staff. "to-day there is no doubt that austria-hungary wrongly used the assassination at sarajevo as a pretext against serbia. vienna and budapest did not hesitate to use forged documents manufactured by their own embassy against the yugoslavs, and in this policy of deceit vienna and budapest have persisted during this war. to this deceit they have now added revengeful spitefulness and cruelty truly barbarian against the non-germans and non-magyars. "germany shares the guilt with austria-hungary; it was in germany's power and it was her duty towards civilisation and humanity to prevent the war and not to take advantage of the imperialist lust of vienna and budapest. "austria-hungary and germany are fighting with their turkish and bulgarian allies for a cause which is unjust and doomed." later on, when _dr. edward benes_, lecturer at the czech university of prague and author of several well-known studies in sociology, also escaped abroad, the czecho-slovak national council was formed, of which professor masaryk became the president, _dr. stefanik_, a distinguished airman and scientist, hungarian slovak by birth, the vice-president, and dr. e. benes the general secretary. a french review was started in paris (_la nation tchèque_) in may, , which became the official organ of the czecho-slovak movement. up to may, , it was published under the editorship of professor denis, and since then its editor has been dr. benes. a central czech organ is also published in paris called _samostatnost_ ("independence"), edited by dr. sychrava, an eminent czech journalist. the undisputed authority enjoyed by professor masaryk among all the czecho-slovaks is undoubtedly the secret of the great strength and unity of the movement. it is also the reason for the great diplomatic successes achieved by the czechs. the chief lieutenants of professor masaryk were dr. benes, an untiring worker with rare political instinct and perspicacity, and dr. milan stefanik, who entered the french army as a private at the beginning of the war, was gradually promoted, and in may, , rose to the rank of brigadier-general. he rendered valuable service to france as an astronomist before the war, and as an airman during the war. he has rendered still greater service to the czecho-slovak cause as a diplomat. these three men, unanimously recognised by the two million czecho-slovaks in the allied countries as their leaders, were finally, in the summer of , recognised also by the allies as the _de facto_ provisional government of the czecho-slovak state, with all rights and powers of a real government. the central seat of the czecho-slovak government is in paris, and official czecho-slovak representatives and legations are in all the allied capitals. . the first political success of the national council was the allies' note to president wilson of january , . the czechs are especially grateful to france for this first recognition of their claims. in this note, in which the allies for the first time stated publicly and explicitly their war aims, the allies declared that these include: "the reorganisation of europe guaranteed by a stable settlement, based upon the principle of nationality, upon the right which all peoples, whether small or great, have to the enjoyment of full security and free economic development, and also upon territorial agreements and international arrangements so framed as to guarantee land and sea frontiers against unjust attacks; the restitution of provinces or territories formerly torn from the allies by force or contrary to the wishes of their inhabitants; _the liberation of italians, slavs, rumanians and czecho-slovaks from foreign domination_; the liberation of the peoples who now lie beneath the murderous tyranny of the turks, and the expulsion from europe of the ottoman empire, which has proved itself so radically alien to western civilisation." the greatest success of the czecho-slovak national council, however, has been the formal recognition by france of the formation of an autonomous czecho-slovak army in france with the national council at its head. by this act france recognised: ( ) that the czecho-slovaks have a right to form an army of their own, which right appertains only to a sovereign and independent nation; ( ) that the czecho-slovaks have a right to fight on the side of the entente, and therefore are to be considered as one of the allies; ( ) that the political direction of the army is reserved to the czecho-slovak national council, which right is usually accorded only to the government of an independent state. the full text of this historic document, signed by the president of the french republic, m. poincaré, the french premier, m. clémenceau, and the foreign secretary, m. pichon, and dated december , , reads as follows: " . the czecho-slovaks organised in an autonomous army and recognising, from the military point of view, the superior authority of the french high command, will fight under their own flag against the central powers. " . this national army is placed, from the political point of view, under the direction of the czecho-slovak national council whose headquarters are in paris. " . the formation of the czecho-slovak army as well as its further work are assured by the french government. " . the czecho-slovak army will be subject to the same dispositions as regards organisation, hierarchy, administration and military discipline as those in force in the french army. " . the czecho-slovak army will be recruited from among: (_a_) czecho-slovaks at present serving with the french army; (_b_) czecho-slovaks from other countries admitted to be transferred into the czecho-slovak army or to contract a voluntary engagement with this army for the duration of war. " . further ministerial instructions will settle the application of this decree. " . the president of the war cabinet, the secretary of war, and the foreign secretary are charged each in his own sphere to bring into effect the present decree, which will be published in the _bulletin des lois_ and inserted in the _journal officiel de la république française_." in a covering letter, dated december , , and addressed to m. poincaré, the french premier and the foreign secretary declared: "france has always supported by all means in her power the national aspirations of the czecho-slovaks. the number of volunteers of this nationality who at the outbreak of the war enlisted to fight under the french flag was considerable; the gaps created in their ranks prove unquestionably the ardour with which they fought against our enemies. "certain allied governments, especially the russian provisional government, did not hesitate to authorise the formation on our front of units composed of czecho-slovaks who had escaped from the oppression of their enemy. "it is only just that this nationality should be given means of defending, under their own flag and side by side with us, the cause of right and liberty of peoples, and it will be in accord with french traditions to assist the organisation of an autonomous czecho-slovak army." needless to say, the joy over this recognition was very great in bohemia, while the german papers were furious. the _neue freie presse_ of december devoted its leading article to the czecho-slovak army on the western front, and concluded with the following remarks: "although the strength of this new army is estimated at , men, the czecho-slovak army will not have a decisive influence on the military operations. nevertheless, it may do us considerable harm in case we should transfer troops to the western front. however, the greatest harm is in the moral effect which this act of wholesale treachery of the czechs will have on the military power of the monarchy. in any case the co-operation of the czecho-slovak army on the side of the entente will only strengthen the allies' belief that right is on their side." soon afterwards italy also generously allowed an expeditionary corps of the czecho-slovak army to be formed from the czecho-slovak prisoners of war who surrendered to her. on may , , the czecho-slovak troops welcomed the prince of wales to rome, and soon afterwards they distinguished themselves on the piave and were mentioned in one of general diaz's dispatches and also in the official italian _communiqué_ of september , . from the recognition of the czecho-slovak army followed the full recognition which the national council obtained from the allies. . while the general secretariat was actively working for these concessions in the west, professor masaryk, after devoting his attention to the education of public opinion in great britain on the importance of bohemia, by means of private memoranda and various articles in the _new europe, weekly dispatch_ and elsewhere, decided in may, , to go to russia. in russia, professor masaryk succeeded admirably in uniting and strengthening all czecho-slovak forces, and in organising a regular army of the many thousands of czecho-slovak prisoners there. as we have already pointed out elsewhere, before the revolution these efforts of the national council and the czech prisoners, who were always eager to fight for the allies, were rendered immensely difficult by the obstacles inherent in the geographic conditions of russia and by obstacles placed in their way by the old russian régime. unfortunately now, when the czecho-slovaks had at last succeeded after much work in realising their plans, the czecho-slovak army became powerless owing to the collapse of russia. without ammunition, without support from anywhere, the czecho-slovaks thought they could no more render very effective service to the allies in the east. they decided, therefore, to go over to join their compatriots in france. the position of our army was as follows: after the offensive of july, , the czechs retreated to kieff where they continued to concentrate fresh forces. at that time they numbered about , , and this number had gradually increased to , by the end of . they always observed strict neutrality in russia's internal affairs on the advice of their venerable leader, professor masaryk. it was necessary to counsel this neutrality for the sake of our army itself, since it contained partisans of different creeds and parties disagreement among whom might have led to its dissolution. on the whole, the czecho-slovaks, who are an advanced nation, fully conscious of their national aspirations, remained unaffected by the misleading bolshevist theories. the czechs abstained throughout from interfering with russian affairs, yet they did not wish to leave russia as long as there was any chance for them to assist her. it was not until the shameful peace of brest-litovsk in february, , that professor masaryk decided that the czecho-slovak army should leave russia _via_ siberia and join the czecho-slovak army in france. the bolsheviks granted them free passage to vladivostok. this journey of some miles was not, however, an easy task for an army to accomplish. the troops had to move in small échelons or detachments, and concentration at the stations was prohibited. they had to procure their trains and their provisions, and they had constant trouble with the bolsheviks, because in every district there was a practically independent soviet government with whom the czechs had to negotiate. the first detachments with the generalissimo of the army, general diderichs, at the head arrived in vladivostok at the end of april, . but the other detachments were constantly held up by the bolsheviks and had great trouble in passing through. they moved from kieff _via_ kursk, tambov, penza and samara. the two last-named towns lie on the line between moscow and tcheliabinsk at the foot of the urals, whence a direct line runs across siberia to vladivostok. as we have already pointed out, the bolsheviks agreed in principle to allow our troops to leave russia. their commander-in-chief, general muraviev, allowed the czechs free passage to france on february . the same concession had been granted by the moscow soviet. on the whole the czechs were on tolerably good terms with the bolsheviks. professor masaryk rejected every plan directed against the bolsheviks submitted to him even by such of their political adversaries as could not justly be called counter-revolutionaries. the czecho-slovak troops went still further; they actually complied with the request of the bolsheviks and partially disarmed. the trouble only began in may, , when the bolsheviks yielded to german intrigues and resolved to destroy our army. already at the beginning of may the czechs had begun to feel embittered against the bolsheviks, because in defiance of the agreement their troops were constantly being held up by local soviets. at tambov, for instance, they were held up for a whole month. at tcheliabinsk the czechs had a serious scuffle with magyar ex-prisoners on may , and the bolsheviks sided entirely with the magyars, even arresting some czecho-slovak delegates. the czechs simply occupied the city, liberated their comrades, and at a congress held by them at tcheliabinsk on may it was decided to refuse to surrender any more arms and ammunition and to continue transports to vladivostok, if necessary with arms in their hands. this was a reply to trotsky's telegram that the czecho-slovaks should be completely disarmed, which the czecho-slovaks defied as they knew that another order had been issued by trotsky simultaneously, no doubt on the instigation of count mirbach, saying that the czecho-slovak troops must be dissolved at all costs and interned as prisoners of war. the bolsheviks now arrested prominent members of the moscow branch of the czecho-slovak national council on the ground that they were "anti-revolutionaries." they alleged also that they had no guarantee that ships would be provided for the czechs to be transported to france, and that the czechs were holding up food supplies from siberia. the bolsheviks deliberately broke their word, and trotsky issued an order to "all troops fighting against the anti-revolutionary czecho-slovak brigades" in which he said: "the concentration of our troops is complete. our army being aware that the czecho-slovaks are direct allies of the anti-revolution and of the capitalists, fights them well. the czecho-slovaks are retreating along the railway. obviously they would like to enter into negotiations with the soviets. we issued an order that their delegates should be received. we demand in the first place that they should be disarmed. _those who do not do so voluntarily will be shot on the spot._ warlike operations on the railway line hinder food transports. energetic steps must be taken to do away with this state of affairs." the czecho-slovaks were greatly handicapped, since they were not only almost unarmed, but were also dispersed along the trans-siberian line in small detachments which had considerable difficulty in keeping in touch with each other. nevertheless the fates were favourable to them. they were victorious almost everywhere, thanks to their wonderful spirit and discipline. the first victories gained by the czecho-slovaks over the bolsheviks were at penza and samara. penza was captured by them after three days' fighting at the end of may. later the czecho-slovaks also took sysran on the volga, kazan with its large arsenal, simbirsk and yekaterinburg, connecting tcheliabinsk with petrograd, and occupied practically the whole volga region. in siberia they defeated a considerable force of german-magyar ex-prisoners in krasnoyarsk and omsk and established themselves firmly in udinsk. on june , , czecho-slovaks under general diderichs, after handing an ultimatum to the bolsheviks at vladivostok, occupied the city without much resistance. only at one spot fighting took place and some bolsheviks were killed. the czecho-slovaks, assisted by japanese and allied troops, then proceeded to the north and north-west, while the bolsheviks and german prisoners retreated to chabarovsk. in september the czech and allied troops from vladivostok joined hands with the czecho-slovaks from irkutsk and western siberia, and thus gained control over practically the whole trans-siberian railway. by this means they have done great service to the allies, especially to great britain, by defending the east against the german invaders. furthermore, it was the czecho-slovaks' bold action which induced japan and america at last to intervene in russia and for the sake of russia, and it was their control of the siberian railway which made such intervention possible. let us hope that their action will lead to the regeneration and salvation of the russian nation. the service rendered by czecho-slovak troops to the allied cause was, of course, justly appreciated by the allies. mr. lloyd george sent the following telegram to professor masaryk on september : "on behalf of the british war cabinet i send you our heartiest congratulations on the striking successes won by the czecho-slovak forces against the armies of german and austrian troops in siberia. the story of the adventures and triumphs of this small army is, indeed, one of the greatest epics of history. it has filled us all with admiration for the courage, persistence and self-control of your countrymen, and shows what can be done to triumph over time, distance and lack of material resources by those holding the spirit of freedom in their hearts. your nation has rendered inestimable service to russia and to the allies in their struggle to free the world from despotism. we shall never forget it." the deeds of our army met with equal admiration and gratitude also in bohemia. this is clearly shown by the speech of the czech deputy stríbrný, delivered in the austrian reichsrat on july , and entirely suppressed in the austrian and german press. despite the vigilance on the part of the austrian authorities, however, we have been able to secure the full text of this remarkable speech which reads as follows: "gentlemen,--let me first of all emphasise that my speech is not a defence of the czech nation and of the czech soldiers. there are no judges in this parliament competent to judge us. "you call us traitors. we accept your declaration as the view of our enemy. nothing more--nothing less. "you gentlemen on the german benches, you dared, however, to touch the honour of our soldiers--you called them cowards. and in this respect we are not going to keep silent. we shall always protest against such injustice! we shall never permit these heroes to be abused by being called 'cowards.' if there is a single gentleman among you he ought for a moment to reflect on the soul of a czech soldier--a soldier who has been compelled by force to fight in a war which the german imperial chancellor has openly called 'a war of germans against the slavs'; a soldier who was compelled under the threat of immediate execution to take up arms against the interests of the slavs, against the interests of his brothers, against the interests of his own country--bohemia. well then, was it cowardice on the part of this soldier when he, exposed to the fire of austrian and german guns and machine guns from behind, went over to the other side? was he a coward when, while free to remain in his captivity as a prisoner of war safely waiting until the end of the war, he volunteered to fight again and was ready to risk his life and health once more? is that czech soldier a coward who went once more into the trenches, although aware that if he were captured he would not be treated as an ordinary prisoner of war but as a deserter, and hanged accordingly? is that man a coward who sacrifices his family which he has left behind and his soil and property inherited from his ancestors? is that man a coward who sacrifices himself, his father and mother, his wife and children for the sake of his nation and country? "is that czech soldier not a hero who to-day is voluntarily fighting from the ural mountains to vladivostok, on the piave and in france? "if there is a single gentleman, a real gentleman among you, let him stand up and answer these questions. "and if there is not such a gentleman among you, remember the words of our bitter enemy the late minister for home defence, baron georgi, who related to this house in a secret sitting all that our regiments have accomplished. he could not as a soldier suppress a sigh and say, 'we regret all those treacheries of czech soldiers, still more because from their deeds committed on the side of our enemy we can realise what a splendid military material we have lost.' and if this is not sufficient, i will remind you of the opinion of those who are in your eyes the best judges--the prussian officers. in an austrian officers' canteen where czech soldiers had been abused the whole evening by being called cowards, the prussian officers present were asked to give their opinion on this point. they answered, 'we shall only be able to judge as to whether the czechs are cowards or not when they begin to fight against us.' "you should at least be gentlemanly enough not to slander your enemies who have proved themselves to be greater heroes than any other soldiers, because they are voluntary heroes, whereas the others are heroes under compulsion! "this question of cowardice is therefore, i hope, settled forever. "and now with regard to the title of 'traitors.' _we are traitors to austria--every one of us admits it honestly_. not one of you, however, has the right to reproach us for this. all of you are patriots by order, and it cannot be otherwise in a dynastic state like austria. "with regard to the patriotism of the magyars, we have proofs of this dating from . they have done the same as we are doing to-day. they surrendered and organised klapka's legions against austria. the fact that they were punished for their treachery by being given their own independence does not speak against us. "yes, gentlemen, we are traitors as much as you magyars, or as you germans were, or would be under similar circumstances. and _we want the same as you want_, i.e. _to be free citizens of our own state_. our own state--that does not mean to have a few officials or one more university. to have a state of our own--that means to be able to decide freely if our soldiers shall go to war again, and if they do, to see that they go only for the interests of their own nation, and not for the interests of their enemies. an independent state--that means for us no longer to die by order of foreigners, and no longer to live under foreign domination. "let me remind the gentlemen on the german benches of a lesson in history. up till germany was nominally under the sceptre of the habsburg dynasty--a german dynasty, mind you. prussia and northern germany felt the indignity of the 'foreign' rule of the habsburgs--and they started the fratricidal war in in order to get rid of this rule.... "it is for you gentlemen on the german benches to speak! let him who regrets the blood then spilt stand up and speak. let him stand up and condemn bismarck and william i. who started the war in order to deliver germany from the same yoke from which we are trying to free ourselves to-day. if there is a single man among the germans who would be prepared to say that the war against austria should never have happened, let him stand up. that war was carried on to free germany from the incapable rule of vienna and it had the same aim in view which you reproach us with to-day and call high treason! "you are silent, gentlemen! we are satisfied with your silence. and now go and continue to stone and abuse us." . in the meantime, professor masaryk arrived in the united states _via_ japan in may, . he was accorded a splendid reception at chicago where some , czecho-slovaks, as well as various allied representatives, greeted him. his presence in the united states not only stimulated recruiting among czecho-slovaks there, but had also political results, especially when the central powers launched their peace offensive. at the end of may, mr. lansing issued the following statement: "the secretary of state desires to announce that the proceedings of the congress of oppressed nationalities of austria-hungary which was held in rome in april have been followed with great interest by the government of the united states, and that the nationalist aspirations of the czecho-slovaks and jugoslavs have the earnest sympathy of this government." this declaration was endorsed by the representatives of great britain, france and italy at versailles on june , . on june , mr. lansing completed and explained his statement as follows: "since the issuance by this government on may of a statement regarding the nationalist aspirations for freedom of the czecho-slovaks and jugoslavs, german and austrian officials have sought to misinterpret and distort its manifest interpretation. in order, therefore, that there may be no misunderstanding concerning the meaning of this statement, the secretary of state to-day further announces the position of the united states government to be that _all branches of the slav race should be completely freed from german and austrian rule_." on the following day, that is on june , , president poincaré presented the czecho-slovak army with a flag and delivered an inspiring speech to them. on the occasion of the handing of this flag by president pioncaré to the czecho-slovak army, m. pichon, the minister for foreign affairs, on behalf of the government of the french republic, addressed the following letter to dr. edouard benes, the general secretary of the czecho-slovak national council in paris: "at the moment when the st regiment of chasseurs, the first unit of the autonomous czecho-slovak army in france, after receiving its flag, is leaving its quarters to take up its position in a sector amongst its french brothers-in-arms, the republican government, in recognition of your efforts and your attachment to the allied cause, considers it just and necessary to proclaim _the right of your nation to its independence and to recognise publicly and officially the national council as the supreme organ of its general interests and the first step towards a future czecho-slovak government_. "during many centuries the czecho-slovak nation has enjoyed the incomparable benefit of independence. it has been deprived of this independence through the violence of the habsburgs allied to the german princes. the historic rights of nations are imperishable. it is for the defence of these rights that france, attacked, is fighting to-day together with her allies. the cause of the czechs is especially dear to her. "france will never forget the prague manifestation of december , . neither will she forget the resistance of its population and the refusal of czech soldiers to fight for austria-hungary, for which heroism thousands of these patriots paid with their lives. france has also heard the appeals of the czech deputies of january , april , and may , . "faithful to the principles of respect for nationalities and the liberation of oppressed nations, _the government of the republic considers the claims of the czecho-slovak nation as just and well founded, and will, at the right moment, support with all its solicitude the realisation of your aspirations to independence within the historic boundaries of your territories_ at present suffering under the oppressive yoke of austria and hungary. "it is very pleasant for me, monsieur le secrétaire général, to make this declaration. your sentiments, reflecting those of your compatriots, are for me the measure of the high degree of the future happiness of your country. "in the name of the government of the french republic i tender _my warmest and most sincere wishes that the czecho-slovak state may speedily become, through the common efforts of all the allies and in close union with poland and the jugoslav state, an insurmountable barrier to teutonic aggression_ and a factor for peace in a reconstituted europe in accordance with the principles of justice and rights of nationalities." it is unnecessary to add long comments to this clear and explicit state paper which forms a veritable pledge on the part of france to secure czecho-slovak independence. it is a recognition of bohemia's right to independence and of the national council as the supreme organ of the czecho-slovak nation abroad. at the same time it is also an acceptance of our programme of the reorganisation of central europe, necessitating the break-up of austria, and in this respect it is also a success and a pledge for the poles and yugoslavs. . if france and italy showed such deep understanding of the cause of bohemia's liberty, exhibited in practice by special military conventions concluded with our national council, great britain may be proud of no less generosity. although having no direct interests in seeing bohemia independent, great britain, true to her traditions as a champion of the liberties of small nations, did not hesitate to give us a declaration which not only fully endorses all pledges of france and italy, but which goes still further and practically recognises our full national sovereignty. on august , , his majesty's government issued the following declaration: "since the beginning of the war the czecho-slovak nation has resisted the common enemy by every means in its power. the czecho-slovaks have constituted a considerable army, fighting on three different battlefields and attempting, in russia and siberia, to arrest the germanic invasion. "_in consideration of their efforts to achieve independence, great britain regards the czecho-slovaks as an allied nation and recognises the unity of the three czecho-slovak armies as an allied and belligerent army waging a regular warfare against austria-hungary and germany_. "great britain also recognises _the right of the czecho-slovak national council as the supreme organ of the czecho-slovak national interests, and as the present trustee of the future czecho-slovak government to exercise supreme authority over this allied and belligerent army_." it will be readily seen of what a tremendous significance this declaration is from an international point of view. apart from the fact that it recognises our efforts towards independence, the declaration says explicitly that the czecho-slovaks, abroad and at home, are an allied nation, which implies that the allies will treat them henceforward as such, and will allow their government to establish consular service and to send representatives to allied conferences. the sovereignty both of the czecho-slovak army and of the national council is fully recognised in this declaration which proclaims "the unity of the three czecho-slovak armies (in russia, france and italy) as an _allied and belligerent army_ waging _regular warfare_ against austria." only a sovereign army is a belligerent army waging regular warfare. thus the czecho-slovaks, according to international law, are no more rebels but regular soldiers whom, when captured, austria has no more the right to execute. similarly also the recognition of the national council as the "trustee" of the czecho-slovak government is clear and explicit; in fact a "trustee" is the word applied to a provisional government of a state. as a matter of fact, the national council, on the ground of this recognition of full sovereignty, was constituted as a provisional government on october , , and has the power to exercise all rights appertaining to a sovereign and independent government. thus implicitly great britain considers czecho-slovak independence already a _fait accompli_. it speaks of and considers a czecho-slovak state no more as a probability, but as a certainty. as with the czecho-slovaks so with great britain, austria exists no more. the recognition is of additional importance because it comes from great britain who has always been considered a traditional friend of austria, and who is known for conservatism in foreign politics. the decision to issue a declaration of such far-reaching importance was surely arrived at only after due and careful deliberation. the step which great britain has taken thereby once more proves the deep sense of justice and the far-sightedness of british statesmen. needless to say that the czecho-slovaks will always remain grateful to great britain for this bold and generous act. its immediate effect has been consternation in vienna and encouragement both to the czecho-slovak soldiers fighting on the side of the entente and to the czech leaders courageously defending bohemia's rights in vienna. as deputy klofác put it at a meeting in laibach on august : "henceforward the czechs will refuse to hold any negotiations with vienna, with whom any compromise is now out of the question. the czecho-slovaks will firmly continue the struggle for complete national independence, strengthened by the support of other slavs, and by the knowledge that the british and other allied governments had formally acknowledged and were working for the establishment of an independent czecho-slovak state." this chapter would not be complete if we did not quote the subsequent declarations of the united states of america and japan, practically endorsing the british declaration. on september , mr. lansing issued the following statement: "the czecho-slovak peoples having taken up arms against the german and austro-hungarian empires, and having placed in the field organised armies, which are waging war against those empires under officers of their own nationality and in accordance with the rules and practices of civilised nations, and czecho-slovaks having in the prosecution of their independence in the present war confided the supreme political authority to the czecho-slovak national council, the government of the united states recognises that a state of belligerency exists between the czecho-slovaks thus organised and the german and austro-hungarian empires. "it also recognises _the czecho-slovak national council as a_ de facto _belligerent government_, clothed with proper authority to direct the military and political affairs of the czecho-slovaks. "the government of the united states further declares that it is prepared to enter formally into relations with the _de facto_ government thus recognised for the purpose of prosecuting the war against the common enemy, the empires of germany and austria-hungary." a week later the japanese government, through the medium of its ambassador in london, communicated the following declaration to the czecho-slovak national council: "the japanese government have noted with deep and sympathetic interest the just aspirations of the czecho-slovak people for a free and independent national existence. these aspirations have conspicuously been made manifest in their determined and well-organised efforts to arrest the progress of the germanic aggression. "in these circumstances, the japanese government are happy to regard the czecho-slovak army as an allied and belligerent army waging regular warfare against austria-hungary and germany, and to recognise the rights of the czecho-slovak national council to exercise the supreme control over that army. they are further prepared to enter into communication with the duly authorised representatives of the czecho-slovak national council, whenever necessary, on all matters of mutual interest to the japanese and the czecho-slovak forces in siberia." vii the czechs at home begin to speak the opening of the reichsrat in may, , was intended to give austria the appearance of a "democratic" country in which diverse nationalities live in peace and happiness. democratic indeed! a parliament, subject to censorship, lacking the freedom of speech and all influence on the government, with members instead of , many of whom were still in prison and in exile! and if there was still any person in the allied countries having any doubts concerning the attitude of the czechs and yugoslavs, these doubts were certainly dispelled after the courageous indictment against austria made by the slav deputies, representing practically all the czech and yugoslav political parties. the declaration of the poles in favour of a united and independent poland, the statement of messrs. stanek and korosec in the name of _all_ czechs and yugoslavs in favour of a czecho-slovak and yugoslav state, the speech of deputy kalina denying all responsibility of the czechs for the war, and expressing czech sympathies with the entente powers, and the terrible story of persecutions which the czechs had to suffer from austria during the war, told by deputy stríbrný, formed a veritable "mene tekel," a death sentence pronounced by the austrian slavs on their tyrants in vienna and budapest. the revelation in the reichsrat of the hopeless state of decay prevailing in austria-hungary was, of course, due to the russian revolution. if it was not for the russian revolution, the austrian emperor and clam-martinic would perhaps have continued their reign of absolutism by way of imperial decrees, and they would never have dreamt of convoking the reichsrat. however, the desperate economic and political situation forced austria to find some way out of her difficulties, and to plead for peace as she began to realise that otherwise she was doomed. the change of order and the situation in russia and the uncertain attitude of some allied statesmen seemed favourable for the austrian calculations respecting a separate peace. but austria could not possibly hope to deceive free russia or the allies and lure them into concluding a premature peace if the reign of terrorism and absolutism still prevailed in the dual monarchy. for this reason tisza, with his sinister reputation, was forced to go, and the reichsrat was convened. austria based her plans on the ignorance of some allied politicians who really believed in the "new orientation" of the vienna government because of the bohemian _names_ (not sympathies) of clam-martinic and czernin. in the same way austria wanted to make outsiders believe that a change in the name of the hungarian premier meant a change of system, and that the convocation of the reichsrat meant a new era of "democracy" in austria. neither of these assumptions was, of course, correct. if the magyars talk of introducing universal suffrage, they want to extend it to magyar electors, and on one condition only, viz. that all the candidates shall be of _magyar_ nationality, or, as the hungarian premier, count esterhazy, put it, "democracy in hungary can only be a magyar democracy"--that is, a system utterly at variance with the principles of justice. but far from averting the doom of austria and bringing her peace and consolation, the opening of the reichsrat only hastened austria's downfall, for it enabled the austrian slavs, who now felt that the moment had come for them to speak, to declare before the whole world their aspirations, and their determination to destroy the monarchy. _(a) the czech declaration of may_ , before entering the reichsrat, the czechs made it clear that they no longer desired any compromise with austria. in a manifesto signed by czech authors and subsequently endorsed by professors, teachers and various societies and corporations, the czech deputies were reminded that the fate of their nation was at stake: "the doors of the austrian parliament are opening and the political representatives of the nations have for the first time the opportunity of speaking and acting freely. whatever they may say and decide will be heard not only at home, but also throughout europe and overseas.... the programme of our nation is founded on its history and racial unity, on its modern political life and rights. the present time emphasises the necessity for carrying out this programme completely.... to-day you are forced to develop this programme, to defend it to the last breath before the forum of europe, and to demand its realisation without limitations.... democratic europe, the europe of free and independent nations, is the europe of the future. the nation asks you to be equal to this historic occasion, to devote to it all your abilities and to sacrifice to it all other considerations...." and to this appeal of their nation the czech, deputies did not turn a deaf ear. on entering the reichsrat on may , , mr. stanek, president of the union of czech deputies, made the following memorable declaration in the name of all the czech deputies: "while taking our stand at this historic moment on the natural right of peoples to self-determination and free development--a right which in our case is further strengthened by inalienable historic rights fully recognised by this state--we shall, at the head of our people, work for _the union of all branches of the czecho-slovak nation in a single democratic bohemian state_, comprising also the slovak branch of our nation which lives in the lands adjoining our bohemian fatherland." both the yugoslav and the polish press greeted this declaration with undisguised joy and sympathy. the _glos naroda_ welcomed the czech declaration, and added: "those who to-day are asking for an independent national existence do not claim anything but the minimum of their rights. nothing less could satisfy them (_i.e._ the czechs and yugo-slavs), seeing that even smaller and less historic nations claim the same." the _nowa reforma_ also said that the czechs were quite right to ask for full independence. "they are entitled to it by their position in which they can lose nothing more than they have lost already, but gain a great deal. among the entente powers there is nobody who would have an open or disguised interest in opposing even the boldest claims of the czecho-slovak nation." the declaration of deputy stanek was completed by a statement of deputy kalina who made it quite clear that the czechs refuse responsibility for the war, and that their sympathies are with the entente. kalina, a prominent leader of the state right party, said: "as deputies elected by the czech nation, _we absolutely reject every responsibility for this war_. "after three years, the government has summoned the _reichsrat, which the czechs never recognised_, and against which, as well as against the so-called constitution, they again make a formal protest. the great russian revolution forced the government to a plausible restoration of constitutional life. "_the czech nation hails with unbounded joy and enthusiasm the liberation of eastern europe_. the main principles of that memorable revolution are closely related to our own traditions, _i.e._ to the principle of _liberty, equality and fraternity of all nations_. bohemia is a free country. never in her history did she accept laws from aliens, not even from her powerful neighbours in europe. liberty of individuals, liberty of nations is again our motto which the nation of hussites is bringing before the world. in these historic moments, when from the blood-deluged battlefields a new europe is arising, and the idea of the sovereignty of nations and nationalities is triumphantly marching throughout the continent, _the czech nation solemnly declares before the world its firm will for liberty and independence_ on the ground of the ancient historic rights of the bohemian crown. in demanding independence, the czech nation asks, in the sense of the new democracy, for the extension of the right of self-determination to the whole czecho-slovak nation." _(b) courageous speeches delivered by czech deputies in the reichsrat_ during the subsequent session of the reichsrat, various czech deputies, representing all the czech parties, made declarations, some of which we will quote in order to show the remarkable unanimity of the czechs in their opposition to austria and in their demand for independence. _it was chiefly this unanimity of all czech parties and classes in bohemia and the absolute harmony between their action and the czecho-slovak action abroad which formed the real strength of the movement_. _dr. stránský_, leader of the moravian people's party, delivered a long speech in the reichsrat on june , , from which we quote the following significant passages: "the germans say that germanisation is not carried out except where it is in the interests of the state. we do not think that the interests of the state should go first. if the interests of a state are not identical with the liberties and interests of a nation, then _such a state has for that nation no right to exist_. "if clam-martinic thinks that we will enter the reichsrat which the polish deputies would not attend in their present strength, then he is greatly mistaken. we heartily wish the poles to achieve their national independence, but should we be denied an equal right, then it would mean an end to this reichsrat. we want to enjoy the same happiness as the rest, _we want to be free from all oppression, from all foreign domination. we want to decide for ourselves the form of our political existence_. we want to choose our own laws, we want to govern ourselves. _we claim the restitution of our political independence and of the supreme historic right of the czech nation in the lands of the bohemian crown. the time is ripe also when the austrian fortresses of st. peter and st. paul will open, and when their prisoners will change places with their persecutors. the state and dynasty have lately taken away the rights and liberties of our nation and trampled them underfoot_." on june , the national socialist deputy _stríbrný_, openly demanded the creation of a czecho-slovak republic: "the german annexationist plans are doomed. the czechs greet with joy the new era of equality and fraternity, an era in which a _democratic republic_ is considered as the best form of government. the czechs demand the creation of a bohemia in which they will possess their own independent government. _too long have they been oppressed by austria, and now they are determined to achieve their national liberty_." on june , _dr. soukup_, the leader of the czecho-slav social democratic party, made an equally remarkable statement: "as a social democrat i say that we, the czecho-slovak nation, have also a right to a place in the sun, and we want to be seen. do you consider that a nation numbering over ten million and boasting of a highly developed civilisation can continue to breathe under such oppressive conditions, seeing what an important role is being played by four million bulgars, two million greeks, two million danes and other small nations? _we welcome the resurrection of the great and united polish state, we witness the great yugoslav nation shaping its boundaries along the adriatic, and we also see ukrainia arising. at such moments we want to live as well, and we will live_!" _(c) after the amnesty_ the political amnesty of july, , intended to appease the slavs, had just the opposite effect: it only strengthened the slav resistance which acquired fresh strength and impetus by the return of the old leaders. kramár was hailed like a sovereign when he entered prague again. he now became the recognised leader of the whole nation. the _národní listy_ became the mouthpiece of all the most eminent leaders of the nation without party distinction. its issue of october , , contained a map of the future independent czecho-slovak state and a series of articles. we will quote only a few passages from an article written by deputy rasín which read as follows: "the war has brought our problem home not only to us but to the whole world. nothing could have better expressed our situation than the propaganda of mitteleuropa. austria-hungary and bulgaria had to form a bridge for the imperialistic march of germany to the persian gulf _via_ constantinople and bagdad. the czechs and yugoslavs were to be crushed and become the victims of those plans. this was the ideal that the german nation considered as its war aim and as a war aim of austria-hungary. they could not have obtained a better reply than was given to them by the czechs and yugoslavs in their demand for their own independent states, which would be able to form a permanent bulwark against the _drang nach osten_ as planned by the germans and magyars. even if herr naumann ceases to promote the idea of central europe, in reality _a new programme which would do away with the old evils and assign a new mission to austria-hungary is inconceivable_. all the declarations of the government are only destined to conceal their real intentions. the german-magyar hegemony is as strong as ever, and the polish question is to be solved only according to the pan-german programme. during this war austria's real face has been unmasked before the whole world by her persecutions, arbitrary decrees and the pan-german propaganda. "the czechs, who in their policy always went hand in hand with the yugoslavs, saw all this, and consequently the only thing left for them to do is to insist on their attitude, constantly to reveal austria's insincerity, to reject all pretty phrases without any meaning in them, and all compromises, which we know would never be kept. _we also must reject a compromise peace which would lead to fresh wars_. "_the policy of the czechs cannot but aim at the absolute independence of the whole czecho-slovak nation_, and all our action at home and abroad must tend towards persuading the world that only thus can a stable peace in europe be achieved." it was about this time also when seidler made desperate attempts to induce the slav leaders to participate in a special commission for the revision of the austrian constitution. dr. stránský, speaking in the name of the czechs, openly refused the proposal, declaring that the czech problem could not be solved by austria, but only by the peace conference, that is after the victory of the entente. a joint committee of representatives of the young czech, national socialist, progressive independence and moravian progressive parties issued a proclamation protesting against any participation of czechs in austrian politics, and declaring that since the czech question is an international one and can therefore be decided only at the peace conference, the duty of the czech deputies is not to assist in the revision of the austrian constitution, but to insist upon the creation of an "_independent czecho-slovak state with all the attributes of sovereignty_." simultaneously also the czech agrarian deputy, _zahradník_, made the following remarkable declaration in the reichsrat on september : "in view of the prevailing policy directed against the czech people, can any one wonder that _they have lost all confidence in vienna_ and that they refuse to let this parliament decide their fate? _it is necessary to secure for all peoples, great or small, the right to decide their own destinies_. this applies also to the ten million czecho-slovaks who, moreover, cannot rightly be considered merely as a 'small' nation: the czechs, too, do not desire anything more than peace, but it must not be forgotten _that our men did not shed their blood merely for imperialism or for pan-germanism. we do not want anything but an honourable peace which would bring equality to all peoples_, a peace assuring liberty and equality to all, and not a peace which would leave our fetters unbroken. we regret that the pope omitted to mention the czechs in his peace offer although he mentioned the poles. _but we shall obtain our right without alien support. the czechs will never swerve from their demand for an independent slovak state with all the attributes of sovereignty. the czechs are convinced that the question of bohemia is too great to be solved in vienna. it must be decided at the peace conference_." on november , deputy stanek made it clear that the czecho-slovaks expect the resurrection of their independence only from the break-up of austria: "we cannot conceive of peace or of the transformation of europe except when _on the ruins of the dual monarchy_ new national states shall arise. the german-magyar misrule must be destroyed." and when on november seidler talked about the peace conditions of the "enemy," dr. stránský interrupted him by exclaiming, "our enemies are here, in vienna and in budapest!" _(d) during peace negotiations with russia_ when peace negotiations were opened with the bolsheviks, the austro-hungarian delegations were also summoned, for the first time during the war, on december , . during the speech from the throne the czechs demonstratively left the hall. on the same day the bohemian union, the yugoslav club and the ruthenes issued a protest against the government having published a distorted version of the russian peace offer. in this protest the slav deputies asked: "how can the government answer for having purposely distorted such a highly important document as the russian note of november , and why did the government suppress just the paragraph out of it containing guarantees for national self-determination?" their declaration naturally exasperated the germans and the government. the organ of the austrian foreign office, the _fremdenblatt_, expressed regret that the slav parties in the reichsrat "place obstacles in the way of peace." it also regretted that "some parties in the austrian parliament should take up an attitude incompatible with our state's self-preservation." on the next day, m. stanek made a declaration in the delegations in the name of czechs and yugoslavs, saying: "we czech and yugoslav delegates declare that it is our deep conviction as well as the firm will of our respective nations that a lasting peace is possible only on the ground of the full right of self-determination. _the imperial government deliberately and wilfully distorted the most important part of the russian peace offer_, viz. the demand for the self-determination of nations. it is still more surprising that the prime ministers in both halves of the monarchy should try to deceive the public opinion of the world by a false interpretation of the right of self-determination. the austrian premier, dr. seidler, declared that the viennese parliament is a forum through which the nations could obtain self-determination, while the _hungarian premier had the impudence to describe the conditions in hungary, which are a mockery of all civilisation, as the ideal of national liberty._ we, therefore, declare in regard to any peace negotiations: _our national development can only then be secured when the right of self-determination of all nations shall be fully, clearly and unreservedly recognised_ with binding guarantees of its immediate realisation." at the same time the slavs made a proposal in the austro-hungarian delegations, insisting that the peace negotiations with russia should be conducted by a committee selected from both parliaments on the basis of nationality, and consisting of twelve germans, ten magyars, ten czecho-slovaks, seven yugoslavs, five poles, four ruthenes, three rumanians and one italian. finally, on december , the czech socialist deputy tusar declared in the reichsrat: "we want to be our own masters, and if it is high treason to ask for liberty and independence, then let us say at once that _each of us is a traitor, but such high treason is an honour, and not a dishonour_. as regards the negotiations with russia, we declare that _count czernin does not represent the nations of austria_ and has no right to speak in our name; he is merely the plenipotentiary of the dynasty. _the old austria, based on police, bureaucracy, militarism and racial tyranny, cannot survive this war_. we also want peace, but it must be a just peace. the czecho-slovaks will under all circumstances defend their rights." in conjunction with this declaration we may quote two other czech socialists showing the opinion of the czechs on the russian revolution. on november , deputy modrácek declared in the reichsrat: "the revolution of the bolsheviks is a misfortune for the russian revolution, the russian republic and all the oppressed nations of europe. _so long as the german social democracy permits the working masses to be brought to the battlefield in the interests of imperialism, the action of the bolsheviks is not the work for socialism but for german tsarism_. i do not undervalue the significance and the greatness of the russian revolution: it is the german social democrats who fail to perform their moral duty in this war and do not comprehend the russian revolution." still more outspoken is the declaration of deputy winter, who said in the reichsrat on february , : "the workers of the whole world will never forget that the russian revolution was the first social revolution on a large scale. and on this revolutionary movement germany has directly and austria-hungary indirectly declared war. _perhaps austria-hungary wants to repay the romanoffs in_ _for the aid which they rendered to the habsburgs in_ .... austria-hungary once before engaged in the european reaction by crushing revolution in italy. she gathered the fruits of this act in , , , and in the present war. formerly france and russia participated in the holy alliance, but _to-day the central powers are the only refuge of reaction in europe_." _(e) the constituent assembly of prague on january_ , the most important manifestation of czecho-slovak national will took place in prague on january , , when all the czech deputies assembled in order to give expression to their deep gratitude for the french recognition of the constitution of a czecho-slovak army on the side of the entente. at the same time it was a protest against austria-hungary and a demand for representation at the peace conference. as to the resolution unanimously adopted by this constituent assembly, there is no doubt about its meaning: in it the czecho-slovaks no more act with austria but demand full liberty. this even the austrian premier, dr. seidler, had to admit, when he declared in the reichsrat on january : "this resolution, in which we in vain look for a distant echo of dynastic or state allegiance, adopts to a certain extent an international standpoint, and shows that this people is ready, at any rate on the conclusion of peace, to accept international support with a view to obtaining the recognition of foreign states. such a standpoint is calculated to encourage our enemies and to prolong the war. "the resolution demands the right of self-determination in order to dissolve the existing unity of the state, and to assure full independence and sovereignty. _the resolution gives the impression of having been conceived in a sense absolutely hostile to the state_, and must be indignantly rejected by every austrian and resisted by every austrian government with all the means in its power." the czech declaration of january , which is the most important of all declarations of the czechs and which has been suppressed in the austrian press, reads as follows: "in the fourth year of this terrible war, which has already cost the nations numberless sacrifices in blood and treasure, the first peace efforts have been inaugurated. we czech deputies recognise the declarations in the reichsrat, and deem it our duty emphatically to declare, in the name of the czech nation and of its oppressed and forcibly-silenced slovak branch of hungary, our attitude towards the reconstruction of the international situation. "when the czech deputies of our regenerated nation expressed themselves, during the franco-prussian war, on the international european problems, they solemnly declared in the memorandum of december , , that 'only from the recognition of the equality of all nations and from natural respect of the right of self-determination could come true equality and fraternity, a general peace and true humanity.' "we, deputies of the czech nation, true even to-day to these principles of our ancestors, have therefore greeted with joy the fact that all states, based upon democratic principles, whether belligerent or neutral, now accept with us the right of nations to free self-determination as a guarantee of a general and lasting peace. "the new russia also accepted the principle of self-determination of nations during its attempts for a general settlement and as a fundamental condition of peace. the nations were freely to determine their fate and decide whether they want to live in an independent state of their own or whether they choose to form one state in common with other nations. "on the other hand, the austro-hungarian delegate declared, in the name of the quadruple alliance, that the question of the self-determination of those nations which have not hitherto enjoyed political independence should be solved in a constitutional manner within the existing state. this point of view of the austro-hungarian representative is not our point of view, because we know, from our own numberless bitter experiences, that it means nothing but the negation of the principle of self-determination. we indignantly express our regret that our nation was deprived of its political independence and of the right of self-determination, and that by means of artificial electoral statutes we were left to the mercy of the german minority and of the government of the centralised german bureaucracy. "our brother slovaks became the victims of magyar brutality and of unspeakable violence in a state which, notwithstanding all its apparent constitutional liberties, remains the darkest corner of europe, and in which the non-magyars who form the majority of the population are ruthlessly oppressed by the ruling minority, extirpated, and denationalised from childhood, unrepresented in parliament and the civil service, and deprived of public schools as well as of all private educational institutions. "the constitution to which the austro-hungarian representative refers, nullified even the right of general suffrage by an artificial creation of an over-representation of the german minority in the reichsrat, and its utter uselessness for the liberty of nations was clearly demonstrated during the three years of unscrupulous military absolutism during this war. every reference to this constitution, therefore, means in reality only a repudiation of the right of self-determination for the non-german nations of austria who are at the mercy of the germans: and it means an especially cruel insult and injury to the non-magyar nations _in hungary, where the constitution is nothing but a means of shameful domination by the oligarchy of a few magyar aristocratic families_, as was again proved by the recent electoral reform proposal. "our nation longs with all the democracies of the world for a general and lasting peace. but our nation is fully aware that _no peace can be permanent except a peace which will abolish old injustice_, brutal force and the predominance of arms, as well as the predominance of states and nations over other nations, which will assure a free development to all nations, great or small, and which will liberate especially those nations which are still suffering under foreign domination. that is why it is necessary that this right of free national development and of self-determination of nations, great or small, to whatever state they may belong, should become the foundation of future international rights, a guarantee of peace, and of a friendly co-operation of nations, as well as a great ideal which will liberate humanity from the terrible horrors of a world war. "_we deputies of the czech nation declare that a peace which would not bring our nation full liberty could not be and would not mean a peace to us_, but would only be the beginning of a new, desperate and continuous struggle for our political independence, in which our nation would strain to the utmost its material and moral forces. and in that uncompromising struggle it would never relax until its aim had been achieved. _our nation asks for independence_ on the ground of its historic rights, and is imbued with the fervent desire to contribute towards the new development of humanity on the basis of liberty and fraternity in a free competition with other free nations, which our nation hopes to accomplish in a sovereign, equal, democratic and socially just state of its own, built upon the equality of all its citizens within the historic boundaries of the bohemian lands and of slovakia, guaranteeing full and equal national rights to all minorities. "guided by these principles, we solemnly protest against the rejection of the right of self-determination at the peace negotiations, and _demand that, in the sense of this right, all nations, including, therefore, also the czecho-slovaks, be guaranteed participation and full freedom of defending their rights at the peace conference_." _(f) the oath of the czecho-slovak nation_ it will be remembered that count czernin delivered a speech to the vienna municipal council on april , , which caused his downfall. in this pronouncement he also attacked czech leaders and blamed them for the failure of his peace efforts. this interesting passage of his speech reads as follows: "what terrible irony it is that, while our brothers and sons are fighting like lions on the battlefield and millions of men and women at home are heroically bearing their losses and are sending up urgent prayers to the almighty for the speedy termination of the war, certain leaders of the people and the people's representatives agitate against the german alliance, which has so splendidly stood the test, _pass resolutions which no longer have the slightest connection with the state idea, find no word of blame for the czech troops which criminally fight against their own country_ and their brothers-in-arms, would tear parts out of the hungarian state, under the protection of their parliamentary immunity _make speeches which cannot be considered otherwise than as a call to enemy countries to continue the struggle_ solely in order to support their own political efforts, and ever anew kindle the expiring war spirit in london, rome and paris. _the wretched and miserable masaryk is not the only one of his kind. there are also masaryks within the borders of the monarchy._ i would much rather have spoken on this sad matter in the delegations, but, as i have already mentioned, the convoking of the committee has at present proved to be impossible and i cannot wait." thereupon he attempted to absolve the czech "people" from the charge of high treason. the czech leaders did not resent his charge that they were "traitors" like masaryk. indeed, the _lidové noviny_ openly declared: "we are proud to be called traitors." but they resented his subsequent allegation that the czech people do not stand behind their leaders. in order to refute this allegation and to assure the czech soldiers fighting on the side of the entente of their solidarity, the czechs summoned a meeting at prague in which some _delegates of all czech parties and classes took part_, as well as twenty-three delegates of the yugoslavs. the meeting was most solemn and impressive. it was a new manifestation by the whole nation of its unanimity in the struggle for independence. the czecho-yugoslav solidarity was again emphasised. finally, a solemn oath was unanimously taken by the whole assembly. the following are some of its passages: "to the czecho-slovak nation! "the terrible world war is approaching its culmination. in awe and sorrow a great number of czecho-slovak men and women are standing here. "the czecho-slovak blood has been and is still being shed in torrents. "unbroken, united in suffering, our nation believed and believes that the storm of the world war will ultimately result in a better future and that its humanitarian ideals will be sanctioned by a universal peace which will forever guard humanity against a repetition of the present catastrophe. "we never asked for anything but to be able to live a free life, to govern our own destinies free from foreign domination, and to erect our own state after the manner of all other civilised nations. that is our sacred right. it is the national and international right of a nation which has done great service to civilisation and can proudly range itself among the most civilised and democratic nations of europe. "this is the firm and unanimous will of the nation: "_we have assembled here to-day as the legitimate representatives of the czecho-slovak nation in order to manifest unmistakably that the whole nation is united as it never was before, and that it stands like a rock behind the memorable and historic declarations of its deputies_. "_so we are standing here, firmly convinced of the ultimate victory of justice, of the victory of right over might, of liberty over tyranny, of democracy over privilege and of truth over falsehood and deceit_. "at the cross-roads of history, we swear by the glorious memory of our ancestors, before the eyes of the sorrow-stricken nation, over the graves of those who have fallen for the cause of liberty, to-day and for all eternity: "_we will hold on and will never give way!_ "_we will be faithful in all our work, struggles and sufferings, faithful unto death!_ "_we will hold on unto victory!_ "_we will hold on until our nation obtains independence_. "_long live the czecho-slovak nation!_ "let our nation grow and flourish freely in the great family of nations, for its own welfare as well as for the welfare of the future liberated humanity!" _(g) the slovaks' attitude_ the appalling terrorism prevailing in hungary made it impossible for the slovaks to manifest their feelings as they would have liked to do. the slovaks abroad, of course, work hand in hand with the czechs for their common cause. nevertheless, even in hungary the slovaks showed their unanimity with the czechs. according to the _národní listy_ of july , , the slovak political leaders, especially their two deputies, father p. juriga and dr. p. blaho, and the veteran leader of the slovak national party, m. dula, have been subjected to all sorts of persuasions and threats on the part of the magyars who were anxious that the slovaks should disavow the declaration of the bohemian club in favour of the union of all czechs and slovaks in an independent state. the slovak leaders, however, refused to become the dupes of the magyar government. according to the _národní listy_ of may , , a great manifestation was arranged by slovak socialists in st. miklos on may in favour of the union of the hungarian slovaks with the czechs of bohemia, moravia and silesia. several thousand slovaks took part in the manifestation despite the obstacles put in the way by the magyar gendarmerie and police spies. a resolution was carried unanimously demanding amongst other things a just and lasting peace which would prevent the outbreak of fresh conflagrations and assure liberty to all nations in europe, and "_self-determination for all nations_, including also that branch of the czecho-slovak nation which lives in hungary." besides this manifestation, the slovaks sent representative delegates to the national theatre celebrations in prague, with which we deal in our next chapter. _(h) the czecho-slovak national council in prague_ on july , , an important event took place in prague. the czecho-slovaks established an inter-party council which may well be described as part of the _provisional government of bohemia_, whose programme is identical with that of the czecho-slovak provisional government in paris. the inaugural meeting of the council in prague was opened by the president of the agrarian party, mr. svehla, who gave a report about the preparatory work and principles which led to the constitution of the council. on the proposal of m. stanek, president of the union of czech deputies, _dr. karel kramár_, the leader of the independent democratic party, was elected president of the council, _m. klofác_, leader of the national socialists, and _m. svehla_ vice-presidents, and _dr. soukup_, leader of the socialists, secretary. dr. kramár greeted the assembly in the name of the presidency. afterwards deputy klofác delivered a speech in the name of the socialists, and the vice-president of the czech union, supported by deputy habermann, proposed that the presidency should itself select members of the council. the proposal was unanimously accepted. deputy stanek greeted the national council in the name of the czech union as the supreme representative of the whole czecho-slovak nation, of all its classes and parties. thereupon dr. soukup proposed a resolution which was carried unanimously and the chief passages of which read as follows: "to the czecho-slovak nation! "on the decision of all political parties, representing the united will of our whole nation, the czecho-slovak national council has been formed to-day. the immense gravity of the present times and our common concern for the future fate of the czecho-slovak nation have united us in a national organisation. "the ultimate aim of the czecho-slovak national council in prague is postulated by the demand of these times: _to enlist for systematic work, to organise and lead the great spiritual, moral and national resources of the nation_ to that end which is the most sacred and inalienable right of every nation and which cannot and will not be denied also to our nation: "_the right of self-determination in a fully independent czecho-slovak state with its own administration within its own borders and under its own sovereignty_. "the czecho-slovak national council wish to interpret this will of the nation and to be the executive organ of all the common declarations of its delegates which culminated in the solemn oath of april , . "our work will not be easy. we shall have to suffer much more opposition and _we shall have to undergo another great test._ but no obstacles are able to arrest our nation's progress. in full mutual agreement with our delegates and with the whole cultural and economic czech world, the czecho-slovak national council will faithfully fulfil its difficult and responsible task, so that it may be truly said before the conscience of the nation that we did everything that was in our human power. "_we know that our whole nation stands behind the czecho-slovak national council_ as one united rampart. full of joy at the great political act which the constitution of the national council represents, and full of confidence in the victory of our common cause, we address to-day to the whole czecho-slovak nation an urgent appeal to support our work with all its strength, to obey all orders of common discipline and to follow firmly our common national aim." it is significant that the presidency of this council is composed of four of the most eminent leaders of the four greatest parties in bohemia: dr. kramár, klofác, svehla and soukup. all of these have been in prison during this war, as well as the following members of the council: dr. rasín and cervinka, friends of kramár; cyril dusek, former editor of masaryk's organ _the times_; dr. scheiner, president of the "sokol" gymnastic association; and machar, the eminent czech poet. besides these the members of the council include: the socialist leaders bechyne, habermann, krejcí, nemec, stivín, meissner, tusar and vanek; the clerical leaders hruban, srámek and kordác; the author jirásek; agrarians stanek (president of the czech union), udrzal and zahradník, dr. herben, of professor masaryk's party, and others. _all czech parties are represented on the council without exception,_ from the socialists on the extreme left to the clericals on the extreme right. the council is the supreme organ of the czecho-slovak nation, and represents all its classes and parties. it is a national organ and its sole aim is to work for the welfare of bohemia, without any regard to austria. it stands above all party politics and is the supreme organ to which all disputes are referred that may arise affecting czecho-slovak national interests. its aim is, in the words of its proclamation, "to enlist for systematic work, to organise and lead the great spiritual, moral and national resources of the czecho-slovak nation." its ultimate object is to realise "the right of self-determination in a fully independent czecho-slovak state with its own administration within its own borders and under its own sovereignty." its aims are obviously identical with those of the czecho-slovak government in paris, who alone, of course, are able to exercise the executive power as a government, especially to organise armies fighting on the side of the entente. on the other hand, the national council in prague is organising the nation for the final blow which the slavs will, no doubt at an opportune moment, strike at the dual monarchy. immediately after this important event most significant declarations were made by czech deputies in the reichsrat of vienna. the czech deputy _tusar_ declared that "_the war must end with the creation of a czecho-slovak state_, with the victory of democratic ideas and with the defeat of militarism and despotism. we will obtain freedom, cost what it may." thereupon the czech deputies sang the czech national anthem. the next day deputy _stríbrný_ delivered a speech which we have quoted in a previous chapter. the most significant speech, however, was that of _dr. stránský_ in the austrian reichsrat on july , which surpasses any of those we have quoted hitherto in its frank anti-austrian spirit and expression: "we want to expose and show up before the whole world the _intolerable state of foreign domination over us_. you cannot prevent us, not only before a helpless curtailed parliament, not only before an illusory high court, but before the whole world, raising our voice against the premier who is a typical representative of that _austria whose mere existence is a constant and automatic prolongation of the war. one of the obstacles to peace is the oppression of nationalities in austria_ and their domination by the germans. _in this war the germans, even if they do not openly admit it, have come to the conclusion that the german hegemony in central europe, and especially in austria, is standing on its last legs_. since they see that their predominance can no longer be maintained, they endeavour to translate all that they have acquired into reality, so as to secure the spoils for themselves. thus the germans conceived the idea of establishing a province 'deutschböhmen' which must be prepared by the establishment of district governments. from this a very interesting conclusion may be drawn--_that the germans themselves lost faith in the further existence of austria_, otherwise they would not be in a hurry to save their province deutschböhmen in the present austria. because they rather wish for no austria than for an austria where they would not be able to rule, _they are already counting upon the break-up of austria:_ since the germans do not want to accept the solution of a free danubian confederation of nations, they prepare already their union with the hohenzollerns. "but then we must ask the germans to take nothing with them that does not belong to them. it is more than questionable whether deutschböhmen really is german. "there is another reason which speaks against the creation of a deutschböhmen. i am convinced that _if a plebiscite were carried out among german people in northern bohemia, they would declare against separation from bohemia_. why? because the germans are too clever not to know that bohemia forms not only a historical and geographical unity, but that this unity has besides a historical basis, also a practical foundation. the relation between the czech part of bohemia and northern bohemia is to a large degree the relation of the consumer and the producer. where do you want to export your articles if not to your czech hinterland? how could the german manufacturers otherwise exist? when after the war a czecho-slovak state is erected, _the germans of bohemia will much rather remain in bohemia and live on good terms with the czech peasant than be identified with germany, boycotted, opposed and hated by the whole world_, especially if we guarantee, not only by promises, but by deeds and laws, full autonomy to the german population within the bohemian state. "_the real question which puzzles us to-day is: how can austria exist at all?_ that is the question. and i again repeat solemnly palacký's word that _austria may exist only so long as her nations wish for it_, and that _she will cease to exist_ as soon as her nations do not want her to exist. the slav nations of austria declared clearly and emphatically their wishes and desires in their proclamations. if instead of working for the conversion of the ruling factor in favour of these wishes dr. seidler shows us gessler's hat of austria with a german head and backbone, then let him remember that _we shall hate this austria for all eternity_ (loud cheers and applause) _and we shall fight her, and god willing, we shall in the end smash her to pieces so completely that nothing will remain of her_." _the president:_ "i cannot admit such an expression about this state and i call the deputy to order." _dr. stránský_: "excellency, i really do not deserve such a rebuke. it would be sad if we could not speak freely and with proper emphasis against a state form which has been imposed upon us. "let dr. seidler remember that _we regard austria, whose integrity according to him must not be questioned, as a centuries-old crime on the liberties of humanity. let him remember that it is not only our political intention, not only our instinct of self-preservation, but our highest duty and--do not hesitate to say so--our national religion and our greatest moral mission to damage austria wherever and whenever possible, and that our loyalty to our own nation, to our native country, to our history, to our future and to the bohemian crown, prompts us to betray austria which is backed up by germany. we are therefore determined faithfully to betray her whenever and wherever we can_. i tell you further, gentlemen, that this state, this austria which seidler talks about, is not a state at all. _it is a hideous, centuries-old dream, a nightmare, a beast, and nothing else_. it is a state without a name, it is _a constitutional monarchy without a crown and without a constitution_. for what kind of a constitution is it if it has not the necessary confirmation by oath and won the general approval of nations because it was found to be untenable? _it is a state without patriots and without patriotism_, it is a state which arose by the amalgamation of eight irredents--the german one included--it is a state which had no future and in which the dynasty ... (suppressed) ... in a word, it is a state which is no state at all. _as a matter of fact, austria no longer exists_, it is an absurdity and an impossibility. if i spoke about czech regiments which went to embrace their 'enemies,' i must admit that personally i know nothing about them except what i heard from my german colleagues who persist in making complaints against us. we believe every word of what they say to be true, but ... (suppressed by censor). did you ever hear that a husband conscious of his honour and respectability told the whole world about the infidelity of his wife who left him because he ill-treated her? no, because the husband knows that it is his shame and not hers. _and if czecho-slovak brigades are to-day fighting against austria-hungary it is only a proof that there is something very wrong with austria, that austria is more rotten than shakespeare's denmark._ for what other state has soldiers who ran over voluntarily to the enemy? you keep on saying that england has the irish problem. _did you ever hear of irish brigades, did you ever hear that any french legions were fighting for the central powers against france_, or russian legions against russia when we were at war with russia? indeed, gentlemen, not even turkey has any legions fighting with the enemy against her. _there must therefore be some deep reason for czecho-slovak, polish and yugoslav legions fighting on the side of the entente_." we think that any comments on this explicit declaration, in which a czech deputy representing his whole nation openly expressed hope for the dismemberment of austria and praised the czecho-slovak troops fighting for the allies, are superfluous. viii czecho-slovak co-operation with other non-german nations of central europe the czechs have always clearly seen that one of the chief reasons which enable the german-magyar minority to rule over the slav majority is the lack of co-operation amongst the subject peoples. already before the war the czechs were pioneers of slav solidarity and reciprocity, wrongly called pan-slavism. thanks to their geographic position, they have no claims conflicting with any nations except the germans and magyars who are their only enemies. in these efforts for promoting slav solidarity the czechs met serious obstacles. in the case of some of their slav friends it was lack of internal unity which prevented co-operation. in other cases it was the quarrels artificially fomented by austria between her subject nations, notably between the poles and ruthenes and between the yugoslavs and italians. finally, the poles lacked a definite international point of view. they were justly sceptical of slav solidarity seeing that they were oppressed by a government which claimed to represent a great slav nation. all these obstacles, however, have one by one disappeared as the war has gone on. all the subject peoples of central europe saw that they were persecuted and driven to be slaughtered by the same enemies in berlin, vienna and budapest. the oppressed races found at last that they have common aspirations and interests, and the collapse of russia to-day makes even the poles realise where their real enemies are. the polish people may to-day have only one orientation: against the central powers. it is an inspiriting sign that even some polish "realpoliticians" begin to realise that austria is doomed and that it is bad politics to count upon vienna, to say nothing of berlin. _(a) the congress of rome_ in order to give practical expression to the growing sense of co-operation amongst the oppressed nations of austria-hungary, their representatives assembled in rome at the beginning of april, . in those days the great spirit of mazzini revived again in rome, and from that moment italy definitely became the champion of the movement of the oppressed nations of austria-hungary towards independence. the congress was attended by numerous italian senators, deputies, ministers and other leading men. the yugoslav committee was represented by its president, dr. trumbic, the dalmatian sculptor mestrovic, the bosnian deputy stojanovic and others; the czecho-slovak council by dr. benes and colonel stefanik; the poles by the galician deputy mr. zamorski, and by messrs. seyda, skirmunt, loret and others; the rumanians by the senators draghicescu and minorescu, the deputy lupu and the transylvanians mandrescu and de luca. the serbian skupstina sent a deputation of twelve deputies and a delegation of officers from the yugoslav division at salonica. among the foreign visitors invited to the congress were m. franklin-bouillon, president of the foreign affairs committee of the french chamber of deputies, the ex-minister m. albert thomas, m. fournol, m. pierre de quirielle, mr. h.w. steed, mr. seton-watson, and mr. nelson gay. the congress unanimously adopted the following general resolutions agreed upon between the various nationalities and the special italo-yugoslav convention concluded between messrs. torre and trumbic: "the representatives of the nationalities subjected in whole or in part to the rule of austria-hungary--the italians, poles, rumanians, czechs and yugoslavs--join in affirming their principles of common action as follows: " . each of these peoples proclaims its right to constitute its own nationality and state unity or to complete it and to attain full political and economic independence. " . each of these peoples recognises in the austro-hungarian monarchy the instrument of german domination and the fundamental obstacle to the realisation of its aspirations and rights. " . the assembly recognises the necessity of a common struggle against the common oppressors, in order that each of these peoples may attain complete liberation and national unity within a free state. "the representatives of the italian people and of the yugoslav people in particular agree as follows: " . in the relations between the italian nation and the nation of the serbs, croats, and slovenes--known also under the name of the yugoslav nation--the representatives of the two peoples recognise that the unity and independence of the yugoslav nation is of vital interest to italy, just as the completion of italian national unity is of vital interest to the yugoslav nation, and therefore pledge themselves to employ every effort in order that at the moment of the peace these decisions _(finalita)_ of the two nations may be completely attained. " . they declare that the liberation of the adriatic sea and its defence against every present and future enemy is of vital interest to the two peoples. " . they pledge themselves also in the interest of good and sincere relations between the two peoples in the future, to solve amicably the various territorial controversies on the basis of the principles of nationality and of the right of peoples to decide their own fate, and in such a way as not to injure the vital interests of the two nations, as they shall be defined at the moment of peace. " . to such racial groups _(nuclei)_ of one people as it may be found necessary to include within the frontiers of the other there shall be recognised and guaranteed the right of preserving their own language, culture, and moral and economic interests." the polish delegates laid before the congress a special memorandum of their own from which we quote the following: "the polish question admits of no cut-and-dried solution and of no compromise. poland will either be saved by the allies or she will become dependent upon germany, whether the latter is associated with austria or not; above all, upon all-powerful prussia. "there is only one way of avoiding this latter alternative, and that is by countering the plans of the central powers with regard to poland by the proclamation of the polish programme, which is that of the allies. this programme is the restitution to poland of the mouth of the vistula, of dantzig and of the polish portion of the baltic coastline. this programme will prevent lithuania and the ukraine from becoming instruments of prusso-german oppression and austrian intrigue. it is only such a poland as this which will be able to fulfil its historic mission as a rampart against the germans. "its resistance will be still more effectual when united with that of an independent czecho-slovak state, and of a strong rumania, healed of all the wounds inflicted by the war, and if, at the same time, the yugoslav peoples achieve their unity and independence. the poles, in claiming the polish districts of austria, declare themselves categorically for the complete liberation of bohemia, which would otherwise be left at the mercy of the german-austrians. _the independence of neighbouring bohemia is as necessary to an independent poland as a great independent poland is necessary to the very existence of bohemia._ the united forces of the polish, czecho-slovak and rumanian nations, forming a great belt from the baltic to the black sea, will prove a barrier against the german 'drang nach osten.' for, since the collapse of russia, these are the only real forces upon which the allies can depend." on the day following the congress its leaders were officially received by the italian premier, signer orlando, who conveyed to them the warm greetings of the government: "we have seen with keen satisfaction this assembly here in rome, where for centuries the representative spirits of all peoples and races have always found refuge, and where hard facts seem to assume a prophetic form and ideal meaning. "these neighbouring nationalities are, in their turn, subjected to austria, and it has only been the traditional astuteness of this state which has unchained the ethnic passions of the oppressed races, inciting one against the other in order more easily to rule them. hence, it seems natural and necessary to follow the opposite policy from that which has so greatly helped the enemy, _and to establish a solidarity sprung from common suffering_. there is no substantial reason for a quarrel, if we sincerely examine the conditions of mutual existence, remember the mutual sacrifices and agree in our determination to grant just guarantees to those racial minorities which necessity may assign to one or the other of the different state groups. "italy should be able to understand better than any other country the aspirations of the nationalities, since the history of italy, now completed, is simply your history now awaiting completion.... no other people, before forming itself into a free and independent state, had to undergo so long an apprenticeship, so methodical an oppression, such varied forms of violence. like generous poland, italy was shattered, partitioned by strangers, and treated for centuries as a _res nullius. the firm resolve of the bohemian people to revive the glorious kingdom which has so valiantly stemmed the onset of the germans is the same resolve which moved our ancestors and our fathers to conspiracy and revolt, that italy might become a united state_. the impetuous and vigorous character of the southern slavs and the rumanians of transylvania already has led to the making of heroes and martyrs; and here they are met by the endless stream of our heroes and martyrs; who across time and space fraternise on the scaffold erected by their common enemy. "for your nations 'to be or not to be' is the inexorable choice at this moment. here cautious subtleties are of no avail, nor the adroit reservations borrowed from diplomacy, nor discussions more or less byzantine, 'while the turk is at the gates.' the necessities are faith and work; it is thus that nations are formed." we have already mentioned that the u.s. government identified themselves with the resolutions adopted by the rome conference. as regards great britain, lord robert cecil made the following declaration on may , : "above all _i welcome especially the recent congress at rome_, which has done so much to strengthen the alliance of which italy is a part. i believe that the congress was valuable for its wisdom and its moderation. i believe that it was valuable for the spirit of brotherhood which it displayed. but above all i welcome it because it showed that the italian government, as expressed by the speech of the italian prime minister (signor orlando), recognise to the full that the principles on which the kingdom of italy was founded were not only of local application, but extend to international relations. (cheers) _italy has shown herself ready to extend to the poles, to those gallant czecho-slovaks, to the rumanians, and last, but not least, to the yugoslavs, the principles on which her own 'risorgimento' was founded_, and on which she may still go forward to a greater future than she has ever seen in the past. (cheers.) _that is a great work, and those who have borne any part in it may well be proud of their accomplishment_. "people talk sometimes about the dismemberment of austria. i have no weakness for austria; but i venture to think that that is the wrong point of view. the way to regard this problem is not the dismemberment of austria, _but the liberation of the population subject to her rule. we are anxious to see all these peoples in the enjoyment of full liberty and independence; able by some great federation to hold up in central europe the principles upon which european policy must be founded,_ unless we are to face disasters too horrible to contemplate. the old days of arbitrary allotment of this population or that to this sovereignty or that are gone--and, i trust, gone forever. we must look for any future settlement, to a settlement not of courts or cabinets, but of nations and populations. _on that alone depends the whole conception of the league of nations,_ of which we have heard so much; and unless that can be secured as the foundation for that great idea, i myself despair of its successful establishment." _(b) the may manifestations in prague_ a direct re-percussion of the rome conference was the great meeting which took place in prague on may , on the occasion of the jubilee celebration of the foundation of the czech national theatre. the manifestations took pre-eminently a political character, especially as they were attended by numerous distinguished foreign guests. these included delegates from all parts of the southern slav territories, poles, rumanians and italians. the russians, although invited, could not take part, because of the obstacles placed in the way by the austrian government. as regards the yugoslavs, there were over delegates from the slovene districts alone, including dr. pogacnik, deputies ravnicar and rybár, the mayor of lublanja, dr. tavcar, president of the chamber of commerce, j. knez and others. the yugoslavs were further represented by count vojnovitch and m. hribar, by delegates of the croatian starcevic party, the serbian dissidents, dr. budisavljevic, mr. val pribicevic, dr. sunaric, mr. sola from bosnia, representatives of the national, cultural, economic institutions, and representatives of the city of zagreb, with the mayor, dr. srpulje, at the head. there were seventeen italians with deputies conci and de caspari at the head. the rumanians from hungary and bukovina also arrived. the slovaks of hungary met with the most hearty welcome. they were led by the poet hviezdoslav. an inspiring feature was the presence of the poles, of whom about sixty took part in the manifestations, the majority of them from galicia, three from silesia and one from posen. the delegation from galicia included prominent representatives of the polish democratic party, count dr. a. skarbek, deputy and ex-minister glombínski and deputy witos, the socialist leader moraczewski whose father took part in the pan-slav congress of prague in , deputy tetmajer, representatives of the cities of lvoff and cracow and of the university of cracow, members of municipal and county councils, journalists, artists, painters, sculptors, authors and others. at a meeting arranged in honour of the slav guests, dr. kramár declared that "the czech nation is stronger to-day than ever before. there is no worse policy than that which gives in before danger. i am sure that our people will not give way. we have suffered so much that there is no horror which could divert us from the path we follow. happily enough, we see that what we want is also desired by the whole world. we see that we are not alone. to-day the representatives of other nations, which have suffered in the same way as ourselves, have come to us. of course, they did not come to us only to take part in our festivals, but also to express on the bohemian soil their determination that their nations want to live freely. we are united by the same interests. our victory is theirs and theirs is ours." the yugoslav deputy radic thanked the czechs, in the name of the yugoslavs, for unity and solidarity. the polish deputy moraczewski expressed his thanks not only for the welcome accorded to the poles in prague, but also for the proclamation of the watchword: "for your liberty and ours!" the main celebrations took place in the bohemian museum on may . since the speeches delivered on that occasion were of such significance and are sure to prove of great international importance in the near future, we propose to quote at least the chief passages from them. the first speaker was dr. kramár who declared: "you know that they are in vain trying to crush us. every wrong will come back to the authors. that is our firm belief, and therefore you will find no despondency in bohemia, but only _firm determination not only to defend to the last the integrity of our kingdom, but also to accomplish the unity of the whole czecho-slovak nation. we firmly believe in the ultimate victory of the right of nations to liberty and self-determination._ and we therefore welcome you in our beautiful golden city of prague, because we know that your presence here to-day is the best proof that our faith is the faith of all nations who have hitherto been clamouring in vain for right and justice. "allow me to make a personal remark. we were far away from public life, confined in prison, and only very little news reached us. various events filled us with anxiety and despondency. bohemia seemed to be like a large, silent and dead churchyard. and all of a sudden we heard that underneath the shroud with which they tried to cover our nation there still was some life. czech books were read more than ever, and the life of the national soul expressed itself in the performances in the national theatre. when we heard about the storm of enthusiasm which greeted the prophecy in smetana's opera _libusha_, we felt suddenly relieved, and we knew that our sufferings were not in vain. "we placed everything that we want into the prophecy of libusha--a new life, free, not constrained by disfavour or misunderstanding. _we do not want to remain within the limits prescribed to us by vienna_ (applause), we want to be entire masters of our national life as a whole. we do not need foreign spirit and foreign advice; our best guide is our past, the great democratic traditions of our nation. we have enough strength and perseverance not to be afraid of anything that threatens us, because _we want the full freedom for the whole nation, including the millions of our oppressed brothers beneath the tatra mountains_. (a stormy applause.) "that does not depend on any circumstances outside our scope; it depends entirely upon ourselves, upon our will. _we must show that we are worthy of liberty and of the great future which we are striving for_. it must not be left to the generosity of individuals to support our peoples who under oppressive conditions are awakening national consciousness in their countrymen. _we must mobilise our whole nation_. all of us will be required to assist in the great tasks which are awaiting us. "i think we may confidently look into the future. the war has united us internally, and it has taught us that all party politics which for a long time past have poisoned our life, are insignificant in view of the great issues of our national future which are at stake. we have lived long enough to see our whole people united in the demand for an independent czecho-slovak state, although the modern times have deepened class differences. "we recollect our past to-day with a firm hope for a better future. the hearts of all are to-day filled with joyous confidence and expectation that we shall live to see the day when in our national theatre we shall rejoice over the victory of liberty, justice and self-determination of nations. _our golden slav prague will again become a royal city, and our czech nation will again be free, strong and glorious_." after dr. kramár had finished, the aged czech author jirásek described the history of the national theatre during the past fifty years, and concluded: "to-day as fifty years ago our nation is united without party distinction. _we form a single front, and follow a single policy. we all demand our natural and historic rights, and strengthened by the co-operation of the yugoslavs, we firmly believe that as we succeeded in erecting our national theatre, so shall we also obtain our rights and be able to rejoice with a song of a full and free life_." when the enthusiasm which followed jirásek's speech subsided, the great slovak poet hviezdoslav "conveyed the greeting from that branch of the czecho-slovak nation which lives in hungary," and assured the assembly that after going back he would spread everywhere the news of the enthusiasm animating the czechs so as to cheer up his sorely suffering fellow-countrymen, the slovaks of hungary. professor kasprovicz from lemberg, who followed, declared in the name of the poles: "we are united with you not only by blood affinity, but by our united will, and we can reach the goal only by co-operation and by joint efforts. "this co-operation is perplexing to our enemies who, therefore, do all in their power to disrupt this union. their endeavours are in vain. _all of us believe that neither the czech nor the polish nation will perish_, that even a great war cannot bring about their extirpation; that besides the war there is something greater than all human efforts, that the day of justice will also come, and that the _czech and polish nations not only must be but already are victorious_." a tremendous applause ensued, and the people sang "jeszcie polska niezgynela" ("poland has not perished yet"). and when the chairman announced that the next speaker was to be the italian irredentist deputy, signer conci, another storm of applause and cries of "eviva!" burst out. signor conci declared: "i convey to you the expression of the heartiest greetings from all italians who are participating in this brilliant manifestation, and from all those who, like myself, follow with great sympathy everything that concerns the fate of the noble czech nation. "an old verse speaks about 'socii dolorum' ('friends in suffering'), and i must say that this consolation for the different nations of this state has been amply provided for. _but nothing helps the union and brotherhood better than the common misfortune and common persecutions_ which strengthen the character of the nation. in defence against this menace, we and you have written on our shield: 'fanger, non flector' ('i can be broken but not bent'). "when i saw with what indomitable firmness you withstood all unjust persecutions, and with what a fervent devotion and enthusiasm the whole nation supported your best and unjustly persecuted leaders, i realised that _this nation cannot die_, and that when the time comes its just cause will triumph. and i bring you our sincere wish that this may be as soon as possible. _it is a wish from one oppressed nation to another_, from a representative of an afflicted nation which has suffered and still is suffering intolerable oppression. may the roaring bohemian lion soon be able to repose in peace and fully enjoy his own triumph." dr. tavcar, representing the slovenes, declared: "we yugoslavs are deeply feeling how much the czech culture is helping us and how great is its influence upon us. _we are the most faithful allies of our brother czechs_, and at the same time their assiduous and i dare say very gifted pupils. at a moment when our oppressors want to build a german bridge over our bodies to the slav adriatic, we come to you as your allies. we shall fall if you fall, but our victory is certain." two other yugoslav leaders, dr. srpulje, mayor of zagreb, for the croats, and v. sola, president of the bosnian sabor, for the serbs, expressed the same sentiments. after the speech of the czech author krejcí, m. stanek, president of the bohemian parliamentary union, concluded the meeting. stormy demonstrations then took place in the streets of prague, where the people loudly cheered professor masaryk and the entente. on the same day also the socialists had a meeting in which prominent czech, polish and yugoslav socialists took part. the polish socialist deputy moraczewski, from cracow, declared that "the poles, like the czechs, are fighting for self-determination of nations." comrade kristan, speaking for the slovene workers, emphasised the idea of yugoslav unity. the spokesman of the social democrats from bosnia, comrade smitran, hailed the czecho-yugoslav understanding, and said that, although living under intolerable conditions, his nation hopes for deliverance, and like the czecho-slovak nation, demands liberty and independence. after the polish comrade stanczyk, the leaders of the two czech socialist parties, dr. soukup and klofác, delivered long speeches in which they emphasised the solidarity of the three western slav nations, the poles, czecho-slovaks and yugoslavs, and their identical claims for liberty and independence. dr. soukup declared that "socialism is to-day a great factor not only in bohemia, but in the whole world." the manifestation was concluded by the czech socialist deputy nemec, and by the singing of the czech national anthem. on the day following, fresh manifestations were held in prague, and a meeting was arranged, described by the czech press as the congress of oppressed nations of austria-hungary. among those who supported the resolutions were representatives of czecho-slovaks, yugoslavs, rumanians and italians, as well as poles. the resolution carried unanimously by the assembly reads as follows: "the representatives of slav and latin nations who for centuries past have been suffering under foreign oppression, assembled in prague this seventeenth day of may, , have united in a common desire to do all in their power in order to assure full liberty and independence to their respective nations after this terrible war. they are agreed that a better future for their nations will be founded and assured by the world democracy, by a real and sovereign national people's government, and by a universal league of nations, endowed with the necessary authorities. "they reject emphatically all steps of the government taken without the consent of the people. they are convinced that the peace which they, together with all other democratic parties and nations, are striving for, will only be a just and lasting peace if it liberates the world from the predominance of one nation over another and thus enables all nations to defend themselves against aggressive imperialism by means of liberty and equality of nations. all nations represented are determined to help each other, since the victory of one is also the victory of the other, and is not only in the interests of the nations concerned, but in the interests of civilisation, of fraternity and equality of nations, as well as of true humanity." ix bohemia as a bulwark against pan-germanism from the foregoing chapters it is clear that: _(a)_ the austro-hungarian government represents only the habsburgs, and the austrian germans and the magyars, who form a minority of the total population of the monarchy. the majority, consisting of slavs and latins, is opposed to the further existence of austria-hungary. _(b)_ the austrian germans and magyars, who exercised their hegemony in austria and hungary respectively, will always be bound to look to germany for the support of their predominance as long as austria-hungary in whatever form exists. the collapse of the habsburg empire in october, , practically put an end to this possibility. _(c)_ the habsburgs, austro-germans and magyars, just like the bulgars, became the willing and wilful partners of prussia in this war, while the austrian slavs, especially the czecho-slovaks, have done all in their power to assist the allies at the price of tremendous sacrifices. under these circumstances, the only possible policy for the allies is to support the claims of those peoples who are heart and soul with them. any policy which would not satisfy the just slav aspirations would play into the hands of germany. _(d)_ the restoration of the _status quo ante bellum_ of austria or hungary is out of the question. the allies have pledged themselves to unite the italian and rumanian territories of austria with italy and rumania respectively. the aim of serbia is to unite all the yugoslavs. deprived of her italian, rumanian and yugoslav provinces, austria-hungary would lose some twelve million slavs and latins. the problem of poland also cannot be solved in a satisfactory way without the incorporation in poland of the polish territories of galicia. if the _status quo_ were re-established, the czecho-slovaks, whom great britain has recognised as an allied nation, would be placed in a decisive minority and would be powerless in face of the german-magyar majority. this the allies in their own interests cannot allow. they must insist upon the restoration of bohemia's full independence. _(e)_ the disappearance of austria-hungary therefore appears to be the only solution if a permanent peace in europe is to be achieved. moreover, as we have already pointed out, her dissolution is a political necessity for europe, and is to-day already an accomplished fact. the dismemberment of austria does not mean a destructive policy. on the contrary, it means only the destruction of oppression and racial tyranny. it is fundamentally different from the dismemberment of poland, which was a living nation, while austria is not. the dismemberment of austria will, on the contrary, unite nations at present dismembered, and will reconstruct europe so as to prevent further german aggressive attempts towards the east and south-east. a close alliance between poland, czecho-slovak bohemia, greater rumania, greater serbia (or yugoslavia) and italy would assure a stable peace in central europe. the issue really at stake was: central europe either pan-german or anti-german. if germany succeeded in preserving austria-hungary, the pan-german plans of mitteleuropa would be a _fait accompli_, and germany would have won the war: the germans would, with the aid of the magyars and bulgars, directly and indirectly control and exploit over one hundred million slavs in central europe. on the other hand, now that austria has fallen to pieces the german plans have been frustrated. the germans will not only be unable to use the austrian slavs again as cannon-fodder, but even the economic exploitation of central europe will be barred to them. from the international point of view, bohemia will form the very centre of the anti-german barrier, and with the assistance of a new poland in the north, and italy, yugoslavia and rumania in the south, she will successfully prevent german penetration to the east, near east and the adriatic. austria and hungary, reduced to their proper racial boundaries, will be states of about eight million each. the magyars, being situated in the lowlands, which are mainly agricultural, hemmed in between bohemia, rumania and yugoslavia, will be in a hopeless strategic and economic position. they will be unable to attack any of their neighbours, and they will be wholly dependent on them for industrial products. hungary will thus be forced to come to an understanding with her neighbours. austria will be in a similar position: deprived of her richest provinces, she will no longer be of any great economic or military value to germany. let us now examine the probable future relations between bohemia and her neighbours. . the formation of a strong _polish-czech block_ is the only means of arresting the german expansion towards the east. to-day, when russia has collapsed, the liberation of the non-germans of central europe can alone save europe from the hegemony of the german herrenvolk. the creation of a strong and united poland with access to the sea at gdansk (dantzig) and an independent czecho-slovak state has become a necessity for europe. the understanding between the poles and czechs is of vital interest to both peoples concerned, and to europe as a whole. it is by no means hypothetical, considering that geographically the poles and czechs are neighbours, that they speak almost the same language, and that their national spirit, history and traditions bear a close resemblance. the history of poland offers many strange parallels to that of bohemia. it is specially interesting to note that in the fifteenth century, as to-day, the poles and czechs together resisted the german "drang nach osten." the czech with their famous leader zizka participated in the splendid polish victory over the teutonic knights at grünwald in , while on the other hand, there were many poles in the hussite regiments who so gloriously defended the czech religious and national liberties in the fifteenth century. poland and bohemia were also united several times under a common dynasty. after bohemia lost her independence at the battle of the white mountain in , she became the prey of austrian barbarity. the habsburgs have done their best to extirpate the czech heretics and abolish and destroy the bohemian constitution. with bohemia's loss of independence her contact with poland also ceased. and poland herself became the prey of prussia, russia and austria some years later, notwithstanding the constitution of may and the heroic resistance of kosciuszko. the regeneration of the czechs at the end of the eighteenth century meant the resumption of friendly relations between czechs and poles. the czechs desired to come to an agreement with the poles because the latter are their nearest kinsmen in race and language, and like themselves have suffered terribly from alien oppression. there were many polonophils amongst the first czech regenerators, and the polish revolutions always evoked sincere sympathy in bohemia. the modern czech writers were all sincere friends of the poles. thanks to their efforts, sienkiewicz and mickiewicz are read in every household in bohemia, and the dramas of slowacki, krasinski, wyspianski and others are frequently played on the stage of our national theatre in prague. the present interests and aspirations of poles and czechs are identical. like the czechs, the poles are threatened by the pan-german schemes of mitteleuropa and "drang nach osten," to which they are bitterly opposed. these plans can be checked effectively only by the establishment of a strong and united poland with access to the sea, a strong czecho-slovak state, and a united and independent yugoslavia and rumania. it was proved by events that russian imperialism and oppression was never so dangerous to europe as pan-germanism, since the former was built upon sand and opposed by the russian people themselves; while pan-germanism rests upon effective organisation, and its brutal principles of domination are supported by the bulk of the german people. the central powers are to-day poland's only enemies, and are a danger to her as to all europe. poland's interests lie only in one orientation: in absolute opposition to pan-germany. the alliance between poland and bohemia will provide the latter with an outlet to the sea (gdansk). this will draw the two countries still closer together. economically such an alliance would be to the mutual interests of both countries. since bohemia has not, like poland, been devastated during this war, she could greatly assist poland in rebuilding her trade and industries, and this would prevent german economic penetration to the east. on the other hand, poland could supply her with oil and salt from galicia. the czecho-polish block would prevent german penetration in russia, which would thus be able to set her own affairs in order. the czecho-polish block would also frustrate the german plans of creating a polish-german-magyar combination by means of a small poland, completely dependent on the central powers, or by means of the so-called austro-polish solution. the czecho-slovaks, owing to their geographic position and past traditions, and owing to their advanced civilisation, may be fully relied upon as the pioneers of peace and stability in central europe. . the czecho-slovak state will probably have a common frontier with _rumania_. the rumanians-and czecho-slovaks will have common interests, and their mutual political and economic relations will be of great importance. economically, agricultural rumania and industrial bohemia will complete each other. prague will have direct railway connection with bukarest and jassy, while the danube will connect the czecho-slovaks both with the yugoslavs and the rumanians, under the protection of the league of nations. politically the alliance between a united poland, bohemia and greater rumania is of paramount importance, because if poland and rumania remain as small as they are at present, and if the czecho-slovaks and yugoslavs are left at the mercy of vienna and budapest, the germans will be masters of central europe. . the relations between _czechs and yugoslavs_ have always been cordial, since both of them have always had the same anti-german and anti-magyar orientation. by way of the danube the czecho-slovaks would be in direct communication with belgrade. the czechs could further also be accorded an international railway connecting pressburg with the adriatic. the czechs, being well developed industrially and commercially, could greatly assist the yugoslavs in organising a state sufficiently strong to arrest german and magyar penetration in the balkans. the czechs, being good friends of the yugoslavs and italians, will at the same time exert their efforts to prevent all misunderstandings between these two adriatic nations from which only the germans would profit. a close alliance between bohemia, italy, yugoslavia and rumania will form an effective safeguard against german penetration in the near east. since rumania will border both on bohemia and yugoslavia, the germans will be completely encircled by a strong latin-slav barrier, of which bohemia will form the centre, working for stability in central europe and safeguarding europe from a repetition of the german attempts at world domination. . the czecho-slovak state itself will be strong both strategically and economically. it will number over twelve million, and its territory, comprising bohemia, moravia, austrian-silesia and slovakia, will be about , square miles, that is a territory as large as england (without scotland, ireland and wales). surrounded by high mountains, bohemia forms a veritable fortress in the heart of europe. economically, too, she will be strong and self-supporting. in the past bohemia was the richest part of the habsburg empire, with well-developed agriculture and industries. bohemia produced lbs. of grain per inhabitant, the rest of austria lbs. the bohemian lands are responsible for per cent. of austria's, production of sugar, most of which has been exported to england. hops of remarkable quality are produced in bohemia, and pilsen beer is known all over the world. bohemia manufactures over per cent. of all the beer produced in austria. bohemia has also abundant wealth in minerals, the only mineral which is not found there being salt. bohemia produces per cent. of austria's iron and per cent. ( million tons) of her coal. as regards trade, almost all the business between bohemia and western europe has always passed through vienna, which of course greatly profited thereby. this will cease when bohemia becomes independent. two-thirds of the total austrian exports, the value of which was over £ , , in , come from the bohemian lands. to england alone austria exported £ , , worth of bohemian sugar annually. bohemian beer, malt and hops were exported especially to france, textiles and machines to italy. on the other hand, germany and german-austria imported from the bohemian lands especially agricultural products (butter, eggs, cheese, cereals, fruit), also coal and wood manufactures. in austria exported , metric tons of wheat and , metric tons of malt, which were mostly produced in bohemia. the export of bohemian beer brings austria , , kronen annually (£ , ), of malt , , kronen (£ , , ). the bohemian lands further export , , kronen (£ , , ) worth of textiles annually. the austrian import trade is also largely dependent on bohemia. all french articles bought by bohemia come through vienna, two-thirds of the whole french export being destined for that country. as regards england, in £ , , worth of goods were exported to austria-hungary, the greater part of which again was destined for bohemia, the chief articles being printing and agricultural machines and textile manufactures. england will after the war find a good market in bohemia, and valuable assistants in czech banks and business men in the economic competition against the germans in the near east, since the czechs boycotted german goods even before the war. prague is a railway centre of european importance, being situated just midway between the adriatic and the baltic sea. an agreement with her neighbours (poland, yugoslavia and rumania) and the league of nations arrangement would secure her an outlet to the sea by means of international railways, while the elbe and danube would also form important trade routes. bohemia would become an intermediary between the baltic and adriatic as well as between east and west. also the future relations of bohemia with the british colonies are not without importance. more than half the trade of austria with the british colonies was transacted by the czechs, and austria-hungary exported to british colonies £ , , and imported from them £ , , worth of goods annually. . one of the most important reasons why the czecho-slovaks, when independent, will be able to render such valuable services to the allies, is the high degree of their civilisation. despite all efforts of the austrian government to the contrary, the czechs have nevertheless been able to attain a high standard of education, and they also excel in literature, music and the arts. the czechs are not only the most advanced of all slavs, but they are even the most advanced of all nations of austria-hungary. in austria as a whole . per cent. of the children do not attend school; in bohemia only - / per cent. the standard of education of the czechs compares with that of the austrian-germans and magyars, according to the _monatschrift für statistik_ of , as follows: czechs. austrian magyars. germans. persons knowing how to write and read - / % % % persons knowing how to read only % % % illiterates - / % % % the czechs have accomplished this by their own efforts, as is shown by the fact that czech schools are kept up by a private czech society. these schools have altogether classes and teachers, and are attended by more than , children. the unjust treatment of the czechs in regard to schools is further shown by the fact that , , germans in austria had five universities, , , poles two universities, while , , czechs had only one. the german university in prague had students in , the czech university . the germans in prague number some , (_i.e._ - / per cent.), yet they have their public schools and even a university; while the czechs in vienna, numbering at least some , (_i.e._ over per cent.), are deprived even of elementary schools, to say nothing of secondary schools and universities. the slovaks of hungary were, of course, in an absolutely hopeless position in view of the terrible system of magyar oppression. the magyars consider the schools as the most effective means for magyarisation. in the counties inhabited by the slovaks there are only slovak schools, and even in those schools magyar is taught sometimes fully hours a week. the number of slovak schools has been systematically reduced from in to in , and in , and these are attended by some , children out of , , _i.e._ per cent. the slovaks opened three secondary schools in the early seventies, but all three were arbitrarily closed in . they have, of course, no university. thus they were deprived of intellectual leaders and are doomed to complete denationalisation, unless liberated and united with the czechs in an independent bohemia. in literature the czechs may rightly range themselves side by side with the great nations of western europe. practically all the most important works of foreign literature have been translated into czech. the czechs have many good dramas, novels, and much excellent poetry which can be fully appreciated only by those knowing their language. they are also very musical, and their composers such as dvorák, smetana, novák or suk, singers such as emmy destinn, and violinists such as kubelík, are known all over the world. they are also developed in all other arts, and their folk-songs, peasant arts and industries, especially those of the slovaks, bear ample testimony to their natural talents and sense for beauty and art. . it is obvious that the cause of bohemia is of very great importance to the very existence of the british empire. if germany succeeded in preserving her grip on austria-hungary, the balkans and turkey, she would soon strike at egypt and india, and thus endanger the safety of the british empire. germany would control vast resources in man-power and material which would enable her to plunge into another attempt at world-domination in a very short time. on the other hand, when the non-german nations of central europe are liberated, germany will be absolutely prevented from repeating her present exploits, great britain will be no more menaced by her, and a permanent peace in europe will be assured. thus with the cause of bohemia the cause of great britain will either triumph or fall. bismarck truly said that the master of bohemia would be the master of europe. bohemia has many traditions in common with england, and she will become her natural ally and friend. in the czecho-slovaks, the most democratic, homogeneous and advanced nation of central europe, great britain will find a true ally and fellow-pioneer in the cause of justice, freedom and democracy. appendix of some recent documents the czecho-slovak resolution of september , the following is the text of the resolution passed by the czecho-slovak national council in prague, in conjunction with the union of czech deputies, on september , , and suppressed by the austrian censor: "our nation once more and with all possible emphasis lays stress on the fact that it firmly and unswervedly stands by the historical manifestations of its freely elected representatives, firmly convinced of the ultimate success of its highest ideals of full independence and liberty. _our silenced and oppressed nation has no other answer to all attempts at a change of the constitution than a cool and categorical refusal_, because we know that these attempts are nothing except products of an ever-increasing strain, helplessness and ruin. _we do not believe to-day in any more promises given and not kept_, for experience has taught us to judge them on their merits. the most far-reaching promises cannot blind us and turn us away from our aims. the hard experiences of our nation order us imperatively to hold firm in matters where reality is stronger than all promises. _the vienna government is unable to give us anything we ask for_. our nation can never expect to get its liberty from those who at all times regarded it only as a subject of ruthless exploitations; and who even in the last moment do not shrink from any means to humiliate, starve and wipe out our nation and by cruel oppression to hurt us in our most sacred feelings. _our nation has nothing in common with those who are responsible for the horrors of this war_. therefore there will not be a single person who would, contrary to the unanimous wish of the nation, deal with those who have not justice for the czech nation at heart and who have also no sympathy with the polish and yugoslav nations, but who are only striving for the salvation of their present privileged position of misrule and injustice. _the czech nation will follow its anti-german policy, whatever may happen, assured that its just cause will finally triumph, especially to-day when it becomes a part of the great ideals of the entente, whose victory will be the only good produced by this terrible war_." czech leaders refer the austrian government to the czecho-slovak government as their authorised representatives speaking in the reichsrat, deputy stanek declared in the name of the union of czech deputies on october , : "this terrible war, started against the will and despite the warnings of the czecho-slovaks, has now reached the culminating point. two worlds have been struggling in this war. one of them stood for the middle ages and has with daring impudence inscribed upon its banner 'might is right.' inspired by this watchword, the spirit of german imperialism believed it had a mission to rule the whole world, and it was voluntarily joined by the rulers of austria-hungary in the mad desire of enslaving the whole world. "it was not difficult to guess which side would win unless civilisation were to be thrown back for centuries. on one side stood the mediaeval spirit of autocracy; on the other, pure love of liberty and democracy. and we who have been oppressed by austria for centuries and who have tasted austrian 'education' have naturally not formed voluntary legions on the side of austria. in fact _the czecho-slovaks have not voluntarily shed a single drop of blood for the central powers_. but our compatriots abroad, remembering the centuries-old austrian oppression, have _formed voluntary legions in all the allied armies_. they are shedding their blood for the most sacred rights of humanity and at a moment of the greatest danger for the allies they saved the situation. in russia, too, they are fighting for democracy. nobody will succeed in arresting the triumphant progress of true democracy, not even the austrian and german governments, nor any diplomacy, nor any peace notes or crown councils. the world will not be deceived again and nobody takes the central powers and their governments seriously any more. "your peace offensives will avail nothing to you, nobody will speak with you again. _even the austrian peoples refuse to negotiate with you, knowing the value of your words. we have no intention of saving you from destruction_. your aim is still the german-magyar hegemony and the oppression of slavs and latins. you must look elsewhere for support. the fateful hour for you and the magyars has come sooner than we expected. "and the dynasty? look at the electoral reform in hungary sanctioned by the emperor! this reform is intended to destroy completely the political and national existence of the non-magyars in hungary. this is how the emperor keeps his word. "in view of these events we must ask ourselves: are there any moral guarantees in this empire? we do not see them and therefore we declare that we _reject all community with the political system of this empire. we want a single front of three slav states extending from gdansk (dantzig) via prague to the adriatic._ we protest against any partial solution of the czecho-slovak question. the czecho-slovak state which must also include the slovaks of hungary is our minimum programme. we again emphasise our solidarity with our yugoslav brethren, whether they live in belgrade, sarajevo, mostar or lubljana, and we ask for the removal of those statesmen who wish to subjugate the remainder of the bosnian population. _a free yugoslavia, an independent greater poland and the czecho-slovak state_ are already in process of formation, closely allied to each other, not only by the knowledge of common economic interests, but also on the ground of the moral prerogatives of international right. "peace is in sight. we wanted to be admitted to peace negotiations with representatives of other nations. the germans refused and replied: 'if you insist you will be hanged.' of course the germans never kept their word except when they promised to hang some one! but the entente replied by deeds recognising the czecho-slovak army as an allied and belligerent army. thereupon _the austrian government asked us, czech leaders in austria, to protest against it. but of course we refused._ i said so openly to the premier, and if you like, i will tell it to the austrian emperor himself. _you would not admit us to the peace negotiations with russia, and now you will have to negotiate with czech leaders after all_, whether you like it or not. _these leaders will be representatives of the same czecho-slovak brigades which count hertling called rascals_ ('_gesindel_'). _you will have to negotiate with them, and not with us_, and therefore we will not speak with you. our question will not be solved in vienna. if you accept president wilson's terms, if the german people, and not the german bureaucrats, accept them, then you can have peace at once and save humanity from further bloodshed. there is no other way out, and _we therefore advise you honestly and frankly to surrender to the allies unconditionally_, because in the end nothing else will be left to you. "in agreement with the whole yugoslav nation, in agreement with polish representatives, voicing the will of the polish people, the czecho-slovaks declare before the whole world: 'forward in our struggle for liberty and for a new life in our own liberated, restored state!'" president wilson's reply to the austrian peace offer in reply to the austro-hungarian proposal for an armistice of october , , mr. robert lansing addressed the following communication from president wilson to the austrian government through the medium of the swedish legation in washington on october , : "the president deems it his duty to say to the austro-hungarian government that he cannot entertain the present suggestion of that government because of certain events of the utmost importance which, occurring since the delivery of his address of january last, have necessarily altered the attitude and responsibility of the government of the united states. "among the fourteen terms of peace which the president formulated at that time occurred the following: "'the peoples of austria-hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development.' "since that sentence was written and uttered to the congress of the united states, the government of the united states has recognised that a state of belligerency exists between the czecho-slovaks and the german and austro-hungarian empires, and that the czecho-slovak national council is a _de facto_ belligerent government, clothed with proper authority to direct the military and political affairs of the czecho-slovaks. "it has also recognised in the fullest manner the justice of the nationalistic aspirations of the yugo-slavs for freedom. "the president therefore is no longer at liberty to accept a mere 'autonomy' of these peoples as a basis of peace, but is obliged to insist that they, and not he, shall be the judges of what action on the part of the austro-hungarian government will satisfy their aspirations and their conception of their rights and destiny as members of the family of nations." the constitution of the czecho-slovak provisional government on october , dr. e. benes addressed the following letter to all the allied governments: "by the declaration of the government of the united states of september , , the czecho-slovak national council, whose seat is in paris, has been recognised as a _de facto_ czecho-slovak government. this recognition has been confirmed by the following allied governments: by great britain in her agreement with the national council of september , ; by france in her agreement of september , , and by italy in the declaration of her premier on october , . i have the honour to inform you that in view of these successive recognitions a provisional czecho-slovak government has been constituted by the decision of september , , with its provisional seat in paris and consisting of the following members: "_professor thomas g. masaryk_, president of the provisional government and of the cabinet of ministers, and minister of finance. "_dr. edward benes_, minister for foreign affairs and of the interior. "general milan r. stefanik, minister of war. "the undersigned ministry has subsequently decided to accredit the following representatives with the allied powers: "_dr. stephan osuský_. chargé d'affaires of the czecho-slovak legation in london, accredited with his majesty's government in great britain. "_dr. leo sychrava_, chargé d'affaires of the czecho-slovak legation in paris, accredited with the french government. "_dr. leo borský_, chargé d'affaires of the czecho-slovak legation in rome, accredited with the royal government of italy. "_dr. charles pergler_, chargé d'affaires of the czecho-slovak legation in washington, accredited with the government of the united states. "_bohdan pavlu_, at present at omsk, is to represent our government in russia. "our representatives in japan and serbia will be appointed later. "we have the honour to inform you that we have taken these decisions in agreement with the political leaders at home. during the past three years our whole political and military action has been conducted in complete agreement with them. finally, on october , , the czecho-slovak deputy stanek, president of the union of czech deputies to the parliament in vienna, solemnly announced that the czecho-slovak national council in paris is to be considered as the supreme organ of the czecho-slovak armies and that it is entitled to represent the czecho-slovak nation in the allied countries and at the peace conference. on october , his colleague, deputy zahradník, speaking in the name of the same union, declared that the czecho-slovaks are definitely leaving the parliament in vienna, thereby breaking for ever all their ties with austria-hungary. "following the decision of our nation and of our armies, we are henceforth taking charge as a provisional national government for the direction of the political destinies of the czecho-slovak state, and as such we are entering officially into relations with the allied governments, relying both upon our mutual agreement with them and upon their solemn declarations. "we make this declaration in a specially solemn manner at a moment when great political events call upon all the nations to take part in decisions which will perhaps give europe a new political régime for centuries to come. "assuring you of my devoted sentiments, believe me to remain, in the name of the czecho-slovak government, _(signed)_ "dr. edward benes, minister for foreign affairs." czecho-slovak declaration of independence "at this grave moment when the hohenzollerns are offering peace in order to stop the victorious advance of the allied armies and to prevent the dismemberment of austria-hungary and turkey, and when the habsburgs are promising the federalisation of the empire and autonomy to the dissatisfied nationalities committed to their rule, we, the czecho-slovak national council, recognised by the allied and american governments as the provisional government of the czecho-slovak state and nation, in complete accord with the declaration of the czech deputies in prague on january , , and realising that federalisation and, still more, autonomy mean nothing under a habsburg dynasty, do hereby make and declare this our declaration of independence: "because of our belief that no people should be forced to live under a sovereignty they do not recognise and because of our knowledge and firm conviction that our nation cannot freely develop in a habsburg confederation which is only a new form of the denationalising oppression which we have suffered for the past three centuries, we consider freedom to be the first pre-requisite for federalisation and believe that the free nations of central and eastern europe may easily federate should they find it necessary. "we make this declaration on the basis of our historic and natural right: we have been an independent state since the seventh century, and in as an independent state, consisting of bohemia, moravia and silesia, we joined with austria and hungary in a defensive union against the turkish danger. we have never voluntarily surrendered our rights as an independent state in this confederation. the habsburgs broke their compact with our nation by illegally transgressing our rights and violating the constitution of our state, which they had pledged themselves to uphold, and we therefore refuse any longer to remain a part of austria-hungary in any form. "we claim the right of bohemia to be reunited with her slovak brethren of slovakia, which once formed part of our national state, but later was torn from our national body and fifty years ago was incorporated in the hungarian state of the magyars, who by their unspeakable violence and ruthless oppression of their subject races have lost all moral and human right to rule anybody but themselves. "the world knows the history of our struggle against the habsburg oppression, intensified and systematised by the austro-hungarian dualistic compromise of . this dualism is only a shameless organisation of brute force and exploitation of the majority by the minority. it is a political conspiracy of the germans and magyars against our own as well as the other slav and latin nations of the monarchy. "the world knows the justice of our claims, which the habsburgs themselves dare not deny. francis joseph in the most solemn manner repeatedly recognised the sovereign rights of our nation. the germans and magyars opposed this recognition, and austria-hungary, bowing before the pan-germans, became a colony of germany and as her vanguard to the east provoked the last balkan conflict as well as the present world war, which was begun by the habsburgs alone without the consent of the representatives of the people. "we cannot and will not continue to live under the direct or indirect rule of the violators of belgium, france and serbia, the would-be murderers of russia and rumania, the murderers of tens of thousands of civilians and soldiers of our blood, and the accomplices in numberless unspeakable crimes committed in this war against humanity by the two degenerate and irresponsible dynasties of habsburgs and hohenzollerns. we will not remain a part of a state which has no justification for existence and which, refusing to accept the fundamental principles of modern world organisation, remains only an artificial and immoral political structure, hindering every movement towards democratic and social progress. the habsburg dynasty, weighed down by a huge inheritance of error and crime, is a perpetual menace to the peace of the world, and we deem it our duty towards humanity and civilisation to aid in bringing about its downfall and destruction. "we reject the sacrilegious assertion that the power of the habsburg and hohenzollern dynasties is of divine origin. we refuse to recognise the divine right of kings. our nation elected the habsburgs to the throne of bohemia of its own free will and by the same right deposes them. we hereby declare the habsburg dynasty unworthy of leading our nation and deny all their claims to rule in the czecho-slovak land, which we here and now declare shall henceforth be a free and independent people and nation. "we accept and shall adhere to the ideals of modern democracy as they have been ideals of our nation for centuries. we accept the american principles as laid down by president wilson, the principles of liberated mankind of the actual equality of nations and of governments, deriving all their just power from the consent of the governed. we, the nation of comenius, cannot but accept those principles expressed in the american declaration of independence, the principles of lincoln and of the declaration of the rights of man and of the citizen. for these principles our nation shed its blood in the memorable hussite wars five hundred years ago. for these same principles beside her allies our nation is shedding its blood to-day in russia, italy and france. "we shall outline only the main principles of the constitution of the czecho-slovak nation. the final decision as to the constitution itself falls to the legally chosen representatives of the liberated and united people. the czecho-slovak state shall be a republic in constant endeavour for progress. it will guarantee complete freedom of conscience, religion and science, literature and art, speech, the press and the right of assembly and petition. the church shall be separated from the state. our democracy shall rest on universal suffrage; women shall be placed on an equal footing with men politically, socially and culturally, while the right of the minority shall be safeguarded by proportional representation. national minorities shall enjoy equal rights. the government shall be parliamentary in form and shall recognise the principles of initiative and referendum. the standing army will be replaced by militia. the czecho-slovak nation will carry out far-reaching social and economic reforms. the large estates will be redeemed for home colonisation, and patents of nobility will be abolished. our nation will assume responsibility for its part of the austro-hungarian pre-war public debt. the debts for this war we leave to those who incurred them. "in its foreign policy the czecho-slovak nation will accept its full share of responsibility in the reorganisation of eastern europe. it accepts fully the democratic and social principle of nationality and subscribes to the doctrine that all covenants and treaties shall be entered into openly and frankly without secret diplomacy. our constitution shall provide an efficient, national and just government which will exclude all special privileges and prohibit class legislation. "democracy has defeated theocratic autocracy, militarism is overcome, democracy is victorious. on the basis of democracy mankind will be reorganised. the forces of darkness have served the victory of light, the longed-for age of humanity is dawning. we believe in democracy, we believe in liberty and liberty for evermore. "given in paris on the th october, . _(signed)_ "professor thomas g. masaryk, prime minister and minister of finance. general dr. milan stefanik, minister of national defence. dr. edward benes, minister for foreign affairs and of the interior." bibliography pan-germanism chÃ�radame, a.: _the pan-german plot unmasked_. john murray, london, . naumann, f.: _central europe_. king & son, london, . for complete survey of pan-germanism and pan-german literature, see prof. masaryk's articles in the first volume of the _new europe_, as well as various articles in _la nation tchèque_. the slavs bailey, v.f.: _the slavs of the war zone_. chapman & hall, london, . leger, louis: _etudes slaves_. leroux, paris, , and . ----_le monde slave_. hachette, paris, . masaryk, t.g.: _the slavs amongst nations_. london, . niederle, l.: _la race slave_. hachette, paris, . tucic, s.: _the slav nations. daily telegraph_ war books, london, . see also _le monde slave_, a monthly review published in paris by prof. ernest denis at - rue cassette. the austrian problem benes, edward: _le problème autrichien et la question tchèque_. girard-brière, paris, . ----_détruisez l'autriche-hongrie._ delagrave, paris, . colquhoun, a.r.: _the whirlpool of europe_. harpers, london, . chÃ�radame, a.: _l'europe et la question d'autriche-hongrie_. paris, . drage, geoffrey: _austria-hungary._ john murray, london, . eisenmann, l.: _le compromis austro-hongrois._ paris, . fournol, e.: _sur la succession de l'autriche-hongrie._ paris, . gayda, v.: _modern austria_. fisher unwin, london, . gribble, f.j.: _the emperor francis joseph_. eveleigh nash, london, . leger, louis: _histoire de l'autriche-hongrie._ hachette, paris, . ----_la liquidation de l'autriche-hongrie._ mitton, g.e.: _austria-hungary._ a. & c. black, london, . mccurdy, c.a., m.p.: _the terms of the coming peace_. w.h. smith & son, . steed, henry wickham: _the habsburg monarchy_. constable, and . seton-watson, r.w.: _the future of austria-hungary._ constable, london, . seton-watson, r.w., and others: _war and democracy._ macmillan & co., . toynbee, a.: _nationality and the war._ dent & sons, london, . ----_the new europe._ dent & sons. hungary and the slovaks capek, thomas: _the slovaks of hungary._ knickerbocker press, new york, . denis, ernest: _les slovaques._ delagrave, paris, . scotus-viator: _racial problems in hungary._ constable, . seton-watson, r.w.: _german, slav and magyar._ williams & norgate, london, . bohemian history denis, ernest: _huss et la guerre des hussites._ leroux, paris, . ----_les origines de l'unité des frères bohèmes._ angers, burdin, . ----_fin de l'indépendance bohème._ colin, paris, . ----_la bohème depuis la montagne blanche._ leroux, paris, . fricz: _table de l'histoire de la bohème._ gindely, a.: _history of the thirty years' war._ translation from czech. putnam's sons, new york, . gregor, f.: _story of bohemia._ hunt & eaton, new york, . hantich, h.: _la révolution de_ _en bohème._ schneider, lyon, . ----_le droit historique de la bohème._ chevalier, paris, . leger, louis: _la renaissance tchèque en_ xixe _siècle._ paris, . lÃ�tzow, count francis: _bohemia._ a historical sketch. everyman's library. dent & sons, london, . ----_the story of prague._ dent & sons, london, . ----_life and times of john hus._ dent & sons, . maurice, c.e.: _the story of bohemia._ fisher unwin, . schwarze, rev. j.: _john hus._ the revel co., new york, . schaff, david: _john huss._ george allen & unwin, london, . wratislaw, a.h.: _john hus._ young & co., london, . bohemian literature bowring, sir john: _cheskian anthology._ rowland hunter, london, . baudis, prof. joseph: _czech folk tales._ george allen & unwin, london, . fricz: _l'idée nationale dans la poésie et la tradition_ bohème. gambert, e.: _poésie tchèque contemporaine._ paris, . jelinek, h.: _la littérature tchèque contemporaine_. paris, . komensky, j.a.: _labyrinth of the world_. translated from czech by count lützow. dent & sons, london, . lÃ�tzow, count francis: _bohemian literature_. heinemann, london, . marchant, f.p.: _outline of bohemian literature_. london, . morfill, w.r.: _a grammar of the bohemian (cech) language._ with translations from bohemian literature. clarendon press, oxford, . ----_slavonic literature_. london, . nemcovÃ�, b.: _the grandmother_. a novel translated from czech. mcclurg, chicago, . selver, paul: _anthology of modern bohemian poetry._ drane, london, . bohemian civilisation baker, james: _pictures from bohemia_. chapman & hall, london, . hantich, h.: _la musique tchèque_. nilsson, paris, . monroe, w.s.: _bohemia and the cechs_. bell & sons, london, . prochazka, j.: _bohemia's claim for freedom_. chatto & windus, london, . tyrsova, r., and hantich, h.: _le paysan tchèque_. nilsson, paris. zmrhal, j.j., and benes, v.: _bohemia_. bohemian national alliance, chicago, . ----_les pays tchèques_, published by the ligue franco-tchèque, paris, . bohemian politics benes, edward: _bohemia's case for independence_. george allen & unwin, london, . bourlier, jean: _les tchèques et la bohème_. f. alcan, paris, . capek, thomas: _bohemia under habsburg misrule_. chicago, . for reference _re_ the czecho-slovak movement, see its official organ _la nation tchèque_, published at , rue bonaparte, paris. first two volumes edited by e. denis, the following by dr. e. benes. numerous useful articles on bohemia and the austrian problem from the pen of h.w. steed, r.w. seton-watson, l.b. namier, professor masaryk, dr. benes, v. nosek and others will be found in the weekly review of foreign politics, the _new europe_, published by messrs. constable & co., , orange street, london, w.c. . the following list of some recent articles in the english (not american) monthly and quarterly reviews is also recommended: barry, the very rev. canon william: _break austria. nineteenth century_, september, . ----_how to break austria. nineteenth century_, november, . ----_shall england save austria? nineteenth century_, june, . chÃ�radame, a.: _how to destroy pan-germany. national review_, january, . ----_the western front and political strategy_. _national review_, july, . forman, joseph: _the liberation of the czecho-slovaks. nineteenth century_, march, . gribble, francis: _czech claims and magyar intrigues. nineteenth century_, march, . ----_the passing of a legend. nineteenth century_, october, . landa, m.j.: _bohemia and the war. contemporary_, july, . an old mazzinian: _italy and the nationalities of austria-hungary. contemporary_, june, . nosek, vladimir: _the new spirit in austria_. a reply to mr. brailsford. _contemporary_, october, . ----_bohemia as a bulwark against pan-germanism. national review_, july, . politicus: _austria's hour of destiny. fortnightly_, august, . _round table_, quarterly review of the politics of the empire: no. (september, ): _origins of the war._ ----no. (december, ): _racial problems in austria-hungary._ ----no. (march, ): _methods of ascendancy: bohemia_. selver, paul: _brezina's poetry. the quest_, january, . ----_modern czech poetry. poetry review_, may, . seton-watson, r.w.: _pan-slavism. contemporary_, october, . ----_austria-hungary and the federal system. contemporary_, march, . steed, henry wickham: _the quintessence of austria. edinburgh review_, october, . ----_the programme for peace. edinburgh review_, april, . ----_what is austria? edinburgh review_, october, . taylor, a.h.e.: _the entente and austria. fortnightly_, may, . for a detailed and exhaustive list of all writings in the english language on bohemia and the czecho-slovaks, see _bohemian bibliography_, by thomas capek and anna vostrovsky capek, published by the fleming h. revell co., chicago, new york, edinburgh and london, . [transcriber's note: underscores are used as delimiter for _italics_] travels in unknown austria [illustration] [illustration: mary thurn-taxis] wanderings through unknown austria by randolph ll. hodgson with illustrations by mary, princess of thurn and taxis london macmillan and co. limited new york: the macmillan company _all rights reserved_ contents page introduction chapter i duino chapter ii duino--_continued_ chapter iii miramar chapter iv the timavo and san giovanni chapter v a rainy day chapter vi aquileia chapter vii villa vicentina chapter viii sagrado and gradisca chapter ix on ghosts chapter x capodistria chapter xi goritz chapter xii on nothing at all conclusion illustrations page mary thurn-taxis _frontispiece_ headpiece to introduction tailpiece to introduction castle duino headpiece to chapter i. duino from the sea door-knocker boreas the roman tower tailpiece to chapter i. the balcony portrait of matthew hofer (van dyck) the banqueting hall the riviera a recess in the library tailpiece to chapter ii. initial letter to chapter iii. miramar the rising moon tailpiece to chapter iii. initial letter to chapter iv. springs of the timavo castle duino from the roman road tailpiece to chapter iv. initial letter to chapter v. the grotto room castle duino from the moat the ruin tailpiece to chapter v. initial letter to chapter vi. fishing boat (bragozzo) grado--the harbour the church at grado entrance to castle duino tailpiece to chapter vi. initial letter to chapter vii. little river near villa vicentina villa vicentina tailpiece to chapter vii. initial letter to chapter viii. palazzo finetti house at gradisca tomb of nicolao della torre tailpiece to chapter viii. initial letter to chapter ix. the white lady the white lady tin-ho--first-class mandarin tailpiece to chapter ix. initial letter to chapter x. the town hall door-knocker café at capodistria initial letter to chapter xi. a cast girl from duino castle duino from the railway tailpiece to chapter xi. initial letter to chapter xii. lawn-tennis ground entrance to the village of duino initial letter to conclusion tailpiece to conclusion [illustration: wanderings through unknown austria] introduction here where the world is quiet. swinburne. we were talking the other day of the many and interesting books of travel that have been written lately, books so full of valuable information and precise descriptions that you almost feel that inner africa and the north pole are as familiar to you as piccadilly and oxford street. "it is a blessing that such books exist," said our host, who has rather a philosophical turn of mind. "of course, i never read them; personally, i think that reading and writing are decidedly a mistake; but if i _wanted_ to know anything about these countries there would not be the slightest necessity to travel about; other people have done that for me. to speak the truth, i do _not_ want to know anything about foreign parts. one book of stanley, for instance, is enough to make me hate the very idea of inner africa; and as to the north pole, i cannot describe my feelings with regard to the raving lunatics who imagine they have anything to do there. i am all for a quiet life, you know. i stick to my principles--the summer in cairo, the winter in bed." this speech was received with icy coldness. we are not philosophically inclined, i am sorry to say, and though i should not much like inner africa on account of the heat, i have always cherished the idea of some day making a trip to the north pole. this i said with my usual diffidence and modesty, but of course i was hooted by the rest of the company, and one energetic lady explained at great length that the north pole is a "humbug." another lady (the one who is my collaborator now) confessed a great partiality for travelling. "only," she said, "it is not at all necessary to go so far; there are many wonderful countries in europe which are very little known. for instance," she added, turning to me, "i always wonder how very little you english know of austria. the fact that vienna is a pretty town, where everything english is particularly liked; that prague is a fine old city, and that here and there we have first-rate shooting, is about all that is known of austria by foreigners. and it is a pity! who really has seen the wonderful mountains of the tyrol, mountains that are just as fine as any in switzerland; the charming lakes of the salzkammergut; the green valleys of that greenest of lands, styria? who has spoken of the mysterious charm of the great bohemian forests of oak and pine, the quaint little towns of carinthia, the beautiful banks of the blue danube? how very few people know the _puzsta_, the immense plains of hungary; and who has explored the wildernesses of galicia and transylvania, or the wonderful beauty of the dalmatian coasts from the bocche di cattaro up to here, where we are on the shores of the adriatic sea? and just here--this little spot so full of memories and classic associations--who has ever heard even the names of istria and the littoral? and yet how pretty and interesting the scenery is in this unknown part of austria. the azure waters of the adriatic, the wonderful southern sky, the italian landscapes, the many relics of old roman life and grandeur, everything combines to make this country worthy to be seen and admired. do you know," she concluded, "you ought to write a book about it." "write a book!" i exclaimed, duly horrified,--"i, who hate even to write a letter of ten lines!" "writing a book is quite different, i am sure," was the answer; "and i don't mean a learned, scientific work. write a simple sketch of this part of the country. begin with duino, where we are now. then we will make excursions to other places near here, and you can write about them. if you will do it, i will try to make the illustrations." this was another thing; and though our host looked rather gloomy at the idea of having any book-writing going on under his roof (a thing decidedly against his principles), i promised i would think about it. at first i felt very much as an unhappy being feels who is about to make his first speech; he knows there are lots of things to be said, but for the life of him he cannot remember what they are. now, however, i have written the introduction and made the first plunge. i am writing the rest to please my collaborator and myself. i do not intend to be apologetic. if other people like this scribble, all well and good; if they do _not_, they should not read it. [illustration] [illustration: castle duino] chapter i duino hast thou seen that lordly castle, that castle by the sea? golden and red above it the clouds float gorgeously. longfellow. [illustration] i never read an account of any pile of stones, dignified by the name of "castle" and situated near the sea, that did not begin with these lines of longfellow's. it is not the force of example, however, that makes me prefix them to this attempt at a description of one, but it is the fact that they really suit duino. it looks lordly and imposing enough standing out grand and massive on frowning cliffs two hundred feet above the sea, grim and gray, like some old sentinel keeping a constant watch over the blue waters of the adriatic stretching at its feet. [illustration: duino from the sea] the view from it is magnificent: before you the open sea; on both sides, extending in graceful curves, the coast, amethyst-hued; far on the left the white houses of trieste, and rather nearer, the imperial castle of miramar; on the right, just on the horizon, the tower of aquileia, famous in roman times; and in the dim distance the snow-clad alps. from the land side the castle looks perhaps even more stern and severe, and like the fortress it was in old days. not a window is to be seen, only the bare fortifications and the old walls clad with ivy, almost as old to all appearance as the walls themselves. what appeals to one most is the restfulness and quiet of the place. the old castle, with its towers and battlements, its cloisters and courtyard, stands just as it has stood for centuries. you are out of the world here, the bustling, hurrying, work-a-day world of to-day, and back again in a world of two or three hundred years ago. it is a nice, sad sort of feeling that comes over one: you think of your debts, of the friends of your youth that are dead and gone, of your elderly relation from whom you have expectations, and who will _not_ die, and other melancholy things of a like nature; but your troubles seem far away, and are quite pleasant--"grateful and comforting." [illustration: door-knocker] the place seems peopled with ghosts--ghosts of a bygone age. there is a legend that on certain nights of the year a troop of phantom horsemen ride into the courtyard, and even in daylight you almost expect something of the sort to happen--you listen for the clank of arms and the ring of the horses' hoofs. modern dress seems out of place, you feel you ought to be in armour yourself. every nook and corner, every stone, seems to have a story to tell. what a pity they cannot speak and tell all they have seen! the castle must have been well-nigh impregnable in the old days, and probably extended to the ruin one sees on the right, on entering it. between the two--the ruin and the inhabited part--there is a sort of half garden, half wilderness, known as the "riviera"--a delightful spot. ilex, cypresses, laurels, and olive-trees grow in luxuriant profusion. little winding paths tempt you to explore them. there is a long, old, steep flight of steps with the trees meeting over them in a roof of green leaves, leading down to the sea. old-fashioned flowers abound, and grow almost wild--purple irises, great blue periwinkles, honey-scented "dragons' mouths," and roses of every kind. butterflies that are rare in england are common enough here--huge yellow swallow-tails, the graceful "white admiral," glorious "camberwell beauties" flit from flower to flower. there are swarms of nightingales; and pigeons and starlings have formed a perfect colony in the cliff under the ruin; a pair of kestrels have their nest here too. there are snakes in the long grass, and bright-coloured lizards bask in the sunshine. notice the big doors as you enter the castle--there is "salve!" on one of them. it is pleasant to know one is "welcome," but one always is in austria--it is the land of hospitality. [illustration: boreas] on the other door is an ancient knocker--interesting if you have a passion for old things. that ugly face over the archway is a portrait of mr. boreas, the personification of the north wind. he is represented as continually blowing. as a matter of fact he does blow rather strongly here, and in the spring almost perpetually. one of the most picturesque parts of the castle is the old courtyard, with its big square tower, its glistening statues, its dark cloisters, its graceful balconies, and with the ivy entwining and creeping over everything. the tower is said to be roman. there are rooms here that have been walled up for centuries and are so still--nobody knows why. it is said in the village too that somewhere in the tower is "the buried treasure." i should very much like to find _that_! those coats of arms in mosaic on the wall of the covered passage are the arms of some of the various owners of duino. "ditthalm, ," is the earliest date there. war was the principal amusement of those times, and these first "lords of duino" certainly had enough of it. it mattered little to them which side they were on. if there were a war, or a petty feud, or anything going on in which hard blows might be struck, there they were, on one side or the other. they must have been fine fellows in their way, these old warriors, and have kept the citizens of trieste and the neighbouring little towns in a perpetual state of alarm. [illustration: the roman tower] * * * * * here i had written some beautiful sentiments about the chivalry and loyalty and manliness of "the men of old." i felt rather pleased with my handiwork. it was full of nice poetic sentences, with a dash of enthusiasm, and here and there a fine contempt for our "degenerate time." so i went to my collaborator and wanted her appreciation. i cannot say she _did_ appreciate my flight of eloquence--i did not find her quite so enthusiastic as i had expected. "don't be so ridiculous," she exclaimed. "what do we know about the men of old? i have not the slightest respect for them. i am sure they were exactly as men are now--if anything i think they were worse; but i don't know anything about it, and you don't either, so please stop that nonsense and stick to the present times--they may be 'degenerate,' but they are much more comfortable." no, i decidedly think she was _un_sympathetic! * * * * * duino changed hands many times. in it was the property of the emperor frederick iii., and in it belonged to the city of venice. in it came into the possession of the della torre (the old lords of milan), and from them it descended to prince egon-carl hohenlohe, the father of the present owner, our host. there is a portrait of dante in the covered passage. he came to visit pagano della torre here about the year , and is said to have frequented the little island near the bathing place in the "riviera." the neighbourhood of duino was very different in his time from what it is now; tradition says the hills were covered with forests of red pine, and that the country generally was swarming with game. the game now is conspicuous by its absence; there is one solitary hare left, which inhabits dante's island, by the way. poor old dante! he looks very melancholy and unhappy, but we can most of us sympathise with him. there are not many of us, however easily the wheels of life may have run, who do not feel a pang of something like regret when now and then the thought of some one gone out of our lives comes over us. fate plays tricks with us all. death, the force of circumstances--it matters little what the cause of our separation was; we have drifted apart, and there is nothing left us but a memory--a dream of what might have been. [illustration] chapter ii duino--_continued_ full of long-sounding corridors it was, that over-vaulted grateful gloom, thro' which the livelong day my soul did pass, well pleased, from room to room. tennyson. the covered passage before mentioned leads one straight to the principal staircase. it is a graceful winding staircase, and rare and interesting prints cover the walls. on the first landing, after passing through two anterooms (the second of which contains a collection of fine old viennese china), one enters the dining-room. it is a large room with a balcony, from which there is a beautiful view of miramar and the sea. there are some most appropriate pictures of eatables by various dutch masters on the walls. it was a curious taste of these gentlemen to paint things to eat. perhaps they were on the verge of starvation--that might account for it. i should have thought they might have found more interesting studies, though, than "gralloched" hares and fishes with their necks broken. i know nothing of art (this is constantly dinned into me), so can speak absolutely without prejudice. an old telescope that once belonged to nelson, and was presented by him to count della torre (thurn), admiral of the king of naples, is in this room. it is a very good glass; one can see things through it almost as well as with the naked eye, but it requires some manipulation to get the focus right. [illustration: the balcony] people dine well in austria, but you get a superabundance of veal. veal for lunch, veal for dinner, veal cooked in many ways and concealed under numerous devices, but always veal. there is a fearful invention called "schnitzl" that is the worst form of all. foreigners say we english live on beef and mutton, but in austria they live on veal, so we have the pull over them in the way of variety. one never sees grown-up cattle here. poor things! they don't get the chance of reaching years of maturity, they are always killed in the first spring of their youth. opening into the dining-room is a small drawing-room. this contains mostly family portraits. the most noticeable among them is the portrait of the late princess hohenlohe. she must have been very beautiful, and has a very english appearance. she was the last della torre. there are two pictures here that i am convinced are by morland. no one knew this before, so i am very proud at having made the discovery. some other animal pictures are ascribed to a venetian artist--longhi--portraits of horses. they are extraordinary horses--very fat, and they appear to have been taught to beg, as they are almost all standing up on their hind legs. i am told this is a playful habit that spanish steeds had. you go up another flight of stairs and arrive at the door of the gallery. this is a long passage, especially designed for ghosts to walk in--not the sort of place one would care to be left alone in after dark. there are some very fine pictures of the venetian and dutch schools here. one of the best is the "entrance of the dogaressa morosina morosini into venice," by tintoretto--all the figures are said to be portraits. at the further end of the gallery is the great banqueting hall. there is a portrait here by van dyck of one matthew hofer, a former owner of duino. an old chronicle calls him "a tempestuous and arrogant youth, who had always his hand on his sword, and whose whole life was a drama of blood." in his portrait he has a proud and handsome face, with dark melancholy eyes. the other full-length portraits represent some of the lords of milan--della torre--who after many years of unending civil wars were vanquished by the rival family, the visconti, and obliged to fly from milan. they took refuge near their kinsman, pagano iv., then patriarch of aquileia, and soon gained wealth and great power in their adopted country. they were a turbulent and overbearing race, and many are the tales still told by the people of their violent or heroic deeds. [illustration: portrait of matthew hofer (van dyck)] notice the painting of the gentleman on the ferocious-looking horse, that appears determined to jump on you whichever part of the room you retire to. he was quite a character, and had a special talent for eloping with other people's wives. on one occasion he was condemned to be beheaded, and the soldiers of the emperor were sent to duino to arrest him. he treated them with great hospitality, and gave them a splendid banquet--probably in this very room. after dinner he retired to his own apartment, and as all the entrances to the castle were securely guarded, the unsuspicious soldiers thought nothing of it. suddenly they heard a shot from the sea, rushed to find out what it was, and perceived their former prisoner on board a ship in full sail. our friend fired the shot to let his would-be captors know they need not wait for him--a proof of his kindly and considerate nature! there was an underground passage leading from the library (the entrance may still be seen) to the shore. the soldiers did not know this, and their host had omitted to inform them of the fact. [illustration: the banqueting hall] it is said that he was retaken years afterwards and deprived of his head; but there is another account that he made a compact with the devil and escaped again, this time on a black horse, one of his satanic majesty's own particular breed, that carried him safely over the sea to aquileia, where horse and rider disappeared, and were seen no more. the old man on the gray steed who is so cruelly trampling down four poor individuals very scantily clothed, is napoleon i. della torre. one story says he rode over his own children in this way, but it is a base calumny; the children are four cities which he conquered for milan, allegorically represented in the picture. in the library i examined the entrance to the famous underground passage. you see a trap-door cleverly concealed in the wooden floor, and on lifting it, a small staircase leads you down to a very diminutive room, built in the thickness of the massive outer wall. on your left is the passage. it is very small--in fact, you have to proceed on your hands and knees, and after a few yards you are stopped by a quantity of stones and earth. the father of "our host" wished to have the old passage reopened, and set people to work, but it seems they were so frightened at finding a number of human bones mixed with the soil and rubbish, that it was impossible to persuade them to work on. they said it would be dangerous to clear it, as the castle would inevitably fall in consequence--a mere excuse, of course. i think the mysterious passage must descend through the terrace tower which rises against the middle of the side of the castle that faces the sea, and come out somewhere in the "riviera," meeting the old staircase spoken of in the preceding chapter. [illustration: the riviera] i must say this passage interested me much more than all the many books of the library, but i noticed an enormous old "missal," most elaborately painted by hand on parchment, a very valuable work of the fifteenth century. there is a charming little recess in the library, where there are some beautiful miniatures, one or two fine old pastels, and some splendid old china; this corner would be a paradise for an antiquary. [illustration: a recess in the library] a portrait of "martin the giant," a big man clad in armour, looks down threateningly from one of the dark corners of the room. he was a great warrior and statesman in his native lombardy, but finally went off to the crusades, and after showing great prowess, is said to have been taken and skinned alive by the saracens ( ). the walls of the drawing-room, next to the library, are covered with pictures, mostly of religious subjects. i suppose i ought to expatiate on them, but the artistic side of my nature is exhausted, and i should probably admire the wrong ones. what i can safely speak of is the view from the large terrace over the afore-mentioned tower, where we used to have breakfast. it was charming to sit there in the early morning and look out upon that grand expanse of boundless sea, with the little wavelets dancing in the sunshine; it was almost cool too at that time of the morning. * * * * * here the "energetic lady" remarks in an undertone that at this early hour she believes i was generally in bed, and that she did not remember having _once_ seen me at breakfast on the terrace. fortunately i can allow such remarks to pass unnoticed. * * * * * there is a mysterious charm about all these old rooms, they are so quiet, so restful, with their stained floors, their black oak carving, the tapestried hangings, and the old furniture. there are no bright colours, everything is subdued; no glare, always a sombre half-light. one feels inclined to walk softly in them, and speak in whispers, so as not to disturb their restfulness. there is something almost sad about their silence; they belong to a time long ago, not to the present day, and they seem to be waiting--waiting for the years that have passed to come again. [illustration] chapter iii [illustration] miramar and round about his home the glory that blushed and bloomed is but a dim-remembered story of the old time entombed. e. a. poe. on friday, st may, we all went to miramar, eleven of us. we drove to nabresina, the nearest station to duino, went from there to miramar by train (it gave some trouble to the engine-driver, as he had to stop the train on purpose for us to get out), and then walked from the station to the castle. it was a stupid way of getting there; it would have been much better to have driven all the way, but the directress of our party did not think so. i suppose she thought we should enjoy the various modes of travelling. it was rather a pity we had not relays of saddle-horses and bicycles to meet us somewhere--we should have had still more variety. we might have crawled the last bit too on our hands and knees, but i didn't think of it at the time. i used to like railway travelling. when i was very small i could have no greater treat than to be taken somewhere by train--now i don't. i still like to _see_ a train. if i am in the country and feel lonely, i walk to the nearest railway line and wait for an express to rush by. that cheers me. i don't wish to be in it--the sight of it is enough. it must be an english express, however; a continental express merely irritates one, and deepens the melancholy; i feel i can walk faster than it can travel. we arrived at the imperial castle at last. the gardens are very pretty. there are numbers of terraces, and flights of steps, and cedar-trees, and little italian gardens. there are big palm-trees, and strange foreign-looking shrubs, and beautiful beds of old-fashioned monthly roses. * * * * * i had written so far in this chapter when i thought i had better consult my collaborator. i found her making a sketch in pen and ink. "that is very nice," i said. "i really know those things are trees." "i am glad you realise what they are," she answered with icy coldness. "won't you read what you have written?" i did so, and then the storm burst. "you call _that_ a description of those beautiful gardens!" she said. "have you no poetry in your nature? have you no appreciation of the beautiful? why don't you say much more of the terraces, the marble staircases? why don't you speak of the funereal cypresses clear-cut against the sky, the dark green of the ilex contrasting with the gray of the olives? why don't you write about the white starry blossom of the jasmine, the sweet scent of the honeysuckle, the tea-roses creeping up and festooning the rough stems of the towering palm-trees, and shedding their perfume on the soft summer air, the glistening of the water in the fountains, the azure blue of the sea, the whiteness of the marble statues gleaming through the dark foliage, the mysterious appearance of the italian gardens with their staircases leading down to the deep-hued waters of the adriatic? why don't you say something about the liquid notes of the nightingale, the faint whispering of the trees overhead, the 'lovers' walk?' oh! you _are_ stupid." perhaps i am. i have written all i could remember of our conversation. i hope she will be satisfied now. * * * * * [illustration: miramar] the castle was built about the middle of the present century by the emperor maximilian. we saw the rooms that had been his. they are built to exactly resemble the cabins on board his ship when he was admiral of the austrian fleet. every one knows his tragic story: how he, persuaded by the promise of french support, went off to be emperor of mexico; how the french deserted him (france has done many things she may well be ashamed of, but nothing more dastardly than this); how he was captured by the rebel mexicans, and finally shot by them. poor fellow! one would have thought that with all he had he might have been content without being emperor of mexico. but who knows what dreams of glory and heroic adventures passed through his brain! he was a poet and an enthusiast, a man worshipped by the people, and in his veins flowed the blood of charles v., who once had been the master of those far countries where his destiny called him. and what must have been his thoughts when he, the son of the german cæsars, stood forsaken and betrayed before the handful of rebels who put an end to all his golden dreams? in any case his end was worthy of his noble nature. there is an incident in connection with it not generally known. one of the few mexicans who remained faithful to him was mejia, one of his generals. he was also captured by the rebels, and was condemned to be shot with the emperor, but with this difference: for the emperor a company of picked shots had been selected, and for mejia they had chosen a number of raw and young recruits, unaccustomed to the use of the rifle. the emperor, whose experienced eye had immediately remarked the cruel intention of the mexicans, ordered his companion, as the last boon he could grant him, to exchange places with him. mejia obeyed, and was killed instantaneously; but the emperor died a lingering and miserable death. people say he was so disfigured that when his embalmed body arrived in vienna, no one, not even the grand master of the court, could be quite sure of his identity. i do not admire the castle. it is new, and looks new, and is built in no particular style, though the first intention was evidently to make it gothic. one sees the love of the unfortunate emperor for spanish and moorish things, by the way in which they are dotted here and there. the interior too is rather tasteless. there are some fine things, but the arrangement is bad. a beautiful cabinet that once belonged to marie antoinette is in one of the rooms; it has some wonderful old wedgwood china on the doors. we were shown round by the most melancholy attendant it has ever been my lot to meet with. he seemed to find it a heartrending business, and his voice sounded as if he were continually on the verge of tears. i was quite glad when the inspection was over. i am tender-hearted myself, and do not like to wantonly distress any one. after viewing the castle we went out into the gardens again, and (i am sorry to have to confess it) ate some provisions that we had brought with us, on one of the flights of marble steps. then we wandered about in the gloaming till it was time for our train. it was a lovely evening:-- skies strewn with roses fading, fading slowly, while one star, trembling, watched the daylight die. the nightingale's rich music and the soft murmur of the waves were the only sounds. all the clamour and bustle of the day were over. the moon rose and flooded the calm sea with a pathway of melted silver; the stars came out one by one, and seemed to smile on us. it was the time when all evil thoughts go out of one's heart, when heaven itself seems nearer in the dim light. on such an evening i always think of the old familiar words of the "blessing" after the sermon, "the peace of god, which passeth all understanding." [illustration: the rising moon] we had an exciting adventure during our return journey in the train. we had started, and the conductor was just examining our tickets--having carefully left the door open--when the vienna "express" crawled by (i almost said _tore_, but i cannot tell a lie). some projecting portion of it caught our carriage door, sent it to with a violent crash, smashing the door and half tearing it from its hinges. the crash was like a cannon-shot, and the explosion was followed by the tinkling of the shower of broken glass that fell over and around us. for the moment we could not understand what had happened, and all looked fearfully around, expecting to see pieces of ourselves lying about the wrecked compartment. fortunately, we were all whole and unhurt, however. of course, there was the wildest excitement in our railway carriage. "the seal" kept congratulating himself on not having been nearer the broken window, and explaining what dreadful injuries would have ensued for him if he had been. the directress of our party--the "energetic lady"--abused an unfortunate stationmaster, who came at the next stoppage to inquire about the accident, in such a way that the poor man shrank back terrified and in tears. the "learned fair man" started a scientific theory (in which he dragged in darwin) to explain the matter; but the "learned dark man" (with schopenhauer in the background) had another scientific explanation exactly the reverse. the "fat boy" thought anarchists had an especial grudge against himself; the "thin boy" profited by the occasion to bleed copiously from the nose--a pastime he had indulged in at intervals throughout the whole day, and the other boy lost immediately the one bag of the party. the two other ladies, who had not been in the baneful compartment, explained at great length all their misgivings, presentiments, and extraordinary perceptions; whilst my collaborator shrieked excitedly-- "there! that's a beautiful incident for the book." "bother the book!" i answered with pensive grace. after this the drive home was dull and uneventful. we were almost smothered in dust, but that was merely a trifling inconvenience, which the beauty of the night and the glorious moonlight quite made up for. [illustration] chapter iv the timavo and san giovanni o water whispering still through the dark into mine ears. d. g. rossetti. i made two excursions to the timavo and san giovanni. the first was with the "fat boy." it was a rainy sort of day, and there was nothing to be done in the way of exercise but to go for a walk, so i beguiled the "fat boy" into accompanying me. i like to take him for walks. i feel i am doing good to suffering humanity--he may get rid of a little of his superfluous flesh by the exertion. i cannot say that up to now he has exhibited much thankfulness for my philanthropic efforts. we took pixner, the gamekeeper, and his two dogs with us. pixner is much looked up to in the village of duino as a great traveller and linguist. he spent one or two years in england as servant to "our host," and was commonly known there as "mr. pig-nose"--his own name being found difficult to pronounce. san giovanni is not far from duino--only a walk of half an hour or so. it is classic ground, for does not the world-famed timavo make here its appearance into the light of day? antenor potuit mediis elapsus achivis illyricos penetrare sinus atque intima tutus regna liburnorum et fontem superare timavi, unde per ora novem vasto cum murmure montis it mare proruptum et pelago premit arva sonanti. virgil's _aeneid_, book i. - . the "nine mouths" of virgil have now sunk to three, however. it is a most extraordinary thing, this river, all at once, seeming to come from nowhere, there it is, not a little feeble, trickling streamlet, but a wide, fast-flowing river. there is no doubt that the original springs are somewhere underground, and that it runs for a considerable distance in the bowels of the earth. every now and then on the neighbouring hill-side you come to a hole in the ground where you hear the rush of the water, and the splash if you drop a stone down. the ground about this neighbourhood is a perfect honeycomb. [illustration: springs of the timavo] almost all the classic authors speak of the timavo. i had carefully compiled a list of these old gentlemen with a kind of history of the river, but i will spare the reader, and merely say that they believed it to be the entrance to the infernal regions, and that the argonauts are said to have come here after they had annexed the golden fleece. after having gazed at the place where the timavo first appears, we went on to the little church of san giovanni. this is very old, and is built on the foundations of a temple erected by the greeks in honour of diomed--either the greek hero or the thracian diomed who was celebrated for his horses. the latter gentleman seems to have had a stud in the neighbourhood of san giovanni. the horses from this part of the country were very celebrated, and eagerly sought after for the olympian games. it is interesting to note that one of the great annual events here is the horse-fair of duino, which takes place in the month of june. the romans built a temple on the same site later on, the temple of the "speranza augusta"; and there was another temple--that of the nymphs--somewhere near it. villas and country houses were here in abundance; it was then quite a fashionable watering-place on account of the warm springs in the neighbourhood. there is still a miserable little bathing-place at some distance from san giovanni, a most abandoned and dismal-looking house, though the waters have still their ancient reputation for great healing power. in roman times the view from this now solitary spot must have been very beautiful: the murmuring springs of the timavo, the great lake (now a marsh), with its banks bright with glistening white monuments and the neighbouring boundless forests, which fable said were inhabited by the most extraordinary creatures. the wine of the country was very famous. it was the favourite beverage of julia (or livia), the wife of augustus, who died in aquileia at the age of eighty-three. she gave all the credit of her long life to the wine! pliny the younger is our informant on this point. battles were continually fought on the timavo towards the end of the roman empire and in the middle ages. its banks were the scene of many a fierce conflict between the roman legions and the barbarians, whilst, later on, the german emperors would generally choose this way to sweep down from the north upon italy. the venetian and imperial troops often fought here, and the different lords of the land being always at war with each other, the country round about was kept pretty lively. the "pigeon-holes" among the rocks are very interesting. they are like the shafts of extinct volcanoes, and descend to a great depth into the earth. the pigeons, which are identically the same bird as the old-fashioned english "blue-rock," make their nests in the sides. there is good shooting to be had at these holes in september by lying in wait for the pigeons as they come home in the evening. * * * * * the second time we went by sea, in a diminutive cutter bearing the proud name of _st. george_. i dislike yachting on the whole--there is always either too much wind or none at all. in my case it is generally the latter. it is enough for me to go out in a yacht for a cruise of an hour or two, and you may be sure that yacht will become becalmed, and the unhappy people on board will have to choose between a night "on the ocean wave" and a row home in a small boat. i seem to be a sort of jonah, and live in expectation of being thrown overboard every time i go on a yacht. a steamer does away with the fear of being becalmed, but then there is the smell of the engines. do not mistake me, it is not that i fear sea-sickness, for i can weather the roughest gale that ever wind did blow. in fact, i am an excellent sailor. once i did feel rather queer, but that was a dispensation of providence in fulfilment of the old adage "pride goes before a fall." i was crossing the channel--dover to calais. we had a small steamer, a choppy sea, and there was a young man with a kodak on board. i abominate amateur photographers. they are offensive. it is the fact that they insist on photography being an art that makes them so objectionable. photography is _not_ an art. one merely requires a good apparatus and a knowledge of how to work it, and there you are--a good photographer. that is _my_ idea on the subject. well, this young man was _particularly_ offensive. he wore a knickerbocker suit, and skipped about with his kodak and took "snap-shots" at everything. he did not "speak to the man at the wheel," but he "shot" him instead. he photographed the sea, the sky, the sea-gulls, the passing steamers, his fellow-passengers; but then he became sea-sick. his kodak fell from his nerveless hand, and he looked very ill. i revelled in his misery, i "chortled in my joy"; but the fates were on my track. half an hour before we reached calais i began to feel very miserable. i thought i was dying. somebody came to me, a sailor, or a steward, or an admiral, or something of that sort, and asked me if i felt ill. i said i did, that my last hour had come, that i wanted to throw myself overboard and hasten the end. he would not let me do this. i should feel all right when we landed, he said. i knew this was impossible, it was merely uselessly lengthening my sufferings; but, curiously enough, he was right. at the time i was unable to understand my misery, but i see through it now. my wretchedness was intended to teach me a lesson--the lesson of never laughing at people in adversity. i learnt it, and since then have never suffered evil effects from being on the sea. this is a long digression, but i wish to explain the disgust i felt on our going to san giovanni by sea. we were not becalmed on this occasion, but there was next to no wind, the sun was blazing hot, and as we were constantly tacking, and the _st. george_ is a very small boat, my life was in perpetual danger from the eccentricities of the boom. i was very unhappy, and not in the mood to admire the beauties of nature that were constantly pointed out to me. but checco was a comfort. checco is captain, crew, and cabin-boy combined of the _st. george_, a great character and a philosopher. a nice-looking man too, tall and broad-shouldered, with a bronzed skin and snowy white hair (though, in fact, he is not old) and extraordinarily bright blue eyes--they look as if all the light and colour of the sea were reflected in them. he is a proud man is checco, and generally very silent. he only talks to particular chums, but then he _does_ talk. the "fat boy" is the proud possessor of his confidence, and to him checco unfolds his theories; he even puts the two learned men in the shade with regard to theories. on this particular occasion he was explaining earthquakes. (there have been some here lately.) this is what checco said to the "fat boy": "people are very much afraid of earthquakes, you know. i am not afraid, for it is no use. what must be, must be. but i say, what is the reason for them? i will tell you: it is the doing of those mad winds. when i was young, things were quite different on the sea. the winds blew steadily. either it was bora, or levante, or scirocco, or libeccio, and you knew how long it would blow in the same direction. it was a pleasure to sail a boat _then_. but now the winds blow all ways at once, and are always fighting against one another. the weaker winds _must_ give way, and what becomes of _them_? they rush into the earth--you know all the holes and grottoes there are everywhere--and so cause the earthquakes. yes, you can believe me, it is all the doing of those mad winds." checco was silent and gazed out over the blue sea, and the "fat boy" pondered over his words. then he began again, still looking at the distant horizon: "everything was different when i was a young man--the winds were not mad, the girls _were_ pretty. when we came out of church on sundays, and the girls, as is the fashion, gave the red carnation they wore to the man they liked best, none of the fellows got as many as i did. but now i have white hair, you see.... still none of my boys are as tall as i am, and i have never tried my whole strength yet." then checco relapsed into silence, and not even the "fat boy" could draw another word from him. [illustration: castle duino from the roman road] * * * * * we sailed up the timavo. the wind had freshened, and i must confess it was really rather pleasant. wild ducks rose from the reeds with a great splashing and flapping of wings, and occasionally a snipe would dart away with its peculiar twisting zigzag flight and harsh cry. at san giovanni we landed, and walked home. our path, for part of the way, lay along an old roman road, and then we passed through a little wood of stunted trees (the last remnant of the "boundless forests" of old times), which in autumn is one pink carpet of heavily-scented cyclamens. we skirted the deer park, where some twenty or thirty fallow deer lead a cheerless existence and are fed on hay all the year round. the ground in the park is covered with stones, not a blade of grass is to be seen, only the hardy ilex seems able to flourish on the barren soil. it has a curious appearance, this little tract of country round duino, with its dull gray rocks. a few bushes manage to extract enough nourishment from somewhere to exist, but every cranny and crevice in the stones is gay and bright with wild flowers. monotonous and almost melancholy is the scenery, and yet it has a charm of its own; the sun shines so brightly, the sky is so blue; and then there is always the sea, ever changeful and ever beautiful, and the old gray castle in the distance, towering above all, and watching over the silent land. [illustration] chapter v a rainy day the rain came down upon my head unsheltered, and the heavy wind rendered me mad, and deaf, and blind. e. a. poe. it was not quite so bad as all that. i did not go out in the rain, and at present i am neither deaf nor blind. i cannot be sure about the madness. it was very wet, though, but it cleared up before the evening. a really wet day may be dreary, but still it is rather pleasant to have one sometimes. the rain affords such a grand excuse to be idle and do nothing. one can lounge about, and smoke, and read the newspapers or a novel all day, and justly feel it is quite impossible to be energetic. i am often told that my besetting sin is laziness. i am not sure whether it is true, but all i can say is, it is very pleasant to spend a lazy day occasionally. one must have piles of work waiting to be done, or it loses its charm. if there is really nothing to do, one is bored, and wants something to fill up the time. on this particular day, however, i was not lazy--far from it. we explored the castle thoroughly from dungeon to attic, with a view to discovering new beauties for "the book." i must say that occasionally i almost repent of my rashness in promising to write this book; my collaborator is so intensely business-like, and keeps me at it from early morn till dewy eve. i never have a moment's rest. it somewhat detracts too from the pleasure of going anywhere to know that you have to write an account of everything you see afterwards. [illustration: the grotto room] we began with the "grotto room." this is a summer drawing-room that we usually sit in. it is a big room, with a tiled floor and an arched roof; the latter and the walls are of cement, thickly studded with little bits of stalactite, that glisten and gleam when the place is lighted up, and give a fairy-like appearance to it. birds of paradise and sea-gulls, suspended by invisible wires, swing from the vaulted roof and appear to be hovering about the room. enormous shells, quaint venetian lamps and mirrors, funny old china, are scattered all about. there is a curious old sedan chair standing in one corner, and near it are two pianos. i never made out the mystery of those two pianos. i believe they are near relations, and that they would be heart- (or string-) broken if they were to be separated. there is a massive marble mantelpiece at the farther end, surmounted by two shields, one bearing the hohenlohe leopards, and the other the tower and crossed lilies of the della torre. altogether it is a quaint room, without any particular order or style, but very comfortable, and it has one great advantage in being cool. i have spent many a weary hour here, labouring over these sketches, or gazing out through the coloured glass at the sea and the glorious sunsets. the sunsets at duino are magnificent--the whole western sky is one flaming blaze of colour, of every tint, from the deepest crimson to the faintest daffodil. the most beautiful moment is, i think, when the sun has sunk to rest behind the distant alps, that stand out pearly-gray against the rose-coloured sky, and the sea in the foreground glows like a huge bowl of melted gold. we went next to see the dungeons. they are by no means cheerful--two little damp and musty rooms, destitute of furniture, with grated windows and enormously thick walls--you see their immense thickness when you enter. the last man who was confined here (it was not so very long ago) hung himself. he is now said to haunt them. poor fellow! one cannot wonder that he should have availed himself of the only possible way of escape open to him. we then penetrated a little room where the family archives are kept. it has a massive iron door, and shelves full of dusty, musty old parchments. we unearthed a grand treasure here--an old manuscript diary of a tour through france and italy at the beginning of this century, written by an englishman of the name of cockburn. fired by this discovery we rushed up the tower stairs to another little room, formerly used as a study by an old priest who had once belonged to the household. we found it just as he had left it: the chair, the pens, the old ink-bottle, and he, poor old man, dead years ago! he wrote a book in italian about duino and the neighbourhood. it has been very useful to us in some respects, though it is very confused. we came down the tower stairs again, and i was shown the door of the walled-up rooms; it has been carefully built up flush with the wall, and recently whitewashed over, so as to conceal it. then we explored all the funny little staircases and passages that are everywhere about the castle, and form a perfect labyrinth. the rain had cleared off by this time, and the sun was struggling to show himself through the clouds, so we went out, the "other boy" accompanying us. first we went down into the old moat, long dry and overgrown with grass and nettles, but in one corner some white lilies rise pure and stately, and bloom unseen in this neglected spot. some fragments of roman columns have been built into the wall of the castle--one sees them from the moat. then we explored some terraces that are round the outside walls, where enormous yellow roses cling to the crumbling stones and lemon-scented verbenas grow wild. we made another interesting discovery here--at least it would be interesting if the general opinion about it is correct. we found a hole in the wall of the tower under the terrace. my collaborator maintains it is the beginning of a ventilating shaft that communicates with the underground passage, but i am afraid it is nothing but a rat-hole. we descended some rickety stairs, and after inspecting a sculptured madonna, who, half overgrown with ivy, looks down on the occasional passers-by (people admire her; i do _not_, as she has her nose on one side), proceeded to the battlements. there are two old field-pieces here that formerly belonged to the french republic. they have the _fasces_ engraved upon them and the inscription, "an vii. république francaise fructidor." i could not discover the history of these guns. i was told a hazy story about duino being in the hands of the french in the beginning of this century; of its being stormed, taken, and partially burnt by the english, and that the english captain was always drunk; but the story lacks confirmation--particularly the last part of it. [illustration: castle duino from the moat] in any case, the french were here, and took away all the contents of the armoury. in , too, trieste being in the possession of the french, admiral freemantle sailed up the adriatic with some english men-of-war, whilst general nugent advanced on the land side with the austrian troops. the french commander retired into the citadel, and was there besieged by the english and austrians. on october th the french surrendered. this being so, it is quite possible that there was a siege of duino, as it is very strongly situated and has always been an object for attack. even as recently as , in the war between austria and italy, the italians had intended to land at duino, had not their fleet been destroyed in the battle of lissa. we went down the old staircase to the little bathing-place near dante's island. there is a strong wire net in the water to guard against the sharks. "our host" disapproves of this net. he maintains that if any one bathing at duino is unfortunate enough to be eaten by the one solitary shark that cruises in the adriatic, he or she is the victim of such extraordinary bad luck that it is much better for him or her to be finished off at once. then we wandered through the "riviera" to the old ruin and the little sombre wood "sacred to diana." the ruined castle rises dark and threatening on a massive and perpendicular rock, which is on three sides surrounded by the sea. the position is immensely strong--one can only approach by one little narrow path that could easily have been held in the old days by two or three resolute men. there is not much to be seen in the ruin. it is all crumbling to pieces and is half-smothered with creepers and grass. in one vaulted arch, probably once part of the chapel, there are faint traces of fresco-painting; and there are one or two enormous stone bullets lying about that must have been thrown from some kind of catapult. every provision was made for a siege. one sees the old well, which still holds water. [illustration: the ruin] just under the old ruined castle the ground sinks and forms a hollow, and there a little wood of ilex-trees has grown, through whose dark and thick evergreen foliage no ray of sunlight seems ever to penetrate. it is a weird and uncanny sort of place: the trees seem black, the ground is black, and no grass or flowers grow there. only on some bit of old crumbling masonry the ivy has extended a funereal pall. no birds seem to nestle in this solitary spot, and the earth smells damp, whilst you shiver a little in the cool shade of the sacred trees. it is peculiarly quiet and silent under the ilex; and if, sitting there in the long summer afternoons, you get drowsy and dreamy, thinking perhaps of times long, long ago, you would not wonder very much if, through the dark green of the melancholy trees that make a dome of shade over your head, a white form should glide, swift and silent--glide down from the golden light beyond into the darkness and gloom of the ilex wood. dream or reality, what does it matter, since both pass away in the night of time, and after a while are remembered no more? how many may have come under the old, old ilex-trees in drowsy hot summer afternoons, or later, when the silver moon tried with her trembling rays to pierce the dark gloom of the wood! how many, each with his burden of joy or sorrow--gone--forgotten--faded away! dream or reality, what does it matter? [illustration] chapter vi aquileia we were a gallant company. byron. on tuesday, th june, we had a regular "day out." we were twelve--the original eleven who went to miramar, with the addition of "our host." we started at . in the morning, and this involved getting up at six. there is nothing i object to more than early rising. since my earliest infancy i have always been told what an excellent thing it is to get up early, and the ancient proverb (which you may have heard)-- early to bed and early to rise makes a man healthy, wealthy, and wise-- has been repeated to me so often that i actually know it by heart. i do not believe in it, though; i infinitely prefer the sentiments contained in the old scotch song-- i would rather go supperless to my bed than rise in the morning early. it was not a matter of going supperless to bed in this case, but it meant (at least to our host and myself--we were late) starting without breakfast. we rose to the occasion. rather than keep the rest of the party waiting, we went without breakfast, and had the satisfaction of feeling martyrs for the rest of the day. my collaborator, our host, the thin boy, and myself were in the first carriage. we kept congratulating ourselves and each other on this fact all the way. there was plenty of dust, clouds of it, and we could dimly discern the other carriages behind us, and their miserable occupants being half-smothered, whilst we were in the pure fresh air of the morning. it was a very pretty drive of about two hours to aquileia, past marshy meadows bright with flowers, and vineyards with their graceful festoons of vines, the fresh and luxuriant green of the plain contrasting strangely with the gray barrenness of the neighbouring hills, through the little old-fashioned town of monfalcone. it is quite an italian town, with its big piazza, graceful church tower, and balconied houses--closely shuttered, of course; the inhabitants seem to have a horror of fresh air. after monfalcone the scenery too becomes quite italian, though we are still in austria. the plain continues fresh and green as ever, but the hills fade away in the blue distance. we cross that bluest of rivers, the isonzo, drive between green hedges fragrant with wild roses and honeysuckle, pass a long, low, house covered with roses, with a lovely garden and a grass lawn-tennis ground (the only grass court i have seen on the continent), go over numerous little brooks that wind along under the dark shadow of overhanging bushes, and are generally haunted by promising families of downy yellow ducklings, and at last reach aquileia. here we had what was a second breakfast to most of the party, of coffee and rolls. our host did not eat anything. he said he couldn't eat when he had risen in "the middle of the night." it was a mild rebuke, but it passed unnoticed. we intended to go to grado before seeing aquileia, so after this meal we sought our steamer, a launch that plies daily between the two places. it did not require much seeking, firstly, because it rested on the placid waters of the canal close to our "hotel," and, secondly, as it guided us to its whereabouts, with great consideration, by a series of most unearthly screams of the whistle, and by disgorging vast quantities of evil-smelling smoke. the scenery is rather pretty after leaving aquileia. high reeds and grass grow down to the water's edge, larks carol joyously in the sky, reed-warblers twitter among the rushes, and bright-hued dragonflies dart hither and thither. there is a smell of new-mown hay in the air (which causes the fat boy to sneeze thirty-seven times without stopping), and one sees the peasants at work, with the big, gentle, sleepy-looking oxen drawing the waggons. one soon leaves the canal behind, and comes out into numberless shallow lagoons of salt water, with dreary sandbanks, and lonely-looking posts to mark the deeper channels. there are a few dismal huts on some of the sandbanks, and in one place a church tower stands alone in its glory--the rest of the church has fallen down. we saw no living thing there except a solitary eagle. it is a desolate and melancholy sort of place, and i for one was very glad when we came out into "blue water" and grado hove in sight. it forms a pretty picture, this little venetian-like town, the blue sea, and the fleet of fishing boats with their brightly-coloured sails. [illustration: fishing boat (bragozzo)] grado is a sea-bathing place, or _would_ be one, if anybody went there. the bathing sheds are a very imposing-looking building, there is an excellent sandy beach, the water is lukewarm, and drowning is quite impossible on account of its shallowness. what grado wants is a good waking up. if the inhabitants were a little more speculative; if they would build a good hotel and open a railway line, etc., it might become a flourishing place. at present there is no accommodation for visitors, so no visitors go there. we bathed, of course, all of us, with the exception of the two learned men, who had different theories with regard to bathing, and who were disputing thereon. we enjoyed it very much, except the seal, who did not take at all kindly to his native element, and found it cold; he evidently felt, too, that his life was in danger, as he explained to everyone the dreadful end he might come to if a larger wave than usual were to carry him away. [illustration: grado--the harbour] after our bath we returned to the hotel, very hungry. our lunch included a dish called risotto, which, i am told, can only be made to perfection in this part of the world; it is very good. owing to the bathing and the lunch, the latter being much prolonged by the voracious appetites of the "seal" and the "fat boy," we had no time to see the town thoroughly, but we managed to make a hurried inspection of the church before our steamer left. it is a fine old building, with two rows of marble columns in the interior, the capitals of which are all different, and remind one of those in the church of st. mark at venice. the byzantine pulpit, a very old episcopal seat behind the altar, and some sarcophagi with inscriptions and carvings in a little courtyard near the church, are also interesting. [illustration: the church at grado] our return journey to aquileia was not exciting. we were all sleepy, and hot, and rather irritable. on reaching it we proceeded to the hotel, and refreshed ourselves with sundry cooling drinks, and then set out to view the town. aquileia was founded b.c. or , after the second war against hannibal. it was one of the twelve fortified towns built to repel the attacks of the barbarians, and at the same time such towers as duino, monfalcone, and sagrado were erected as watch-towers. aquileia was a very extensive and important place under the romans, and possessed a population of half a million. with the decline of the roman power the glory of aquileia departed. the town withstood many attacks from the barbarians, but after a siege of some months it was finally burnt down and quite destroyed by the huns under attila. some of the inhabitants escaped to grado, and others sought refuge among the neighbouring lagoons. there is a museum of roman remains containing a collection of statues, pottery, glass, etc. the old glass is very beautiful, its colouring wonderful, and two of the many statues are particularly fine, one of a venus or a nymph, very much mutilated, and an almost perfect one of the family of tiberius. the rest of the statues and carvings, though interesting, did not seem to be of great artistic value, still i was struck by a fine mosaic pavement representing the rape of europa. when one reflects that all this collection has been made up of things (one could almost say) casually found, one can form some idea of the valuable treasures still left in the soil. probably aquileia could rival pompeii or herculaneum--in any case, it was a much more important place. in the last year or two some austrian noblemen have begun to interest themselves in making excavations. it is to be hoped they will continue the work, and that successful results may follow. after some time aquileia was rebuilt, but not on the same extensive scale. it seems that charlemagne came to the town for the sake of the hunting that was to be had in the big forests then existing round isonzo and timavo. old chronicles say that wild boar, wild goats, and pheasants were the principal objects of pursuit, but unfortunately there is no record of the "bags." when one sees the general barrenness of the country now, it is difficult to believe it was once all one dense forest through which the great emperor and his nobles chased the flying game, whilst the woodland rang with the deep music of the hounds. the church is extremely old--it dates back to --and the arches and pillars of the interior are very graceful. there is a most curious monument in the church--a sort of little temple of white marble surrounded by marble columns that support a modern wooden roof. the inside is quite empty--no trace of fittings left. what it was used for is a riddle not yet solved. very interesting is a small chapel with the tombs of the four della torre who were patriarchs of aquileia. the power of the patriarchs lasted for fourteen centuries. they were not only very great church dignitaries, but possessed immense secular influence, and in spite of their peaceful profession were brave warriors. the lords of duino were generally their firm allies. we read that when bertram, patriarch of aquileia, defeated the troops of goritz at osoppo ( ) he himself celebrated mass in his camp in full armour, it being christmas eve. hence arose the custom, long existing in this part of the country, that on that night the priest should bless the people with the cross of the sword. it was to visit one of the della torre, who lies buried here, that dante in came to duino, which was at that time a dependency of the patriarch of aquileia. a crypt is under the church, containing the relics of various saints. formerly an immense treasure was there too, but it is said that about an organised band of some hundreds of people from udine and goritz made a raid on the church and stole all that was left of it. the most valuable part, and among other treasures a copy of the gospel of st. mark, written in the fifth century, had been taken away long before, and is to be seen now in the neighbouring town of cividale, where the patriarchs had in later time transported their seat. some old byzantine fresco-paintings of saints are at the east end, very much faded, but still discernible. on the roof above them are some hideous modern abominations. it is a great pity that in the last century all the old frescoes were whitewashed over, and in some places _repainted_. now people are trying to discover the old paintings, but it will be a long and difficult task. the font is outside the church. it is enclosed in a circular wall, and is of unusual size--a relic of roman times, as it seems. we were completely exhausted after going round the town, and returned to the hotel with the ladies, clamouring for ices. i think we spent the greater part of this day in eating and drinking. after all, it was an impression of sadness that i took with me as we left the town behind us. turning round, one could only see a few humble peasants' houses rising gray and desolate against the golden glory of the setting sun. no trace of gorgeous temples, of thronged streets, of the mighty legions who started from this very spot to vanquish the barbarians and to conquer new and immense lands for rome. no trace of the great emperor's passage as, surrounded by his fantastic knights, he hunted the deer through the vast forests. nothing even of feudal times. the luxurious palace of the patriarchs has disappeared, their armies gone, their treasure dispersed; only a few tombs remain in a silent and deserted church. and yet, if energy and intelligence were to be expended in this abandoned spot where now the peasant drives his plough, a new world would rise in all the glory of white marble limbs--a new world, and yet so old! shaking off the sleep of centuries from their solemn eyes, the gods and the nymphs, the heroes and the statesmen would live again, and once more aquileia would rise from her ashes, the proud daughter of imperial rome. [illustration: entrance to castle duino] the drive home in the cool of the evening--a wonderful soft june evening--was very pleasant. the air was heavy with sweet scents, the sun was setting in a crimson sky and flooding the green vineyards with golden rays, whilst the dark shadows grew longer and longer, and the blue mists veiled the distant hills. but our peaceful enjoyment was spoiled by the gloominess of "our host," who, having met a bicycle on the way, failed absolutely and entirely to recover his equanimity. he talked to us with great eloquence on the subject (bicycles are against his principles), but we gradually grew more and more sleepy, and only the view of the old castle rising dark against the paling sky (and the hope of our dinner) had the power to rouse our despondent and drooping spirits again. [illustration] chapter vii villa vicentina gray twilight pour'd on dewy pastures, dewy trees, softer than sleep--all things in order stored, a haunt of ancient peace. tennyson. my collaborator and i drove to villa vicentina on friday, june th. we took a lady who is possessed with the photographic mania with us, thinking she might be useful, and the other boy to carry her camera, etc. there was no rising at unearthly hours in the morning this time--we started at a respectable hour in the afternoon. the early part of our drive was along the same road by which we went to aquileia--the long white road bordered with poplars leading through the marshes. after passing through monfalcone and crossing the bridge over the isonzo, however, we turned to the right. hedges of acacia shadowed the road; the flowers are over, here, by june, but the leaves have still their first freshness, the beautiful tender green that the sun seems to love to illumine and brighten into golden yellow. we crossed a little river, a placid stream fringed with graceful willows and bordered with blue forget-me-nots, flowing through the level meadows and sweet-smelling vineyards, and at last came to the gate of villa vicentina. the house stands some distance from the road in a large park that, with its huge trees and rich grass, reminds one of dear old england. the trees are really magnificent, mostly white poplars ("the light quivering aspen"), venerable oaks, and towering sombre pines. we got out of our carriage, and walked part of the way to the house mid mystic trees, where light falls in hardly at all. i like big trees, particularly on a hot day; it is so cool and pleasant under their green shade, where no sunlight comes but in little chequered patches here and there, when outside everything is bathed in the scorching rays, and you see the air tremulous with heat. [illustration: little river near villa vicentina] the villa vicentina formerly belonged to princess baciocchi, the sister of napoleon i. her daughter left it to the late prince imperial, and after his death it became the property of the empress eugénie. she never comes here--it is left in charge of an old caretaker and his wife, who, with another lady, possibly their daughter, and a female servant, appear to form the establishment. there is nothing particular about the house--it is an ordinary country villa. all the finer things have been taken away too, but there are still some bits of interesting furniture. [illustration: villa vicentina] * * * * * it was a strange feeling, not without a tinge of sadness, that stole over one whilst going up and down the deserted staircases and peeping into the empty rooms. here and there a marble bust with the classic profile of the buonapartes, an engraving, a faded water-colour, on the scanty remnants of furniture the imperial eagle, some old firearms, the slender hand of beautiful pauline borghese cast in marble, a few bits of rare china, and everywhere the peculiar smell of damp and age that pervades long-unused houses. where are the eagles now that once spread their wings over all europe? where are the famous beauties? where are the glorious dreams? but where are the snows of yester-year? * * * * * to be truthful, this last bit is not mine. my collaborator has just been worrying the life out of me to make me grow enthusiastic about napoleon, but it is useless--quite useless. i am _not_ enthusiastic about him, nor about his eagles, nor about his dreams. in fact, i cannot bear him, and he and wagner make my life a burden. i do not admire them--i wish they had never existed. when those two unhappy beings are mentioned i know people will "jump on" me and abuse me. i bear it all as a martyr, but i absolutely cannot write with enthusiastic admiration about "old nap" or stay in the room when there is wagner music going on. so my collaborator has found it necessary to add these lines to my sketch. i do not call this fair, for when _i_ write something _she_ does not like, i have no rest till it is cut out. i know that some time or other wagner will be brought in somehow, and i protest against it even now. it is a comfort that "our host" is of my opinion about wagner. he says that he has lost all respect for him since he once went to see some zulus that were exhibited somewhere, and found that those simple and unsophisticated savages with their war-music could make ever so much more noise than a whole orchestra playing wagner. he says, too, that, after all, he only once went to a wagner opera, and discovered that the unhappy tenor or baritone was obliged to make a whole shoe on the stage. no humbug, you know. he had to begin from the beginning and to make that whole shoe (a real serviceable article--no pretence about it) to perfection and to sing all the time till he had finished it. our host could not stand it. he left the house to give the poor man a chance, and when he came back after two hours, there was the unhappy fellow still hammering away at his shoe, singing quite feebly, for he had no breath left in him. this time he went away for good, and never went to a wagner opera again. there! that has done me good. * * * * * the gardens are beautiful--nice old-fashioned gardens where one could wander about all day with pleasure. there is a pretty conservatory with some wonderful climbing geraniums. what delighted us most was a little walk about a hundred yards long, and quite straight, with a trellis-work covered with creepers--a perfect tunnel. at the farther end is an old stone table and seat, where we intended to have tea. it was a charming spot, but unfortunately we were almost devoured by mosquitoes--they seem to be particularly ferocious and bloodthirsty there. the lady-photographer took some photographs, but i am sorry to say _she_ is an utter fraud. generally there is nothing at all on the plate, and if there is, you are quite at a loss to know whether the photograph represents a landscape, a dog, or a flash of lightning. we had brought a huge basket, like a noah's ark, with us, which contained the "tea-things." my collaborator told me during the drive that they (the tea-things) had originally been packed in a much larger basket, but that she (with characteristic thoughtfulness) had taken them all out and repacked them again in this "small" one. personally i had looked forward to tea all afternoon. it was very hot, and i was thirsty, so it was with feelings of joyous expectancy that i began unpacking the following articles:-- . two forks. . some butter (in a liquid state) wrapped up in white paper. . the poems of rossetti (neatly bound). . three drawing pencils. . two cups (without saucers). . a telescope. . three tablets of pears' soap (unscented). . a little bottle containing something--we didn't dare to open it. i fancy it was poison, and had some connection with photography. . a bottle of milk (sour). . two enormous bottles of spirit of wine (to boil the kettle). . no kettle! . no tea!! happily the "photographic lady" (who considers tea a diabolical beverage) had some cake and some cherries mixed up with her apparatus, so, after all, our "tea" was rather a success--our tea on the old stone bench of villa vicentina, where the mosquitoes flourish! there is a tree in the garden that was brought from the emperor's grave in st. helena. this is the end of the chapter. i finish it up quickly, or my collaborator will have a fit of enthusiasm again. [illustration] chapter viii sagrado and gradisca blossoms of grape-vines scent the sunny air. longfellow. the usual quartette went to sagrado and gradisca--two little italian-like towns--on saturday, th june. there is one great drawback about duino--there are only two roads. one goes to trieste and the other doesn't. it is rather monotonous always driving along the same road. familiarity breeds contempt, and even poplar-trees and marshes pall on one in time. however, "what can't be cured must be endured," and if you do not want to go to trieste you must go the other way, even if it has grown almost too familiar. we branched off on a new road after passing through monfalcone, and soon came to sagrado. it is quite a little place, more of a village than a town, but there is an old villa standing in a large park, which was the attraction here. two magnificent cypresses stand at the entrance-gate, one on each side, and the park is beautiful, full of fine trees, especially oaks overgrown with ivy. it forms a great contrast to the surrounding country, which towards duino is barren and stony in the extreme. one has a magnificent view from the villa. it stands on a hill, and the valley of the isonzo stretches below it. far on the left one catches a glimpse of the sea. before one, far as the eye can reach, is the plain, covered with vineyards, like waves of a billowy sea of emerald green, with tiny villages nestling here and there (the "photographic lady" says you can count two thousand of them, but i am afraid some untruthful person has imposed on her credulity), and the blue river winding through it, like some giant snake; and on the right, rising higher and higher as they fade away into the shadowy distance, are the snow-capped alps. the house is an old villa of the italian style, with stuccoed walls, and on the floor the pretty italian "terrazzi." in the hall, just when you enter, one is struck by four quaint old pictures of four men almost life-size; they are dressed in the peasant's costume of the country, of last century, and each holds a little money-bag in his hand. it seems that these worthy people were four farmers, who, when a former owner of the property (one of the della torre) was in financial difficulties and on the verge of ruin, came forward and paid off his debts. in gratitude to them he had their portraits painted and put in his entrance-hall. what a pity it is that people don't do this sort of thing nowadays! if any one feels inclined to follow the example of the four farmers and pay off _my_ debts, i will faithfully promise to have his photograph taken and placed on my writing-table. i am only sorry i cannot rise to oil-paintings and entrance-halls. from the pretty marble staircase you enter a charming drawing-room in the italian louis xvi. style. the walls are green marmorino, with ornaments of white stucco, and big mirrors let into them. there is a very large dining-hall of great height, with its walls and ceiling painted in fresco. no one lives in the villa at present. the gardens must have been very pretty--all terraces and staircases--when they were kept in the style of the time. they are rather neglected now, and seem to be only inhabited by a perfect army of nightingales. a queer little red house is at the farther end of the garden, with a crypt under it and an imitation tomb. the walls are covered with mottoes--greek, latin, french, etc., and there is one in english: "happiness is of a retired nature, and an enemy of pomp and noise." the individual who built the house must have been very much struck by this last motto, for it seems that he used to live in this little dismal-looking place all alone, in the one room over the crypt, leaving his smiling villa untenanted at the top of the hill. we had tea in the park. it is a great mistake to wander about to find a suitable spot for tea--you are sure to pick out the worst possible place. it is much better to stop under the first shady tree one comes to, and to sit down there. on this occasion the ladies chose the situation, and when tea was about half over we found we were sitting on an ant-heap. it was hardly worth moving then, though, so we stayed where we were, and pretended to be very much interested in the movements of the ants. i made the tea. i have a way of my own for making it, which is, i believe, sometimes practised by homeless wanderers in foreign countries--it is very superior to civilised methods. i am not selfish, and i have not taken out a patent for it, so i have no objection to presenting my method to the world, free, gratis, and for nothing. this is my recipe. boil the water in the kettle, and when fiercely boiling put in your tea (one teaspoonful for each person and one for the kettle) and stir up the mixture. let it go on boiling for a few seconds, and then pour out and drink. you will find you have excellent tea in this way. _n.b._--it is as well to have a strainer with you to get rid of the tea-leaves. my collaborator had often stayed at the villa as a child, and had hosts of acquaintances. i was interested to know who the various ladies and gentlemen who kept addressing her were, but her explanations were so confusing that i soon gave up inquiring. i remember that one lady was "the sister-in-law of a gardener, who was the step-brother of a cousin of the late wife of the man with the wig, who was the old butler." i cannot grasp such involved relationships--they are too much for _my_ intellect. i made the acquaintance of the "man with the wig" afterwards. we called to ask him to order supper to be ready for us at the little inn when we came back from gradisca. then we drove on to gradisca. you cross the isonzo to get there, and there is a lovely view from the bridge, of the blue river and the distant alps. gradisca is a nice little old-fashioned town. the inhabitants are evidently not accustomed to visitors, and we caused an immense sensation. the "photographic lady" took several photographs, and she was always the centre of an admiring crowd. they were rather disappointed, i fancy, not to see any results then and there. they caused the lady great annoyance by going and standing before the camera to get a better view of the performance--in fact, she got quite angry, and abused them in all the four languages of the country. [illustration: palazzo finetti] [illustration: house at gradisca] there is a fine old palace in gradisca that once belonged to the della torre. the whole of this part of the country seems to have belonged to them, and everywhere--in churches, on old houses, over doors--you see the tower with crossed lilies that was their coat of arms. in this particular house i was struck by a charming courtyard with graceful "loggia" and a flight of steps from both sides to the ground. [illustration: tomb of nicolao della torre] we went to see two churches. the first contained nothing interesting, but the second is worth seeing. there is a tomb there erected to the memory of nicolao della torre in a private burial-chapel. the monument is very large, with a recumbent figure of the gentleman lying in full armour. he must have been of unusual size, with a fine regular face and a long flowing beard, and is very much like the portraits of martin the giant. he, too, fought against the infidels, being general of the imperial troops that protected the hungarian frontier against the turks. he was badly wounded in one of the battles, but his end was not so tragic as that of his ancestor, and he now lies peacefully in the little church of gradisca, enjoying at last the strange old motto of his family--"tranquillité." the stuccoed ceiling of the chapel, which seems to be particularly fine, was pointed out to me, but somehow i had had too much of churches and monuments for one day, so i was not so appreciative as i suppose i ought to have been. in any case, i was again the victim of sundry abuse. after all this sight-seeing it was a pleasure to wander quietly and aimlessly through the quaint little streets, meeting only an occasional donkey or dirty baby, who stared very much, whilst at the windows one would sometimes catch a glimpse of a pair of big black eyes following one curiously from behind a row of red carnations. we admired the old walls of the town, which was strongly fortified in ancient times--enormous black walls with battlements, and beneath them a sort of green lawn shadowed by numerous chestnut-trees, the fashionable promenade of the high life of gradisca. we drove back to sagrado and had supper in the little inn. the "man with the wig" waited on us with a beaming face. i did not feel at all happy, for we had the most horrid wine it has ever been my lot to drink. it is the wine of the country, and said to be the pure juice of the grape (everything nasty seems to be "the pure juice of the grape"). one drinks it diluted with water, and it has a most extraordinary bitter taste. the ladies assured me that i should soon grow accustomed to it, and then i should never like any other wine as well. i had my own opinion on the subject, but i had to smile and look pleasant. we drove home in the evening. i had foretold a thunderstorm all the afternoon, but had been laughed to scorn by everybody. my prophecies were correct, however, for we had hardly left sagrado when the storm began. i never saw more vivid lightning--the whole sky was lighted up by it, and it was almost incessant. the weird effect was increased, too, by the fireflies--there must have been millions of them flitting hither and thither, like the lost souls of the departed. we had a great argument as to whether we should remain at monfalcone till the storm had passed over. the ladies were in favour of waiting, the coachman and i were for going on, and the boy was neutral, being fast asleep. our eloquence prevailed--we hurried on. it was a desperate race, but we had the satisfaction of beating the worst of the storm by some ten seconds. after all, i did not think much of sagrado and gradisca, and i can only say i hope people will be as bored in reading this chapter as i have been in writing it. [illustration] chapter ix on ghosts all houses wherein men have lived and died are haunted houses. through the open doors the harmless phantoms on their errands glide, with feet that make no sound upon the floors. we meet them at the doorway, on the stair, along the passages they come and go, impalpable impressions on the air, a sense of something moving to and fro. there are more guests at table than the hosts invited; the illuminated hall is thronged with quiet, inoffensive ghosts, as silent as the pictures on the wall. longfellow. ghosts! there is a charm in the very word. tales of gruesome apparitions told over a blazing fire at christmas-time come back to one--tales told long years ago, when, after hearing them, one was almost afraid to go to bed; when one started at every shadow on the stairs and imagined it was some dark denizen of the spirit world come to carry us off; when, being fairly in bed and the light out, we drew the sheets over our heads to shut out the phantoms that appeared in the darkness. from my earliest childhood i was always a firm believer in ghosts--the good old-fashioned ghost, i mean,--the unhappy lady or gentleman who appears at twelve o'clock at night with wailings and groans, and rattles chains and carries his or her head under his or her arm. that is the sort of ghost _i_ like. i have a contempt for the feeble ghost of to-day--the spirit that raps on tables and moves chairs, that writes letters backwards that no one can read, and never shows itself or behaves in a rational manner. the modern ghost is very degenerate. [illustration: the white lady] my collaborator is a member of the society for psychical research, so i must be careful what i say, or i shall be abused again. we had a grand _séance_ on the evening of th june. it was held in the "emperor's room"--so called because the emperor leopold i. is said to have slept there. his portrait is painted on the ceiling, which, by the way, is of wonderful venetian stucco, with cupids and garlands of fruits and flowers all over it. it is a haunted room. it is not the emperor that appears here, however, but a much more interesting sort of person--the white lady. she had a cruel husband who threw her down the cliff under the ruin. her body may still be seen, as she was turned into stone, a gigantic woman wrapped in a long white garment--everlastingly climbing up the cliff, but never getting any higher. her spirit returns to the castle and searches for her lost children. on nights when the moon is full one can hear the rustling of her robes, as she wanders disconsolately about in the "emperor's room." [illustration: the white lady] we carried out our _séance_ on the most approved methods. eight of us--my collaborator, the energetic lady, the photographic lady, miss umslopogaas, the two learned men, the seal, and myself--sat round a little oval table with both our hands on it, and clasped each other's little fingers. the learned dark man calculated that there were eighty fingers on that table. "better eighty fingers on one table than eighty tables on one finger" remarked our host. he was rather a nuisance (our host, i mean), as he insisted on walking about the room and smoking cigarettes. he also kept turning up the lamp (ghosts dislike much light, and it is necessary to respect their feelings) to see how we were getting on. [illustration: tin-ho--first-class mandarin] there was also a dog in the room. this dog rejoices in the name of "tin-ho"--he is a chinese animal. i believe he is the last of his race, or something of that sort, and is the most cherished possession of the energetic lady. he is one of the banes of my life--he, napoleon i., and wagner. i like animals--in fact, i love them--especially cats and dogs. but _this_ dog is too much for me. i have made the most friendly overtures to him. i have called him by the most endearing terms. i have even learned some italian (he only understands that language) especially for his benefit, and have said _poverissima bellissima_ to him with a pathos that would have moved a stone statue to tears. but it is of no use. he is as unfriendly as ever, and treats me with contempt. now i kick him, whenever the energetic lady is not anywhere near him, which is not very often, by the way. i have not explained yet who miss umslopogaas is. she is a lady who is staying here, and her proper name is difficult to pronounce--at least, i cannot conquer it. i began by calling her miss asparagus, but that sounds too much like a vegetable, and is familiar besides. umslopogaas is quite as much like what i can imagine her real name to be, and has the advantage of sounding more foreign. well, we sat round that table for an hour and a half. my collaborator was delighted at the beginning--she was sure the seal was a perfect medium, as he trembled all over and felt cold. (i have my own private opinion about it.) the table, too, moved occasionally (no wonder, when the seal was shaking like an aspen leaf), so she was convinced something was about to happen. at last something did happen! an unearthly shriek rang through the haunted chamber. there was a sound of scuffling and struggling, a smothered exclamation. the photographic lady leaped a foot from her chair and showed a tendency to go into hysterics. the seal's teeth chattered with fright. but, after all, it was only our host who had trodden on the dog. we sat on. the photographic lady flirted with the learned fair man, and miss umslopogaas pinched the little finger of the learned dark man; but no ghost appeared. i think there were too many of us, or we were not serious enough, or the vagaries of our host and the dog were too much for the spirits. but, in any case, our _séance_ was a failure, and we had no manifestations at all. we gave it up then, and took to telling ghost-stories. the photographic lady related an experience of her own. some three or four years ago she went into the great banqueting hall in the evening, and there saw the figure of a man. he was of immense height, elderly, and with a long flowing beard, and his face was vividly impressed on her memory. he advanced towards her, and then suddenly disappeared. according to her own account she was not at all frightened. at the time she did not know who it was, but on visiting the church at gradisca some time later, she recognised the ghost at once as the della torre who is carved in stone on the tomb there, an ancestor of her own. the energetic lady had had a strange experience in the same room. she was there alone, and a _chair_ began to move about of its own accord. it moved forwards--it moved backwards--it moved sideways, and then in a slow and stately manner it waltzed round and round. with her usual energy, she chased it, caught it, _sat down_ on it, but it continued its antics, she still sitting on it. she said it was an uncomfortable sensation and confessed to feelings of alarm--in fact, she left the apartment in haste. at this point the seal said he should retire, as he did not like to talk of such things. miss umslopogaas also took her departure--she did not consider ghosts quite proper. she thought they should not appear in people's bedrooms uninvited. some of them were so insufficiently clothed too! the two learned men disputed on ghosts generally. they had different theories on the matter. my collaborator listened with a look of supreme contempt. she does not care to relate _her_ experiences to the common herd. i was so crushed by her superior manner that i was too modest to tell any story. i never saw a ghost myself, but an intimate friend of mine has had that pleasure. our host was not bashful, however. this is what _he_ said: "i like ghosts, because they never come. if there are ten persons in a room, eight are fools, one is a rascal, the tenth might be all right ... but _he_ is generally dead. i have no objection to _his_ coming. still, as 'happiness is of a retired nature,' i think him very considerate never to do so." i did not see any point in this, but every one else seemed to find it very amusing. suddenly the great clock in the tower began striking--slowly--twelve! then we all went to bed. * * * * * we are all haunted by ghosts--ghosts of old friends, old scenes. we sit alone, and the past rises up before us. they are all with us again--the friends of our childhood, of our school-days, of our "varsity" life. once more we feel the warm clasp of their hands, once more we hear the merry voices and look into the kindly faces we knew long years ago. picture follows picture. we see the old garden where we played as children, our brothers and sisters, our child-friends, the old house, the flowers, the green lawn. it is all so familiar, and yet it was all so long ago. the scene changes: a long, low room, desks hacked with pocket-knives and stained with ink, a hot, drowsy afternoon, a hum of voices, the master's desk, the master himself in cap and gown, a crowd of boys. the scene changes again. stately buildings appear before us, old courts and cloisters, the gleam of the river. old familiar sounds ring in our ears: the thud of the oars in the rowlocks, the click of the cricket-bat, the tramp of feet on the football field. fair faces pass before us too. we hear the rustle of their dresses, their girlish laughter, their soft voices, we see the bright eyes that look into ours, the rosy lips that murmured words we shall never forget. there are things of which i may not speak; there are dreams that cannot die! there are thoughts that make the strong heart weak, and bring a pallor into the cheek, and a mist before the eye. and a verse of a sweet old song is haunting my memory still: a boy's will is the wind's will, and the thoughts of youth are long, long thoughts. where are they all--those friends of other days? gone--some dead--all scattered; we have lost sight of most of them. some are sleeping on distant battlefields or beneath the waves of the hungry sea, some are preaching their message of peace in busy town or quiet village, some fighting with disease and death in the crowded hospitals of great cities, some working their way upwards through dusty law-courts or in foreign lands. but here--in shadow-land--they one and all come back to us. [illustration] chapter x capodistria happy star reign now! here comes bohemia. shakespeare (_the winter's tale_). this chapter is remarkable, since it introduces a new and interesting character to the public, to wit the "gentle lunatic," who rushed down upon us from the wild and boundless forests of bohemia. we journeyed to capodistria on saturday, nd june, the "gentle one" filling the place of the "other boy" in the usual quartette. we left duino at o'clock in the morning (another early start), and drove to nabresina; from thence we went to trieste by train. our train was half an hour late, for which we abused the "photographic lady," as she had made all the arrangements for the journey. it is marvellous how our arrangements always go wrong! we have tried all the ladies in turn as superintendent-in-chief: the "energetic one," who did not want any railway guide or any advice, but knew everything generally; the "photographic lady," who smothered herself and everybody else with books, time-tables, etc., asked every one's opinion collectively and singly, and made an elaborate plan beforehand; my collaborator, who did not care a rap how things went, supposed they would be sure to come right somehow, and when they did _not_, said it was destiny; but none of them answered. we were always in a hopeless muddle, either starting too soon, or too late, or not at all. we were very much annoyed by the dilatory conduct of our train, even when it arrived at nabresina. it is extraordinary the length of time it takes to start a continental train! a bell rings violently and then tolls _one_. this is to inform the passengers that the train is in the station. a long interval follows. the bell rings more violently than before and then tolls _two_. this shows that in the course of time the train will proceed. there is no hurry, however. you have plenty of time still to make a substantial meal and pay calls on any friends you may have in the neighbourhood of the station. the bell rings a third time and tolls _three_. the conductor suggests the advisability of taking your seat, the engine-driver and stoker go for their last drink, and the stationmaster begins to play with a little horn he wears suspended round his neck. the conductors--there are generally two or three of them on each train--having ascertained that none of the passengers have any particular wish to remain any longer, step out upon the platform, shout _ready_, and blow whistles. the stationmaster, with an air of immense importance, sounds his toy trumpet, the engine utters a scream of defiance to the world generally, and after a decent interval, to avoid the semblance of haste, the train crawls out of the station. it is an imposing ceremony, but as it is repeated at every small station on the line, it grows somewhat monotonous and makes railway-travelling rather a formidable and lengthy business. at last, however, our train, having rested sufficiently, proceeded slowly on its journey, and we arrived in the course of time at trieste. we drove to the hotel delorme, and ordered lunch to be ready in an hour. the "gentle lunatic" announced his intention of going to find some tame turtles. he said he meant to buy a dozen, and we could take them home in our pockets. he could dispose of six, and we three should have two each. we argued and remonstrated, but it was of no use--he went. meanwhile the two ladies and i set out to see the church of st. just, a very fine church--in fact, one of the oldest christian basilicae. it is a great pity that the beautiful old columns are covered with red damask. they look like a forest of pillars, and divide the church into five aisles. two of the many altars are bright with very ancient byzantine gold-grounded mosaics. the "photographic lady" took a photograph of the interior and carried on a flirtation with a young verger, to whom she promised a photograph, whether of herself or the church we were unable to discover. we were then joined by the "gentle one," who was quite heart-broken, as he had not been able to find his turtles. trieste is a nice town. it is a pity it is not a pleasure resort instead of a mercantile place, as it is beautifully situated on green hills sloping quite gently down to the sea; the surroundings are pretty, and brightened with villas and flower-covered cottages. we went on to capodistria by steamer. there was a very motley crowd of passengers on board--peasants returning from market, business people bound for an afternoon's pleasure-seeking, persons of all sorts and conditions. the "photographic lady" was delighted that, in one particular at least, her researches with regard to our arrangements were correct--namely, that the steamer had left trieste at one o'clock. to prove her accuracy, she asked the "g. l." soon after starting to tell her the time. but his answer was somewhat vague, and his method of ascertaining the time appeared to us peculiar. he took out his watch, looked at it for a long time, gazed fixedly at the sun, shut his eyes, seemed by the contortion of his features to be going through some abstruse calculation, and then said it was between one and two o'clock. this nettled the lady, and she replied rather warmly that she wanted to know the _exact time_. with a mournful smile he took out his watch again, went through the previous programme, and gave the same answer. at this we all insisted on seeing his watch for ourselves, and then the mystery was explained. it had no glass! it had no hands! we suggested that such a watch must be rather inconvenient, but he assured us it was the best watch he had ever had in his life; for more than ten years it had been in this state, during which time it had gone absolutely perfectly, and had never needed the slightest attention beyond winding up. it took us three-quarters of an hour to reach capodistria. it looks very quaint and old-fashioned this little out-of-the-way town, with its red-roofed houses, blue sky above, and blue sea all around, and the great gaunt prison lighted up by the golden rays of the sun, and forming a bright patch of yellow in the landscape. my collaborator says the prison spoils the appearance of the town, but i maintain that it forms a pleasing contrast to the old gray walls of the houses. capodistria was formerly byzantine, but in it became venetian. under the republic of venice it was a very flourishing place, and is said to have been the richest town in istria. there were many wealthy patrician families, renowned for their luxurious living, inhabiting it. with the fall of the venetian republic, capodistria declined, and it is now a small unimportant town. it was formerly known by the name of "the gentlewoman of istria." on arriving, we found that we had made a mistake of two hours in the time of the return steamer, a discovery that threw all our plans out of gear, but we comforted ourselves with the reflection that it gave us more time to see the place. we engaged a chariot and drove off to inspect the town. it was a remarkable conveyance. the "g. l." selected it, and it appeared as if he had chosen the dirtiest he could find. it was small too. we could only just squeeze in, and were very much cramped for room; but any trifling defects in the carriage were amply made up for by the horse. this was indeed a noble animal, and high spirited in the extreme; the driver too was perfectly reckless, so we dashed off at the rate of some sixty miles an hour, the chariot pitching and tossing like a small boat in an angry sea. the "piazza" is quite the sight of capodistria, and is very picturesque. a church stands on one side of it, and before one is an old town hall, turreted on both sides, with graceful venetian windows, innumerable inscriptions, coats-of-arms, and other carvings, and the whole crowned by the venetian lion. a pretty outer staircase with little marble columns runs along part of the front of the building, and under it there is a deep and sombre archway, through which one sees a narrow street, with great, high, irregularly built houses almost meeting above it. [illustration: the town hall] i believe we went to see three churches in this little town, but i have seen such a superabundance of churches lately, that i cannot remember the characteristic features of any of the three. i know that in one there was a quantity of fine old silver, and that we were shown round another by a most obsequious monk, clad in russet brown, who explained its beauties to us in a confidential manner. i remember, too, that we saw some pictures. in one church (the "g. l." says it was in the big one on the piazza) there was a very fine one of benedetto carpaccio--the madonna in the company of some saints, and with two little angels playing the banjo (it may be a guitar) at her feet. in the church where we interviewed the monk there was a big altar-piece of cima da conegliano, very much spoilt by having been restored, and a most curious picture of vittore carpaccio, with a garland of angels' heads (hundreds of them), some painted in natural colours and some bright _red_. (red-headed angels--this is art!) by the way, i was told that in venice there is a very old picture attributed to the same carpaccio, and said to represent the lords of duino taking tribute from the town of zara; the lords of duino, in quaint armour, with their ladies and soldiers, on the one side of the picture; on the other, the representatives of the vanquished town bringing gold, etc., and in the background a turreted castle--duino, and a town near it--trieste. as carpaccio was a native of capodistria, it is very probable that he painted this triumph of some of the most powerful barons of his country. after this came more sight-seeing. we visited a funny old drinking-fountain known as the "bridge" (why, i know not), and watched the women drawing water. it is a sleepy and dull little town, with small streets and dark forbidding-looking houses. there are hardly any shops, but in one quaint sort of jeweller's stall the fashionable ornaments of istria were pointed out to me. these are ear-rings--little crowned negroes' heads in black and white enamel, and the height of fashion among the fishermen is to wear both in one ear. one sees very few people in the streets. here and there a dark-eyed girl strolling along with the peculiar shuffling gait caused by the "zoccoli"--the wooden slippers of the venetian women. [illustration: door-knocker] everywhere are relics of venice--the carved cisterns on the piazzas, the winged lions on the houses, where you find inscriptions bearing some of the most illustrious names of the republic, but everywhere, too, silence, abandonment, and decay. there are some fine old palaces, but the windows are shut, and they seem deserted. on one we admired a wonderful old bronze knocker of most refined workmanship, and as the house with its arched windows and marble balconies looked particularly nice, we explored the interior. there, too, we found the large venetian entrance-hall and an imposing-looking staircase, but no soul appeared. then we repaired to a _café_ on the piazza. it was formerly an open "loggia," but between the stately marble columns some mean commercial soul has put glass windows, and the interior is dishonoured by the usual little marble tables and black leather seats. the ladies ordered coffee and sponge-cakes, i drank beer, and the "gentle lunatic" asked for a cup of hot water--his favourite drink. [illustration: cafÉ at capodistria] one of the "g. l.'s" passions is his liking for low acquaintances. hardly had we finished our repast and gone out, before he formed a new friendship of this kind. an old beggar with a long gray beard approached, and the two immediately fraternised. they sat down on a stone bench together, and discussed politics and literature. in the meantime another beggar came up, whom the first beggar introduced as "the greatest poet of capodistria." the poet was proud, however, and evidently averse to becoming intimate with strangers; at any rate, after having received with lofty condescension the "tip" diffidently offered to him by the "g. l.," he went majestically off. it was with the greatest difficulty that we finally separated the two friends, who parted with mutual expressions of everlasting esteem. we then once more mounted our chariot, and betook ourselves to the steamer. so good-bye to "the gentlewoman of istria," lying placidly asleep by the blue waters of the adriatic. though changed and abandoned, you can still distinguish some of the charms that won for her that poetic name. may she dream of the glorious time long ago--the glorious time of her youth, when she was growing and blooming in the shade of the mighty wings that saint mark's lion was once spreading over land and sea! chapter xi [illustration] goritz in the greenest of our valleys. e. a. poe. on monday, th june, we went to goritz--my collaborator, the "gentle lunatic," and i. our party had already broken up--the "energetic lady" and the "seal," miss umslopogaas, the two learned men, the thin boy, the other boy, even "our host"--all had gone. and now we left too. my collaborator was going on to venice from goritz, and the g. l. and i, after picking up the fat boy at nabresina, were going to vienna by the night train. we drove to monfalcone, and then went on by rail. goritz is charmingly situated in the smiling valley of the isonzo. i have spoken of the beauty of this valley before, but never does it strike one so pleasantly as when one approaches goritz. it is a forest of vineyards surrounded by tier upon tier of majestic mountains, that rise higher and higher, until they are lost to sight among the clouds, and in the centre of the mass of greenery, on the banks of the blue river, nestles the little town. not much is known of the early history of goritz. from the twelfth century, however, it seems to have played an important part in the history of the country, and the counts of goritz stand out prominently as a powerful and warlike family, second in importance only to the patriarchs of aquileia. they were celebrated for their munificence and for the splendour of the tournaments promoted by them. by the way, an old chronicle says that in a great tournament, arranged by mainardo ii., count of goritz, was held at trieste. to this came ulrich of lichtenstein, the german minnesänger, who always went about dressed as venus. unfortunately the details of his dress are wanting. after the extinction of the family, goritz came into the possession of the emperors. the venetians attempted to conquer it, and indeed appear to have held it for a short time. the town seems to have kept up its reputation of gaiety, as later chronicles speak of the lavish hospitality of the nobility residing there. it is now quite a lively little place, with broad streets and good shops, and its outskirts are one charming garden full of pretty villas. there is not much to be seen in the way of antiquities--an old castle, by no means beautiful, perched on a hill, and some churches. it was a very hot day. it is all very well to talk poetically of the sunny south, but for my part i wish it was not so confoundedly warm. we were taken to an antiquary's shop by my collaborator, and spent most of the morning there--she in looking over the things in a business-like manner, the g. l. in wandering aimlessly around, and i in sitting on the back stairs. (i found it the coolest place.) we lunched with count and countess c., and, to speak truly, my pleasantest recollections of goritz are associated with that lunch. i must say i had spent rather a miserable sort of morning, what with the heat and the antiquary's shop, but these troubles were soon forgotten on our arriving at their house. it is an old-fashioned, rambling house, with low, dim rooms, furnished with a charming disregard to all pretence at style--old carved furniture side by side with little modern round tables, and valuable paintings of the last century hanging by oleographs of to-day. every room, too, is a menagerie--dogs, cats, monkeys, snakes, birds of all sorts, are everywhere. i like a house of this kind--there is an entire absence of that bugbear _art_ (art with a big capital "a," you know), and most charming of all are its inhabitants. they are brother and sister, and both on the verge of eighty, the countess the personification of goodness and the lady bountiful of the town, and the count a curious mixture of the beau of the beginning of the century, poet, artist, and philosopher rolled into one. in spite of their age they both look marvellously young, and are more gay and active than the majority of young people i know. we ate our lunch--which was excellent, by the way--in a little cool room that opens into the garden. the latter is as quaint as the house--roses and red currants grow together in luxuriant profusion. there is a delightful little arbour overgrown with white jasmine, and an old flight of steps that leads up to what was probably once a fortification, but is now a fine bed of cabbages with a border of hollyhocks, and the whole overshadowed by an enormous cherry-tree. just outside the garden rises a big modern building, and from this, every now and then, a chorus of sweet girlish voices floated forth upon the still summer air. they were factory girls spinning silk, i was told, and singing over their work. [illustration: a cast] after lunch we adjourned to the count's study--the most remarkable room in the house perhaps. it is lower than the street, very large and vaulted, full of old furniture and curiosities of every kind; here and there casts of famous sculptures, very white against the dark walls; on the many tables a litter of books and papers, except on one, where we were told to admire a collection of paper-knives. it is an extraordinary thing that passion for collections. i knew a man once who collected _pipes_. he had one hundred and sixty-three when i saw him last, and he had stolen them all. i have no sympathy with this sort of thing, and quite disapproved of his actions--in fact, i withdrew from his acquaintance. i have too much affection for my own pipes to know such people. the "gentle one" told me that a friend of his collected _old hats_. he labelled each hat with the name of its former owner, and studied his character from his head-covering. he knew a family too who collected buttons. they were accustomed to secretly steal them from their visitors' overcoats, with a view to scientifical and psychological research--of course! now i collect money. do not think me a miser. i do not hoard it up--i spend it. i shall be delighted to receive help with my collection. i have no false pride--any contribution, however small, will be thankfully received, and acknowledged by return of post. in the afternoon the "gentle lunatic" and i drove round to inspect the place. we made a sort of grand tour of the town, and then went out to a little village from which there is a view. it is a lovely view, too. you stand on a hill and look down into a valley, or rather glen; far below one flows the isonzo, bluer than any sea or any sky, winding along, with a little cascade here and there, between banks thickly covered with oak woods, whilst above everything tower the mountains. another interesting place near goritz is the church and convent of castagnavizza, not on account of the buildings, which are nothing remarkable, but because the last princes of the french royal family are buried there. they all lie in a little chapel (a della torre burial-ground, by the way), in simple coffins--charles x. and his sons, the unfortunate duchess of angoulême, and, last of all, the count and countess of chambord. it is a very gloomy vault, and one cannot help thinking of all the splendour and glory of versailles, of all the memories of that long lineage of kings, and contrasting them with this their last resting-place, so humble and forsaken in a strange land--the royal lilies withered in a foreign soil. after this visit one is glad to get out into the sunshine again and to ramble through the streets of the gay little town. there are four languages generally spoken in goritz--italian, slav, friulan, and german. friulan is an extraordinary language, a sort of italian dialect, only spoken in the friul, as the neighbourhood of goritz is called. german is, of course, the state language, but italian is universally spoken all over the littoral. the lower classes do not understand a word of german, and i have found that hardly any one understands _my_ german. i had a forcible illustration of this not long ago. i was lunching with the gentle lunatic at a hotel, when an acquaintance of his came in and sat at our table. with my accustomed modesty, i said little or nothing until the g. l. suggested that i might air some of my german. i promptly opened conversation with a sentence i had learned from an exercise book--"the dog is more faithful than the cat." it was perhaps not the sort of remark one would as a rule make to a stranger, but i thought he would in all probability agree with my sentiments, and then it was one of the few complete german sentences i knew. the reply, however, was not what i expected. instead of answering, "yes, but have you seen the penknife of my grandmother's female gardener?" or something of that sort, he turned to the gentle one--"tell him," he said, "i am very sorry, but i have forgotten all my english." it was a crushing blow--he had mistaken my best german sentence for english! [illustration: girl from duino] the people of the littoral are of the italian type. many of the women are very handsome, and they have almost all fine eyes, large and black, and soft and velvety-looking. they hold themselves very well too, probably from being accustomed to carry baskets and bundles on their heads. only the better class women wear hats. the peasants wear nothing but their own luxuriant hair, or merely a coloured kerchief thrown gracefully over their heads. the height of fashion at present is a black kerchief with large red spots. the people generally are a good-natured, cheerful race. "they are dirty, they are rough and ready, but they have the heart in the right place," as the g. l.'s english butler says, and his words exactly describe them. [illustration: castle duino from the railway] we stopped at an open-air _café_ in driving back and drank some beer, and then we returned to count c.'s and ate ices. beer and ices are _not_ a nice mixture. don't try it if you have not already done so. we saw my collaborator off, and then started ourselves for vienna. the railway line runs quite close to duino, so we had one more glimpse of the old castle from the train. there had been a thunder-storm in the afternoon, and the sky was still covered with black clouds. the sea was leaden-coloured and the far horizon blotted out by thick gray mist and rain streaks, but as we flattened our noses against the window-pane to "take a last fond look," one bright ray from the setting sun shone through the darkness of the thunder-clouds. it brightened the old gray walls of the castle, and bathed them in rosy light; it lingered lovingly round the great roman tower, and lit up the red and white hohenlohe banner that floated in the breeze. and so i saw duino for the last time. [illustration] chapter xii on nothing at all story! god bless you! i have none to tell, sir. my collaborator is to blame for this chapter. she found that when the eleven chapters already written and the introduction and the conclusion (reckoning the two last as chapters) were added together, the result would be thirteen. and so i am to write one more, and there is nothing to write about. i feel myself to be a martyr offered up on the altar of superstition. superstition is all very well, but i think it can be carried too far. i was a victim to this fatal number only the other day. i came in to lunch rather late, and was just going to sit down, when the "energetic lady" jumped up from the table with a howl of despair, taking her plate with her, and began to eat at a sideboard. she had seen that when i sat down there would be thirteen at table. of course, i could not allow _her_ to be made uncomfortable, so the result was that i had to go and sit at a little table by myself, and eat my lunch in lonely misery. i have known people too (i will not mention names) who would not start on a journey, or arrive at a place--in fact, i believe they absolutely do nothing--on the thirteenth of the month. i am rather superstitious myself about some things. i confess i always throw three grains of salt over my left shoulder if i should by any chance spill some; also i always tap my first and fourth fingers on something wooden, and say "unberufen" when i have made some such remark as "i have not had toothache for more than three years"; and then i invariably take off my hat to a single magpie. but then you cannot call these things superstitions--they are merely the force of habit. "for use almost can change the stamp of nature," as shakespeare says. speaking of superstitions reminds me that i have known people who believe implicitly in dreams. i have a near relation who says he always dreams that he has a tooth pulled out before the death of any one of the family or of an intimate friend. i had a curious dream the other night. i dreamed i was sitting in a little room with a big sheet of paper before me, on which was written in large letters, "on the philosophy of life." i was to write an article on the subject. i had absolutely no ideas about the philosophy of life, and felt very miserable. whilst i was pondering over it the door opened, and in came _slip_. slip is a small fox terrier, and a particular friend of mine. i cannot say he looks very reputable--he has a sort of rakish appearance about him, and is, in fact, a great rascal, always up to any mischief, with funny ears that flap about when he runs, and small eyes--he always shuts one and winks at you when he feels in safe society. so in came slip, winking and smiling as dogs can smile, and i asked him immediately for _his_ ideas on the subject. i was not at all surprised when he began to speak and answered as follows: "don't you worry your head about things of that sort. men are never true philosophers--we dogs know that well. take your pipe and your cap and let's go for a stroll. it's a glorious evening, and i know a particular spot where there are rabbits. bother the 'philosophy of life.' tell me rather why rabbits, and rats too, have such confoundedly small holes? come along, old fellow!" he made some steps towards the door, wagging his little stump of a tail and flapping his funny ears with a knowing look; but all at once he stopped, turned back, came to me, took me by the hand, and winking more than ever, said confidentially in an undertone, "but believe me, my friend, _women_ are at the root of all evil." i awoke, and am still pondering over that dream. by the way, i heard a touching anecdote about a dog the other day. it is quite true. i knew the dog well--in fact, we were on the most intimate terms. he was a pug, and a very ancient one, and for some time had been in failing health. his constitution was breaking up, but no one imagined that his end was so near. this dog had a wife, but she lived at a house some little distance from his home. one night the dog became worse--as a matter of fact he was dying. though he must have felt that his last hour had come, that poor dog dragged himself to the abode of his wife, up a flight of stairs, and there by her side he lay down and died. (this poetry is original.) did you ever hear of a more touching exhibition of domestic affection? some of my best friends have been dogs. a dog never bothers nor worries one, nor tells one things for one's good, nor remarks how foolish one was to do so and so, nor says, "you see if you had only taken my advice that would never have happened." and who can enter into all one's moods better than a dog? you want to go out, you feel gay and joyous--doggie is game enough, and frisks and barks around you. you want to sit quietly by the fire and think--doggie will sit quietly by the fire and think too. and when you feel utterly miserable and wish you were dead, who comes and licks your hand and looks up with silent sympathy in his big, honest, loving brown eyes, which say as plainly as eyes can speak, "never mind, old chap, you always have me, you know. _i_ shall never leave you." dear faithful old doggie! they say you have only instinct and no soul, and will never go to heaven--more's the pity--but if ever there was a true friend you are one. faäithful an' true--them words be i' scriptur--an faäithful an' true ull be fun' upo' four short legs ten times fur one upo' two. * * * * * [illustration: lawn-tennis ground] i remember that i have not said anything about the tennis-court at duino. it was formerly a riding-school, but the roof has been taken off, and the walls make excellent "fielders." here we were accustomed to disport ourselves every evening. it was interesting to notice the various _characteristic_ (that word will please my collaborator--she says one ought always to notice the characteristic features of everything) styles of play: the "energetic lady," with her dress pinned up, a large white hat on her head, and a look of intense determination on her face; the "photographic lady" progressing about the court with a series of little jumps and bounds, and expressing her feelings by sundry squeaks and screams; my collaborator "serving" with tremendous vigour, but leaving all the after play to her partner and destiny; miss umslopogaas not playing at all, but looking on sweetly with great success; our host playing brilliantly as long as the ball came obligingly to him, but never running at all (a thing distinctly against his principles); the "gentle lunatic" rushing madly about; the "seal" in gorgeous apparel, trotting along with bristling moustache, and revenging his failures on the unoffending balls; the ponderous "fat boy" with the ground shaking and trembling beneath his elephantine tread; the "thin boy" tying himself into intricate knots; the "other boy" posing in various elegant statue-like attitudes; and the two learned men, each with a distinct but equally unsuccessful theory. [illustration: entrance to the village of duino] lawn-tennis is very popular in austria, and quite a fashionable game; whilst (alas!) the glorious games of cricket and football are almost unknown. no wonder, though; cricket and football must be begun in one's earliest boyhood, and boys here are so overburdened with learning that they have very little time for out-of-door sports. i think the educational system on the continent is a great mistake. they cram all sorts of knowledge into the heads of the miserable children, never thinking of their bodily development and health. what is the result? every other child one meets wears spectacles, and the sickly appearance of schoolboys generally is something depressing. all work and no play makes jack a dull boy. make a note of this, all ye professors and schoolmasters! the moral side, too, is, as a rule, not enough thought of. surely to teach a boy to fear god, honour the king, queen, emperor, or whatever the ruling power is, to be a gentleman, and speak the truth, are, after all, more important factors in his education than all the languages and sciences under the sun. there! i have preached my little sermon, so will finish the chapter. there is not much in it about "nothing at all." it would be rather an interesting subject. i will write about it some other time. conclusion what ... i did not well i meant well. shakespeare (_the winter's tale_). and now these sketches are finished, and there is nothing left but to take farewell. it is always painful to say good-bye, whether to friends or places. life is a curious drama, and the scenes change very quickly. accident, destiny, fate (call it what you like) sends us to some place; we stay there a few days, or weeks, or years; we make friends, we are on the most intimate terms with them; something calls us away; we never return to the well-known spot, and the friends there pass out of our lives--place and friends alike are but a memory. memories! how they crowd in on us, and how each year adds to their number! look back down the fading river of years, and see how they stand out--monuments of bygone days--till they are finally lost in the sea of forgetfulness. thank god, the pleasant ones last the longest! it seems as if old time loves to wipe out the painful recollections, and to keep the pleasant ones ever fresh and green. * * * * * i am writing in a railway carriage. the "gentle lunatic" is snoring sweetly on the seat opposite me, and the train is taking us every minute farther and farther from duino. good-bye, old castle! may your old walls withstand the wear and tear of many another century. they have been very happy days that i have spent in them, but they are all over. only in dreams shall i behold your old battlements and towers, the sea in all its blueness breaking at your feet, the sun setting in a sky of golden glory and gilding your gray stones with its dying rays. good-bye to all the friends who have made up our party! if ever these sketches should be printed, and you should read them, i hope you will none of you be offended at anything i have written. in case you should be so, i apologise most humbly beforehand, and trust you will forgive me. and to you, my collaborator, i must also say good-bye for the present. to you i dedicate these little sketches. if they bring back to you one pleasant thought of the days in duino, where the world is quiet, they will have fulfilled their mission. [illustration] _printed by_ r. & r. clark, limited, _edinburgh_. the valleys of tirol their traditions and customs and how to visit them by miss r. h. busk author of 'patraÑas' 'sagas from the far east' 'folk-lore of rome' etc. with frontispiece and three maps london longmans, green, and co. all rights reserved preface. there are none who know tirol but are forward to express regret that so picturesque and so primitive a country should be as yet, comparatively with other tracks of travel, so little opened up to the dilettante explorer. it is quite true, on the other hand, that just in proportion as a country becomes better known, it loses, little by little, its merit of being primitive and even picturesque. intercourse with the world beyond the mountains naturally sweeps away the idiosyncracies of the mountaineers; and though the trail of progress which the civilized tourist leaves behind him cannot absolutely obliterate the actual configuration of the country, yet its original characteristics must inevitably be modified by the changes which his visits almost insensibly occasion. the new traditions which he brings with him of vast manufacturing enterprise and rapid commercial success cannot but replace in the minds of the people the old traditions of the fire-side and the filò, with their dreams of treasure-granting dwarfs and the bergsegen dependent on prayer. the uniform erections of a monster hotel company, 'convenient to the railway station,' supersede the frescoed or timbered hostelry perched on high to receive the wayfarer at his weariest. the giant mill-chimneys, which sooner or later spring up from seed unwittingly scattered by the way-side, not only mar the landscape with their intrinsic deformity, but actually strip the mountains of their natural covering, and convert wooded slopes into grey and barren wastes; [ ] just as the shriek of the whistle overpowers the jödel-call, and the barrel-organ supersedes the zitther and the guitar. such considerations naturally make one shrink from the responsibility of taking a part (how insignificant soever) in directing the migration of tourists into such a country as tirol. i have heard a tirolese, while at the same time mourning that the attractions of his country were so often passed over, express this feeling very strongly, and allege it as a reason why he did not give the result of his local observations to the press; and i listened to his apprehensions with sympathy. but then these changes must be. the attempt to delay them is idle; nor would individual abstention from participating in the necessary movement of events have any sensible effect in stemming the even course of inevitable development. circumstances oblige us continually to co-operate in bringing about results which we might personally deprecate. 'in whatsoe'er we perpetrate we do but row; we're steered by fate.' and after all, why should we deprecate the result? we all admire the simple mind and chubby face of childhood; yet who (except the sentimental father in the french ballad, 'reste toujours petit!') would wish to see his son in petticoats and leading-strings all his days. the morning mists which lend their precious charm of mystery to the sunrise landscape must be dispelled as day advances, or day would be of little use to man. the day cannot be all morning; man's life cannot be all infancy; and we have no right so much as to wish--even though wishes avail nothing--that the minds of others should be involved in absurd illusions to which we should scorn to be thought a prey ourselves. nature has richly endowed tirol with beauty and healthfulness; and they must be dull indeed who, coming in search of these qualities, do not find them enhanced a hundredfold by the clothing of poetry with which the people have superindued them. who, in penetrating its mountain solitudes, would not thank the guide who peoples them for him with mysterious beings of transcendent power; who interprets for him, in the nondescript echoes of evening, the utterances of a world unknown; and in the voices of the storm and of the breeze the expression of an avenging power or the whisperings of an almighty tenderness. but then--if this is found to be something more than poetry, if the allegory which delights our fancy turns out to be a grotesque blunder in the system of the peasant who narrates it,--it cannot be fair to wish that he should continue subject to fallacious fancies, in order that we may be entertained by their recital. it is one thing for a man who has settled the grounds of his belief (or his unbelief) to his best satisfaction in any rational way, to say, 'i take this beautiful allegory into my repertory; it elevates my moral perceptions and illustrates my higher reaches of thought;' but it is quite another thing if one reasons thus with himself, 'my belief is so and so, because a certain supernatural visitation proves it;' when actually the said supernatural visitation never took place at all, and was nothing but an allegory, or still less, a mere freak of fancy in its beginning. perhaps if the vote could be taken, and if desires availed anything, the general consensus of thinking people would go in favour of the desire that there had been no myths, no legends. but the vote would involve the consequence that we should have antecedently to be possessed of a complete innate knowledge of the forces of being, corresponding to the correct criteria, which we flatter ourselves do indwell us of the principles of beauty and of harmony. if there are any who are sanguine enough to believe that science will one of these days give us a certain knowledge of how everything came about, it is beyond dispute that for long ages past mankind has been profoundly puzzled about the question, and it cannot be an uninteresting study to trace its gropings round and round it. perfect precision of ideas again would involve perfect exactness of expression. no one can fail to regret the inadequacies and vagaries of language which so often disguise instead of expressing thought, and lead to the most terrible disputes just where men seek to be most definite. if we could dedicate one articulate expression to every possible idea, we should no longer be continually called to litigate on the meanings of creeds and documents, and even verbal statements. but when we had attained all this, we should have surrendered all the occupation of conjecture and all the charms of mystery; we should have parted with all poetry and all jeux d'esprit. if knowledge was so positive and language so precise that misunderstanding had no existence, then neither could we indulge in metaphor nor égayer la matière with any play on words. in fact, there would be nothing left to say at all! perhaps the price could not be too high; but in the meantime we have to deal with circumstances as they are. we cannot suppress mythology, or make it non-existent by ignoring it. it exists, and we may as well see what we can make of it, either as a study or a recreation. conjectures and fancies surround us like thistles and roses; and as brains won't stand the wear of being ceaselessly carded with the thistles of conjecture, we may take refuge in the alternative of amusing ourselves on a holiday tour with plucking the roses which old world fancy has planted--and planted nowhere more prolifically than in tirol. in speaking of tirol as comparatively little opened up, i have not overlooked the publications of pioneers who have gone before. the pages of inglis, though both interesting and appreciative, are unhappily almost forgotten, and they only treat quite incidentally of the people's traditions. but as it is the most salient points of any matter which must always arrest attention first, it has been chiefly the mountains of tirol to which attention has hitherto been drawn. besides the universally useful 'murray' and others, very efficient guidance to them has of late years been afforded in the pages of 'ball's central alps,' in some of the contributions to 'peaks, passes, and glaciers;' in the various works of messrs. gilbert and churchill; and now miss a. b. edwards has shown what even ladies may do among its untrodden peaks. the aspects of its scenery and character, for which it is my object on the other hand to claim attention, lie hidden among its valleys, trodden and untrodden. and down in its valleys it is that its traditions dwell. [ ] if the names of the valleys of tirol do not at present awaken in our mind stirring memories such as cling to other european routes whither our steps are invited, ours is the fault, in that we have overlooked their history. the past has scattered liberally among them characteristic landmarks dating from every age, and far beyond the reach of dates. every stage even of the geological formation of the country--which may almost boast of being in its courage and its probity, as it does boast of being in the shape in which it is fashioned, the heart of europe--is sung of in popular sage as the result of some poetically conceived agency; humdrum physical forces transformed by the wand of imagination into personal beings; now bountiful, now retributive; now loving; now terrible; but nearly always rational and just. to the use of those who care to find such gleams of poetry thrown athwart nature's work the following pages are dedicated. the traditions they record do not claim to have been all gathered at first hand from the stocks on which they were grown or grafted. a life, or several lives, would hardly have sufficed for the work. in germany, unlike italy, myths have called into being a whole race of collectors, and tirol has an abundant share of them among her offspring. not only have able and diligent sons devoted themselves professionally to the preservation of her traditions, but every valley nurtures appreciative minds to whom it is a delight to store them in silence, and who willingly discuss such lore with the traveller who has a taste for it. that a foreigner should attempt to add another to these very full, if not exhaustive collections, would seem an impertinent labour of supererogation. my work, therefore, has been to collate and arrange those traditions which have been given me, or which i have found ready heaped up; to select from the exuberant mass those which, for one reason or another, appeared to possess the most considerable interest; and to localise them in such a way as to facilitate their study both by myself and others along the wayside; not neglecting, however, any opportunity that has come in my way of conversing about them with the people themselves, and so meeting them again, living, as it were, in their respective homes. this task, as far as i know, has not been performed by any native writer. [ ] the names of the collectors i have followed are, to all who know the country, the best possible guarantee of the authenticity of what they advance; and i subjoin here a list of the chief works i have either studied myself or referred to, through the medium of kind helpers in tirol, so as not to weary the reader as well as myself with references in every chapter:-- von alpenburg: mythen und sagen tirols. brandis: ehrenkränzel tirols. h. j. von collin: kaiser max auf der martinswand: ein gedicht. das drama des mittelalters in tirol. a. pickler. hormayr: taschenbuch für die vaterländische geschichte. meyer: sagenkränzlein aus tirol. nork: die mythologie der volkssagen und volksmärchen. die oswaldlegende und ihre beziehung auf deutscher mythologie. oswald v. wolkenstein: gedichte. reprint, with introduction by weber. perini: i castelli del tirolo. der pilger durch tirol; geschichtliche und topographische beschreibung der wallfahrtsorte u. gnadenbilder in tirol u. vorarlberg. a. pickler: frühlieder aus tirol. scherer: geographie und geschichte von tirol. simrock: legenden. schneller: märchen und sagen aus wälsch-tirol. stafler: das deutsche tirol und vorarlberg. die sage von kaiser max auf der martinswand. j. thaler: geschichte tirols von der urzeit. der untersberg bei salzburg, dessen geheimnissvolle sagen der vorzeit, nebst beschreibung dieses wunderberges. vonbun: sagen vorarlbergs. weber: das land tirol. drei bänder. zingerle: könig laurin, oder der rosengarten in tirol. die sagen von margaretha der maultasche. sagen, märchen u. gebräuche aus tirol. der berühmte landwirth andreas hofer. i hope my little maps will convey a sufficient notion of the divisions of tirol, the position of its valleys and of the routes through them tracked in the following pages. i have been desirous to crowd them as little as possible, and to indicate as far as may be, by the size and direction of the words, the direction and the relative importance of the valleys. of its four divisions the present volume is concerned with the first (vorarlberg), the fourth (wälsch-tirol), and with the greater part of the valleys of the second (nord or deutsch-tirol.) in the remoter recesses of them all some strange and peculiar dialects linger, which perhaps hold a mine in store for the philologist. yet, though the belief was expressed more than thirty years ago [ ] that they might serve as a key to the etruscan language, i believe no one has since been at the pains to pursue this most interesting research. in the hope of inducing some one to enter this field of enquiry, i will subjoin a list of some few expressions which do not carry on their face a striking resemblance to either of the main languages of the country, leaving to the better-informed to make out whence they come. the two main languages (and these will suffice the ordinary traveller for all practical purposes), are german in vorarlberg and north tirol, italian in wälsch-tirol, mixed with occasional patches of german; and in south-tirol with a considerable preponderance of these patches. a tendency to bring about the absorption of the italian-speaking valleys into italy has been much stimulated in modern times, and in the various troubled epochs of the last five-and-twenty years garibaldian attacks have been made upon the frontier line. the population was found stedfast in its loyalty to austria, however, and all these attempts were repulsed by the native sharp-shooters, with little assistance from the regular troops. an active club and newspaper propagandism is still going on, promoted by those who would obliterate austria from the map of europe. for them, there exists only german-tirol and the trentino. and the trentino is now frequently spoken of as a province bordering on, instead of as in reality, a division of, tirol. although german is generally spoken throughout vorarlberg, there is a mixture of italian expressions in the language of the people, which does not occur at all in north-tirol: as fazanedle, for a handkerchief (ital. fazzoletto.) gaude, gladness (ital. gaudio.) guttera, a bottle (ital. gutto a cruet.) gespusa, a bride (ital. sposa). gouter, a counterpane (ital. coltre). schapel, the hat (peculiar to local costume), (ital. cappello, a hat). the k in many german words is here written with ch; and no doubt such names as the walgau, walserthal, &c., commemorate periods of venetian rule. now for some of the more 'outlandish' words:-- baschga' (the final n, en, rn, &c. of the german form of the infinitive is usually clipped by the vorarlbergers, even in german words, just as the italians constantly clip the final letters of their infinitive, as anda' and andar' for andare, to walk, &c.) to overcome. batta', to serve. pütze' or buetza', to sew or to piece. häss, clothing. res, speech. tobel, a ravine. feel, a girl; spudel, an active girl; schmel, a smiling girl. hattel, a goat; mütl, a kid. atti, [ ] father, and datti, 'daddy.' frei, pleasant. zoana, a wattled basket. schlutta and schoope, a smock-frock. täibe, anger. kîba', to strive. rêra', to weep. [ ] musper, merry. tribiliera', to constrain. waedle, swift. raetig werden, to deliberate. tripstrüll, = utopia. wech, spruce, also vain. laegla, a little vessel. hengest, a friendly gathering of men. [ ] koga, cursed, also corrupted. fegga, a wing. krom, a gift. blaetz, a patch. grind, a brute's head, a jolterhead. bratza, a paw, an ugly hand. briegga', to pucker up the face ready for crying. deihja, a shepherd's or cattle-herd's hut. [ ] also dieja, which is generally reserved for a hut formed by taking advantage of a natural hole, leaving only a roof to be supplied. garreg, prominent. (i think that gareggiante in italian is sometimes used in a similar sense.) other words in vorarlberg dialect are very like english, as:-- witsch, a witch. pfülle, a pillow. rôt, wrath. gompa', to jump. gülla, a gulley. also datti and schmel, mentioned already. aftermötig (after-monday) is a local name for tuesday. in wälsch-tirol, they have carega, a chair. bagherle, a little carriage, a car. troz, a mountain path. malga, [ ] equivalent to alp, a mountain pasture. zufolo, [ ] a pipe. and turlulù (infra, p. ) is nearly identical in form and sound with a word expounded in etrus. researches, p. . of 'salvan' and 'gannes,' i have already spoken. [ ] but all this is, i am aware, but a mere turning over of the surface; my only wish is that some one of stronger capacity will dig deeper. of many dialects, too, i have had no opportunity of knowing anything at all. here are, however, a few suggestive or strange words from north and south tirol:-- pill, which occurs in various localities [ ] of both those provinces to designate a place built on a little hill or knoll, is identical with an etruscan word to which mr. isaac taylor gives a similar significance. [ ] i do not overlook weber's observation that 'pill is obviously a corruption of büchel (the german for a knoll), through bühel and bühl;' but, which proceeds from which is often a knotty point in questions of derivation, and weber did not know of the etruscan 'pil.' ziller and celer i have already alluded to, [ ] though of course it may be said that the tirolean river had its name from an already romanised etruscan word, and does not necessarily involve direct contact with the etruscan vocabulary. grau-wutzl is a name in the zillerthal for the devil. disel, for disease of any kind. gigl, a sheep. kiess, a heifer. triel, a lip. bueg, a leg. knospen stands in south-tirol for wooden shoes, and fokazie for cakes used at eastertide. (focaccia is used for 'cake' in many parts of italy, and 'dar pan per focaccia' is equivalent to 'tit for tat' all over the peninsula.) it remains only to excuse myself for the spelling of the word tirol. i have no wish to incur the charge of 'pedantry' which has heretofore been laid on me for so writing it. it seems to me that, in the absence of any glaring mis-derivation, it is most natural to adopt a country's own nomenclature; and in tirol, or by tirolean writers, i have never seen the name spelt with a y. i have not been able to get nearer its derivation than that the castle above meran, which gave it to the whole principality, was called by the romans, when they rebuilt it, teriolis. why they called it so, or what it was called before, i have not been able to learn. the english use of the definite article in naming tirol is more difficult to account for than the adoption of the y, in which we seem to have been misled by the germans. we do not say 'the france' or 'the italy;' even to accommodate ourselves to the genius of the languages of those countries, therefore, that we should have gone out of our way to say 'the tyrol' when the genius of that country's language does not require us so to call it, can have arisen only from a piece of carelessness which there is no need to repeat. contents. page chapter i. vorarlberg. introductory remarks on the use of myths, legends, and traditions; their imagery beyond imitation; have become a study; now a science; prof. m. müller; rev. g. w. cox--karl blind on attractions for the english in germanic mythology; mythological persons of tirol--mythological symbols in art; in poetry; dante on popular traditions; their record of thoughts and customs; tullio dandolo; depping; tirolean peasants our introduction to tirol--excursions round feldkirch; the katzenthurm; st. fidelis; st. eusebius--rankweil--fridolins- kapelle--valduna--s. gerold--route into tirol by lindau--bregenz, birthplace of flatz--legend of charlemagne; of ulrich and wendelgard--ehreguota--riedenberg school--the natural preserves of lustenau--merboth, diedo, and ilga--embs; its chronicles; swiss embroidery; sulphur baths; jews' synagogue--lichtenstein; vaduz; hot sulphur-baths of pfäffers; taminaschlund; luziensteig from feldkirch to innsbruck--the pass of frastanz; shepherd lad's heroism; the traitor's fate--s. joder and the devil--bludenz--montafon; who gave it its arms--prazalanz--the tear-rill; kirschwasser--dalaas-- silberthal--das bruederhüsle--engineering of the arlberg pass-- stanzerthal--hospice of st. christof--wiesburg--ischgl; its 'skullery' --landeck--legend of schrofenstein--sharpshooter's monument--auf dem fern--nassereit--tschirgants branch road to füssen--plansee--lechthal --imst--pitzthal--growth of a modern legend--heiterwang--ehrenberger klauze archenthal--vierzehn nothhelfer a border adventure; our party; our plans; our route--aarau--rorschach; its skeleton-caryatidæ--oberriet--our luggage overpowers the station- master--our wild colt--our disaster--our walk--our embroideress guide --the rhine ferry--the rhætian alps--altenstadt--schattenburg--british missionaries to tirol--feldkirch, festa, costumes--our luggage again --our new route--our postilion--the stase-saddle--the devil's house --the voralberger-ghost chapter ii. north tirol--unterinnthal--(right inn-bank). kufstein to rottenburg. kufstein--pienzenau's unlucky joke--ainliffen--rocsla sandor; the hungarian lovers--national anthem--thierberg--a modern pilgrim-- der büsser--public memorials of religion--zell--ottokapelle--kundl --s. leonhard auf der wiese; its sculptures--henry ii.'s vow--the auflänger-bründl--rattenberg--rottenburg--st. nothburga; her integrity, charity, persecution, patience, piety, observance of sunday; judgment overtakes ottilia: nothburga's restoration; legend of her burial--henry vi. of rottenburg and friedrich mit der leeren tasche--character of each--henry's literary tastes; his mysterious fate--the fire spares nothburga's cell--mining legend chapter iii. north tirol--unterinnthal--(right inn-bank). the zillerthal. the zillerthal--conveyances--etruscan remnant--thurnegg and tratzberg across the river--strass--corn or coin?--the two churches of schlitters--castles of the zillerthal--the peace of kropfsberg--'the only fügen'--the patriot riedl--zell--expulsion of lutherans--hippach--hainzenberg; ultra co-operative gold mines--mayrhof--garnet mills--mariä-rastkapelle--hulda--tributary valleys--duxerthal--hinter-dux--hardiness of the people--legends of the frozen wall--dog's-throat valley--the devil's path--the zemmer glacier--schwarzensteingrund chapter iv. north tirol--unterinnthal--(right inn-bank). zillerthal customs--the wildschÖnau. zillerthal customs--games--spirits play with gold skittles--pedlar of starkenberg--dances: schnodahüpfl: hosennagler--cow-fights-- kirchtag--primizen and sekundizen--carneval--christnacht-- kloubabrod--sternsingen--gömacht--weddings--zutrinken--customs of other valleys--the cat, patron of courtship kundl again--wiltschenau--niederaich--kundlburg--oberau--niederrau --thierberg--silver-mines--legends of dwarfs and knappen--moidl and the gold-cave--legend of the landmark--der umgehende schuster-- perchtl, pilate's wife--comparative mythologists--wodin, wilder jäger, wilhelm tell--symbolism in tales of enchanted princesses-- perahta, the daughter of dagha--brixlegg--burgleckner--claudia de' medici--biener's dying challenge--the bienerweible--sandbichler, the bible-commentator chapter v. north tirol--unterinnthal. left inn-bank. jenbach--wiesing--thiergarten--kramsach--brandenberger ache-- voldepp--the mooserthal--the mariathal--rheinthalersee--achenrain --mariathal, village and ruined dominican convent--georg von freundsberg--the brandenbergerthal--steinberg--heimaththal, freiheitthal--the gold-herds of the reiche spitze--die kalte pein--mariastein--the irremovable image--jenbach--wiesing--the thiergarten--the achenthal--the käsbachthal--the blue achensee-- skolastica--pertisau--buchau, nature's imitation fortress-- tegernsee--the achen-pass--the judgment of achensee--playing at ball in st. paul's cathedral--legend of wildenfeld--eben--the escape of the vampire--stans--joseph arnold--tirolean artists-- the stallenthal--st. georgenberg--unsere liebe frau zur linde-- viecht, benedictine monastery, library, sculpture--vomperthal-- sigmundslust--sigismund the monied--terfens--marialarch-- volandseck--thierberg--s. michael's--s. martin's--the gnadenwald --baumkirchen--fritzens--external tokens of faith--the holy family at home--frost phantoms--hall; münzthurm; sandwirthszwanziger; salt-works; speckbacher; waldaufischer- kapelle; s. saviour's; institutions of hall--johanniswürmchen; bauernkrieg--excursions round hall; the salzberg; the explorations of the 'fromme ritter;' grandeur of the salt-mines; salt-works; visit of hofer and speckbacher; the salzthal--absam; the dragons of schloss melans; count spaur's ride to babylon; combat with the toad--max müller on legends--the image on the window-pane; the gnadenmutter von absam; stainer the violin-maker --mils--grünegg--schneeberg--the gnadenwald--the glockenhof; the glockengiesser; his temptation, condemnation, and dying request-- the loreto-kirche--heiligenkreuz--taur--thürl--the kaisersäule-- st. romedius, st. vigilius and the bear; the spectre priest--rum, landslip chapter vi. north tirol--unterinnthal--(right inn-bank). schwatz. schwatz, its situation; effigy of s. john nepomuk; his example; the village frescoes; a hunt for a breakfast; the lessons of traveller's fare; market; church; its size disproportioned to the population; the reason of this--schwatz a roman station; silver-mines; prosperity; importance; influence of miners of saxony; reformation; riots; polemical disputes; decline; copper and iron works; other industries; misfortunes. history of the parish church; peculiar construction; the knappenhochaltar; monuments; hans dreyling; altar-pieces; michaels-kapelle; its legend; churchyard; its reliquary and holy oil; the robler and the gossip's corpse; penance and vision of the unmarried--franciscan church--characteristics of the inns; singular use of the beds; guitar playing--blessed sacrament visits the sick--freundsberg; the ruined castles of tirol; georg von freundsberg; his prowess, strength, success; devotion of his men; sung of as a hero; his part in the siege of rome, sudden death, and ruin of his house; tower; chapel--weird-woman; her story; her legends; oswald milser of seefeld; the bird-catcher of the goaslahn; strange birds; chamois; the curse of the swallow--hospital; chapel--tobacco; factory girls at benediction--pews in german churches chapter vii. north tirol--unterinnthal--(right inn-bank). excursions from schwatz. falkenstein; exhausted mines; religious observances of miners; tokens of their craft--buch--margareth--galzein--kugelmoos--the schwaderalpe --the kellerspitze--troi--arzberg--heiligenkreuzkapelle--baierische- rumpel--pill--the weerthal, schloss rettenberg; its spectre warder-- the kolsassthal--wattens--walchen--mols--the navisthal--lizumthal; the blue lake--volders--voldererthal--hanzenheim--friedberg--aschbach, why it is in the parish of mils--hippolitus guarinoni, page to st. charles, physician of the poor; religious zeal; church of st. charles, servitenkloster, the stein des gehorsams; analogous legend--rinn; s. anderle's martyrdom; the judenstein; lettered lilies--aversion to jews--voldererbad--ampass--lans--the patscherkofl--the lansersee; the poor proprietor and the unjust noble--sistrans; legend of its champion wrestler--heiligenwasser chapter viii. north tirol--the innthal. innsbruck. our greeting; characteristics of the people; innsbruck's treatment of kaiser max; the oestereichischer hof; our apartment; mountain view; character of the town; its history--wilten; the minster; myth of haymon the giant; his burial-place; parish church; marienbild unter den vier säulen; relic of the thundering legion--first record of innsbruck; chosen for seat of government; for residence by friedl mit der leeren tasche--character of tirolean rulers--the goldene-dachl-gebäude--sigismund the monied; his reception of christian i.; condition of tirol in his time; his castles; abdication--maximilian; builds the burg; magnificence of his reign; legends of him; his decline--charles quint; cedes tirol to ferdinand i.; his wise administration; quiets popular agitation; charles quint's visits to innsbruck; attacked by maurice, elector of saxony; carried into carinthia in a litter; death of maurice--ferdinand i., the hof-kirche; maximilian's cenotaph; its bas-relief; statues; mirakel-bild des h. anton; fürstenchor; abjuration of queen christina--introduction of jesuits; results--the 'fromme siechin'--ferdinand ii.; his peaceful tastes; romantic attachment; philippine welser; ménage at schloss ambras; collections; curiosities; portraits; philippine's end chapter ix. north tirol--the innthal. innsbruck (continued). wallenstein's vow--theophrastus paracelsus; his mysterious dealings --the tummelplatz--the silberne kapelle--earthquake and dearth; their lessons--ferdinand's devotion to the blessed sacrament; analogous legend of rudolf of hapsburg--ferdinand's second marriage --the capuchin church--maximilian the deutschmeister; introduces the servites--paul lederer--maximilian's hermitage--s. lorenzo of brindisi--dreiheiligkeitskirche--provisions against ravages of the thirty years' war--the siechenhaus--leopold v.; dispensed from his episcopal jurisdiction and vows; marries claudia de' medici-- friedrich v. tiefenbach--festivities at innsbruck--the hofgarten-- kranach's madonna, mariähülfskirche built to receive it; translation to the pfarr-kirche under ferdinand karl--ferdinand karl--regency of claudia de' medici; administrative ability; italian influences-- sigismund franz--claudia felicita--charles of lotharingia--war of succession; bavarian inroad of ; the pontlatzerbrücke; baierische-rumpel--st. annensäule--joseph i.--karl philipp; builds the land-haus and gymnasium, restores the pfarrkirche; stucco and marble decorations; frescoes; preservation of damian asam-- strafarbeitshaus--church of s. john nepomuk; his popularity; canonisation--maria theresa; her partiality for innsbruck; example; prussian prisoners; marriage of leopold; death of francis i.; the triumphpforte, the damenstift--joseph ii.--archduchess maria elizabeth--pius vi. passes through innsbruck--leopold ii.--repeal of josephinischen measures--francis ii.--outbreak of the french revolution---das mädchen v. spinges--the auferstehungsfeier-- archduchess maria elizabeth--gottesacker--treaty of pressburg-- 'the year nine'--andreas hofer--peace of schönbrunn--speckbacher; successes at berg isel; hofer as schützen-kommandant; his moderation, simplicity, subordination; his betrayal; last hours; firmness; execution--restoration of austrian rule--hofer's monument--tirolese loyalty in --the ferdinandeum; its curiosities--early editions of german authors--paintings on cobweb --the schiess-stand--policy of the viennese government, constitutional opposition of tirol--population of innsbruck chapter x. north tirol--oberinnthal. innsbruck to zirl and scharnitz--innsbruck to the lisens-ferner. excursions from innsbruck--mühlau; new church; baronin sternbach --judgment of frau hütt--büchsenhausen--weierburg--mariä-brunn-- hottingen; monuments in the friedhof--schloss lichtenthurm--the höttingerbild; the student's madonna; stalactites--excursion to zirl--grossen herr-gott strasse--kranebitten--the schwefelloch-- the hundskapelle--the zirlerchristen--gross solstein--the martinswand; danger of the emperor maximilian; collin's ballad; who led the kaiser astray?--his importance in europe; efforts to rescue him; the blessed sacrament visits him; unknown deliverer --martinsbühl--traditions of kaiser max--zirl--fragenstein; its hidden treasure--leiten--reit--seefeld--the heilige blutskapelle --the seekapelle--scharnitz--isarthal--porta klaudia--dirstenöhl --the beggar-woman's prayer; vision of the peasant of dorf unter-perfuss--selrainthal--the melach--rothenbrunn--fatscherthal --the hohe villerspitz--sonnenberg--magdalenen-bründl--character of the selrainthalers--ober-perfuss; peter anich--kematen--völs; the blasienberg; s. jodok--the galwiese--the schwarze-kreuzkapelle; hölzl's vow--ferneck--berg isel--noise of the rifle practice--count v. stachel--natters and mutters--waidburg--the nockspitze--götzens --schloss völlenberg; oswald v. wolkenstein--birgitz--axams--the sendersthal chapter xi. wÄlsch-tirol. the wÄlscherolische-etschthal and its tributary valleys. val di lagarina--borghetto--ala--roveredo--surrounding castles--dante at lizzana--the slavini di s. marco--la busa del barbaz; its myths--serravalle--schloss junk--the madonna del monte--industries--chapel of s. columban--trent, festa of st. vigilius; comparison between trent and rome; the domkirche; its notabilia; sta. maria maggiore; seat of the council; assenting crucifix; centenary celebration; legend of the organ-builder--church of st. peter; chapel of s. simonin; club; museum; palazzi; palazzo zambelli, teufelspalast; its legend; general gallas--the madonna alle laste; view of trent--dos trento--st. ingenuin's garden; st. albuin's apples--lavis--french spoliation--restitution--wälsch michel tributary valleys--val di non; annaunia--rochetta pass wälschmetz--visiaun--spaur maggiore--denno--schloss belasis--the seidenbaum--tobel wild-see--cles; tavola clesiana; roman remains; the schwarzen felder--ss. sisinus, martyrius and alexander--val di sole--livo--magras; val di rabbi; san bernardo--malè--charles quint's visit--pellizano--val di pejo--cogolo--corno de' tre signori--val vermiglio--tonale; the witches' sabbath there--tregiovo--cloz--u-liebe frau auf dem gampen--fondo--sanzeno--legend of the three brothers: mithraic bas-relief--the tirolean petrarch--st. romediusthal; legend of st. romedius; angelic consecration; conversion of the false penitents; extraordinary construction and arrangement of the building; romantic situation; fifteen centuries of uninterrupted veneration--castel thun; attachment of the people to the family; a nonesade; aqueduct--dombel; its etruscan key; its import the avisiothal--val di cembra; its inaccessibility--altrei; presentation of colours--fleimserthal; cavalese; its church a museum of tirolese art; local parliament; legend of its site; handsome new church--fassathal--moena--analogous english and french traditions--marriage customs of the valley--the feuriger verräther--vigo--the marmolata; its legends--st. ulrich chapter xii. wÄlsch-tirol. val sugana--giudicaria--folklore. val sugana--baselga--the madonna di pinè; legend of the madonna di caravaggio--pergine; miners; the canoppa--the schloss--marriage customs of the valley--lake caldonazzo--st. hermes at calzeranica--bosentino--nossa signora del feles--the sleeper of valle del orco--caldonazzo--lafraun; legend of the disunited brothers--borgo, the italian meran--franciscan convent; castel telvana; dangers of a carneval procession; count welsburg's vow--gallant border defences--stalactite caves of costalta--sette comuni--castelalto--strigno--castelrotto--cima d'asta--quarazza garnet quarry--ivano--grigno; legend of st. udalric--castel tesino--canal san bovo to primiero--tale of virginia loss; humble heroism--le tezze; modern heroes judicarien; its divisions--castel madruzz; cardinal karl madruzz; his dispensation; its conditions--abraham's garden--sta. massenza; bishop's summer palace--loreto-kapelle--the rendenathal; st. vigilius; his zeal; early admission to the episcopate; missionary labours; builds churches; overthrows idols; his stoning; his burial; the rock cloven for his body to pass; the acqua della vela; the bread of mortaso--s. zulian; his legend; his penitence--caresolo; its frescoes; another memorial of charles quint; his estimation of jews--new churches--legends of condino and campiglio--riva on the garda-see; its churches; its olive branches--the altissimo di nago; view from s. giacomo; optical illusion--brentonico--the ponte delle streghe--mori; tobacco cultivation character of wälsch-tirol folklore--orco-sagen; his transformations in many lands; transliterations of his name in tirol--the salvan and gannes; perhaps etruscan genii--salvanel; bedelmon; salvadegh--the beatrik, identified with dietrich von bern--the angane--what came of marrying an angana--the focarelli of lunigiana--the filò--froberte--donna berta dal nas longh--the discriminating salvan--the angana's ring; tales of the three wishes and the faithful beasts; legend of the drei feyen of thal vent--legend of st. kümmerniss; her effigy in cadore; the prevailing minstrel--turlulù--remnants of etruscan language--'storielle da rider'--the bear-hunters--the horrible snail--how to make a church tower grow--social customs perhaps derived from etruscan; similar to those of lombardy and lunigians--all souls' day; feast of sta. lucia; christmas; st. anthony's day; carneval; giovedi de' gnocchi; st. urban--popular sayings about thunder, crickets, brambles, cockchafers, swallows, scorpions--astronomical riddles list of illustrations. kufstein frontispiece. maps. the valleys of tirol to face p. unterinnthal and neighbourhood of innsbruck wälsch-tirol the valleys of tirol their traditions and customs. chapter i. vorarlberg. . . . . . everywhere fable and truth have shed, in rivalry, each her peculiar influence. fable came, and laughed and sang, arraying truth in flowers, like a young child her grandam. fable came, earth, sea, and sky reflecting, as she flew, a thousand, thousand colours not their own.--rogers. 'traditions, myths, legends! what is the use of recording and propagating the follies and superstitions of a bygone period, which it is the boast of our modern enlightenment to have cast to the winds?' such is the hasty exclamation which allusion to these fantastic matters very frequently elicits. with many they find no favour because they seem to yield no profit; nay, rather to set up a hindrance in the way of progress and culture. yet, on the other hand, in spite of their seeming foolishness, they have worked themselves into favour with very various classes of readers and students. there is an audacity in their imagery which no mere sensation-writer could attempt without falling phaeton-like from his height; and they plunge us so hardily into a world of their own, so preposterous and so unlike ours, while all the time describing it in a language we can understand without effort, that no one who seeks occasional relief from modern monotony but must experience refreshment in the weird excursions their jaunty will-o'the-wisp dance leads him. but more than this; their sportive fancy has not only charmed the dilettante; they have revealed that they hold inherent in them mysteries which have extorted the study of deep and able thinkers, one of whom [ ] insisted, now some years ago, that 'by this time the study of popular tales has become a recognized branch of the studies of mankind;' while important and erudite treatises from his own pen and that of others [ ] have elevated it further from a study to a science. all who love poetry and art, as well as all who are interested in the study of languages or races, all who have any care concerning the stirrings of the human mind in its search after the supernatural and the infinite, must confess to standing largely in debt, in the absence of more positive records of the earliest phases of thought, to these various mythologies. karl blind, in a recent paper on 'german mythology,' [ ] draws attention to some interesting considerations why the germanic traditions, which we chiefly meet with in tirol, should have a fascination for us in this country, in the points of contact they present with our language and customs. not content with reckoning that 'in the words of the rev. isaac taylor we have obtruded on our notice the names of the deities who were worshipped by the germanic races' on every tuesday, wednesday, thursday, and friday of our lives, as we all know, he would even find the origin of 'saturday' in the name of a god "sætere" hidden, (a malicious deity whose name is but an alias for loki,) of whom, it is recorded, that once at a great banquet he so insulted all the heavenly rulers that they chained him, prometheus-like, to a rock, and made a serpent trickle down its venom upon his face. his faithful wife sigyn held a cup over him to prevent the venom reaching his face, but whenever she turned away to empty the cup his convulsive pains were such that the earth shook and trembled.... few people now-a-days, when pronouncing the simple word "saturday," think or know of this weird and pathetic myth. [ ]... when we go to athens we easily think of the greek goddess athene, when we go to rome we are reminded of romulus its mythic founder. but when we go to dewerstone in devonshire, to dewsbury in yorkshire, to tewesley in surrey, to great tew in oxfordshire, to tewen in herefordshire--have a great many of us even an inkling that these are places once sacred to tiu, the saxon mars? when we got to wednesbury, to wanborough, to woodnesborough, to wembury, to wanstrow, to wanslike, to woden hill, we visit localities where the great spirit wodan was once worshipped. so also we meet with the name of the god of thunder in thudersfield, thundersleigh, thursleigh, thurscross, thursby, and thurso. the german venus freia is traceable in fridaythorpe and frathorpe, in fraisthorpe and freasley. her son was baldur, also called phol or pol, the sweet god of peace and light; his name comes out at balderby, balderton, polbrook, polstead and polsden. sætere is probably hidden in satterleigh and satterthwaite; ostara or eostre, the easter goddess of spring, appears in two essex parishes, good easter and high easter, in easterford, easterlake and eastermear. again hel, the gloomy mistress of the underworld, has given her name to hellifield, hellathyrne, helwith, healeys and helagh--all places in yorkshire, where people seem to have had a particular fancy for that dark and grimy deity. then we have asgardby and aysgarth, places reminding us of asgard, the celestial garden or castle of the Æsir--the germanic olympus. and these instances might be multiplied by the hundred, so full is england to this day of the vestiges of germanic mythology. far more important is the fact that in this country, just as in germany, we find current folk-lore; and quaint customs and superstitious beliefs affecting the daily life, which are remnants of the ancient creed. a rime apparently so bereft of sense as ladybird, ladybird, fly away home! thy house is on fire! thy children at home! can be proved to refer to a belief of our forefathers in the coming downfall of the universe by a great conflagration. the ladybird has its name from having been sacred to our lady freia. the words addressed to the insect were once an incantation--an appeal to the goddess for the protection of the soul of the unborn, over whom in her heavenly abode she was supposed to keep watch and ward, and whom she is asked to shield from the fire that consumes the world.... if we ever wean men from the crude notions that haunt them, and yet promote the enjoyment of fancies which serve as embellishing garlands for the rude realities of life, we cannot do better than promote a fuller scientific knowledge of that circle of ideas in which those moved who moulded our very speech. we feel delight in the conceptions of the greek olympus. painters and poets still go back to that old fountain of fancy. why should we not seek for similar delight in studying the figures of the germanic pantheon, and the rich folk-lore connected with them? why should that powerful bible of the norse religion, which contains such a wealth of striking ideas and descriptions in language the most picturesque, not be as much perused as the iliad, the odyssey, or the Æneid? is it too much to say that many even of those who know of the koran, of the precepts of kou-fu-tsi and of buddha, of the zendavesta and the vedas, have but the dimmest notion of that grand germanic scripture?... 'can it be said that there is a lack of poetical conception in the figure of wodan or odin, the hoary ruler of the winds and the clouds, who, clad in a flowing mantle, careers through the sky on a milk-white horse, from whose nostrils fire issues, and who is followed at night by a retinue of heroic warriors whom he leads into the golden shield-adorned walhalla? is there a want of artistic delineation in freia--an aphrodite and venus combined, who changes darkness into light wherever she appears--the goddess with the streaming golden locks and siren voice, who hovers in her sun-white robe between heaven and earth, making flowers sprout along her path and planting irresistible longings in the hearts of men? do we not see in bold and well-marked outline the figure of the red-bearded, steel-handed thor, who rolls along the sky in his goat-drawn car, and who smites the mountain giants with his magic hammer? are these mere spectres without distinct contour?... are they not, even in their uncouth passions, the representatives of a primitive race, in which the pulse throbs with youthful freshness? or need i allude to that fantastic theory of minor deities, of fairies and wood-women, and elfin and pixies and cobolds, that have been evolved out of all the forces of nature by the teutonic mind, and before whose bustling crowd even hellenic imagination pales? 'then what a dramatic power has the germanic mythology! the gods of classic antiquity have been compared to so many statues ranged along a stately edifice ... in the germanic view all is active struggle, dramatic contest, with a deep dark background of inevitable fate that controls alike gods and men.' such are the beings whom we meet wandering all over tirol; transformed often into new personalities, invested with new attributes and supplemented with many a mysterious companion, the offspring of an imagination informed by another order of thought, but all of them more living, and more readily to be met with, than in any part of wonder-loving germany itself. apart from their mythological value, how large is the debt we owe to legends and traditions in building up our very civilization. their influence on art is apparent, from the earliest sculptured stones unearthed in india or etruria to the latest breathing of symbolism in the very reproductions of our own day. in poetry, no less a master than dante lamented that their influence was waning at the very period ascribed a few years ago as the date of their taking rise. extolling the simpler pursuits and pleasures of his people at a more primitive date than his own, 'one by the crib kept watch,' he says, 'studious to still the infant plaint with words which erst the parents' minds diverted; another, the flaxen maze upon the distaff twirling, recounted to her household, tales of troy, fiesole, and rome.' [ ] their work is patent in his own undying pages, and in those of all true poets before and since. besides all this, have they not preserved to us, as in a registering mirror, the manners and habits of thought of the ages preceding ours? have they not served to record as well as to mould the noblest aspirations of those who have gone before? 'what are they,' asks an elegant italian writer of the present day, [ ] treating, however, only of the traditions of the earliest epoch of christianity, 'but narratives woven beside the chimney, under the tent, during the halt of the caravan, embodying as in a lively picture the popular customs of the apostolic ages, the interior life of the rising (nascente) christian society? in them we have a delightful opportunity of seeing stereotyped the great transformation and the rich source of ideas and sentiments which the new belief opened up, to illuminate the common people in their huts no less than the patricians in their palaces. those even who do not please to believe the facts they expose are afforded a genuine view of the habits of life, the manner of speaking and behaving--all that expresses and paints the erudition of those men and of those times. thus, it may be affirmed, they comment beautifully on the gospels, and in the midst of fables is grafted a great abundance of truth. 'if we would investigate the cause of their multiplication, and of the favour with which they were received from the earliest times, we shall find it to consist chiefly in the need and love of the marvellous which governed the new society, notwithstanding the severity of its dogmas. neophytes snatched from the superstitions of paganism would not have been able all at once to suppress every inclination for poetical fables. they needed another food according to their fancy. and indeed were they not great marvels (though of another order from those to which they were accustomed) which were narrated to them? the aggregate mass was, however, increased by the way in which they lived and the scarcity of communication; every uncertain rumour was thus readily dressed up in the form of a wonderful fact. 'again, dogmatic and historical teaching continued long to be oral; so that when an apostle, or the apostle of an apostle, arrived in any city and chained the interest of the faithful with a narration of the acts of jesus he had himself witnessed or received from the personal narrative of witnesses, his words ran along from mouth to mouth, and each repeater added something, suggested by his faith or by his heart. in this way his teaching constituted itself into a legend, which in the end was no longer the narrative of one, but the expression of the faith of all. 'thus whoever looks at legends only as isolated productions of a period most worthy of study, without attending to the influence they exercised on later epochs, must even so hold them in account as literary monuments of great moment.' nor is this the case only with the earliest legends. the popular mind in all ages has evinced a necessity for filling up all blanks in the histories of its heroes. the probable, and even the merely possible, is idealized; what might have been is reckoned to have happened; the logical deductions as to what a favourite saint or cobbold ought to have done, according to certain fixed principles of action previously ascribed to his nature, are taken to be the very acts he did perform; and thus, even those traditions which are the most transparently human in their origin, have served to show reflected in action the virtues and perfections which it is the boast of religion to inculcate. a flemish writer on spanish traditions similarly remarks, 'peoples who are cut off from the rest of the world by such boundaries as seas, mountains, or wastes, by reason of the difficulty of communication thus occasioned, are driven to concentrate their attention to local events; and in their many idle hours they work up their myths and tales into poems, which stand them in stead of books, and, in fact, constitute a literature.' [ ] europe possesses in tirol one little country at least in whose mountain fastnesses a store of these treasures not only lies enshrined, but where we may yet see it in request. primitive and unsophisticated tillers of the soil, accustomed to watch as a yearly miracle the welling up of its fruits, and to depend for their hopes of subsistence on the sun and rain in the hand of their creator, its children have not yet acquired the independence of thought and the habit of referring all events to natural causes, which is generated by those industries of production to which the human agent appears to be all in all. among them we have the opportunity of seeing these expositions of the supernatural, at home as it were in their contemporary life, supplying a representation of what has gone before, only to be compared to the revelations of deep-cut strata to the geologist, and the unearthing of buried cities to the student of history. it is further satisfactory to find that, in spite of our repugnance to superstition, this unreasoning realization of the supernatural has in no way deteriorated the people. their public virtues, seen in their indomitable devotion to their country, have been conspicuous in all ages, no less than their heroic labours in grappling with the obstacles of soil and climate; while all who have visited them concur in bearing testimony to their possession of sterling homely qualities, frugality, morality, hospitality; and, for that which is of most importance to the tourist, all who have been among them will bear witness to the justice of the remark in the latest guide-book, that, except just in the more cultivated centres of innsbruck, brixen, and botzen, you need take no thought among the tiroleans concerning the calls on your purse. my first acquaintance with tirol was made at feldkirch, where i had to pay somewhat dearly for my love of the legendary and the primitive. our plan for the autumn was to join a party of friends from italy at innsbruck, spend some months of long-promised enjoyment in exploring tirol, and return together to winter in rome. the arrangements of the journey had been left to me; and as i delight in getting beyond railways and travelling in a conveyance whose pace and hours are more under one's own control, i traced our road through france to bâle, and then by way of zurich and rorschach and oberriet to feldkirch (which i knew to be a post-station) as a base of operations, for leisurely threading our mountain way through bludenz and landeck and the intervening valleys to innsbruck. how our plan was thwarted [ ] i will relate presently. i still recommend this line of route to others less encumbered with luggage, as leading through out-of-the-way and unfrequented places. the projected railway between feldkirch and innsbruck is now completed as far as bludenz; and feldkirch is reached direct by the new junction with the rorschach-chur railway at buchsstation. [ ] feldkirch affords excursions, accessible for all, to the margarethenkapf and the st. veitskapf, from either of which a glorious view is to be enjoyed. the latter commands the stern gorges through which the ill makes its final struggles before losing its identity in the rhine--struggles which are often terrific and devastating, for every few years it carries down a whole torrent of pebbles for many days together. the former overlooks the more smiling tracts we traversed in our forced march, locally called the ardetzen, hemmed in by noble mountain peaks. then its fortifications, intended at one time to make it a strong border town against switzerland, have left some few picturesque remains, and in particular the so-called katzenthurm, named from certain clumsy weapons styled 'cat's head guns,' which once defended it, and which were ultimately melted down to make a chime of peaceful bells. and then it has two or three churches to which peculiar legends attach. not the least curious of these is that of st. fidelis, a local saint, whose cultus sprang up as late as the year , when he was laid in wait for and assassinated by certain fanatical reprobates, whose consciences his earnest preaching had disturbed. he was declared a martyr, and canonized at rome in . the sword with which he was put to death, the bier on which his body was carried back into the town, and other things belonging to him, are venerated as relics. about eight miles outside the town another saint is venerated with a precisely similar history, but dating from the year . this is st. eusebius, one of a band of scotch missionaries, who founded a monastery there called victorsberg, the oldest foundation in all vorarlberg. st. eusebius, returning from a pilgrimage one day, lay down to sleep in this neighbourhood, being overtaken by the darkness of night. heathen peasants, who had resisted his attempts at converting them, going out early in the morning to mow, found him lying on the ground, and one of them cut off his head with his scythe. to their astonishment the decapitated body rose to its feet, and, taking up the head in its hands, walked straight to the door of the monastery, where the brethren took it in and laid it to rest in the churchyard. a little further (reached most conveniently by a by-path off the road near altenstadt, mentioned below,) is rankweil. in the church on our lady's mount (frauenberg) is a little chapel on the north side, where a reddish stone is preserved (der rothe stein in der fridolinskapelle), of which the following story is told. st. fridolin was a scotch missionary in the seventh century, and among other religious houses had founded one at müsigen. two noblemen of this neighbourhood (brothers) held him in great respect, and before dying, one of them, ursus by name, endowed the convent with all his worldly goods. sandolf, the other, who did not carry his admiration of the saint to so great a length as to renounce his brother's rich inheritance, disputed the possession, and it was decided that fridolin must give it up unless he could produce the testimony of the donor. fridolin went in faith to glarus, where ursus had been buried two years before. at his call the dead man rose to his feet, and pushing the grave-stone aside, walked, hand-in-hand, with his friend back to rankweil, where he not only substantiated fridolin's statements, but so effectually frightened his brother that he immediately added to the gift all his own possessions also. but the story says that when the judgment requiring him to produce the testimony of the dead was first given, fridolin went to pray in the chapel of rankweil, and there a shining being appeared to him, and told him to go to glarus and call ursus; and as he spoke fridolin's knees sank into the 'red stone,' making the marks now seen. [ ] the reason given why this hill is called our lady's mound is, that on it once stood a fortress called schönberg. schönberg having been burnt down, its owner, the knight of hörnlingen, set about rebuilding it; but whatever work his workmen did in the day-time, was destroyed by invisible hands during the night. a pious old workman, too, used to hear a mysterious voice saying that instead of a fortress they should build a sanctuary in honour of the mother of god. the knight yielded to the commands of the voice, and the church was built out of the ruins of his castle. in this church, too, is preserved a singular antique cross, studded with coloured glass gems, which the people venerate because it was brought down to them by the mountain stream. it is obviously of very ancient workmanship, and an inscription records that it was repaired in . winding round the mountain path which from rankweil runs behind feldkirch to satteins, the convent of valduna is reached; and the origin of this sanctuary is ascribed to a legend, of which counterparts crop up in various places, of a hermit who passed half a life within a hollow tree, [ ] and acquired the lasting veneration of the neighbouring people. another mountain sanctuary which received its veneration from the memory of a tree-hermit, is s. gerold, situated on a little elevation below the hoch gerach, about seven miles on the east side of feldkirch. it dates from the tenth century. count otho, lord of sax in the rhinethal, was out hunting, when the bear to which he was giving chase sought refuge at the foot of an old oak tree, whither his dogs durst not follow it. living as a hermit within this oak tree count otho found his long lost father, s. gerold, who years before had forsaken his throne and found there a life of contemplation in the wild. [ ] the tomb of the saint and his two sons is to be seen in the church, and some curious frescoes with the story of his adventures. another way to be recommended for entering vorarlberg is by crossing lake constance from rorschach to lindau, a very pleasant trajet of about two hours in the tolerably well-appointed, but not very swift lake-steamers. lindau itself is a charming old place, formed out of three islands on the edge of the lake; but as it is outside the border of tirol, i will only note in favour of the honesty of its inhabitants, that i saw a tree laden with remarkably fine ripe pears overhanging a wall in the principal street, and no street-boy raised a hand to them. the first town in tirol by this route is bregenz, which reckons as the capital of vorarlberg. it may be reached by boat in less than half an hour. it is well situated at the foot of the gebhartsberg, which affords a most delightful, and in tirol widely celebrated, view over lake constance and the appenzel mountains and the rapid rhine between; and here, at either the post hotel or the black eagle, there is no lack of carriages for reaching feldkirch. bregenz deserves to be remembered as the birth-place of one of the best modern painters of the munich-roman school, flatz, who i believe, spends much of his time there. among the objects of interest in bregenz are the capuchin convent, situated on a wooded peak of the gebhardsberg, founded in ; on another peak, s. gebhard auf dem pfannenberge, called after a bishop of constance, who preached the christian faith in the neighbourhood, and was martyred. bregenz has an ancient history and high lineage. its lords, who were powerful throughout the middle ages, were of sufficiently high estate at the time of charlemagne that he should take hildegard, the daughter of one of them, to be his wife, and there is a highly poetical popular tale about her. taland (a favourite name in vorarlberg) was a suitor who had, with jealous eye, seen her given to the powerful emperor, and in the bitterness of his rejected affection, so calumniated her to charlemagne, that he repudiated her and married desiderata, the lombard princess. [ ] hildegard accepted her trial with angelic resignation, and devoted her life to tending pilgrims at rome. meantime taland, stricken with blindness, came to rome in penitential pilgrimage, where he fell under the charitable care of hildegard. hildegard's saintly handling restored his sight--not only that of his bodily eyes, but also his moral perception of truth and falsehood. in reparation for the evil he had done, he now led her back to charlemagne, confessed all, and she was once more restored to favour and honour. bregenz has also another analogous and equally beautiful legend. one of its later counts, ulrich v., was supposed by his people to have died in war in hungary, about the year . wendelgard, his wife, devoted her widowhood to the cloistral life, but took the veil under the condition that she should every year hold a popular festival and distribution of alms in memory of her husband. on the fourth anniversary, as she was distributing her bounty, a pilgrim came forward who allowed himself the liberty of kissing the hand which bestowed the dole. wendelgard's indignation was changed into delight when she recognized that the audaciously gallant pilgrim was no other than her own lord, who, having succeeded in delivering himself from captivity, had elected to make himself thus known to her. salomo, bishop of constance, dispensed her from her vow, and ulrich passed the remainder of his life at bregenz by her side. another celebrated worthy of bregenz, whose name must not be passed over, is 'ehreguota' or 'ehre guta,' a name still dear to every peasant of vorarlberg, and which has perpetuated itself in the appellation of hergotha, a favourite christian name there to the present day. she was a poor beggar-woman really named guta, whose sagacity and courage delivered her country people from an attack of the appenzell folk, to which they had nearly succumbed in the year ; it was the 'honour' paid her by her patriotic friends that added the byname of 'ehre,' and made them erect a monument to her. one of the variants of the story makes her, instead of a beggar-woman, the beautiful young bride of count wilhelm of montfort-bregenz; some have further sought to identify her with the goddess epona. pursuing the journey southwards towards feldkirch, every step is full of natural beauty and legendary interest. at first leaving bregenz you have to part company with lake constance, and leave in the right hand distance the ruins of castle fussach. on the left is riedenberg, which, if not great architecturally, is interesting as a highly useful institution, under the fostering care of the present empress of austria, for the education of girls belonging to families of a superior class with restricted means. from fussach the road runs parallel to the rhine; there is a shorter road by dornbirn, but less interesting, which joins it again at götzis, near hohenembs. the two roads separate before fussach at wolfurth, where there is an interesting chapel, the bourne of a pilgrimage worth making if only for the view over the lake. the country between s. john höchst and lustenau is much frequented in autumn for the sake of the shooting afforded by the wild birds which haunt its secluded recesses on the banks of the rhine at that season. at lustenau there is a ferry over the rhine. the favourite saints of this part of the country are merboth, diedo, and ilga--two brothers and a sister of a noble family, hermit-apostles and martyrs of the eleventh century. ilga established her hermit-cell in the schwarzenberg, just over dornbirn, where not only all dainty food, but even water, was wanting. the people of dornbirn also wanted water; and though she had not asked the boon for herself, she asked it for her people, and obtained from the hard rock, a miraculous spring of sparkling water which even the winter cold could not freeze. ilga used to fetch this water for her own use, and carry it up the mountain paths in her apron. one day she spilt some of it on the rock near her cell on her arrival, and see! as it touched the rock, the rock responded to the appeal, and from out there flowed a corresponding stream, which has never ceased to flow to this day. the most important and interesting spot between bregenz and feldkirch, is embs or hohenembs, with its grand situation, its picturesque buildings and its two ruined castles, which though distinguished as alt and neu hohenembs, do not display at first sight any very great disparity of age; both repay a visit, but the view from alt hohenembs is the finer. the virtues and bravery of the lords of hohenembs have been duly chronicled. james von embs served by the side of the chevalier bayard in the battle of ravenna, and having at the first onset received his death wound, raised himself up again to pour out his last breath in crying to his men, 'the king of france has been our fair ally, let us serve him bravely this day!' his grandson, who was curiously enough christened james hannibal, was the first count of embs, and his descendants often figure in records of the wars of the austrian empire, particularly in those connected with the famous schmalkaldischer krieg, and are now merged in the family of count harrach. the 'swiss embroidery' industry here crosses the rhine, and, in the female gatherings which it occasions, as in the 'filo' of the south, many local chronicles and legends are, or at least have been, perpetuated. in the parish church, i have been told by a traveller, that the cardinal's hat of s. charles borromeo is preserved, though why it should be so i cannot tell; and i think i have myself had it shown me both at milan and, if i mistake not, also at the church in rome whence he had his 'title.' the ascent to neu hohenembs has sufficient difficulty and danger for the unpractised pedestrian to give it special interest, which the roaring of the waterfall tends to excite. a little way beyond it the water was formerly turned to the purpose of an italian pescheria (or fish-preserve for the use of the castle), which is not now very well preserved. further up still are the ruins of alt hohenembs. there are also prettily situated sulphur baths a little way out of the town, much frequented from june to september by the country people. it is curious that the jews, who have never hitherto settled in large numbers in any part of tirol, have here a synagogue; and i am told that it serves for nearly a hundred families scattered over the surrounding country, though there are not a dozen even at innsbruck. all i have met with of interest between this and feldkirch, i have mentioned under the head of excursions from feldkirch. stretching along the bank of the rhine to the south of feldkirch, is the little principality of lichtenstein or liechtenstein, a territory of some three square miles and a half in extent, which yet gives its possessor--lately by marriage made a member of english society--certain seignorial rights. the chief industry of the people is the swiss embroidery. vaduz, its chief town, is situated in its centre, and above it, in the midst of a thick wood, is the somewhat imposing and well kept up castle of lichtenstein. further south, overhanging the rhine, is schloss gutenberg, and beyond, a remarkable warm sulphur spring, which runs only in summer, at a temperature of ° to ° fahrenheit; it is crowded by swiss and tiroleans from june to september, though unknown to the rest of the world. [ ] it was discovered in the year by a chamois-hunter, and was soon after taken in charge by a colony of benedictine monks, established close by at pfäffers, who continued to entertain those who visited it until it was taken possession of by the communal council of chur, and the monastery turned into a poor-house. the country round it is exceedingly wild and romantic, and there is a celebrated ravine called the tamina-schlund, of so-called immeasurable depth, where at certain hours of a sunny day a wonderful play of light is to be observed. pfäffers is just outside the boundary of tirol; the actual boundary line is formed by the rhætian alps, which are traversed by a pass called luziensteig, after st. lucius, 'first christian king of britain,' who, tradition says, preached the gospel to lichtenstein. [ ] the road from feldkirch to innsbruck first runs along the illthal, which between feldkirch and bludenz is also called the wallgau, and merges at bludenz into the walserthal on the left or north side. on the right or south side are the montafonthal, klosterthal, and silberthal. soon after leaving feldkirch the mountains narrow upon the road, which crosses the ill at felsenau, forming what is called the gorge of the ill, near frastanz. round this terrible pass linger memories of one of the direst struggles for independence the tiroleans ever waged. in the swiss hosts were shown the inlet, through the mountains that so well protect tirol, by a treacherous peasant whom their gold had bought. [ ] a little shepherd lad seeing them advance, in his burning desire to save his country, blew such a call to arms upon his horn that he never desisted till he had blown all the breath out of his little body. the subsequent battle was fierce and determined; and when it slackened from loss of men, the women rushed in and fought with the bravest. so earnestly was the cause of those who fell felt to be the cause of all, that even to the present time the souls of those who were slain that day are remembered in the prayers said as the procession nears the spot when blessing the fields on rogation-wednesday. on the heights above valduna are the striking ruins of a convent of poor clares, one of those abandoned at the fiat of joseph ii. it was founded on occasion of a hermit declaring he had often seen a beautiful angel sitting and singing enchantingly on the peak. below is a tiny lake, which lends an additional charm to the tranquil beauty of the spot. the patron saint of the walserthal is st. joder or theodul (local renderings of theodoric), and his legend is most fantastic. st. joder went to rome to see the pope; the pope, in commendation of his zeal, gave him a fine bell for his church. homewards went st. joder with his bell, but when he came to the mountains it was more than he could manage, to drag the bell after him. what did he then do? he bethought him that he had, by his prayers and exorcisms, conjured the devil out of the valley where he had preached the faith, so why should not prayer and exorcism conjure him to carry the bell for the service of his faithful flock? if st. joder's faith did not remove mountains it removed the obstacles they presented, and many a bit of rude carving in mountain chapels throughout the walserthal shows a youthful saint, in rich episcopal vestments, leading by a chain, like a showman his bear, the arch enemy of souls, crouched and sweating under the weight of the bell whose holy tones are to sound his own ban. [ ] bludenz retains some picturesque remnants of its old buildings. it belonged to the counts of sonnenberg, and hence it is said that it is often called by that name; but it is perhaps more probable that the height above bludenz was called sonnenberg, in contrast with schattenberg, above feldkirch, and that its lords derived their name from it. the story of the fidelity of bludenz to friedrich mit der leeren tasche, i have narrated in another place. [ ] the valley of montafon has for its arms the cross keys of st. peter, in memory of a traditionary but anachronistic journey of pope john xxiii. to the council of constance, in . [ ] in memory of the same journey a joy-peal is rung on every wednesday throughout the year. a little way south of bludenz, down the montafon valley, is a chapel on a little height called s. anton, covering the spot where tradition says was once a mighty city called prazalanz, destroyed by an avalanche. near here is a tiny stream, of which the peasants tell the following story:--they say up the mountain lives a beautiful maiden, set to guard a treasure, and she can only be released when some one will thrice kiss a loathsome toad, [ ] which has its place on the cover of the treasury, and the maiden feels assured no one will ever make the venture. she weeps evermore, and they call this streamlet the 'trächnabächle'--the tear-rill. the valley of montafon is further celebrated for its production of kirschwasser. opposite dalaas is a striking peak, attaining an elevation of some , feet, called the christberg. on the opposite side to dalaas is a chapel of st. agatha; in the days of the silver mining of tirol, in the fifteenth century, silver was found in this neighbourhood. on one occasion a landslip imprisoned a number of miners in their workings. in terror at their threatened death, they vowed that if help reached them in time, they would build a chapel on the spot to commemorate their deliverance. help did reach them, and they kept their vow. the chapel is built into the living rock where this occurred, and a grey mark on the rock is pointed out as a supernatural token which cannot be effaced, to remind the people of the deliverance that took place there. it is reached from dalaas by a terribly steep and rugged path, running over the christberg, near the summit of which may be found, by those whom its hardships do not deter, another chapel, or wayside shrine, consisting of an image of the blessed virgin under a canopy, with an alcoved seat beneath it for the votary to rest in, called 'das bruederhüsle,' and this is the reason of its name:--the wife of a count tanberg gave birth to a dead child; in the fulness of their faith, the parents mourned that to the soul of their little one christian baptism had been denied, more than the loss of their offspring. in pursuance of a custom then in vogue in parts of tirol, if not elsewhere, the count sent the body of the infant to be laid on the altar of st. joseph, in the parish church, in the hope that at the intercession of the fosterfather of the saviour it might revive for a sufficient interval to receive the sacrament of admission into the christian family. the servant, however, instead of carrying his burden to the church at schruns (in montafonthal), finding himself weary by the time he had climbed up the christberg, dug a grave, and buried it instead. the next year there was another infant, also born dead; this time the count determined to carry it himself to the church, and by the time he had toiled to the same spot he too was weary, and sat down to rest. as he sat he heard a little voice crying from under the ground, 'ätti, nüm mi' ô met!' [ ] the count turned up the soil, and found the body of his last year's infant. full of joy he carried both brothers to the altar of st. joseph, at schruns; here, continues the legend, his prayer went up before the divine throne; both infants gave signs of life before devout witnesses; baptism could be validly administered, and they, laid to rest in holy ground. [ ] after dalaas the road assumes a character of real grandeur, both as an engineering work and as a study of nature. the size of the telegraph poles alone (something like fourteen inches in diameter) gives an idea of the sort of storms the road is built to resist; so do the veritable fortifications, erected here and there, to protect it from avalanches. the summit ( , ft.) of the arlberg, whence the province has its name--and which in turn is named from schloss arlen, the ruins of which are to be observed from the road--is marked by a gigantic crucifix, overhanging the road. an inscription cut in the rock records that it was opened for traffic (after three hard years of labour) on st. james's day, ; but a considerable stretch of the road now used was made along a safer and more sheltered pass in - , when a remarkable viaduct called the franzensbrücke was built. two posts, striped with the local colours, near the crucifix above-named, mark the boundary of vorarlberg and oberinnthal. as we pass them we should take leave of vorarlberg; but it may be convenient to mention in this place some few of the more salient of the many points of interest on the onward road to innsbruck. the opening of the stanzerthal, indeed, on which the road is carried, seems to belong of right to vorarlberg, for its first post-halt of s. christof came into existence through the agency of a poor foundling boy of that province, who was so moved by the sufferings of travellers at his date ( ), that he devoted his life to their service, and by begging collected money to found the nucleus of the hospice and brotherhood of s. christof, which lasted till the time of joseph ii. the pass at its highest part is free from snow only from the beginning of july to september, and in the depth of winter it accumulates to a height of twenty feet. the church contains considerable remains of the date of its founder, heinrich das findelkind; of this date, or not much later, must be the gigantic statue of s. christopher, patron of wayfarers. the stanzerthal, without being less grand, presents a much more smiling prospect than that traversed during the later part of the journey through vorarlberg. the waters of the rosanna and the trisanna flow by the way; the mountains stretch away in the distance, in every hue of brilliant colouring; the whole landscape is studded with villages clustering round their church steeples, while indian-corn-fields, fruit-gardens in which the barberry holds no insignificant place, and vast patches of a deep-tinted wild flora, fill up the picture. at schloss wiesburg is the opening into the patznaunthal, the chief village of which is ischgl, where the custom i have heard of in other parts of tirol, and also in brittany, prevails, of preserving the skulls of the dead in an open vault in the churchyard, with their names painted on them. nearly opposite it, off the left side of the road lies grüns or grins, so called because it affords a bright green patch amid the grey of the rocks. it was a more important place in mediæval times, for the road then ran beside it; the bridge with its pointed arches dates from the year . margareta maultasch, with whose place in tirolese history we must make acquaintance further on, had a house here which still contains some curious mural paintings. landeck [ ] is an important thriving little town, with the inn flowing through its midst. it has two fine remains of ancient castles: schloss landeck, now used partly as a hospice; and schloss schrofenstein, of difficult access, haunted by a knight, who gave too ready ear to the calumnies of a rejected suitor of his wife, and must wander round its precincts wringing his fettered hands and crying 'woe!' on the slope of the hill crowned by schloss landeck stands the parish church. its first foundation dates from the fifteenth century, when a landecker named henry and his wife eva, having lost their two children in a forest, on vowing a church in honour of the blessed virgin, met a bear and a wolf each carrying one of the children tenderly on its back. it has a double-bulbed tower of much later date, and it was restored with considerable care a few years back; but many important parts remain in their original condition, including some early sculpture. in the churchyard are two important monuments, one dating from the fifteenth century, of oswald y. schrofenstein; the other, a little gothic chapel, consecrated on august , , in memory of the landeck contingent of the tirolean sharpshooters, who assisted in defending the borders of wälsch-tirol in . [ ] about two or three miles from landeck there is a celebrated waterfall, at a spot called letz. imst was formerly celebrated for its breed of canary-birds, which its townsmen used to carry all over europe. the church contains a votive tablet, put up by some of them on occasion of being saved from shipwreck in the mediterranean. it has a good old inn, once a knightly palace. from imst the pitzthal branches southwards; but concerning it i have not space to enlarge, as the more interesting excursion to füssen, on the bavarian frontier, must not be passed over. the pleasantest way of making this excursion is to engage a carriage for the whole distance at imst, but a diligence or 'eilwagen,' running daily between innsbruck and füssen, may be met at nassereit, some three miles along the gunglthal. at nassereit i will pause a moment to mention a circumstance, bearing on the question of the formation of legends, which seemed to take considerable hold on the people, and was narrated to me with a manifest impression of belief in the supernatural. there was a pilgrimage from a place called biberwier to a shrine of the virgin, at dormiz, on august , . it was to gain the indulgence of the vatican council, and the priest of biberwier in exhorting his people to treat it entirely as a matter of penance, and not as a party of pleasure, had made use of a figure of speech bidding them not to trust themselves to the bark of worldly pleasure, for, he assured them, it had many holes in it, and would swamp them instead of bearing them on to the joys of heaven. four of the men, however, persisted in disregarding his warning, and in combining a trip to the fernsee, one of two romantically situated mountain lakes overlooked by the ancient castle of sigmundsburg, on a promontory running into it and with its wirthshaus 'auf dem fern' forming a favourite though difficult pleasure-excursion. the weather was treacherous; the boat was swamped in the squall which ensued, and all four men were drowned. from nassereit also is generally made the ascent of the tschirgants, the peak which has constantly formed a remarkable feature in the landscape all the way from arlberg. the road to füssen passes by sigmundsburg, fernsee and biberwier mentioned in the preceding narrative also the beautiful blendsee and mittersee (accessible only to the pedestrian) or rather the by-paths leading to them. leermoos is the next place passed,--a straggling, inconsiderable hamlet, but affording a pleasing incident in the landscape, when, after passing it, the steep road winds back upon it and reveals it again far far below you. it is, however, quite possible to put up for a night with the accommodation afforded by the post inn, and by this means one of the most justly celebrated natural beauties may be enjoyed, in the sunset effects produced by the lighting up of the zugspitzwand. next is lähn, whose situation disposes one to believe the tradition that it has its name from the avalanches (lawinen, locally contracted into lähne) by which the valley is frequently visited, and chiefly from a terrible one, in the fifteenth century, which destroyed the village, till then called mitterwald. a carrier who had been wont to pass that way, struck with compassion at the desolation of the place, aided in providing the surviving inhabitants to rebuild their chapel, and tradition fables of him that they were aided by an angel. the road opens out once more as we approach heiterwang; there is also a post-road hence to ammergau; here, a small party may put up at the rossl, for the sake of visiting the plansee, the second largest lake of tirol, on the right (east) of the road; on the left is the opening of the lechthal, a difficult excursion even to the most practised pedestrian. for those who study convenience the plansee may be better visited from reutte. after heiterwang the rocks close in again on the road as we pass through the ehrenberger klause, celebrated again and again through the pages of tirolese history, from the very earliest times, for heroic defences; its castle is an important and beautiful ruin; and so the road proceeds to reutte, füssen, and the much visited lustschloss of schwangau; but as these are in bavaria i must not occupy my tirolese pages with them, but mention only the mangtritt, the boundary pass, where a cross stands out boldly against the sky, in memory of s. magnus, the apostle of these valleys. the devil, furious at the success of the saint with his conversion of the heathen inhabitants, sent a tribe of wild and evil men, says one version of the legend, a formidable dragon according to another, to exterminate him; he was thus driven to the narrow glen where the fine post-road now runs between the rocks beside the roaring lech. nothing daunted, the saint sprang across to the opposite rock whither his adversaries, who had no guardian angels' wings to 'bear them up', durst not pursue him; it is a curious fact for the comparative mythologist that the same pass bears also the name of jusulte (saltus julii) and the tradition that julius cæsar performed a similar feat here on horseback. near it is a poor little inn, called 'the white house,' where local vintages may be tasted. reutte has two inns; the post and krone, and from it more excursions may be made than i have space to chronicle. that to breitenwang is an easy one; a house here is pointed out as having been built on the spot where stood a poor hut which gave shelter in his last moments to lothair ii. 'the saxon' overtaken by death on his return journey from the war in italy, ; what remained of the old materials having been conscientiously worked into the building, down to the most insignificant spar; a tablet records the event. the church, a benedictine foundation of the twelfth century, was rebuilt in the seventeenth, and contains many specimens of what tirolese artists can do in sculpture, wood-carving, and painting. a quaint chapel in the churchyard has a representation in stucco of the 'dance of death.' the country between this and the plansee is called the achenthal, fortunately distinguished by local mispronounciation as the archenthal from the better known (though not deservingly so) achenthal, which we shall visit later. the ache or arche affords several water-falls, the most important of them, the stuibfall, is nearly a hundred feet in height, and on a bright evening a beautiful 'iris' may be seen enthroned in its foam. at the easternmost extremity of the plansee, to be reached either by pleasure boat or mountain path, near the little border custom-house, the kaiser-brunnen flows into the lake, so called because its cool waters once afforded a refreshing drink to ludwig of brandenberg, when out hunting: a crucifix marks the spot. there is also a chapel erected at the end of the th century, in consequence of some local vow, containing a picture of the 'vierzehn nothhelfer;' and as the so-called 'fourteen helpers in need' are a favourite devotion all over north-tirol i may as well mention their legend here at our first time of meeting them. the story is that on the feast of the invention of the cross, , a shepherd-boy named hermann, serving the cistercian monks of langheim (some thirty miles south of mayence) was keeping sheep on a farm belonging to them in frankenthal not far from würtzburg, when he heard a child's voice crying to him out of the long grass; he turned round and saw a beautiful infant with two tapers burning before it, who disappeared as he approached. on the vigil of s. peter in the following year hermann saw the same vision repeated, only this time the beautiful infant was surrounded by a court of fourteen other children, who told him they were the 'vierzehn nothelfer,' and that he was to build a chapel to them. the monks refused to believe hermann's story, but the popular mind connected it with a devotion which was already widespread, and by the year the mysteriously ordered chapel was raised, and speedily became a place of pilgrimage. this chapel has been constantly maintained and enlarged and has now grown into a considerable church; and the devotion to the 'fourteen helpers in need' spread over the surrounding country with the usual rapid spread of a popular devotion. [ ] the chief remaining points of interest in the further journey to innsbruck, taking it up where we diverged from it at nassereit, are mentioned later in my excursions for innsbruck. before closing my chapter on vorarlberg i must put on record, as a warning to those who may choose to thread its pleasant valleys, a laughable incident which cut short my first attempt to penetrate into tirol by its means. our line of route i have already named. [ ] our start was in the most genial of august weather; our party not only harmonious, but humorously inclined; all our stages were full of interest and pleasure, and their memory glances at me reproachfully as i pass them over in rigid obedience to the duty of adhering to my programme. but no, i must devote a word of gratitude to the friendly swiss people, and their kindly hospitable manners on all occasions. the pretty bathing establishments on the lakes, where the little girls go in on their way to school, and swim about as elegantly as if the water were their natural element; the wonderful roofs of aarau; its late-flowering pomegranates; and the clear delicious water, tumbling along its narrow bed down the centre of all the streets, where we stop to taste of the crystal brook, using the hollow of our hands, pilgrim fashion, and the kind people more than once come out of their houses to offer us glasses and chairs! i must bestow, too, another line of record on the charming village of rorschach, the little colony of catholics in the midst of a protestant canton. its delicious situation on the boden-see; our row over the lake by moonlight, where we are nearly run down by one of the steamers perpetually crossing it in all directions, while our old boatman pours out and loses himself in the mazes of his legendary lore; the strange effect of interlacing moonbeams, interspersed by golden rays from the sanct lamps with turner-like effect, seen through the open grated door of the church; the grotesque draped skeletons supporting the roof of one of the chapels, caryatid fashion and the rustic procession on the early morning of the assumption. so far all had gone passing well; my first misgiving arose when i saw the factotum of the oberriet station eye our luggage, the provision of four english winterers in rome, and a look of embarrassed astonishment dilate his stolid german countenance. it was evident that when he engaged himself as ticket-clerk, porter, 'and everyting,' he never contemplated such a pile of boxes being ever deposited at his station. we left him wrapt in his earnest gaze, and walked on to see what help we could get in the village. it was a collection of a half-dozen cottages, picturesque in their utter uncivilization, clustered round an inn of some pretensions. the host had apparently heard of the depth of english purses, and was delighted to make his premières armes in testing their capacity. of course there was 'no arguing with the master of' the only horses to whose assistance we had to look for carrying us beyond the mountains, which now somehow struck us as much more plainly marked on the map than we had noticed before. his price had to be ours, and his statement of the distance, about double the reality, had to be accepted also. his stud was soon displayed before us. three rather tired greys were brought in from the field, and made fast (or rather loose) with ropes to a waggon, on which our formidable gepäck was piled, and took their start with funeral solemnity. an hour later a parcel of boys had succeeded in capturing a wild colt destined to assist his venerable parent in transporting ourselves in a 'shay,' of the gilpin type, and to which we managed to hang on with some difficulty, the wild-looking driver good-naturedly volunteering to run by the side. off we started with the inevitable thunder of german whip-cracking and german imprecations on the cattle, sufficient for the first twenty paces to astonish the colt into propriety. no sooner had we reached the village boundary, however, than he seemed to guess for the first time that he had been entrapped into bondage. with refreshing juvenile buoyancy he instantly determined to show us his indomitable spirit. resisting all efforts of his companion in harness to proceed, he suddenly made such desperate assault and battery with his hind legs, that one or two of the ropes were quickly snapped, the jehu sent sprawling in the ditch on one side, and the travelling bags on the other; so that, but for the staid demeanour of the old mare, we should probably in two minutes more have been 'nowhere.' hans was on his feet again in an instant, like the balanced mannikins of a bull-fight, and to knot the ropes and make a fresh start required only a minute more; but another and another exhibition of the colt's pranks decided us to trust to our own powers of locomotion. a bare-footed, short-petticoated wench, who astonished us by proving that her rough hands could earn her livelihood at delicate 'swiss' embroidery, and still more by details of the small remuneration that contented her, volunteered to pilot us through the woods where we had quite lost our way; and finding our luggage van waiting on the banks of the rhine for the return of the ferry, we crossed with it and walked by its side for the rest of the distance. our road lay right across the ardetzen, a basin of pasture enclosed by a magnificent circuit of mountains,--behind us the distant eminences of appenzell, before us the great rhætian alps, and at their base a number of smiling villages each with its green spire scarcely detaching from the verdant slopes behind. the undertaking, pleasant and bright at first, grew weary and anxious as the sun descended, and the mountains of appenzell began to throw their long shadow over the lowland we were traversing, and yet the end was not reached. at last the strains of an organ burst upon our ears, lights from latticed windows diapered our path, and a train of worshippers poured past us to join in the melodies of the church, sufficiently large to argue that our stopping-place was attained. we cast about to find the gasthof zur post to which we were bound, but all in vain, there was no rest for us. here indeed, feldkirch fuit, but here it was no more. in the year , the counts of montfort built themselves a castle on the neighbouring height of schattenburg, (so called because the higher eminences around shade it from the sun till late in the morning,) and lured away the people from this pristine feldkirch to settle themselves round the foot of their fortress. some of the original inhabitants still clung to the old place, and its old church of st. peter, that very church whose earlier foundations, some say, were laid by monks from britain, s. columban and st. gall, who, when the people were oppressed by their frankish masters, came and lived among them, and by their preaching and their prayers rekindled the light of religion, working out at the same time their political relief; the former subsequently made his way, shedding blessings as he went, on to italy, where he died at the age of ninety, in ; the latter founded, and ended his days at the age of ninety-five, in the famous monastery which has given his name to the neighbouring swiss canton. the descendants of this remnant have kept up the original settlement to this day with the name of altenstadt, while the first built street of the present thriving town of feldkirch still retains its appellation of the neustadt. it seemed a long stretch ere we again came upon an inhabited spot, but this time there was no mistake. all around were the signs of a prosperous centre, the causeways correctly laid out, new buildings rising on every side, and--i am fain to add--the church dark and closed; in place of the train of worshippers of unsophisticated altenstadt, one solitary figure in mourning weeds was kneeling in the moonlight at a desk such as we often see placed under a cross against the outer wall of churches in germany. before five next morning i was awakened by the pealing organ and hearty voices of the feldkirch peasants at mass in the church just opposite my window. i dressed hastily, and descended to take my place among them. it was a village festival and mass succeeded mass at each of the gaily decorated altars, and before them assembled groups in quaint costumes from far and near. [ ] as each half hour struck, a bell sounded, and a relic was brought round to the high altar rails, all the women in the church going up first, and then all the men, to venerate it. our first care of the day was to engage our carriage for innsbruck. we were at the post hotel, and had the best chance there; for besides its own conveyances, there were those of the post-office, which generally in germany afford great convenience. not one was there, however, that would undertake our luggage over the mountain roads. the post-master and his men all declared that at every winding of the passes there would be too great risk of overturning the vehicle. it was in vain we argued that the same amount had often accompanied us over higher mountains in italy; it was clear they were not prepared for it. there was a service for heavy goods by which it could be sent; there was no other way, and they did not advise that. they could not ensure any due care being taken of it, or that it should reach within three or four weeks. four or five hours spent in weighing, measuring, arranging, and arguing, advanced our cause not a whit; there was no plan to be adopted but to return by oberriet to rorschach, cross lake constance to lindau, and make our way round by augsburg, munich, and rosenheim! it was with great reluctance we relinquished the cherished project. our now hated luggage deposited in a waggon, as the day before, we mounted our rather more presentable, and certainly better horsed vehicle, in no cheerful mood, for, besides the disappointment, there was the mortification which always attaches to a failed project and retraced steps. 'the herrschaften are not in such bright spirits as the sun to-day!' exclaimed our driver, when, finally tired of cracking his whip and shouting to his horses, he found we still sat silent and crest-fallen. he wore the jauntiest costume to be found in europe, after that of his hungarian confrère, a short postilion jacket, bound and trimmed with yellow lace, a horn slung across his breast by a bright yellow cord, and a hat shining like looking-glass cocked on one side of his head, while his face expressed everything that is pleasant and jovial. 'how can one be anything but out of spirits when one is crossed by such a stupid set as the people of your town? why, there is no part of europe in which they will even believe it possible!' 'well, you see they don't understand much, about here,' he replied, with an air of superiority, for he was a travelled postilion, as he took care to let us know. 'in italy they manage better; they tie the luggage on behind, or underneath, where it is safe enough. here they have only one idea--to stick it on the top, and in that way a carriage may be easily upset at a sharp turn. you cannot drive any new idea into these fellows; it is like an echo between their own mountains, whatever is once there, goes on and on and on.' i showed him the map, and traced before him the difference in the length of the route we should have taken and that we had now to pursue. i don't think he had ever understood a map before, for he seemed vastly pleased at the compliment paid to his intelligence. 'ah!' he exclaimed, 'if we could always go as the crow flies, how quickly we should get to our journey's end; or if we had the stase-sattel, as they used to have--wasn't that fine!' 'the stase-sattel,' i replied, 'what is that?' 'what! don't you know about the stase-sattel--at that place, bludenz, there,' and he pointed to it on the map, 'where you were telling me you wanted to have gone, there used to live an old woman named stase, and folk said she was a witch. she had a wonderful saddle, on to which she used to set herself when she wanted anything, and it used to fly with her ever so high, and quicker than a bird. one day the reapers were in a field cooking their mess, and they had forgotten to bring any salt--and hupf! quick! before the pot had begun to boil she had flown off on her saddle to the salt-mines at hall, beyond innsbruck, and back with salt enough to pickle an ox. another time there was a farmer who had been kind to her, whose crops were failing for the drought. she no sooner heard of his distress than up she flew in her saddle and swept all the clouds together with her broom till there was enough to make a good rainfall. another time, a boy who had been sent with a message by his master to the next village had wasted all the day in playing and drinking with her; towards dusk he bethought himself that the gates would be shut and the dogs let loose, so that it was a chance if he reached the house alive. but she told him not to mind, and taking him up on her saddle, she carried him up through the air and set him down at home before the sun was an inch lower.' 'and what became of her?' i inquired. 'became of her! why, she went the way of all such folk. they go on for a time, but god's hand overtakes them at the last. one day she was on one of her wild errands, and it was a fest-tag to boot. her course took her exactly over a church spire, and just as she passed, the wandlung bell [ ] tolled. the sacred sound tormented her so that she lost her seat and fell headlong to the ground. when they came out of church they found her lying a shapeless mass upon the stone step of the churchyard cross. her enchanted saddle was long kept in the castle of landeck--maybe it is there yet; and even now when we want to tell one to go quickly on an errand, we say, "fly on the saddle of dame stase."' 'you have had many such folk about here,' i observed seriously, with the view of drawing him out. 'well, yes, they tell many such tales,' he answered; 'and if they're not true, they at least serve to keep alive the faith that god is over us all, and that the evil one has no more power than just what he allows. there's another story they tell, just showing that,' he continued. 'many years ago there was a peasant (and he lived near bludenz too) who had a great desire to have a fine large farm-house. he worked hard, and put his savings by prudently; but it wouldn't do, he never could get enough. one day, in an evil hour, he let his great desire get the better of him, and he called the devil in dreiteufelsnamen [ ] to his assistance. it was not, you see, a deliberate wickedness--it was all in a moment, like. but the devil came, and didn't give him time to reflect. "i know what you want," he said; "you shall have your house and your barns and your hen-house, and all complete, this very night, without costing you a penny; but when you have enjoyed it long enough, your old worn-out carcass shall belong to me." the good peasant hesitated; and the devil, finding it necessary to add another bait, ran on: "and what is more, i'll go so far as to say that if every stone is not complete by the first cock-crow, i'll strike out even this condition, and you shall have it out and out." the peasant was dazzled with the prospect, and could not bring himself all at once to refuse the accomplishment of his darling hope. the devil shook him by the hand as a way of clenching the bargain, and disappeared. 'the peasant went home more alarmed than rejoiced, and full of fear above all that his wife should inquire the meaning of all the hammering and blustering and running hither and thither which was to be heard going on in the homestead, for she was a pious god-fearing woman. 'he remained dumb to all her inquiries, hour after hour through the night; but at last, towards morning, his courage failed him, and he told her all. she, like a good wife, gave back no word of reproach, but cast about to find a remedy. first she considered that he had done the thing thoughtlessly and rashly, and then she ascertained that at last he had given no actual consent. finally, deciding matters were not as bad as might be, she got up, and bid him leave the issue to her. 'first she knelt down and commended herself and her undertaking to god and his holy saints; then in the small hours, when the devil's work was nearly finished, she took her lamp and spread out the wick so that it should give its greatest glare, and poured fresh oil upon it, and went out with a basket of grain to feed the hens. the cock, seeing the bright light and the good wife with her basket of food, never doubted but that it was morning, and springing up, he flapped his wings, and crowed with all his might. at that very moment the devil himself was coming by with the last roof-stone. [ ] at the sound of the premature cock-crow he was so much astonished that he didn't know which way to turn, and sank into the ground bearing the stone still in his hand. 'the house belonged to the peasant by every right, but no stone could ever be made to stay on the vacant space. this inconvenience was the penance he had to endure for the desperate game he had played, and he took it cheerfully, and when the rain came in he used to kiss his good wife in gratitude for the more terrible chastisement from which she had saved him.' the jaunty postilion whipped the horses on as he thus brought his story to a close, or rather cracked his whip in the air till the mountains resounded with it, for he had slackened speed while telling his tale, and the day was wearing on. 'we must take care and not be late for the train,' he observed. 'the herrschaften have had enough of the inn of oberriet, and don't want to have to spend a night there, and we have no vorarlberger-geist to speed us now-a-days.' 'who was he?' i inquired eagerly. 'i suppose you know that all this country round about here is called the vorarlberg, and in olden time there was a spirit that used to wander about helping travellers all along its roads. when they were benighted, it used to go before them with a light; when they were in difficulties, it used to procure them aid; if one lost his way, it used to direct him aright; till one day a poor priest came by who had been to administer a distant parishioner. his way had lain now over bog, now over torrent-beds. in the roughness of the way the priest's horse had cast a shoe. a long stretch of road lay yet before him, but no forge was near. suddenly the vorarlberger-geist came out of a cleft in the rock, silently set to work and shod the horse, and passed on its way as usual with a sigh. '"vergeltsgott!" [ ] cried the priest after it. '"god be praised!" exclaimed the spirit. "now am i at last set free. these hundred years have i served mankind thus, and till now no man has performed this act of gratitude, the condition of my release." and since this time it has never been seen again.' we had now once more reached the banks of the rhine. the driver of the luggage van held the ferry in expectation of us, and with its team it was already stowed on board. our horses were next embarked, and then ourselves, as we sat, perched on the carriage. a couple of rough donkeys, a patriarchal goat, and half-a-dozen wild-looking half-clothed peasants, made up a freight which seemed to tax the powers of the crazy barge to the utmost; and as the three brawny ferrymen pulled it dexterously along the guide rope, the waters of the here broad and rapid river rose some inches through the chinks. all went well, however, and in another half-hour we were again astonishing the factotum of the oberriet station with a vision of the 'gepäck' which had puzzled him so immensely the day before. chapter ii. north-tirol--unterinnthal (right-inn bank). kufstein to rottenburg. ... 'peasant of the alps, thy humble virtues, hospitable home, and spirit patient, pious, proud, and free; thy self-respect, grafted on innocent thoughts; thy days of health, thy nights of sleep, thy toil by danger dignified, yet guiltless; hopes of cheerful old age, and then a quiet grave with cross and garland over its green turf, and thy grandchildren's love for epitaph, this do i see!...' byron (manfred). when, after our forced détour, we next penetrated into tirol, it was by the way of kufstein. ruffled as we had been in the meantime by bavarian 'rohheit,' we were glad to find ourselves again in the hands of the gentle tirolese. kufstein, however, is not gentle in appearance. its vast fortress seems to shed a stifling gloom over the whole place; it looks so hard and selfish and tyrannical, that you long to get away from its influence. noble hearts from honest hungary have pined away within its cold strong grasp; and many a time, as my sketch-book has been turned over by magyar friends, the page which depicted its outline--for it wears a grand and gallant form, such as the pencil cannot resist--has raised a deep sigh over the 'trauriges andenken' it served to call up. [ ] when margaretha maultasch ceded the country she found herself unable to govern, to austria at the earnest request of her people, in , it was stipulated that kufstein, kitzbühel, and rattenberg, which had been added to it by her marriage with louis of bradenburg, should revert to bavaria. these three dependencies were recovered by the emperor maximilian in , the two latter accepting his allegiance gladly, the former holding out stoutly against him. the story of the reduction of this stronghold is almost a stain on his otherwise prudent and prosperous reign. pienzenau, its commander, who was in the bavarian interest, had particularly excited his ire by setting his men to sweep away with brooms the traces of the small damage which had been effected by his cannon, placed at too great a distance to do more than graze the massive walls. philip von recenau, regent of innsbruck, meantime cast two enormous field-pieces, which received the names of weckauf and purlepaus. these entirely turned the tide of affairs. chronicles of the time do not mention their calibre, but declare that their missiles not only pierced the 'fourteen feet-thick wall' through and through, but entered a foot and a half into the living rock. pienzenau's heart misgave him when he saw the work of these destructive engines, and hastened to send in his submission to the emperor; but it was too late. 'so he is in a hurry to throw away his brooms at last, is he?' cried maximilian. 'but he should have done it before. he has allowed the wall of this noble castle to be so disgracefully shattered, that he can make no amends but by giving up his own carcass to the same fate.' no entreaty could move the emperor from carrying out this chastisement, and some five-and-twenty of the principal men who had held out against him were condemned to be beheaded on the spot. when eleven had fallen before the headsman's sword, erich, duke of brunswick, sickening at the scene of blood, pleaded so earnestly with the emperor, that he obtained the pardon of the rest. the eleven were buried by the pious country-people in a common grave; and who will may yet tread the ground where their remains rest in a little chapel built over their grave at ainliff (dialectic for eleven), on the other side of the river inn. its situation near the frontier has made it the scene of other sieges, of which none is more endeared to tiroleans than that of , when the patriot speckbacher distinguished himself by many a dauntless deed. if kufstein has long had a truce to these stirring memories, many a fantastic story has floated out of it concerning the prisoners harboured there, even of late years. the hungarian patriot brigand, rocsla sandor (andrew roshla), who won by his unscrupulous daring quite a legendary place in popular story, was long confined here. he was finally tried and condemned (but i think not executed) at szeghedin, in july ; other persons were included in the same trial, of whom under homicidal charges; homicides were laid to his charge alone, but there is no doubt that his services to the popular cause, at the same time that they condoned some of his excesses, in the popular judgment may have disposed the authorities to exaggerate the charges against him. the whole story is fantastic, and even in kufstein, where he was almost an alien, there was admiration and sympathy underlying the shudder with which the people spoke of him. a much more interesting and no less romantic narrative, was told me of a hungarian political prisoner, who formed the solitary instance of an escape from the stony walls of the fortress. his lady-love--and she was a lady by birth--with the heroic instincts of a hungarian maiden, having with infinite difficulty made out where he was confined, followed him hither in peasant disguise, and with invincible perseverance succeeded, first in engaging herself as servant to the governor and then in conveying every day to her lover, in his soup, a hank of hemp. with this he twisted a rope and got safely away; and this occurred not more than six or seven years ago. st. louis's day fell while we were at kufstein--the name-day of the king of bavaria; and being the border town, the polite tiroleans make a complimentary fête of it. there was a grand musical mass, which the officers from the bavarian frontier attended, and a modest banquet was offered them after it. the peasants put on their holiday attire--passable enough as far as the men are concerned, but consisting mainly on the women's behalf in an ugly black cloth square-waisted dress, and a black felt broad-brimmed hat, with large gold tassels lying on the brim. after mass the bavarian national hymn was sung to the familiar strains of our own. all seemed gay and glad without. i returned to the primitive rambling inn; everyone was gone to take his or her part in the kufstein idea of a holiday. there were three entrances, and three staircases; i took a wrong one, and in trying to retrace my steps passed a room through the half-open door of which i heard a sound of moaning, which arrested me. i could not find it in my heart to pass on. i pushed the door gently aside, and discovered a grey-haired old man lying comfortlessly on the bed in a state of torpor. i laid him back in a posture in which he could breathe more freely, opened his collar and gave him air, and with the aid of one or two simple means soon brought him back to consciousness. the room was barely furnished; his luggage was a small bundle tied in a handkerchief, his clothes betokened that he belonged to the respectable of the lower class. i was too desirous to converse with a genuine tirolean peasant to refuse his invitation to sit down by his side. i had soon learnt his tale, which he seemed not a little pleased to find had an interest for a foreigner. his lot had been marked by severe trials. in early youth he had been called to lose his parents; in later life, the dear wife who had for a season clothed his home again with brightness and hope. in old age he had had a heavier trial still. his only child, the son whom he had reared in the hope that he would have been the staff of his declining years, whom he had brought up in innocence in childhood, and shielded from knowledge of evil in early youth, had gone from him, and he knew not where to find him. the boy had always had a fancy for a roving adventurous life, but it had been his hope to have kept him always near him, free from the contamination of great cities. i asked if it was not the custom in these parts for young men to go abroad and seek employment where it was more highly paid, and come back and settle on their earnings. but he shook his head proudly. it was so in switzerland, it was so in some few valleys of tirol, and the poor engadeiners supplied all the cities of europe with confectioners; but his son had no need to tramp the world in search of fortune. but what had made him most anxious was, that the night before his son left some wild young men had passed through the village. they were bold and uproarious, and his fear was that his boy might have been tempted to join them. he did not know exactly what their game was, but he had an idea they were gathering recruits to join the lawless garibaldian bands in their attempts upon the roman frontier. with their designs he was confident his son had no sympathy. if he had stopped to consider them, he would have shrunk from them with horror; and it was his dread that his spirited love of danger and excitement had carried him into a vortex from which he might by-and-by be longing to extricate himself in vain. it was to pray that the lad might be guided aright that he made this pilgrimage up the thierberg--no easy journey for one of his years. he had come across hill and valley from a village of which i forget the name, but situated near sterzing. 'but sterzing itself is a place of pilgrimage,' i said, glad to turn to account my scanty knowledge of the sacred places of the country. 'why did you come all this way?' 'indeed is sterzing,' he replied, 'a place of benedictions. it is the spot where sterzing, our first hermit, lived, and left his name to our town. but this is the spot for those who need penance. there, in that place,' and as i followed the direction of his hand i saw through the low lattice window the lofty elevation of the thierberg like a phantom tower, enveloped in mist, standing out against the clear sky beyond, and wondered how his palsied limbs had carried him up the steep. 'in that place, in olden time, lived a true penitent. once it was a lordly castle, and he to whom it belonged was a rich and honoured knight; but on one occasion he forgot his knightly honour, and with false vows led astray an unthinking maiden of the village. soon, however, the conviction of his sin came back to him clear as the sun's light, and without an hour's hesitation he put it from him. to the girl he made the best amends he could by first leading her to repentance, then procuring her admission to a neighbouring convent. but for him, from that day the lordly castle became as a hermit's cell, the sound of mirth and revelry and of friendly voices was hushed for ever. the memory of his own name even he would have wiped out, and would have men call him only, as they do to the present day, 'der büsser'--the penitent. and so many has his example brought to this shrine in a spirit of compunction, that the church has endowed it with the indulgence of the portiuncula.' what a picture of tirolese faith it was! instead of setting in motion the detective police, or the telegraph-wire, or the second column of the 'times,' this old man had come many miles in the opposite direction from that his child was supposed to have taken, to bring his burden and lay it before a shrine he believed to have been made dear to heaven by tears of penance in another age, and there commend his petition to god that he might bring it to pass, accepting the suffering as a merited chastisement in a spirit of sincere penitence! he was feeling better, and i rose to go. he pressed my hand in acknowledgment of my sympathy, and i assured him of it. it was not a case for more substantial charity; i had gathered from his recital that he had no lack of worldly means. i only strove at parting to kindle a ray of hope. i said after all it might not be so bad as he imagined; his boy had been well brought up, and might perhaps be trusted to keep out of the way of evil. it was thoughtless of him not to seek his father's blessing and consent to his choice of an adventurous career, but it might be he had feared his opposition, and that he had no unworthy reason for concealing his plans. there was at least as much reason to hope as to despond, and he must look forward to his coming back, true to the instincts of his mountain home, wiser than he had set out. his pale blue eye glistened, and he gasped like one who had seen a vision. 'ay! just so! just so it appeared to me when i was on the thierberg this morning! and now, in case my weak old heart did not see it clearly enough, god, in his mercy, has sent you to expound the thing more plainly to me. now i know that i am heard.' poor old man! i shuddered lest the hope so strongly entertained should prove delusive in the end. i may never know the result; but i felt that at all events as he was one who took all things at god's hands, nothing could, in one sense, come amiss; and for the present, at least, i saw that he went down to his house comforted. i strolled along the street, and, possessed with the type of the tirolean peasant, as i received it from this old man, i conceived a feeling of deeper curiosity for all whom i met by the way. i thought of them as of men for whom an unseen world is a reality; who estimate prayer and sacraments and the intercession of saints above steam-power and electricity. at home one meets with one such now and then, but to be transported into a whole country of them was like waking up from a long sleep to find oneself in the age of st. francis and st. dominic. whatever faults the tirolese may have to answer for, they will not arise from religion being put out of sight. no village but has its hillside path marked with 'the way of the cross;' no bridge but carries the statue of s. john nepomucene, the martyr of the confessional; no fountain but bears the image of the local saint, a model of virtue to the place; no lone path unmarked by its way-side chapel, or its crucifix shielded from the weather by a rustic roof; no house but has its outer walls covered with memories of holy things; no room without its sacred prints and its holywater stoup. the churches are full of little rude pictures, recording scenes in which all the pleasanter events of life are gratefully ascribed to answers to prayer, while many who cannot afford this more elaborate tribute hang up a tablet with the words hat geholfen ('he has helped me'), or more simply still, 'aus dankbarkeit.' longfellow has written something very true and pretty, which i do not remember well enough to quote; but most will call to mind the verses about leaving landmarks, which a weary brother seeing, may take heart again; and it is incalculable how these good people may stir up one another to hope and endurance by such testimonies of their trust in a providence. sometimes, again, the little tablets record that such an one has undertaken a journey. 'n. n. reiset nach n., pray for him;' and we, who have come so far so easily, smile at the short distance which is thought worthy of this importance. the gott segne meine reise--'may god bless my journey'--seems to come as naturally to them, however, as 'grace before meat' with us. but most of all, their care is displayed in regard to the dear departed. the spot where an accident deprived one of his life is sacred to all. 'the honourable peasant n. n. was run over here by a heavy waggon;'--'here was n. n. carried away by the waters of the stream;' with the unfailing adjunct, 'may he rest in peace, let us pray for him;' or sometimes, as if there were no need to address the recommendation to his own neighbours, 'stranger! pray for him.' the straggling village on the opposite bank of the inn is called zell, though appearing part of kufstein. it affords the best points for viewing the gloomy old fortress, and itself possesses one or two chapels of some interest. at kiefersfelden, at a short distance on the bavarian border, is the so-called ottokapelle, a gothic chapel marking the spot where prince otho quitted his native soil when called to take possession of the throne of greece. kundl, about an hour from kufstein, the third station, by rail, [ ] though wretchedly provided with accommodation, is the place to stop at to visit the curious and isolated church of s. leonhard auf der wiese (in the meadow), and it is well worthy of a visit. in the year a life-sized stone image of st. leonard was brought by the stream to this spot; 'floating,' the wonder-loving people said, but it may well be believed that some rapid swollen torrent had carried the image away in its wild course from some chapel on a higher level. the people not knowing whence it came, reckoned its advent a miracle, and set it up in the highway, that all who passed might know of it. it was not long before a no less illustrious wayfarer than the emperor henry ii. came that way, and seeing the uncovered image set up on high, stopped to inquire its history. when he had heard it, he vowed that if his arms were prosperous in italy he would on his return build the saint an honourable church. success indeed attended him in the campaign, and he was crowned emperor at pavia, but st. leonard and his vow were alike forgotten. the year brought him again into italy through tirol, and passing the spot where he had registered his vow before, his horse, foaming and stamping, refused to pass the image or carry him further. the circumstance reminded him of his promise, and he at once set to work to carry it out worthily. the church was completed within a few years, but an unhappy accident signalized its completion. a young man who had undertaken to place the ornament on the summit was seized with vertigo in the moment of completing his exploit, and losing his balance was dashed lifeless on to the ground below. [ ] his remains were gathered up tenderly by the neighbours, and his skull laid as an offering at the foot of the crucifix on the high altar, where it yet remains. an inscription to the following effect is preserved in the church: 'a.d. præsens ecclesia sti. leonhardi a sancto henrico imperatore exstructa, et anno a summo pontifice benedicto viii. consecrata est,' though there would not seem to be any other record of the pope having made the journey. s. kunigunda, consort of henry ii., bore a great affection to the spot, and often visited it. the image of st. leonard now in the church bears the date of , and there is no record of the time when it was substituted for the original. [ ] the interior has suffered a great deal during the whitewash period; but some of the original carvings are remarkable, particularly the grotesque creatures displayed on the main columns. on one a doubled-bodied lion is trampling on two dragons; on another a youth stands holding the prophetic roll of the book of revelation, and a hideous symbolical figure, with something of the form of a bear, cowers before him, showing a certain resemblance to the sculptures in the chapel-porch of castle tirol. round the high altar are ten pilasters, each setting forth the figure of a saint, and all various. a great deal of the old work was destroyed, however, when it was rebuilt, about the year . between st. leonhard and ratfield runs the auflängerbründl--so called from the angerberg, celebrated as itself a very charming excursion from kundl--a watercourse directed by the side of the road through the charity of the townspeople of rattenberg and ratfeld, in the year , with the view that no wayfarer might faint by the way for want of a drink of pure and refreshing water. rattenberg is a little town of some importance on account of the copper works in the neighbourhood, but not much frequented by visitors, though it has three passable inns. it is curious that the castle of rottenburg near rothholz, though so like in name, has a different derivation, the latter arising from the red earth of the neighbourhood, and the former from an old word rat, meaning 'richness,' and in old documents it is found spelt rat in berc (riches in the mountain). this was the favoured locality of the holy nothburga's earthly career. st. nothburga is eminently characteristic of her country. she was the poorest of village maidens, and yet attained the highest and most lasting veneration of her people by the simple force of virtue. she was born in . the child of pious parents, she drank in their good instructions with an instinctive aptitude. their lessons of pure and christian manners seemed as it were to crystallize and model themselves in her conduct; she grew up a living picture of holy counsels. she was scarcely seventeen when the lord of castle rottenburg, hearing of her perfect life, desired to have her in his household. her parents, knowing she could have no better protectors, when they were no more, than their honoured knight henry of rottenburg and his good wife gutta, gladly accepted the proposal. [ ] in her new sphere nothburga showed how well grounded was her virtue. it readily adapted itself to her altered position, and she became as faithful and devoted to her employers as she had been loving and obedient to her parents. in time she was advanced to the highest position of trust in the castle, and the greatest delight of her heart was fulfilled when she was nominated to superintend the distribution of alms to the poor. her prudence enabled her to distinguish between real and feigned need, and while she delighted in ministering to the one, she was firm in resisting the appeals of the other. her general uprightness won for her the respect of all with whom she had to do, and she was the general favourite of all classes. such bright days could not last; the enemy of god's saints looked on with envy, and desired to 'sift' her 'as wheat.' the knight's son, henry vi., in progress of time brought home his bride, ottilia by name; and according to local custom, the older knight henry ceded his authority to the young castellan, living himself in comparative retirement. ottilia was young and thoughtless, and haughty to boot, and it was not without a feeling of bitter resentment that she saw both her husband and his parents looked to nothburga to supply her deficiencies in the management of the household. she resolved to get rid of the faithful servant, and her fury against her was only increased in proportion as she realized that the perfect uprightness of her conduct rendered it impossible to discover any pretext for dismissing her. for nothburga it was a life of daily silent martyrdom. there were a thousand mortifications in her mistress's power to inflict, and she lost no opportunity of annoying her, but never once succeeded in ruffling the gentleness of her spirit. 'my life has been too easy hitherto,' she would say in the stillness of her own heart; 'now i am honoured at last by admission to the way of the cross.' there was no brightness, no praise, no subsequent hope of distinction, to be derived from her patience; they were stabs in the dark, seen by no human eye, which made her bleed day by day. yet she would not complain, much less seek to change her service. she said it would have been ungrateful to her first benefactors and employers to leave them, so long as she could spend herself for them, and ungrateful to god to shirk the trial he had lovingly sent her. a crucial test of her fidelity, however, was at hand. the day came when knight henry and gutta his wife were called to their long rest, and with them the chief protection of nothburga departed. she was now almost at ottilia's mercy. one of the first consequences of this change was that she was deprived of her favourite office of relieving the poor; and not only their customary alms were stopped, but their dole of food also; and as a final provocation, she was required to feed the pigs with the broken meat which she had been accustomed to husband for the necessitous. the good girl's heart bled to see the needy whom she had been wont to relieve turned hungry away. the only means that occurred to her of remedying the evil in some measure, was to deny herself her own food and distribute it among them. restricting her own diet to bread and water, she saved a little basketful, which she would take down every evening when work was done to the foot of the leuchtenburg, where the poorest of the castle dependents lived; and the blessing which multiplied the loaves in the wilderness made her scanty savings suffice to feed all who had come to beg of her. that nothburga contrived to feed the poor of a whole district, in spite of her orders to the contrary, of course became in time a ground of complaint for ottilia. she had now a plausible reason for stirring up the knight henry against her. he had always defended her, out of regard for his parents' memory; but coming one evening past the leuchtenburg, at ottilia's instigation, he met nothburga with her little burden, and asked her what she carried. here the adversary of the saints had prepared for her a great trial, says the legend. she, in her innocence, told fairly and honestly the import of her errand; but to the knight's eyes, who had meantime untied her apron, the contents appeared, the legend says, to be wood shavings; and further, putting the wine-flask to his lips, it seemed to him to contain soap-suds. to her charitable intention he had made no objection, but at this, which appeared to him a studied affront, he was furious. he would listen to no explanation, but, returning at once to the castle, he gave ottilia free and full leave to deal with the offending handmaiden as she pleased. ottilia readily put the permission into effect by directing the castle guard to forbid her, on her return, ever again to pass the threshold of the castle. this blow told with terrible effect on the poor girl. during her service at the castle both her parents had died; she had now no home to resort to. putting her trust in god, however, she retraced her steps alone through the darkness, and found shelter in a cottage of one of her clients. her path was watched by the angels, who marked the track with fair seeds; and even to this day the hill-side which her feet so often pressed on her holy errand is said to be marked with a peculiar growth of flowers. the next day she applied to a peasant of eben to engage her as a field labourer. the peasant was exceedingly doubtful of her capacity for the work after the comparatively delicate nature of her previous mode of life. her hardy perseverance and determination, aided by the grace of god, on which she implicitly relied, overcame all obstacles, and old valentine soon found that her presence brought a blessing on all his substance. she had been with him about a year, when one day, being saturday, he was very anxious to gather in the remainder of his harvest before an apprehended storm, and desired nothburga, with the other reapers, to continue their labours after the hour of eve, when the holy rest was reckoned to have commenced. nothburga, usually so obedient to his wishes, had the courage to refuse to infringe the commandment of religion; and to manifest that the will of god was on her side, showed him her sickle resting from labour, suspended in the air. valentine, convinced by the prodigy, yielded to her representations, and her piety was more and more honoured by all the neighbours. soon after this, ottilia, in the midst of her health and strength, was stricken with a dangerous illness. in presence of the fear of death she remembered her harsh treatment of nothburga, and sent for her to make amends for the past. as the good girl reached her bed-side she was just under the influence of a frightful attack of fevered remorse. her long golden hair waved in untended masses over the pillow, like the flames of purgatory; her eyes glared like wheels of fire. unconscious of what was passing round her, and filled only with her distempered fancies, she cried piteously: 'drive away those horrid beasts! don't let them come near me! and why do you let those pale-faced creatures pursue me with their hollow glances? if i did deny them food, i cannot help it now! oh! keep those horrid swine off me! if i did give them the portion of the poor, it is no reason you should let them defile me and trample on me!' nothburga was melted with compassion, and her glance of sympathy seemed to chase away the horrid vision. come to herself, and calm again, otillia recognized her and begged her pardon, which we may well believe she readily accorded; and shortly after, having reconciled herself to god with true compunction, she fell asleep in peace. [ ] henry proposed to nothburga to come and resume her old post in the castle, and moreover to add to it that of superintending the nurture of his only boy. nothburga gladly accepted his offer, but, in her strict integrity, insisted on accepting no remission from the three years' service under which she had bound herself to valentine. this concluded, she was received back with open arms at castle rottenburg, whither she took with her one of valentine's daughters to instruct in household duties, that she might be meet to succeed her when her time should come. days of peace on earth are not for the saints. her fight was fought out. the privations she had undergone in sparing her food for the poor, and her subsequent exposure in the field, brought on an illness, under which she shortly after sank. in conformity with her express desire, her body was laid on a bier, to which two young oxen were yoked, and left to follow their own course. the willing beasts tramped straight away over hill and dale and water-course till they came to the village of eben, then consisting of but a couple of huts of the poor tillers of the soil, and valentine's homestead; now, a thriving village, its two inns crowded every holiday with peasants, who make their excursions coincide with a visit of devotion to the peasant maiden's shrine. a small field-chapel of st. ruprecht was then the only place of devotion, but here next morning the body of the holy maiden was found carefully laid at the foot of the altar, and here it was reverently buried, and for centuries it has been honoured by all the country round. [ ] in the emperor maximilian, and christopher, prince-bishop of brixen, built a church over the spot, of which the ancient chapel served as the quire. in gaspar ignatius, count of künigl, the then prince-bishop, had the remains exhumed, and carried them with pomp to the neighbouring town of schwatz, where they were left while the church was restored, and an open sarcophagus prepared for them to remain exposed for the veneration of the faithful, which was completed in . in a centenary festival was observed with great rejoicing, and on march , , the cycle of nothburga's honour was completed in her solemn canonization at rome. the lords of rottenburg had had possession of this territory, and had been the most powerful family of tirol, ever since the eighth century; one branch extending its sway over the valleys surrounding the inn, and another branch commanding the country bordering the etsch; leuchtenburg and fleims being the chief fortress-seats of these latter. their vast power greatly harassed the rulers of tirol. in every conflict between the native or austrian princes and the dukes of bavaria their influence would always turn the scale, and they often seem to have exercised it simply to show their power. their family pride grew so high, that it became a proverb among the people. it was observed that just during the period of the holy nothburga's sojourn in the castle the halo of her humble spirit seemed to exercise a charm over their ruling passion. that was no sooner brought to a close than it once more burst forth, and with intenser energy, and by the end of a century more so blinded them that they ventured on an attempt to seize the supreme power over the land. friedrich mit der leeren tasche was not a prince to lose his rights without a worthy struggle; and then ensued one which was a noteworthy instance of the protection which royalty often afforded to the poor against the oppressions of a selfish aristocracy in the middle ages. friedrich was the idol of the people: in his youth his hardy temperament had made him the companion not only of the mountain huntsman, but even of the mountain hewer of wood. called to rule over the country, he always stood out manfully for the liberties of the peasant and the burghers of the little struggling communities of tirol. the lords and knights who found their power thereby restricted were glad to follow the standard of henry vi., count of rottenburg, in his rebellions. forgetting all patriotism in his struggle for power, henry called to his aid the duke of bavaria, who readily answered his appeal, reckoning that as soon as, by aiding henry, he had driven friedrich out, he would shortly after be able to secure the prize for himself. the bavarian troops, ever rough and lawless, now began laying waste the country in ruthless fashion. a bavarian bishop, moved to compassion by the sufferings of the poor people, though not of his own flock, pleaded so earnestly with the duke, that he made peace with friedrich, who was able to inflict due chastisement on henry, for, powerful as he was, he was no match for him as a leader. he fell prisoner into friedrich's hands, who magnanimously gave him his liberty; but, according to the laws of the time, his lands and fiefs were forfeit. though the spirit of the high-minded noble was unbroken, the darling aim of his race which had devolved upon him for execution was defeated; his occupation gone, and his hopes quenched, he wandered about, the last of his race, not caring even to establish himself in any of the fiefs which he held under the duke of bavaria, and which consequently yet remained to him. the history of henry vi. of rottenburg has a peculiarly gloomy and fantastic character. ambitious to a fault, it was one cause of his ill success that he exercised himself in the nobler pursuits of life rather than in the career of arms. letters of his which are still preserved show that he owed the ascendancy he exercised over his neighbours quite as much to his strength of character and grasp of mind as to his title and riches. no complaint is brought against him in chronicles of the time of niggardliness towards the church, or of want of uprightness or patience as a judge; he is spoken of as if he had learned to make himself respected as well as feared. but he lived apart in a lofty sphere of his own, seldom mixing in social intercourse, while his refined tastes prevented his becoming an adept in the art of war. friedrich, on the other hand, who was a hero in the field by his bravery, was also the favourite of the people through his frank and ready-spoken sympathy. henry had perhaps, on the whole, the finer--certainly the more cultivated--character, but friedrich was more the man of the time; and it was this doom of succumbing to one to whom he felt himself superior which pressed most heavily on the last of the rottenburgers. what became of him was never known; consequently many wild stories became current to account for his end: that he never laid his proud head low at the call of death, but yet wanders on round the precincts where he once ruled; that his untamable ambition made him a prey to the power of evil, who carried him off, body and soul, to the reward of the proud; that, shunning all sympathy and refusing all assistance, he died, untended and unknown, in a spot far from the habitations of men. it would appear most probable, however, that his death, like his life, was a contrast with the habits of his age: it is thought that, unable to bear his humiliation, he fell by his own hand within a twelvemonth of his defeat. the deliverance from this powerful vassal, and the falling in of his domains, tended greatly to strengthen and consolidate friederich's rule over tirol, and ultimately to render the government of the country more stable, and more beneficial to the people. not long after henry vi.'s disappearance a mysterious fire broke out in the old castle on two separate occasions, laying the greater part of it in ruins. but on each occasion it was noticed that the devouring element, at the height of its fury, spared the little room which was honoured as that in which the holy nothburga had dwelt. a gentler story about this neighbourhood is of a boy tending sheep upon the neighbouring height, who found among some ruins a beautiful bird's-nest. what was his surprise, on examining his treasure, to find it full of broken shells which the fledglings had cast off and left behind them, but shells of a most singular kind. still greater was his astonishment when, on showing them at home, his parents told him they were no shells, but pieces of precious ore. the affair caused the peasants to search in the neighbourhood, and led to the discovery of one of those veins of metal the working of which brought so great prosperity to tirol in the fifteenth century, and which are not yet extinct. their discovery was always by accident, and often by occasion of some curious incident, while the fact that such finds were to be hit upon acted as a strong stimulant to the imagination of a romantic and wonder-loving people, giving belief to all sorts of fables to tell how the treasure was originally deposited, and how subsequently it was preserved and guarded. chapter iii. north tirol--unterinnthal (right inn-bank). the zillerthal. 'i may venture to say that among the nations of europe, and i have more or less seen them all, i do not know any one in which there is so large a measure of real piety as among the tyroleans.... i do not recollect to have once heard in the country an expression savouring of scepticism.'--inglis. the zillerthal claims to bear the palm over all the valleys of tirol for natural beauty--a claim against which the other valleys may, i think, find something to say. there is an organised service of carriages (the road is only good for an einspanner--one-horse vehicle) into the zillerthal, at both brixlegg and jenbach, taking between four and five hours to reach zell, an hour and a-half more to mayrhofen. its greatest ornaments are the castles of kropfsberg, lichtwer, and matzen; the reiterkogel and the gerlos mountains, forming the present boundary against salzburg; and the ziller, with its rapid current which gave it its name (from celer), [ ] its tributary streams might very well have received the same appellation, for their celerity is often so impetuous that great damage is done to the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. before starting for the zillerthal i may mention two castles which may also be seen from jenbach, though like it they belong in strictness to the chapter on the left inn-bank. one is thurnegg by name, which was restored as a hunting-seat by archduke ferdinand; and at the instance of his second wife, the pious anna katharina of mantua, he added a chapel, in order that his hunting-parties might always have the opportunity of hearing mass before setting out for their sport. another is tratzberg, which derived its name from its defiant character. it is situated within an easy walk of jenbach. permission to visit it is readily given, for it counts as a show-place. it may be taken on the way to s. georgenberg and viecht, but it occupies too much time, and quite merits the separate excursion by its collections and its views. frederick sold it in to christian tänzel, a rich mining proprietor of the neighbourhood, who purchased with it the right to bear the title of knight of tratzberg. no expense was spared in its decoration, and its paintings and marbles made it the wonder of the country round. in it passed into the hands of the fuggers, and at the present day belongs to count enzenberg, who makes it an occasional residence. a story is told of it which is in striking contrast to that mentioned of thurnegg. one of the knights of the castle in ancient time had a reputation for caring more for the pleasures of the chase than for the observances of religion. though he could get up at an early hour enough at the call of his jäger's horn, the chapel bell vainly wooed him to mass. in vain morning by morning his guardian angel directed the sacred sound upon his ear; the knight only rolled himself up more warmly in the coverlet, and said, 'no need to stir yet, the dogs are not brought round till five o'clock.' 'ding--dong--dang! come--to--mass! ding--dong--dang!' sang the bells. 'no, i can't,' yawned the knight, and covered his ear with the bed-clothes. the bell was silent, and the knight knew that the pious people who had to work hard all day for their living, and yet spared half an hour to ask god's blessing on their labours, were gone into the chapel. he fancied he saw the venerable old chaplain bowing before the altar, and smiting his breast; he saw the faithful rise from their knees while the glad tidings of the gospel were announced, and they proclaimed their faith in them in the creed; he heard them fall on their knees again while the sacred elements were offered on the altar and the solemn words of the consecration pronounced; he saw little johann, the farrier's son, bow his head reverently on the steps, and then sound the threefold bell which told of the most solemn moment of the sacred mysteries; and the chapel bell took up the note, and announced the joyful news to those whom illness or necessity forced to remain away. then hark! what was that? the rocks under the foundation of the castle rattled together, and all the stones of its massive walls chattered like the teeth of an old woman stricken with fear. the three hundred and sixty-five windows of the edifice rattled in their casements, but above them all sounded the piercing sound of the knight's cry of anguish. the affrighted people rushed into the knight's chamber; and what was their horror when, still sunk in the soft couch where he was wont to take his ease, there he lay dead, while his throat displayed the print of three black and burning claws. the lesson they drew was that the knight, having received from his guardian angel the impulse to repair his sloth by at least then rising to pay the homage which the bell enjoined, had rejected even this last good counsel, thereby filling up the measure of his faults. for years after marks were shown upon the wall as having been sprinkled by his blood! the first little town that reckons in the zillerthal is strass, a very unpretending place, and then schlitters. at schlitters they have a story of a butcher who, going to strass to buy an ox, had scarcely crossed the zill and got a little way from home, than he saw lying by the way-side a heap of the finest wheat. not liking to appropriate property which might have a legitimate owner, he contented himself with putting a few grains in his pocket, and a few into his sack, as a specimen. as he went by the way his pockets and his sack began to get heavier and heavier, till it seemed as if the weight would burst them through. astonished at the circumstance he put in his hand, and found them all full of shining gold. as soon as he had recovered his composure, he set off at the top of his speed, and, heeding neither hill or dale, regained the spot where he had first seen the wheat. but it was no more to be seen. if he had had faith to commend himself to god on his first surprise, say the peasants, and made the holy sign of redemption, the whole treasure would have been his. there is another tradition at schlitters of a more peculiar character. it is confidently affirmed that the village once boasted two churches, though but a very small one would supply the needs of the inhabitants. hormayr has sifted the matter to the bottom, and explains it in this way. there lived in the neighbourhood two knights, one belonging to the rottenburger, and the other to the freundsberger family. now the latter had a position of greater importance, but the former possessed a full share of family haughtiness, and would not yield precedence to any one. in order not to be placed on a footing of inferiority, or even of equality, with his rival, he built a second church, which he might attend without being brought into contact with him. no expense was spared, and the church was solidly built enough; but no blessing seemed to come on the edifice so built, no pains could ever keep it in repair, and at last, after crumbling into ruin, every stone of it disappeared. kropfsberg is a fine ruin, belonging to count enzenberg, seen a little above strass, on a commanding height between the high road and the inn. it is endeared to the memory of the tiroleans by having been the spot where, on st. michael's day, , their favourite friedrich mit der leeren tasche was reconciled with his brother ernst der eiserne, who, after the council of constance had pronounced its ban on frederick, had thought to possess himself of his dominions. the largest town of the zillerthal is fügen, a short distance below schlitters, and the people are so proud of it, that they have a saying ever in their mouths, 'there is but one vienna and one fügen in the world!' it doubtless owes its comparative liveliness and prosperity to its château being kept up and often inhabited by its owners (the countess of dönhof and her family). this is also a great ornament to the place, having been originally built in the fifteenth century by the lords of fieger, though unhappily the period of its rebuilding ( ) was not one very propitious to its style. the sculpture in the church by the native artist, nissl, is much more meritorious. the church of ried, a little further along the valley, is adorned with several very creditable pictures by native artists. it is the native place of one of the bravest of the defenders of throne and country, so celebrated in local annals of the early part of the century, sebastian riedl. he was only thirty-nine at his death in . once, on an occasion of his fulfilling a mission to general blucher, he received from him a present of a hussar's jacket, which he wore at the battle of katzbach, and it is still shown with pride by his compatriots. the zillerthal was the only part of tirol where lutheranism ever obtained any hold over the people. the population was very thin and scattered, consequently they were out of the way of the regular means of instruction in their own faith; and it often happened, when their dwellings and lands were devastated by inundations, that they were driven to seek a livelihood by carrying gloves, bags, and other articles made of chamois leather, also of the horns of goats and cattle, into the neighbouring states of germany. hence they often came back imbued with the new doctrines, and bringing books with them, which may have spread them further. this went on, though without attracting much attention, till the year , when they demanded permission to erect a church of their own. the stände of tirol were unanimous, however, to resist any infringement of the unity of belief which had so long been preserved in the country. the emperor confirmed their decision, and gave the schismatics the option of being reconciled with the church, or of following their opinions in other localities of the empire where lutheran communities already existed. a considerable number chose the latter alternative, and peace was restored to the zillerthal. every facility was given them by the government for making the move advantageously, and the inhabitants, who had been long provoked by the scorn and ridicule with which the exiles had treated their time-honoured observances, held a rejoicing at the deliverance. at the farther end of the valley is zell, which though smaller in population than fügen, has come to be considered its chief town. its principal inn, for there are several--zum post--if i recollect right, claims to be not merely a gasthaus, but a gasthof. the brauhaus, however, with less pretension, is a charming resort of the old-fashioned style, under the paternal management of franz eigner, whose daughters sing their local melodies with great zest and taste. the church, dedicated to st. vitus, is modern, having been built in - ; but its slender green steeple is not inelegant. it contains some meritorious frescoes by zeiler. the town contains some most picturesque buildings, as the presbytery, grandiloquently styled the dechanthof, one or two educational establishments, several well-to-do private houses, and the town-hall, once a flourishing brewery, which failed--i can hardly guess how, for the chief industry of the place is supplying the neighbourhood with beer. a mile beyond zell is hainzenberg, where the process of gold-washing on a small scale may be studied, said to be carried on by the owner, the bishop of brizen, on a sort of ultra-co-operative principle, as a means of support to the people of the place, without profit to himself. there is also a rather fine waterfall in the neighbourhood, and an inn where luncheon may be had. the most interesting circumstance, perhaps, in connexion with zell is the kirchweih-fest, which is very celebrated in all the country round. i was not fortunate enough to be in the neighbourhood at the right time of year to witness it. on the other side of the hainzenberg, where the mountain climber can take his start for the gerlozalp, is a little sanctuary called mariä-rastkapelle, and behind it runs a sparkling brook. of the chapel the following singular account is given:--in olden time there stood near the stream a patriarchal oak sacred to hulda; [ ] after the introduction of christianity the tree was hewn down, and as they felled it they heard hulda cry out from within. the people wanted to build up a chapel on the spot in honour of the blessed virgin, and began to collect the materials. no sooner had the labourers left their work, however, than there appeared an army of ravens, who, setting themselves vigorously to the task, carried every stone and every balk of wood to a neighbouring spot. this happened day after day, till at last the people took it as a sign that the soil profaned by the worship of hulda was not pleasing to heaven, and so they raised their chapel on the place pointed out by the ravens, where it now stands. after mayrhof, the next village (with three inns), in the neighbourhood of which garnets are found and mills for working them abound, the zillerthal spreads out into numerous branches of great picturesqueness, but adapted only to the hardy pedestrian, as the floitenthal, the sondergrundthal, the hundskehlthal (dog's-throat valley), the stillupethal, with its teufelsteg, a bridge spanning a giddy ravine, and its dashing series of waterfalls. the whole closed in by the zemmer range and its glaciers, the boundary against south-tirol, said to contain some of the finest scenery and best hunting-grounds in the country. it has been also called the 'el dorado' of the botanist and the mineralogist. the most important of these by-valleys is the duxerthal, by non-tiroleans generally written tuxerthal, a very high-lying tract of country, and consequently one of the coldest and wildest districts of tirol. nevertheless, its enclosed and secluded retreat retains a saying perhaps many thousand years old, that once it was a bright and fertile spot yielding the richest pastures, and that then the population grew so wanton in their abundance that they wasted their substance. then there came upon them from above an icy blast, before which their children and their young cattle sank down and died; and the herbage was, as it were, bound up, and the earth was hardened, so that it only brought forth scarce and stunted herbs, and the mountain which bounded their pleasant valley itself turned to ice, and is called to this day die gefrorene wand, the frozen wall. the scattered population of this remote valley numbered so few souls, that they depended on neighbouring villages for their ecclesiastical care, and during winter when shut in by the snow within their natural fastnesses, were cut off from all spiritual ministration, so that the bodies of those who died were preserved in a large chest, of which the remains are yet shown, until the spring made their removal to mattrey possible. in the middle of the seventeenth century they numbered souls, and have now increased to about , ; about the year they built a church of their own, which is now served by two or three priests. for the first couple of miles the valley sides are so steep, that the only level ground between them is the bed of an oft-times torrential stream, but yet they are covered almost to the very top with a certain kind of verdure; further on it widens out into the district of hinterdux, which is a comparatively pleasant cheerful spot, with some of the small cattle (which are reared here as better adapted to the gradients on which they have to find their food,) browsing about, and sundry goats and sheep, quite at home on the steeps. but scarce a tree or shrub is to be seen--just a few firs, and here and there a solitary mountain pine; and in the coldest season the greatest suffering is experienced from want of wood to burn. the only resource is grubbing up the roots remaining from that earlier happier time, which but for this proof might have been deemed fabulous. the hardships which the inhabitants of this valley cheerfully undergo ought to serve as a lesson of diligence indeed. the whole grass-bearing soil is divided among them. the more prosperous have a cow or more of their own, by the produce of which they live; others take in cows from innsbruck and hall to graze. the butter they make becomes an article of merchandise, the transport of which over the mountain paths provides a hard and precarious livelihood for a yet poorer class; the pay is about a halfpenny per lb. per day, and to make the wage eke out a man will carry a hundred and a woman fifty to seventy pounds through all weathers and over dangerous paths, sleeping by night on the hard ground, the chance of a bundle of hay in winter being a luxury; and one of their snow-covered peaks is with a certain irony named the federbett. they make some six or seven cwt. of cheese in the year, but this is kept entirely for home consumption. the care of these cattle involves a labour which only the strongest constitution could stand--a continual climbing of mountains in the cold, often in the dark, during great part of the year allowing scarcely four or five hours for sleep. nor is this their only industry. they contrive also to grow barley and flax; this never ripens, yet they make from it a kind of yarn, which finds a ready sale in innsbruck; they weave from it too a coarse linen, which helps to clothe them, together with the home-spun wool of their sheep. also, by an incredible exercise of patience, they manage to heap up and support a sufficient quantity of earth round the rough and stony soil of their valley to set potatoes, carrots, and other roots. notwithstanding all these hardships, they are generally a healthy race, remarkable for their endurance, frugality, and love of home. neither does their hard life make them neglect the improvement of the mind; nowhere are schools more regularly attended, although the little children have many of them an hour or two's walk through the snow. the church is equally frequented; so that if the great cold be sent, as the legend teaches, as a chastisement, [ ] the people seem to have had grace given them to turn it to good account. the zemgrund, zamsergrund, and the schwarzensteingrund, are other pedestrian excursions much recommended from mayrhof, but all equally require the aid of local guides, and have less to repay toil than those already described. travellers who merely pass through tirol by rail may catch a sight of the mountains which hem in the duxerthal, just after passing the station of steinach, on their left hand, when facing the south. chapter iv. north tirol--unterinnthal (right inn-bank). (zillerthal customs.--the wildschÖnau.) deep secret springs lie buried in man's heart, which nature's varied aspect works at will; whether bright hues or shadows she impart, or fragrant odours from her breath distil, or the clear air with sounds melodious fill; she speaks a language with instruction fraught, and art from nature steals her mimic skill, whose birds, whose rills, whose sighing winds first taught that sound can charm the soul, and rouse each noble thought. lady charlotte bury. we had parted from the zillerthal, and had once more taken our places in the railway carriage at jenbach for a short stage to reach kundl, [ ] as a base of operations for visiting the wildschönau, as well as the country on the other side of the inn. the entry was effected with the haste usual at small stations, where the advent of a traveller, much more of a party of tourists, is an exceptional event. the adjustment of our bags and rugs was greatly facilitated by the assistance of the only occupant of the compartment into which we were thrust; and when we had settled down and expressed our thanks for his urbanity, i observed that he eyed us with an amused but not unpleasant scrutiny. at last his curiosity overcame his reticence. 'i have frequent occasion to travel this way to munich and vienna,' he said, 'and i do not remember ever to have fallen in with any strangers starting from jenbach.' the conversation so opened soon revealed that our new friend, though spending most of his time in the bavarian and austrian capitals, nevertheless retained all a mountaineer's fondness for the tirolese land, which had given him birth some seventy years before. he was greatly interested in our exploration of the zillerthal, but much annoyed that we were leaving instead of entering it; had it been the other way, he said, he would have afforded us an acquaintance with local customs such as, he was sure, no other part of europe could outvie. i assured him i had been disappointed at not coming across them during our brief visit, but fully hoped on some future occasion to have better success. he warmly recommended me not to omit the attempt, and for my encouragement cited a local adage testifying to the attractions of the valley-- wer da kommt in's zillerthal der kommt gewiss zum zweitenmal. [ ] he was interesting us much in his vividly-coloured sketches of peasant life, when the train came to a stand; the guard shouted 'kundl,' and we were forced to part. he gave us an address in munich, however, where we were afterwards fortunate enough to find him; and he then gave me some precious particulars, which i was not slow to garner. he seemed to know the people well, having lived much among them in his younger days, and claimed for them--perhaps with some little partiality--the character of being industrious, temperate, moral, and straightforward, even above the other dwellers in tirol; and no less, of being physically the finest race. their pure bracing mountain air, the severe struggle which nature wages with them in their cultivation of the fruits of the soil, and the hardy athletic pursuits with which they vary their round of agricultural labour, tend to maintain and ever invigorate this original stock of healthfulness. their athletic games are indeed an institution to which they owe much, and which they keep up with a devotion only second to that with which they cultivate their religious observances. every national and social festival is celebrated with these games. the favourite is the scheibenschiessen, or shooting at a mark, for accuracy in which they are celebrated in common with the inhabitants of all other districts of the country, but are beaten by none; their stutze (short-barrelled rifle) they regard more in the light of a friend and companion than a weapon, and dignify it with the household name of the bread-winner. wrestling is another favourite sport; to be the champion wrestler of the hamlet is a distinction which no inhabitant of the zillerthal would barter for gold. the best 'haggler,' 'mairraffer,' and 'roblar'--three denominations of wrestlers--are regarded somewhat in the light of a superior order of persons, and command universal respect. in wilder times, it is true, this ran into abuse; and some who had attained excellence in an art so dangerous when misapplied betook themselves to a life of violence and freebooting; but this has entirely passed away now, and anything like a highway robbery is unheard of. the most chivalrous rules guard the decorum of the game, which every bystander feels it a point of honour to maintain; the use even of the stossring, a stout metal ring for the little finger, by which a telling and sometimes disfiguring blow may be given by a dexterous hand, is discouraged. it is still worn, however, and prized more than as a mere ornament--as a challenge of the wearer's power to wield it if he choose, or if provoked to show his prowess. running in races--which, i know not why, they call springen--obtains favour at some seasons of the year. at bowls and skittles, too, they are famous hands; and in their passion for the games have originated a number of fantastic stories of how the fairies and wild men of the woods indulge in them too. many a herdsman, on his long and solitary watch upon the distant heights, gives to the noises of nature which he has heard, but could not account for, an origin which lives in the imagination of those to whom he recounts it on his return home; and his fancies are recorded as actual events. but that the spirits play at skittles, and with gold and silver balls, is further confirmed by peasants who have lost their way in mists and snow-storms, and whose troubled dreams have made pleasant stories. one of these, travelling with his pedlar's pack, sought refuge from the night air in the ruined castle of starkenberg, the proud stronghold of a feudal family, second only in importance to the rottenburgers, and equally brought low by friedrich mit der leeren tasche. the pedlar was a bold wrestler, and felt no fear of the airy haunters of ruined castles. he made a pillow of his pack, and laid him down to sleep as cosily as if at home, in the long dank grass; nevertheless, when the clock of the distant village church--to whose striking he had been listening hour by hour with joy, as an earnest that by the morning light he would know how to follow its guiding to the inhabited locality it denoted--sang out the hour of midnight, twelve figures in ancient armour stalked into the hall, and set themselves to play at bowls, for which they were served with skulls. the pedlar was a famous player, and nothing daunted, took up a skull, and set himself to play against them, and beat them all; then there was a shout of joy, such as mortal ears had never heard, and the twelve spirits declared they were released. scarcely had they disappeared, when ten more spirits, whom the pedlar concluded like the last to be retainers of the mighty starkenberger of old, entered by different doors, which they carefully locked behind them, and then bringing our hero the keys, begged him to open the doors each with the right one. the pedlar was a shrewd fellow; and though doors, keys, and spirits were each alike of their kind, his observation had been so accurate that he opened each with the right key without hesitation, whereupon the ten spirits declared themselves released too. then came in the evil one, furious with the pedlar, who was setting free all his captives, and swore he would have him in their stead. but the pedlar demanded fair play, and offered to stake his freedom on a game with his arch-impiety. the pedlar won, and the demon withdrew in ignominy; but the released spirits came round their deliverer, and loaded him with as much gold and valuable spoil as he could carry. this story seemed to me to belong to a class not unfrequently met with, but yet differing from the ordinary run of legends on this subject, inasmuch as the spirits, who were generally believed to be bound to earth in penance, were released by no act of christian virtue, and without any appeal to faith; and i could not help asking my old friend if he did not think this very active clever pedlar might have been one of those who according to his own version had indulged in freebooting tendencies, and that having with a true zillerthaler's tendencies pined to return to his native valley, he had invented the tale to account for his accession of fortune, and the nature of his possessions. i think my friend was a little piqued at my unmasking his hero, but he allowed it was not an improbable solution for the origin of some similar tales. prizes, he went on to tell me, are often set up for excellence in these games, which are cherished as marks of honour, without any reference to their intrinsic value. and so jealously is every distinction guarded, that a youth may not wear a feather or the sprig of rosemary, bestowed by a beloved hand, in his jaunty hat, unless he is capable of proving his right to it by his pluck and muscular development. dancing is another favourite recreation, and is pursued with a zest which makes it a healthful and useful exercise too. the schnodahüpfl and the hosennagler are as dear to the zillerthaler as the bolera to the andalusian or the jota to the aragonese; like the spanish seguidillas, too, the zillerthalers accompany their dance with sprightly songs, which are often directed to inciting each other not to flag. another amusement, in which they have a certain similarity with spaniards, is cow-fighting. but it is not a mere sport, and cruelty is as much avoided as possible, for the beasts are made to fight only with each other, and only their natural weapons--each other's horns--are brought against them. the victorious cow is not only the glory and darling of her owner, who loads her with garlands and caresses; but the fight serves to ascertain the hardy capacity of the animals as leaders of the herd, an office which is no sinecure, when they have to make their way to and from steep pastures difficult of access. [ ] ram and goat fights are also held in the same way, and with the same object. the chief occasions for exercising these pastimes are the village festivals, the kirchtag, or anniversary of the church consecration, the carnival season, weddings and baptisms, and the opening of the season for the scheibenschiessen; also the days of pilgrimages to various popular shrines; and the primizen and sekundizen--the first mass of their pastors, and its fiftieth anniversary--general festivals all over tirol. a season of great enjoyment is the carnival, which with them begins at the epiphany. their great delight then is to go out in the dusk of evening, when work is over, disguised in various fantastic dresses, and making their way round from house to house, set the inmates guessing who they can be. as they are very clever in arranging all the accessories of their assumed character, changing their voice and mien, each visit is the occasion of the most laughable mistakes. in the towns, the carnival procession is generally got up with no little taste and artistic skill. the arch-buffoon goes on ahead, a loud and merry jingle of bells announcing his advent at every movement of the horse he bestrides, collects the people out of every house. then follow, also mounted, a train of maskers, turks, soldiers, gipsies, pirates; and if there happen to be among them anyone representing a judge or authority of any sort, he is always placed at the head of the tribe. in the evening, their perambulations over, they assemble in the inn, where the acknowledged wag of the locality reads a humorous diatribe, which touches on all the follies and events, that can be anyhow made to wear a ridiculous aspect, of the past year. christmas--here called christnacht as well as weihnacht--is observed (as all over the country, but especially here) by dispensing the kloubabrod, a kind of dough cake, stuffed with sliced pears, almonds, nuts, and preserved fruits. the making of this is a particular item in the education of a zillerthaler maiden, who has a special interest in it, inasmuch as the one she prepares for the household must have the first cut in it made by her betrothed, who at the same time gives her some little token of his affection in return. speaking of christmas customs reminded my informant of an olden custom in brixen, that the bishop should make presents of fish to his retainers. this fish was brought from the garda-see, and the graf of tirol and the prince-bishop of trent were wont to let it pass toll-free through their dominions. a curious letter is extant, written by bishop rötel, 'an sambstag nach stæ. barbaræ, ,' courteously enforcing this privilege. the sternsingen is a favourite way of keeping the epiphany in many parts of the country. three youths, one of them with his face blackened, and all dressed to represent the three kings, go about singing from homestead to homestead; and in some places there is a herod ready to greet them from the window with riming answers to their verses, of which the following is a specimen: it is the address of the first king-- könig kaspar bin ich gennant komm daher aus morgenland komm daher in grosser eil vierzehn tag, fünftausend meil. melchores tritt du herein. [ ] melchior, thus appealed to, stands forward and sings his lay; and then balthazar; and then the three join in a chorus, in which certain hints are given that as they come from so far some refreshment would be acceptable; upon which the friendly peasant-wife calls them in, and regales them with cakes she has prepared ready for the purpose, and sends them on their mountain-way rejoicing. possibly some such custom may have given rise to the institution of our 'twelfth-cake.' in the oetzthal they go about with the greeting, 'gelobt sei jesus christus zur gömacht.' [ ] another tirolean custom connected with epiphany was the blessing of the stalls of the cattle on the eve, in memory of the stable in which the wise men found the holy family. their wedding fêtes seem to be among the most curious of all their customs. my friend gave me a detailed account of one, between two families of the better class of peasants, which he had attended some years back; and he believed they were little changed since. it is regarded as an occasion of great importance; and as soon as the banns had been asked in church, the bridegroom went round with a chosen friend styled a hochzeitsbitter, to invite friends and relations to the marriage. the night before the wedding (for which throughout tirol a thursday is chosen, except in the iselthal, where a preference for monday prevails), there was a great dance at the house of the bride, who from the moment the banns have been asked is popularly called the kanzel-braut. 'rather, i should say,' he pursued, 'it was in the barn; for though a large cottage, there was no room that would contain the numbers of merry couples who flocked in, and even the barn was so crowded, that the dancers could but make their way with difficulty, and were continually tumbling over one another; but it was a merry night, for all were in their local costume, and the pine-wood torches shed a strange and festive glare over them. the next morning all were assembled betimes. it was a bitterly cold day, but the snow-storm was eagerly hailed, as it is reckoned a token that the newly-wedded pair will be rich; we met first at the bride's house for what they called the morgensuppe, a rough sort of hearty breakfast of roast meat, white bread, and sausages; and while the elder guests were discussing it, many were hard at work again dancing, and the young girls of the village were dressing up the bride--one of the adornments de rigueur being a knot of streamers of scarlet leather trimmed with gold lace, and blue arm-bands and hat-ribbons; these streamers are thought by the simple people to be a cure for goitres, and are frequently bound round them with that idea. at ten o'clock the first church bell rang, when all the guests hastily assembled round the table, and drank the health of the happy pair in a bowl from which they had first drank. then they ranged themselves into a procession, and marched towards the church, the musicians leading the way. the nearest friends of the bridal pair were styled "train-bearers," and formed a sort of guard of honour round the bride, walking bare-headed, their hats, tastily wreathed with flowers, in their hands. the priest of the village walked by the bride on one side, her parents on the other. she wore a wreath of rosemary--a plant greatly prized here, as among the people of spain and italy, and considered typical of the blessed virgin's purity--in her hair; her holiday dress was confined by a girdle, and she held her rosary in her hand. the bridegroom was almost as showily dressed, and wore a crown of silver wire; beside him walked another priest, and behind them came the host of the village inn, a worthy who holds a kind of patriarchal position in our villages. he is always one of the most important men of the place, generally owns the largest holding of land, and drives one or two little trades besides attending to the welfare of his guests. but more than this, he is for the most part a man of upright character and pleasant disposition, and is often called to act as adviser and umpire in rural complications. 'the procession was closed by the friends and neighbours, walking two and two, husband and wife together; and the church bells rang merrily through the valley as it passed along. 'the ceremonial in the church was accompanied with the best music the locality could afford, the best singers from the neighbouring choirs lending their voices. to add to the solemnity of the occasion, lighted tapers were held by the bridal party at the elevation; and it was amusing to observe how the young people shunned a candle that did not burn brightly, as that is held to be an omen of not getting married within the year. at the close of the function, the priest handed round to them the johannissegen, a cup of spiced wine mixed with water, which he had previously blessed, probably so called in memory of the miracle at the wedding-feast recorded in the gospel of that apostle. 'the band then struck up its most jocund air, and full of mirth the gladsome party wended their way to the inn. after a light repast and a short dance, and a blithesome trutzlied, they passed on, according to custom, to the next, and so on to all the inns within a radius of a few miles. this absorbed about three or four hours; and then came the real wedding banquet, which was a very solid and long affair--in fact, i think fresh dishes were being brought in one after another for three or four hours more. even in this there was a memory of the gospel narrative, for in token of their joy they keep for the occasion a fatted calf, the whole of which is served up joint by joint, not omitting the head; this was preceded by soup, and followed by a second course of sweet dumplings, with fruit and the inevitable pickled cabbage, which on this day is dignified with the title of ehrenkraut. after this came a pause; and the musicians, who had been playing their loudest hitherto, held in too. the "best man" rose, and went through the formula of asking the guests whether they were content with what had been set before them, which of course was drowned in a tumult of applause. in a form, which serves from generation to generation with slight change, he then went on to remark that the good gifts of meat and drink of which they had partaken came from the hand of god, and called forth the gratitude of the receiver, adding, "let us thank him for them, and still more in that he has made us reasonable beings, gifting us with faith, and not brutes or unbelievers. if we turn to him in this spirit, he will abide with us as with them of cana in galilee. therefore, let all anger and malice and evil speaking be put away from us, who have just been standing before the most holy sacrament, and let us be united in the bonds of brotherly love, that his blood may not have been poured out for us in vain. and to you, dear friends, who have this day been united with the grace-giving benediction of the church, i commend this union of heart and soul most of all, that the new family thus founded in our midst may help to build up the living edifice of a people praising and serving god, and that you walk in his way, and bring up children to serve him as our forefathers have ever done." there was a good deal more in the same strain; and this exhortation to holy living, from one of themselves, is just a type of the intimate way in which religion enters into the life of the people. his concluding wish for the well-being of the newly married was followed by a loud "our father" and "hail mary" from the assembled throng. 'after this came a great number more dishes of edibles, but this time of a lighter kind; among them liver and poultry, but chiefly fruits and sweets; and among these many confections of curious devices, mostly with some symbolical meaning. when these were nearly despatched, wine and brandy were brought out by the host; and by this name you must understand the master of the inn; for, true to the paternal character of which i have already spoken, it is always his business to cater for and preside over bridal banquets. at the same time the guests produced their presents, which go by the name of waisat, and all were set down in a circumstantial catalogue. they are generally meted out with an open hand, and are a great help to the young people in beginning their housekeeping. 'the musicians, who only got hasty snatches of the good things passing round, now began yet livelier strains, and the party broke up that the younger members might give themselves to their favourite pastime, dancing; and well enough they looked, the lads in brilliant red double-breasted waistcoats, their short black leather breeches held up with embroidered belts, and their well-formed high-pointed hats with jaunty brim, going through the intricate evolutions, each beating the time heartily, first on his thighs and then on his feet--schuhplatteln they call it--and followed through the mazy figures by his diandl (damsel), in daintily fitting satin bodice, and short but ample skirt. 'the older people still lingered over the table, and looked on at the dance, which they follow with great interest; but there is not a great deal of drinking, and it is seldom enough, even in the midst of an occasion for such exceptional good cheer, that any excess is committed. a taste for brandy--the poor brandy of their own manufacture--is however, i confess, a weakness of the zillerthalers. the necessity for occasionally having recourse to stimulants results from the severity of the climate during part of the year, and the frequently long exposure to the mountain air which their calling requires of them. at the same time, anything like a confirmed drunkard is scarcely known among them. its manufacture affords to many an occupation; and its use to all, of both sexes, is a national habit. they make it out of barley, juniper, and numbers of other berries (which they wander collecting over all the neighbouring alps), as well as rye, potatoes, and other roots--in fact, almost anything. every commercial bargain, every operation in the field, every neighbourly discussion, every declaration of affection even, is made under its afflatus. an offer of a glass of the cordial will often make up a long-harboured quarrel, a refusal to share one is taken to be a studied affront; in fact, this zutrinken, as they call it, comes into every act and relation of life. in the moderate bounds within which they keep its use, it is undeniably a great boon to them; and many a time it has been the saving of life in the mountains to the shepherd and the milk-maid, the snow-bound labourer or retarded pedlar.' i was curious to know what customs the other valley had to replace those of the ziller. my friend informed me they were very similar, only the zillerthalers were celebrated for their attachment to and punctual observance of them. he had once attended a wedding in the grödnerthal which was very similar to the one he had already described, yet had some distinct peculiarities. though a little out of place, i may as well bring in his account of it here. there, the betrothal is called der handschlag (lit. the hand-clasp), and it is always performed on a saturday. the fathers of the bride and bridegroom and other nearest relations are always present as witnesses; and if the bride does not cry at the projected parting, it is said she will have many tears to shed during her married life. the first time the banns are asked it is not considered 'the thing' for the betrothed to be present, and they usually go to church on that occasion in some neighbouring village; on the second sunday they are expected to appear in state, the bridegroom wearing his holiday clothes and a nosegay in his hat or on his right breast. the bride always wears the local costume, a broadish brimmed green hat, a scarlet boddice and full black skirt, though this is now only worn on such occasions; on the day of the wedding, to this is added a broad black satin ribbon round her head, and round her waist a leather girdle with a number of useful articles in plated copper hanging from it. on each side are arranged red and green streamers with very great nicety, and no change of fashion is suffered in their position; she is expected to wear a grave mien and modest deportment; this is particularly enjoined. the guests are also expected to don the popular costume; the girls green, the married women black hats. on the way to the church the bridegroom's father and his nearest neighbour came forward, and with many ceremonies asked the bride of her friends, and she went crying coyly with them. after the church ceremony, which concludes as in zillerthal with the cup of s. johannessegen, the bridesmaids hand in a basket decked with knots of ribbon, containing offerings for the priests and servers, and a wreath, which is fastened round the priest's arm who leads the bride out of church. the visit to the neighbouring inn follows; but at the wedding feast guests come in in masquerading dresses bringing all manner of comical presents. the dance here lasts till midnight, when the happy pair are led home by their friends to an accompaniment of music, for which they have a special melody. the next day again there are games, and the newly married go in procession with their friends to bear home the trousseau and wedding gifts, among which is always a bed and bedding. on their way back beggars are allowed to bar the way at intervals, who must be bought off with alms. on the sunday following the bride is expected again to appear at church in the local costume, and in the afternoon all the guests of the wedding day again gather in the inn to present their final offering of good wishes and blessings. girls who are fond of cats, they say, are sure to marry early; perhaps an evidence that household virtues are appreciated in them by the men; but of men, the contrary is predicated, showing that the other sex is expected to display hardihood in the various mountaineering and other out-door occupations. [ ] kundl, whither we were bound before being tempted to make this digression, gives entrance to the wildschönau according to modern orthography, the witschnau, or wiltschnau, according to local and more correct pronunciation (sometimes corrupted into mitschnau), as the name is derived from wiltschen, to flow, and au, water, the particular water in this case being the kundler-ache, which here flows into the inn. it is a little valley improving in beauty as you pursue it eastwards, not more than seven leagues in length, and seldom visited, for its roads are really only fit for pedestrians; hence its secluded inhabitants have acquired a character for being suspicious of strangers, though proverbially hospitable to one another. one of its points of greatest interest is the church of st. leonhard, described in the last chapter. overhanging the road leading from it to kundl, stand the remains of the castle of niederaich, now converted into a farm stable, and its moat serving as a conduit of water for the cattle. at the time it was built by ambrose blank in the sixteenth century, the silver mines then in work made this a most flourishing locality. at that time, too, there stood overlooking the town the kundlburg, of which still slighter traces remain, the residence of the kummerspruggers, who, in the various wars, always supported the house of bavaria. the chief industry of kundl at present is the construction of the boats which navigate the inn, and carry the rich produce of the tirolean pastures to vienna. oberau is situated on a commanding plateau, and its unpretending inn 'auf dem keller,' offers a good resting-place. the church was burnt down in , and the present one, remarkable for its size if for nothing else, was completed just a hundred years ago. it is, however, remarkable also for its altar-piece--the blessed virgin between s. barbara and s. margaret--by a local artist, and far above what might be expected in so sequestered a situation. at a distance of three or four miles, niederau is reached, passing first a sulphur spring, esteemed by the peasants of the neighbourhood. the openest and most smiling--most friendly, to use the german expression--part of the valley is between auffach and kelchsau, where is situated kobach, near which may be seen lateral shafts of the old mines extending to a distance of many hundred feet. from kelchsau a foot-path leads in an hour more to hörbrunn, where there is a brisk little establishment of glass-works, whose productions go all over tirol. then westwards over the plaknerjoch to altbach, passing thierberg (not the same as that mentioned near kufstein), once the chief seat of the silver-works, its only remaining attraction being the beautiful view to be obtained from its heights over the banks of the inn, and the whole extent of country between it and bavaria. from altbach it is an hour more back to brixlegg. the memory of the former metallic wealth of the valley is preserved in numerous tales of sudden riches overtaking the people in all manner of different ways, as in the specimens already given. here is a similar one belonging to this spot. a peasant going out with his waggon found one day in the way a heap of fine white wheat. shocked that god's precious gift should be trodden under foot, he stopped his team and gathered up the grain, of which there was more than enough to fill all his pockets; when he arrived at his destination, he found them full of glittering pieces of money. the origin of the story doubtless may be traced to some lucky take of ore which the finder was able to sell at the market town; and the price which he brought home was spoken of as the actual article discovered. another relic of the mining works may perhaps be found in the following instance of another class of stories, though some very like it doubtless refer to an earlier belief in hobgoblins closely allied to our own robin goodfellow. i think a large number date from occasions when the knappen or miners, who formed a tribe apart, may have come to the aid of the country people when in difficulty. the unterhausberg family was once powerful in wiltschnau. when their mighty house was building, the great foundation-stone was so ponderous that it defied all the efforts of the builders to put it in its place. at last they sat down to dinner; then there suddenly came out of the mountain side a number of wiltschnau dwarfs, who, without any effort, lowered the great stone into its appointed place; the men offered them the best portion of their dinner, but they refused any reward. the dwarfs were not always so urbane, however, and there are many stories of their tricks: lying down in the pathways in the dark to make the people tumble over them; then hiding behind a tree, and with loud laughter mocking the disaster; [ ] throwing handfuls of pebbles and ashes at the peasant girls as they passed; getting into the store-room, and mixing together the potatoes, carrots, grain, and flour, which the housewife had carefully assorted and arranged. it was particularly on women that their tricks were played off; and this to such an extent that it became the custom, even now prevailing, never to send women to the hochalm with the herds, though they go out into other equally remote mountain districts without fear, for their kasa (the hut for shelter at night, here so called, in other parts sennhütte,) was sure to be beset with the dwarfs, and their milk-pails overturned. all these feats may, i think, be ascribed in their origin to the knappen. the neighbourhood of thierberg has a story which i think also has its source in mining memories. 'on the way between altbach and thierbach you pass two houses bearing the name of "beim thaler." in olden time there lived here a peasant of moderate means, who owned several head of cattle; moidl, the maid, whose duty it was to take them out to pasture on the sunny hill-side, always looked out anxiously for the first tokens of spring; for she loved better to watch the cows and goats browsing the fresh grass, or venturously climbing the heights, to sitting in the chimney-corner dozing over the spinning-wheel. one day as she was at her favourite occupation, she heard a noise behind her, and turning round saw a door open in the mountain side, and two or three little men with long beards peeping out. within, all was dazzling with gold like the brightest sunshine. the walls were covered with plates of gold, placed one over the other like scales, and knobs of gold like pine-apples studded the vault. the little men beckoned to moidl to come in, but she, like a modest maiden, ran home to her father; when he returned with her, however, to the spot, the door was no more to be found.' i think it may very well be imagined that moidl came unawares upon the opening of a lateral shaft, and listened to the accounts which the knappen may have amused themselves with giving her of the riches of their diggings; while she may very naturally have been afraid to explore these. the disappearance of the mysterious opening is but the ordinary refrain of marvellous tales. the witschnauers cannot be accused of any dreamy longings after the recurrence of such prosperous times. they are among the most diligent tillers of the land to be found anywhere; the plough is carried over places where the uneven gradients make the guiding of horses or oxen a too great expenditure of time; in such places they do not disdain to harness themselves to the plough, and even the women take their turn in relieving them. of one husbandman of olden time it is narrated that he was even too eager in his thrift, and carried his furrow a little way on to his neighbour's land year by year, so that by the time he came to die he had appropriated a good strip of land not his own. his penance was, that after death he should continually tread up and down the stolen soil, dragging after him a red-hot ploughshare, in performing which his wail was often overhead-- o weh! wie is der pflug so heiss und niemand mir zu helfen weiss! [ ] until one of his successors in the farm, being a particularly honourable man, removed the boundary-stone back to its original position. he had no sooner done so than he had the satisfaction of hearing the spectre cry-- erlöst, gott sei dank, bin ich jetzt der markstein ist auch rechtgesetzt. [ ] another class of legends has also a home in this locality. it is told that a peasant from oberau was going home from thierbach, one epiphany eve. it was a cold night; his feet crunched the crisp snow at every step; the air was clear, and the stars shone brightly. the peasant's head, however, was not so clear as the sky, for he came from the tavern, where he had been spending a merry evening with his boon companions. thus it happened that instead of walking straight on, he gave one backward step for every three forward, like the umgehende schuster; [ ] and thus he went staggering about till he came to the rastbank, which is even yet sought as a point where to rest and overlook the view. it struck twelve as he seated himself on the bench; then suddenly behind him he heard a sound of many voices, which came on nearer and nearer, and then the berchtl in her white clothing, her broken ploughshare in her hand, and all her train of little people [ ] swept clattering and chattering close past him. the least was the last, and it wore a long shirt which got in the way of its little bare feet, and kept tripping it up. the peasant had sense enough left to feel compassion, so he took his garter off and bound it for a girdle round the infant, and then set it again on its way. when the berchtl saw what he had done, she turned back and thanked him, and told him that in return for his compassion his children should never come to want. this story, i think there is little doubt, may be genuine; your wiltschenauer is as fond of brandy as your zillerthaler, and under its influence the peasant may very likely have passed a troubled night on the rastbank. what more likely to cross his fancy on the epiphany eve than the thought of a visit from the berchtl and her children (they always appear in tirol at that season, and in rags and tatters [ ]); his own temperament being compassionate, that he should help the stumbling little one, and that the berchtl should give him promise of reward was all that might be expected from certain premises. but what are those premises? who was the berchtl? if you ask a tirolean peasant the question, he will probably tell you that the perchtl (as he will call her) is pontius pilate's wife, [ ] to whom redemption was given by reason of her intervention in favour of the man of sorrows, but that it is her penance to wander over the earth till the last day as a restless spirit; and that as the epiphany was the season of favour to the gentiles, among whose first-fruits she was, it is at that season she is most often seen, and in her most favourable mood. it must be confessed that some of his stories of her will betray a certain amount of inconsistency, for he will represent her carrying off children, wounding belated passengers, and performing many acts inconsistent with the character of a penitent soul, and more in accordance with that of the more ancient 'lamia.' if you address your question to grimm, or wolf, simrock, kuhn, schwartz, or mannhardt, or any who have made comparative mythology their study, he will tell you that the stories about her (and probably all the other marvellous tales of the people also) are to be traced back to the earliest mythological traditions of a primeval glimmering of religion spread abroad over the whole world; and to the poetical forms of expression of a primitive population describing the wonderful but constantly repeated operations of nature. [ ] that the wilder jäger was originally the god wodin, the hunter of unerring aim, that his impetuous course typifies the journey of the sun-god through the heavens, [ ] his mighty arm represents his powerful rays; and in even so late a tale as 'that of william tell, he will see the last reflections of the sun-god, whether we call him indra, or apollo, or ulysses.' [ ] he will tell you that all 'the countless legends of princesses kept in dark prisons and invariably delivered by a young bright knight can all be traced back to mythological traditions about the spring being released from the bonds of winter; the sun being rescued from the darkness of night; the dawn being brought back from the far west; the waters being set free from the prison of clouds.' [ ] and of the berchtl herself, he will tell you that she is perahta (the bright), daughter of dagha (the day), whose name has successively been transformed into perchtl and bertha; brightness or whiteness has made her to be considered the goddess of winter; who particularly visited the earth for twelve winter nights, and spoilt all the flax of those idle maidens who left any unspun on the last day of the year; [ ] who carries in her hand a broken plough in token that the ground is hardened against tillage; whose brightness has also made her to be reckoned the all-producing earth-mother, with golden hair like the waving corn; the hertha of the swabian; the jörtha of scandinavian; [ ] the berecynthia of the phrygian; [ ] and to other nations known as cybele, rhea, isis, diana. [ ] such ideas were too deeply rooted in the minds of the people to be easily superseded; as my friend, the feldkirch postilion, said, they went on and on like the echoes of their own mountains. 'the missionaries were not afraid of the old heathen gods; ... their kindly feeling towards the traditions, customs, and prejudices of their converts must have been beneficial; ... they allowed them the use of the name allfadir, whom they had invoked in the prayers of their childhood, when praying to him who is "our father in heaven."' and as with the greater, so with the less, the mighty powers they had personified and treated as heroes and examples lived on in their imagination, and their glorious deeds came to be ascribed to the new athletes of a brighter faith. then, 'although originally popular tales were reproductions of more ancient legends, yet after a time a general taste was created for marvellous stories, and new ones were invented in large numbers. even in these purely imaginative productions, analogies may be discovered with more genuine tales, because they were made after the original patterns, and in many cases were mere variations on an ancient air.' [ ] more than this, there came the actual accession of marvels derived from the acts inspired by the new faith; but it cannot be denied that the two became strangely blended in the popular mind. brixlegg presents some appearance of thriving, through the smelting and wire-drawing works for the copper ore brought from the neighbourhood of schwatz. it also enjoys some celebrity as the birthplace of the tirolean historian burgleckner, whose family had been respected here for generations; and it is very possible to put up for the night at the herrenhaus. it is not much above a mile hence to rattenberg, of which i have already spoken. rattenberg was, in , the scene of a tragic event, sad as the denouement of many a fiction. the high-spirited consort of archduke leopold v., claudia de' medici, who, at his death, governed the country so well, and by her sagacity kept her dominions at peace, while the rest of germany was immersed in the horrors of the thirty years' war, yet did not altogether escape the charge of occasional harshness in collecting the revenues which she knew so well how to administer. her chancellor, wilhelm biener, a trusty and devoted servant and counsellor, drew on himself considerable odium for his zeal in these matters. on one occasion he got into a serious controversy with crosini, bishop of brixen, concerning the payment of certain taxes from which the prelate claimed exemption, and in the course of it wrote him a letter couched in such very unguarded terms, that the bishop, unused to be so dealt with, could not forbear exclaiming, 'the man deserves to lose the fingers that could write such an intemperate effusion!' the exclamation was not thought of again till years after. claudia died in , and then the hatred against biener, which was also in some measure a hatred of races, for claudia had many southerners at her court, broke forth without hindrance. he was accused [ ] of appropriating the state money he had been so earnest in collecting, and though tried by two italian judges, he was ultimately condemned, in , to lose his head. biener sent a statement of his case to the archduke ferdinand karl; and the young prince, believing the honesty of his mother's faithful adviser, immediately ordered a reprieve. the worst enemy and prime accuser of the fallen favourite was schmaus, president of the council, this time a german, and he contrived by detaining the messenger to make him arrive just too late in rattenberg, then still a strong fortress, where he lay confined, and where the sentence was to be carried out. biener had all along steadfastly maintained his innocence; and stepping on to the scaffold, he had again repeated the assertion, adding, 'so truly as i am innocent, i summon my accuser before the judgment-seat above before another year is out.' [ ] when the executioner stooped to lift up the head before the people, he found lying by its side three fingers of his right hand, without having had any knowledge that he had struck them off, though he might have done so by the unhappy man having raised his hand in the way of the sword in the last struggle. the people, however, saw in it the fulfillment of the words of the bishop, as well as a ghastly challenge accompanying his dying message to president schmaus. nor did they forget to note that the latter died of a terrible malady some months before the close of the year. biener's wife lost her senses when she knew the terrible circumstances of his death; the consolations of her director and of her son, who lived to his ninetieth year in the francescan convent at innsbruck, were alike powerless to calm her. she escaped in the night, and wandered out into the mountains no one knows whither. but the people say she lives on to be a witness of her husband's innocence, and may be met on lonely ways proclaiming it, but never harming any. only, when anyone is to die in büchsenhausen, [ ] where her married life passed so pleasantly, the 'bienerweible' will appear and warn them. it is a remarkable instance of the easy way in which one myth passes into another, that though this event happened but a little over two hundred years ago, the bienerweible and the berchtl are already confounded in the popular mind. [ ] another name prized in tirolese annals, which must not be forgotten in connexion with rattenberg, is alois sandbichler, the bible commentator, who was born there in . he passed a brilliant career as professor in the university of salzburg, but died at the age of eighty in his native village. the neighbourhood of brixlegg is very pretty, and the views from the bridge by no means to be overlooked. chapter v. north tirol--unterinnthal. (left inn-bank.) the hilles, where dwelled holy saintes, i reverence and adore not for themselfe but for the saincts which han been dead of yore. and now they been to heaven forewent, their good is with them goe; their sample onely to us lent, that als we mought doe soe.--spenser. we have hitherto been occupied almost exclusively with the right bank of the inn. we will now return to jenbach, as a starting-point for the beauties of the left bank. near the station of jenbach is a 'restauration,' which bears the singular title of 'zum tolerantz.' in the town, which is at some little distance on the käsbach stream, the 'post' affords very decent accommodation; the dining-room of the more primitive 'brau' is a neat building in the swiss style, and commands a prospect which might more than compensate for even worse fare than it affords. jenbach had its name from being situated on the further side of the inn from that on which the old post-road had been carried. there are extensive iron-foundries and breweries, which give the place a busy aspect, and an air of prosperity. the excursions from jenbach are countless. between the stations of brixlegg and jenbach lie only münster and wiesing, with nothing remarkable, except that the church of wiesing, having been struck by lightning in , was rebuilt with stones taken from the neighbouring pulverthurm, built by the emperor maximilian, in , but destroyed by lightning at the same time as the church. count tannenberg's park (thiergarten), near here, is a most curious enclosure of natural rock, aided by masonry, and stocked with deer, fish, and fowl. then kramsach, and in the woods near it the hilariusbergl, once inhabited by two hermits, and still held sacred: also the strangely wild rettengschöss and its marbles; and several remarkable alpine peaks, particularly the zireinalpe and its little lake, bearing a memory of seirens in its traditions as well as in its name. here another river ache runs into the inn, distinguished from that on the opposite side, as the brandenberger ache. at its debouche stands voldepp, whence the mariathal and the mooserthal may be visited, and 'the neighbourhood is rich in marbles used in the churches of innsbruck.' [ ] the mooserthal is remarkable for three small lakes, which can be formed and let off at pleasure; they are the property of the barons of lichtenthurm, who fatten carp in them. the lowest of the three, the rheinthalersee, has the prettiest surroundings. weber says they are all fed by subterranean currents from the mountains. ball ('central alps') treats them as overflowings of the inn. the most flourishing town of the mariathal is achenrain, where there are extensive brass-works. mass is said for the out-lying operatives in the castle-chapel of lichtenthurm. the village of mariathal is very snugly situated, almost hidden by its woods from the road. its chief feature is the deserted convent of dominicanesses founded in the thirteenth century by ulrich and konrad v. freundsberg; their descendant, georg v. freundsberg, celebrated in the thirty years' war, whom we learn more about when we come to schwatz, also endowed the nuns liberally, bidding them pray for him; his effigy may still be seen in the church of mariathal; and the convent, even in its present condition, is a favourite pilgrimage. hence a rocky defile of wild and varied beauty, and many miles in length, leads into the brandenbergerthal, which reaches to the bavarian frontier. its highest point is the steinberg, to be recognized in the distance by its pyramidal form, which is situated within what the germans graphically term a cauldron (gebirgskessel) of mountains, and is shut off from all communication with the outer world by the snow during the winter months. the brandenbergers have been famous for their patriotism and defence of their independence during all the various conflicts with bavaria, and they love to call their native soil the heimaththal and the freiheitthal. the only tale of the supernatural i have met with as connected with this locality is the following; it has a certain wild grasp, but its moral is not easy to trace; it is analogous, however, to many traditions of other places. 'one of the jochs surrounding the brandenbergerthal was celebrated for its rich grasses; on its "alm" [ ] the cattle often found pasturage even late in the winter. the senner [ ] here watching his flocks was visited one christmas eve by an old man in thick winter clothing, with a mighty pine-staff in his hand; he begged the senner on the coming night to heat his hut as hot as ever he could, assuring him he would have no cause to regret his compliance. the senner thought it was a strange adventure, but congratulated himself that it might be the means of propitiating the goblins, of whose pranks in the winter nights he was not without his fears. so he heaped log upon log all day, till the hut was so hot he could hardly bear it. then he crept under a bench in the corner where a little chink gave a breath from the outer air, and waited to see what would come to pass. towards midnight he heard steps approaching nearer and nearer, and then there was a sound of heavy boots stamping off the snow. immediately after, seven men stepped into the room in silence. their boots and clothes were all frozen as hard as if they had been carved out of ice, and their very presence served to cool down the air of the hut to such an extent that the senner was now obliged to rub his hands. when they had stood a considerable space round the fire without uttering a word, they all seven left the hut as silently and solemnly as they had entered it. the senner now crawled out of his hiding-place, and a loud cry of joy burst spontaneously from his lips, for his hat, which he had left on the table, was full of bright shining golden zwanzigers. these seven, the legend goes on to say, 'were never seen but this once. they were the seven goldherds of the reiche spitze (on the salzburg frontier); for up there there are exhaustless treasures, but whatever a mortal takes of them during life, he must suffer the cold torment and keep watch over it after death; and of such there have been seven in the course of the world's ages.' with regard to 'the cold torment,' [ ] they have the following legend in the neighbourhood of innsbruck:--there was once a peasant who had been very unlucky, and got so deep in debt that he saw no way of extricating himself. unable to bear the sight of his starving family, he wandered out into the forest, until at last he met a strange-looking man in the old frankish costume, who came up to him and said, 'you are poor indeed, and know no means of help.' 'most true,' replied the peasant; 'of money and good counsel i can use more than you can have to bestow.' 'i will help you,' said the strange-looking man; 'i will give you as much money as you can use while you live, and all you have to do for it will be to bear the cold torment for me after you die; nothing but that, only just to feel rather too cold, and all that time hence--what does it matter?' the peasant retraced his steps, and as he drew near home his children came out to meet him with their pinafores full of gold, and all about the house there were heaps of gold, more than he could use; and he lived a merry life till the time came for him to die. then he remembered what was before him; so he called his wife to him, and got her to make him a whole suit of the thickest rough woollen cloth, and stockings, hood, and gloves of the same. in the night, before they had buried him, his boys saw him, just as the de profundis bell rang, get up from the bed in all this warm clothing, and shut the gate behind him, and go out into the forest to deliver the spirit which had enriched him. [ ] to the north-east of this valley, and still on the left bank of the inn, is the favourite pilgrimage of maria-stein. i have not learnt its origin, but there is a tradition that, in , baron schurff, to whom the neighbouring castle of stein then belonged, being desirous to take the precious likeness of the blessed virgin honoured there to his bavarian dwelling, thrice attempted the removal, and on each occasion it was found by the next morning restored to its original sanctuary, which is in a chapel at the top of a high tower. the castle was a dependency of the freundsbergers of schwatz, till the family died out. it was subsequently bestowed by the archduke sigismund on one of his supporters, to whom he gave also the title of baron schurff. afterwards it came into possession of count paris von klotz, who gave it to form a presbytery and school for which it is still used. among its treasures was a slave codex of homilies of the early fathers; count klotz had a reprint made from it at vienna. a little lake (maria steinersee) at no great distance affords excellent fish called nasen, whence the neighbouring dale is called nasenthal; and from several points there are most enjoyable views of the höhe salve and the little towns of wörgl, kirchbühel, and häring across the river. jenbach affords also numerous mountain walks through the achenthal: a favourite one is over the mauriz alp, to maurach, which has many points of interest to the geologist. for those who are not fond of pedestrianism, there is a splendid drive along the road--one of the old highways to bavaria and the north of europe. an accident is of very rare occurrence; but some parts of it are rather frightful. for those whose nerves are proof against the fears suggested here and there, there is immense enjoyment to be found, as it winds its way along the romantic woody käsbachthal, round--indeed through--the wild and overhanging rocks, or, supported on piles, runs close along the edge of the intensely blue achen lake, under the over-arching spiel-joch, steep as a wall. the first place to halt at is skolastica, where there is a pretty, much-frequented swimming-school; and whence even ladies have ascended the unnutzjoch over the kögl. it is often crowded in the season, as also are all the little towns round the lake--achenthal, pertisau, buchau. several excellent varieties of fish, which are the property of the monastery of viecht, and the pleasure-fares across the waters, afford means of subsistence to a little population of boatmen, who have made their nests on the rocks wherever there is a foot of level ground. pertisau, however, is on a green smiling spot, and is a relief to the majestic wildness of the rest of the surrounding scenery. a very extraordinary effect may be observed at a short distance out from buchau. the mountain outline on the right hand appears to be that of a regular fortress, with all professional accessories, bidding defiance to the neighbourhood: it is only as the boat approaches quite near, that you see it is only one of those tours de force with which nature often surprises us; as, for example, in the portrait of louis xvi. in the outline of the traunstein, seen from baura. from the village of achenthal the road runs, through the bavarian frontier, to the well-known baths and bavarian royal lustschloss--until a benedictine monastery--of tegernsee, through pass-achen, celebrated in the patriotic struggles of . the achensee is the largest and one of the most beautiful lakes of tirol. it is fed partly by mountain streams, and partly by subterranean springs. the people tell a warning tale of its first rising. they say that in olden times there was a stately and prosperous town on what is now the bed of the lake; but the inhabitants in their prosperity forgot god so far, that the young lads played at skittles along the aisles of the church, even while the sacred office was being sung, and the word of god preached. a day came; it was a great feast, but they drove their profane sport as usual, and no one said them nay; [ ] and so a great flood rose up through the floor; rose above their heads; above the church roof; above the church steeple; and they say that even now, on a bright calm day, you may see the gilt ball of the steeple shining under the waters, and in the still moonshine you may hear the bell ring out the midnight hour. there are many other tales of such swift and righteous judgments lingering in tirol. the lower eastern ridge of the harlesanger or hornanger alpe, is, on account of its stern and barren character, called the wildenfeld. this is how it received its name. ages ago, it was a very paradise of beauty and fruitfulness. all the choicest alpine grasses grew there in abundance; but with these riches and plenty the pride of the senners and milkers waxed great too; and as a token of their reckless wastefulness, it is recorded that they used rich cheeses for paving-stones and skittles. one ancient senner, like another lot, raised his feeble but indignant voice against them, but they heeded him not. one day, as he mused over the sins of his people, a bright bird, with a plumage such as he had never seen before, fluttered round him, warbling, 'righteous man, get thee hence! righteous man, get thee hence!' the old man saw the finger of god, and immediately followed the guiding flight of the bird to a place of safety, while a great peak from the harlesanger fell over the too prosperous joch, buried its impious inhabitants, and spread desolation all around. there is now a pilgrimage chapel. another excursion, which must not be omitted, from jenbach, is that to eben, which lies a little off the high road, at some elevation, but in the midst of a delightful table-land (hence its name) of most fruitful character. as the burial-place of st. nothburga, it is still a spot of great resort. unhappily, not all those buried here were so holy as the peasant saint. a tradition is preserved of one wicked above others, though he seemed all fair to the outward eye, and the church consequently admitted him to lie in holy ground. but he felt the eye of one above upon him, and he could not rest; and in his struggles to withdraw himself from that all-searching gaze, he bored and bored on through the consecrated earth, till he had worked his way out into the common soil beyond. a horse-shoe, deeply graven in the 'friedhof' boundary, and which no one has ever been able to wall up, marks the spot by which he passed; and the people call it the 'escape of the vampire.' [ ] the unpretending village of stans, situated in the midst of a very forest of fruit-trees, at no great distance from jenbach, is the birth-place of joseph arnold, one of the religious artists, of whom tirol has produced so many. without winning, of some it may be said without meriting perhaps, much fame for themselves in the world, without attaining the honour of founding a school, they have laboured painstakingly and successfully to adorn their village temples, and keep alive the faith and devotion of their countrymen. almost where-ever you go in tirol you find praiseworthy copies of paintings, whose titles are connected with the celebrated shrines of italy, modestly reproduced by them, or some fervent attempt at an original rendering of a sacred subject, by men who never aspired that their names should reach beyond the echoes of their own beloved mountains. the prior of viecht, eberhard zobel, discovered the merits of joseph arnold and drew him from obscurity, or rather from one degree of obscurity to another less profound, had him instructed according to the best means within his attainment, and gave him occupation in the monastery. his homely aspirations made him content with the sphere to which he was native, and he never went far from it. the altarpiece in the church of stans, representing st. lawrence and st. ulric, is his work and his gift. from stans there is a path through the grand scenery of the stallenthal, leading to the shrine of st. georgenberg. for a time the pretty villages of the innthal are lost to sight, and you pass a country known only to the wild game, the hunter, and the pilgrim; the bare rocky precipices relieved only here and there with woods, while the stallen torrents run noisily below. who could pass through such a neighbourhood and not think of the crowds of pilgrims who, through ages past, have approached the sacred spot in a spirit of faith and submission, bearing their sins and their sorrows, the burden of their afflictions, moral and physical, and have gone down to their homes comforted? a wonderful shrine it is: a rock which might seem marked out 'from the beginning' to be a shrine; shut out by nature from earthly communication; piercing the very sky. you stand beneath it and long for an eagle's wings to bear you aloft: there seems no other means of access. then a weary winding path is shown you, up which, with many sloping returns upon your former level, and crossing the roaring stream at a giddy height, you at last reach an absatzbrücke--a bridge or viaduct--over the chasm, uniting the height you have been climbing, with the cliff of s. george. it is a long bridge, and only made of wood; and you fancy it trembles beneath your anxious tread, as you span the seemingly unfathomable abyss. a modest cross, which you cannot fail to observe at its head, records the marvellous preservation of a girl of twenty-one, named monica ragel, a farm-servant, who one fine morning in april , in her zeal to gather the fairest flowers for the wreath she was weaving for the madonna's altar, attempted to climb the treacherous steep, and losing her footing slipped down the cliff, a distance of one hundred and forty feet. the neighbours crowded to the spot, with all the haste the dangerous footing would admit, and though they had no hope of finding her alive. she was so far uninjured, however, that she was able to resume work within the week. the buildings found perched at this height cannot fail to convey a striking impression; and this still more do the earnest penitents, who may nearly always be found kneeling within. first, you come upon the little chapel of the 'schmerzhaften mutter,' with a little garden of graves of those who have longed to lie in death as they dwelt in life--near the shrine; among them is that of the benedictine magnus dagn, whose knowledge of music is referred to in the following simple epitaph, 'magnus nomine, major arte, maximus virtute.' opposite it is the principal church, containing in one of its chapels one of those most strange of relics, which here and there have come down to us with their legends from 'the ages of faith.' in the year , when rupert i. was the fourteenth abbot of st. georgenberg, a priest of the order [ ] was saying mass in this very chapel. just at the moment of the consecration of the chalice a doubt started in his mind, whether it were possible that at his unworthy bidding so great a mystery should be accomplished as the fulfillment of the high announcement, 'this is my blood.' in this condition of mind he concluded the words of consecration; and behold, immediately, in place of the white wine mingled with water in the chalice, he saw it fill with red blood, overflowing upon the corporal; some portion of this was preserved in a vial, set into a reliquary on the altar. round the church are the remains of the original monastery, in which the monks of veicht generally leave some of their number to minister both to the spiritual and corporal needs of pilgrims. it seems difficult to fix a date for the origin of this pilgrimage, one of the most ancient of tirol. there is a record that in a chapel was consecrated here to our lady of sorrows, by albuin, bishop of brizen; but it was long before this [ ] that rathold, a young nobleman of aiblingen in bavaria, 'having learnt the hollowness of the joys his position promised him, made up his mind to forsake all, and live in the wilderness to god alone.' he wandered on, shunning the smooth and verdant plains of his native lands, and the smiling fruitful amenities of the innthal, till at last he found himself surrounded by wild solitudes in the valley of the stallen; plunging into its depths, his eye alighted on the almost inaccessible lampsenjock. then choosing for his dwelling a peak, on which a few limes had found a ledge and sown themselves, he cut a little cave for his shelter in the rock beneath them, and there he lived and prayed. but after a time a desire came over him to visit the shrines of the mightiest saints; so he took up his pilgrim staff once more, and sped over the mountains and over the plains, till he had knelt at the limine apostolorum, and pressed his lips upon the soil, fragrant with the martyr's blood. nor was his zeal yet satisfied. there was another apostle the fame of whose shrine was great; and 'a year and a day' brought our pilgrim to s. iago de compostella. then, having thus graduated in the school of the saints, he came back to his solitude under the lime-trees on the rock, to practise the lessons of divine contemplation he had thus imbibed in the perfume of the holy places. he did not come back alone. from the great storehouse of rome he had brought a treasure of sacred art--a picture of the madonna, for which his own hands wrought a little sanctuary. from far and near pious people came to venerate the sacred image; and 'unsere liebe frau zur linde,' was the watch-word, at the sound of which the sick and the oppressed revived with hope. one day, it chanced that a young noble, whom ardent love of the chase had led into this secluded valley, turned aside from following the wild chamois, to inquire what strange power fascinated the peasants into attempting yon steep ascent. curious himself to see the wonder-working shrine, he scaled the peak, and found to his astonishment, in the modest guardian of the picture, the elder brother who long ago had 'chosen the better part.' in token of his joy at the meeting, he made a vow to build on the spot a chapel, as well as a place of shelter for the weary pilgrim. his undertaking was no sooner known than all the people of the neighbouring valleys, nobles and peasants, applied to have their part in the work. thus supported, it was begun in right earnest; but the workmen had no sooner got it fairly in hand than all the blessing, which for so long had been poured out on the spot, seemed suddenly to be quenched. nothing would succeed, and every attempt was baffled; and one thing, which was more particularly remarked, was that the men were continually having accidents, and wounding themselves with their tools. more strange still, every day two white doves flew down from above, and carefully picking out every chip and shaving on which blood had fallen, gathered them in their beaks and flew away. finding that no progress could be made with the work, and that this manoeuvre of the doves continued day by day, the pious reinhold resolved to follow them; and when he at last succeeded in finding their hiding-place, there lay before him, neatly fashioned out of the chips which the doves had carried away, a tiny chapel of perfectly symmetrical form. [ ] the hermit saw in the affair the guiding hand of god, demanding of him the sacrifice of seven years' attachment to his cell; and cheerfully yielding obedience to the token, requested his brother that the chapel should be erected on the spot thus pointed out. theobald willingly complied, and dedicated it to the patron of chivalry, st. george. the fame of reinhold's piety, and of his wonderful chapel, was bruited far and near; and now, not all who came to visit him went back to their homes. many youths of high degree, fired by the example of the hermit sprung out of their order, applied to join him in his life of austerity; and soon a whole colony had established itself, camaldolese-fashion, in little huts round his. there seems to have been no lack of zealous followers to sustain the odour of sanctity of st. georgenberg; early in the twelfth century, the bishop of brixen put them under the rule of s. benedict, to whose monks tirol, and especially unterinnthal, already owed so great a debt of gratitude, for keeping alive the faith. his followers endowed it with much of the surrounding land, which the brothers, by hard manual labour, brought into cultivation. they were overtaken by many heavy trials in the course of centuries: at one time it was a fire, driven by the fierce winds, which ravaged their homestead; at another time, avalanches annihilated the traces of their industry. at last, the spirit of prudence prevailing on their earlier energetic hardiness, it was resolved to remove the monastery to viecht, where the brothers already had a nucleus in a little hospital for the sick among them, and where also was the depôt for their cattle-dealing--a viehzuchthof, [ ] whence by corruption it derived its name. the execution of this idea was commenced in . the abbot, celestin böhmen, a native of vienna, had formerly held a grade of officer in the austrian artillery. nothing could exceed the zeal with which he took the matter in hand; and plans were laid out for raising the building on the most extensive and costly scale. so grand an edifice required large funds; and these were not slow to flow in, for st. georgenberg was beloved by all the country round. when he saw the vast sums in his hand, however, the old spirit of the world, and its covetousness, crept over him again, and a morning came when, to the astonishment of the brotherhood, the abbot was nowhere to be found--nor the gold! the progress of the work was effectually arrested for the moment; but zeal overcame even the obstacle presented by this loss, and by abbot lambert had brought to completion the present edifice, in late renaissance style, which, though imposing and substantial, forms but one wing of celestin böhmen's plan. if the spirit of the world came over abbot celestin in the cloister, the spirit of the cloister came back upon him in the world; and it was not many years before he came back, full of shame and contrition, making open confession of his fault, and placing himself entirely in the hands of his former subjects. though at this time the monks were yet in the midst of their anxieties for the means for carrying on the work, they suffered themselves to be ruled by a spirit of christian charity, and refused to give him up to the rigour of the law; and he ended his days with edifying piety at anras, in the pusterthal. a great festival was kept at viecht, in , in memory of the consecration, which was attended by sixty thousand persons, from bavaria as well as tirol. the library contains an interesting collection of mss. and early printed books in many languages, and is particularly rich in works illustrative of tirolean history. in the church are some of nissl the elder's wood-carvings, which are always worth attention. the confessionals are adorned with figures of celebrated penitents, by his hand; and other noteworthy works will be found in a series of nine tableaux, showing forth the passion; also the crucifix over the high altar, and four life-sized carvings. in all these he was assisted by his pupils, franz thaler, of jenbach, who afterwards came to have the charge of the vienna cabinet of antiquities, and antony hüber, the most successful of his school. perhaps the finest specimen of all is a dead christ, under the altar, remarkable for the anatomical knowledge displayed. like many another mountain sanctuary isolated and exposed to the wind, this monastery has more than once been ravaged by fire; in it was in great part burnt down, and the church-building zeal of tirol is still being exercised with great energy and open-handedness in building it up again. a festival was held there in october , when five bells from the foundry of grassmayr of wilten were set up to command the echoes of the neighbourhood; great pains are now being taken to make the building fireproof. close opposite viecht lies schwatz; [ ] a number of straggling houses, called 'die lange gasse,' on the viecht side belong to it also; between them there is a bridge, which we will not cross now, but continue a little further along the left bank; this, though less rich in smiling pastures than the right, has many points of interest. the next village to viecht is vomp, situated at the entrance of the vomperthal, the sternest and most barren in scenery or settlements of any valley of tirol, and characterized by a hardy pedestrian as 'frightfully solitary, and difficult of access: even the boldest jägers,' he adds, 'seldom pursue their game into it.' the village church of vomp once possessed a priceless work of albert dürer, an 'ancona,' showing forth in its various compartments the history of the passion; but it was destroyed in , when the french, under deroi, set fire to the church in revenge for the havoc the tirolean sharp-shooters had committed among their ranks. joseph arnold (in ) did his best to repair the loss, by painting another altar-piece, in which we see a less painful than the usual treatment of the martyrdom of st. sebastian: the artist has chosen the moment at which the young warrior is being bound to the tree where he is to suffer so bravely. above the village stands the once splendid castle of sigmundslust, one of the hunting-seats of sigismund the monied (der münzreiche), [ ] now the villa of a private family of innsbruck, riccabona by name. vomp is also the birth-place of joseph hell, the wood-carver. crossing the vomperbach, and the fertile plain it waters, you reach terfens, which earned some renown in the wars of 'the year nine.' outside the village is a little pilgrimage chapel, called maria-larch, honoured in memory of a mysterious image of the blessed virgin, found under a larch fir on the spot, similar to the legend of that at waldrast. [ ] passing the ruin of volandseck, the still inhabited castle of thierberg (the third of the name we have passed since we entered tirol) and the village of s. michael, you come to s. martin, the parish church of which owes its endowment to a hermit of modern times. there was in the village a convent, deserted, because partly destroyed by fire. in , george thaler, of kitzbühel, a man of some means and position, came to live here a life of sanctity: he devoted six hours a-day to prayer, six to sleep, and the rest to manual labour. he maintained a chaplain, and an old servant who waited on him for fifty years. at his death, he left all he possessed to supply the spiritual needs of the hamlet. after leaving s. martin's, the scenery grows more pleasing: you enter the gnadenwald, so called, because its first inhabitants were servants of the earlier princes of tirol, who pensioned them off with holdings of the surrounding territory. it occupies the lowland bordering the river, which here widens a little, and affords in its recesses a number of the most romantic strolls. embowered on its border, near the river, stands the village of baumkirchen, with its outlying offshoot of fritzens now surpassing it in importance, as it has been chosen for the railway-station. the advance of the iron road has not stamped out the native love for putting prominently forward the external symbols of religion. i one day saw a countryman alight here from the railway, who had been but to innsbruck to purchase a large and handsome metal cross, to be set up in some prominent point of the village and it was considered a sufficiently important occasion for several neighbours to go out to meet him on his return with it. again, on the newer houses, probably called into existence by the increased traffic, the old custom of adorning the exterior with frescoes of sacred subjects is well kept up. this is indeed the case on many other parts of the line; but at fritzens, i was particularly struck with one of unusual merit, both in its execution and its adaptation to the domestic scene it was to sanctify. i would call the attention of any traveller, who has time to stop at fritzens to see it: the treatment suggests that i should give it the title of 'the holy family at home,' so completely has the artist realized the lowly life of the earthly parents of the saviour, and may it not be a comfort to the peasant artizan to see before his eyes the very picture of his daily toil sanctified in its exercise by the hands of him he so specially reveres? an analogous incident, which i observed on another occasion, comes back to my memory: it happened, i think, one day at jenbach. the train stopped to set down a sister of charity, who had come to nurse some sick person in the village. the ticket-collector, who was also pointsman, was so much occupied with his deferential bowing to her as he took her ticket, that he had to rush to his points 'like mad,' or his reverent feelings might have had serious consequences for the train! so religious indeed is your whole entourage while in tirol, that i have remarked when travelling through just this part in the winter season, that the very masses of frozen water, arrested by the frost as they rush down the railway cuttings and embankments, assumed in the half-light such forms as doré might give to prostrate spectres doing penance. the foot-path on to hall leads through a continuance of the same diversified and well-wooded scenery we have been traversing hitherto; but if time presses, it is well to take the railway for this stage, and make hall or innsbruck a starting-point for visiting the intervening places. hall is the busiest and most business-like place we have come to yet, and the first whose smoky atmosphere reminds us of home. there is not much to choose between its two inns the 'schwarzer bär' and the 'schwarzer adler.' the industry and the smoke of hall arises from the salt-works, from which weber also derives its name (from halos, salt; though why it should have been derived from the greek he does not explain). the first effect which strikes you on arriving, after the smokiness, is the sky-line of its bizarrely-picturesque steeples, among the most bizarre of which is the münzthurm (the mint-tower), first raised to turn into money the over-flowing silver stores of sigismund the monied; and last used to coin the sandwirthszwänziger, the pieces of honest old hofer's brief but triumphant dictatorship. the town has in course of time suffered severely from various calamities: fire, war, pestilence, inundation, and, on one occasion, in , even from earthquake; the church tower was so severely shaken, that the watchman on its parapet was thrown to the ground; the people fled from their houses into the fields, where the jesuit fathers stood addressing them, in preparation for their last end, which seemed imminent. loss of life was, however, small; nevertheless, the offices of the church were for a long time held in the open air. notwithstanding all these reverses, the trade in salt, and the advantageous municipal rights granted them in earlier times, have always enabled the people to recover and maintain their prosperity. in the various wars, they have borne their part with signal honour. one of their greatest feats, perhaps, occurred on may , . speckbacher had led his men to a gallant attack on the bavarians at volders, blowing up the bridge behind him, and then marched to the relief of hall; the bavarians were in possession of the town and bridge, and as they had several pieces of artillery, it was not easy for the patriots to carry it; nevertheless, as their ammunition was failing, and speckbacher having refused to agree to a truce, because he saw the advantage accruing to him through this deficiency, they destroyed the hall bridge, as they thought, and retreated homewards under cover of the night. speckbacher discovered their flight early in the morning, and lost no time in addressing his men on the importance of at once taking possession of their native town: the men were as usual at one with him, and not one shrank from the perilous enterprise of regaining the left bank by such means as the tottering remains of the bridge afforded! joseph speckbacher, who shares with andreas hofer the glories of 'the year nine,' was a native of rinn, a village on the opposite bank; but he is honoured with a grave in the pfarrkirche, at hall, bearing the following inscription, with the date of his death, : im kampfe wild, doch menschlich; in frieden still und den gesetzen treu; war er als krieger, unterthan und mensch, der ehre wie der liebe werth. [ ] another object of interest, in the same churchyard, is a wooden crucifix, carved by joseph stocker in ; as well as the monuments of the fiegers, and other high families of the middle ages. in the church itself is a 'salvator mundi' of albert dürer, on panel; the altarpiece of the high altar is by erasmus quillinus, a pupil of rubens. one of the chapels, the waldaufische kapelle, was built in - , by one florian von waldauf, to whom an eventful history attaches. he was a peasant boy, whom his father's severity drove away from home: for a long time he maintained himself by tending herds; after that he went for a soldier in the imperial army, where his talents brought him under the special notice of the emperor frederick, and his son maximilian i., who took him into their councils and companionship. maximilian made him knight of waldenstein, and gifted him with lands and revenues. his love of adventure took him into many countries. on one journey, being in a storm at sea, the memory of his early wilfulness overcame him, and he vowed that if he came safe to land, he would build a chapel in his tirolean home. he subsequently fixed on the pfarrkirche of hall, as that in which to fulfil his vow, being the parish church of the castle of rettenberg which maximilian had bestowed on him, and enriched it with a wondrous store of relics, which he had collected in his journeyings. above , pilgrims flocked from every part of tirol, to assist at the consecration; and a goodly sight it must have been, when singing and bearing the relics aloft, they streamed down the mountain side and across the river, the last of the procession not having yet left the gates of castle rettenberg, while the foremost had already reached the chapel. there are other churches in hall; where that of s. saviour now stands was once a group of crazy cottages; but one day, in the year , in one of them a poor man lay dying, and the priest bore him the holy viaticum, which knows no distinction between the palace and the hovel: the furniture was as rickety as the tenements themselves; the only table, on which the priest had deposited the sacred vessels, propped against the wall for support, gave way by some accident, and the santissimo was thrown upon the floor. johann von kripp, a wealthy burgher, hearing of what had befallen, bought the cottages, and in reparation for the desecration, built a church on the spot, with the dedication, zum erlöser. the town is well provided with educational and charitable institutions; the latter comprising a mad-house worth seeing, under professor kaplan, and a deaf and dumb school. the franciscan monastery is, i think, the only unsuppressed religious house. in the rathhaus is preserved a quaint old picture, representing the emperor sigismund, in hunting costume, coming to ask the assistance of the men of hall against a conspiracy he had discovered in innsbruck, assistance which loyal hall was not slow to supply. its situation made it a place of some importance to the defences of the country; and the regulations for calling the inhabitants under arms were very complete, so that this service was promptly rendered. an amusing story is told in evidence of the ready gallantry of the men of hall. there was a time when hall was at feud with the neighbouring village of taur: the watchman, stationed on the tower by night-time, rang the alarm, and announced that the enemy was advancing with lanterns in their hands; at the call to arms, every man jumped from his bed, and seized his weapon, eager to display his prowess against the foe. prudent salzmair [ ] zott, anxious to spare the shedding of neighbours' blood, hastily donned a shirt of mail over his more penetrable night-gear, and proposed to ride out alone with a flag of truce, to know what meant the unseasonable attack. the warlike burghers with difficulty yielded to his representations, and not having the consolations of the fragrant weed wherewith to wile away their time, set to sharpening their swords and axes, and outvieing each other with many a fierce boast during his absence. meantime, salzmair zott proceeded on his way without meeting the ghost of a foe, or one ray from their lanterns, till he came to taur itself, where everything lay buried in peaceful silence. only as he came back he discovered what had given rise to the alarm: it was midsummer-tide, and a swarm of little worms of st. john [ ] was soaring and fluttering over the fields like a troop provided with lanterns. so with a hearty laugh he despatched the townsmen, ready for the fight, back to their beds. and even now this humorous imitation of the bauernkrieg [ ] is a by-word for quixotic enterprises. of all the numerous excursions round hall, the strangest and most interesting is that to salzberg, the source of the salt, the crystallizing of which and despatching it all over tirol, to engadein and to austria, forms the staple industry of hall. it is a journey of about three hours, though not much over eight miles, but rugged and steep, and in some parts rather frightful, particularly in the returning descent, for the salzberg lies , feet above the sea: but there is a road for an einspanner all the way; entrance is readily obtained, and the gratuities for guide, lighting up, and boat over the subterranean salt lake, exceedingly moderate. there are records extant which shew that there were salt-works in operation in the neighbourhood of hall early in the eighth century, but these would appear to have been fed by a salt spring which flowed at the foot of the mountain. in the year , however, niklas von rohrbach, who seems to be always styled der fromme ritter (the pious knight), frequently when on his hunting expeditions in the hallthal, observed how the cattle and wild game loved to lick certain cliffs of the valley; this led him to test the flavour, and finding it rich in salt, he followed up the track till he came to the salzberg itself, where he prudently conjectured there was an endless supply to be obtained. [ ] ever since this time the salt has been worked pretty much in the same way, namely, by hewing, later by blasting, vast chambers in the rock, which are then filled with water and closed up: at the end of some ten or twelve months, when the water is supposed to be thoroughly impregnated, it is run off through a series of conduits to hall, where it is evaporated, a hundred pounds of brine yielding about a third the weight of salt. a considerable number of these chambers, an acre or two in extent, have been excavated in the course of time, and you are told that it would take more than a week to walk through all the passages connecting them. 'cars filled with rubbish pass you as you thread them,' says an observant writer, 'with frightful rapidity; you step aside into a niche, and the young miners seated in the front look like gnomes directing infernal chariots. the crystallizations in some of these chambers lighted up by the torches of a party of visitors have a magical effect, and recall the gilded fret-work of some moorish palaces. there is a tradition that hofer and speckbacher, who never, before their illustrious campaigns, had wandered so far as these few miles from their respective homes, took advantage of the lull succeeding their first triumph at berg isel, to come over and visit the strange labyrinths of the salzberg. it is hardly possible to exaggerate the effect which such a scene might produce on minds so imaginative, and at the same time so unsophisticated. it is not difficult to believe that they regarded such a journey like a visit to the abode of the departed great, or that in presence of the oppressive grandeurs of nature they should have matured their spirit for the defence of their country which was to confound the strategy of practised generals. returning through the dark forests of pine and the steep cliffs of the hallthal, otherwise called the salzthal, you are arrested by the hamlet of absam, which in your hurry to push forward you overlooked in the morning. before reaching it you observe to the east, on an eminence rising out of the plain, schloss melans, now serving as a villa to a family of innsbruck. the peasants have a curious story to account for the rudely sculptured dragons which adorn some of the eave-boards of their houses, though no singular mode of ornamentation, and by others accounted for differently. [ ] they say that in olden time there was a wonderful old hen which laid her first egg when seven years old, and when the egg was hatched a dragon crept out of it, [ ] which made itself a home in the neighbouring moor, and the people in memory of the prodigy carved its likeness on their houses. in absam itself once lived a noble family of the name of spaur, which had a toad for a bearing on their shield, accounted for in the following way:--'a certain count spaur had committed a crime by which he had incurred the penalty of death; his kinsmen having put every means in motion to get the sentence remitted, his pardon was at last accorded them on the condition that he should ride to babylon the accursed, and bring home with him a monstrous toad which infested the tower. so the knight rode forth to babylon the accursed, and when he drew near the tower the monstrous toad came out and seized the bridle of the knight's horse; the knight, nothing daunted at the horrid apparition, lifted his good sword and hewed the monster to the ground, bringing the corpse back with him as a trophy.' what audacious tales! could anyone out of a dream put such ideas together? no writer of fiction, none but one who believed them possible of accomplishment! 'who can tell what gives to these simple old stories their irresistible witchery?' says max müller. 'there is no plot to excite our curiosity, no gorgeous description to dazzle our eyes, no anatomy of human passion to rivet our attention. they are short and quaint, full of downright absurdities and sorry jokes. we know from the beginning how they will end. and yet we sit and read and almost cry, and we certainly chuckle, and are very sorry when snip, snip, snout, this tale's told out. do they remind us of a distant home--of a happy childhood? do they recall fantastic dreams long vanished from our horizon, hopes that have set never to rise again?... nor is it dreamland altogether. there is a kind of real life in these tales--life such as a child believes in--a life where good is always rewarded; wrong always punished; where everyone, not excepting the devil, gets his due; where all is possible that we truly want, and nothing seems so wonderful that it might not happen to-morrow. we may smile at those dreams of inexhaustible possibility, but in one sense the child's world is a real world too.' a singular event, or curious popular fancy, obtained for absam the honour of becoming a place of pilgrimage at the end of the last century. it was on january , ; a peasant's daughter was looking idly out of window along the way her father would come home from the field; suddenly, in the firelight playing on one of the panes, she discerned a well-defined image of the blessed virgin, 'as plain as ever she had seen a painting.' of course the neighbours flocked in to see the sight, and from them the news of the wonderful image spread through all the country round; at last it made so much noise, that the dean of innsbruck resolved to investigate the matter. a commission was appointed for this object, among their number being two professors of chemistry, and the painter, joseph schöpf. their verdict was that the image had originally been painted on the glass; that the colours, faded by time, had been restored to the extent then apparent by the action of the particular atmosphere to which they had been exposed. the people could not appreciate their arguments, nor realize that any natural means could have produced so extraordinary a result. for them, it was a miraculous image still, and accordingly they put their faith in it as such; nor was their faith without its fruit. it was a season of terrible trouble, a pestilence was raging both among men and beasts; general joubert had penetrated as far into the interior as sterzing; everyone felt the impotence of 'the arm of flesh' in presence of such dire calamities. the image on the peasant's humble window-pane seemed to have come as a token of heavenly favour; nothing would satisfy them but that it should be placed on one of the altars of the church, and the 'gnadenmutter [ ] von absam' drew all the fearful and sorrowing to put their trust in heaven alone. suddenly after this the enemy withdrew his troops, the pestilence ceased its havoc, and more firmly than ever the villagers believed in the supernatural nature of the image on the window-pane. absam has another claim to eminence in its famous violin-maker, jacob stainer, born in . he learnt his art in venice and cremona, and carried it to such perfection, that his instruments fetched as high prices as those made in cremona itself. archduke ferdinand karl, landesfürst of tirol, attached him to his court. stainer was so particular about the wood he used, that he always went over to the gletscher forest clearings to select it, being guided in the choice by the sound it returned when he struck it with a hammer. towards the end of his life the excitement of the love of his calling overpowered his strength of mind, and the treatment of insanity not being then brought to perfection at absam, one has yet to go through the melancholy exhibition of the stout oaken bench to which he had to be strapped or chained when violent. [ ] mils affords the object of another pleasant excursion from hall, reached through the north, or so called mils, gate, in an easy half-hour; around it are the old castles of grünegg and schneeburg, the former a hunting-seat of ferdinand ii., now in ruins; the latter well-preserved by the present noble family of the name. those who have a mind to enjoy a longer walk, may hence also find a way into the peaceful shady haunts of the gnadenwald. some two hundred years ago there lived about half way between hall and mils a bell-founder, who enjoyed the reputation of being a very worthy upright man, as well as one given to unfeigned hospitality; so that not only the weather-bound traveller, but every wayfarer who loved an hour's pleasant chat, knocked, as he passed by, at the door of the glockenhof. among all the visitors who thus sat at his board, none were so jovial as a party of wild fellows, whose business he was never well able to make out. they always brought their own meat and drink with them, and it was always of the best; and money seemed to them a matter of no account, so abundant was it. at last he ventured one day to inquire whence they acquired their seemingly boundless wealth. 'nothing easier, and you may be as rich as we, if you will!' was the answer; and then they detailed their exploits, which proved them knights of the road. opportunity makes the thief. the proverb was realized to the letter; the glockengiesser had been honest hitherto, because he had never been tempted before; now the glittering prize was exposed to him, he knew not how to resist. his character for hospitality made the glockenhof serve as a very trap. the facility increased his greed, and his cellars were filled with spoil and with the skeletons of the spoiled. travellers thus disappeared so frequently that consternation was raised again and again, but who could ever suspect the worthy hearty glockengiesser! though the new trade throve so well, there was one quality necessary to its success in which the glockengiesser was wanting, and that was caution. just as if there had been nothing to hide, he let a party of sewing-women come one day from the village to set his household goods in order; and when they retired to rest at night, one of them, who could not sleep in a strange house, heard the master and his gang counting their money in the cellar. astonished, she crept nearer, and over-heard their talk. 'we should not have killed that fellow,' said one; 'he wasn't worth powder and shot.' 'pooh!' replied another, 'you can't expect to have good luck out of every murder. why, how often a cattle-dealer kills a beast and doesn't turn a penny out of it.' the seamstress did not want to hear any more; she laid her charge at the town-hall of hall next morning; the officers of justice arrested the bell-founder and his associates, and ample proofs of their guilt were found on the premises. sentenced to death, in the solitude of his cell, he yielded to the full force of the reproaches of his conscience; he made no defence, but hailed his execution as a satisfaction of which his penitent soul acknowledged the justice. however, he craved two favours before his end; the one, to be allowed to go home and found a bell for the lieb' frau kirche in mils; the second, that this bell might be sounded for the first time at his execution, which by local custom must be on a friday evening at nine o'clock. [ ] both requests were granted, and his bell continued to serve the church of mils till the fire of august . another walk from hall is the loreto-kirche, intended as an exact copy of 'the holy house,' by archduke ferdinand and his wife, the pious anna katharina of gonzaga, who endowed it with a foundation for perpetual masses for the repose of the souls of the reigning house of austria; it was at one time a much visited pilgrimage, so that though it had three chaplains attached to it, monks from hall had often to be sent for to supplement their ministrations. ferdinand and anna often made the pilgrimage on foot from innsbruck, saying the 'stations' as they went, at certain little chapels which marked them by the way, and of which remains are still standing. it would be an interesting spot to trace out: i regret that we neglected to do so, and i do not know whether it is now well kept up. starting again by the north gate of hall, and taking the way which runs in the opposite direction from that leading to mils, you come, after half an hour's walk through the pleasant meadows, to heiligen kreuz; its name was originally gumpass, but it had its present name from the circumstance of a cross having been carried down stream by the inn, and recovered from its waters by some peasants from this place, by whom it was set up here. so great is the popular veneration for any even apparent act of homage of nature to 'nature's god,' that great crowds congregated to see the cross which had been brought to them by the river; and it was found necessary in the seventeenth century to erect the spot into a distinct parish. heiligen kreuz is much resorted to for its sulphur baths, also by people from hall as a pleasing change from their smoky town, on holidays. striking out towards the mountains, another half-hour brings you to taur, a charming little village, standing in the shelter of the taureralpe. almost close above it is the thürl, a peak covered to a considerable height with rich pasture; at its summit, a height of , ft., is a wooden pyramid recording that it was climbed by the emperor francis i., and called the kaisersäule. there are many legends of s. romedius connected with taur, one of which is worth citing, in illustration of the confidence of the age which conceived or adapted it, in the efficacy of faith and obedience. s. romedius was a rich bavarian, who in the fourth century owned considerable property in the innthal, including taur. on his return from a pilgrimage to rome, he put himself at the disposal of s. vigilius, the apostle of south tirol, who despatched him to the conversion of the nonsthal, where he lived and died in the odour of sanctity. he was not unmindful of his own taur, but frequently visited it to pour out his spiritual benedictions. he was once there on such a visit, when he received a call from s. vigilius. regardless of his age and infirmities, he immediately prepared for the journey over the mountains to trent. his nag, old and worn out like his master, he had left to graze on the pastures at the foot of the taureralpe, so he called his disciple david, and bid him bring him in and saddle him. great was the consternation of the disciple on making the discovery that the horse had been devoured by a bear. saddened and cast down, he came to his master with the news. nothing daunted, s. romedius bid him go back and saddle the bear in its stead. the neophyte durst not gainsay his master, but went out trusting in his word; the bear meekly submitted to the bidding of the holy man, who bestrode him, and rode on this singular mount into trent. it is only a fitting sequel that the legend adds, that at his approach all the bells of trent rang out a gladsome peal of welcome, without being moved by human hands. the lords of taur gave the name to the place by setting up their castle on the ruins of an old roman tower (turris; altromanisch, tour). s. romedius is not the only hero from among them; the chronicles of their race are full of the most romantic achievements; perhaps not the least of these was the construction of the fortress, the rambling ruins of which still attest its former greatness. overhanging the bank of the wildbach is the chapel of s. romedius, inhabited by a hermit as lately as the seventeenth century, though the country-people are apt to confuse him with s. romedius himself! [ ] one dark night, as he was watching in prayer, he heard the sound of tapping against his cell window. used to the exercise of hospitality, he immediately opened to the presumed wayfarer: great was his astonishment to see standing before him the spirit of the lately deceased parish priest, who had been his very good friend. 'have compassion on me, frater joshue!' he exclaimed; 'for when in the flesh i forgot to say three masses, for which the stipend had been duly provided and received by me, and now my penance is fearful;' as he spoke he laid his hand upon a wooden tile of the hermit's lowly porch, who afterwards found that the impression of his burning hand was branded into the wood. 'now do you, my friend, say these masses in my stead; pray and fast for me, and help me through this dreadful pain.' the hermit promised all he wished, and kept his promise; and when a year and a day had passed, the spirit tapped again at the window, and told him he had gained his release. the tile, with the brand-mark on it, may be seen hanging in the chapel, with an inscription under it attesting the above facts, and bearing date th february, . [ ] at a very short distance further is another interesting little village, rum by name. it is situated close under the mountains, the soil of which is very friable. a terrible landslip occurred in ; the noise was heard as far as innsbruck, where it was attributed to an earthquake. whole fields were covered with the débris, some of which were said to be carried to a distance of a mile and a half; the village just escaped destruction, only an outlying smithy, which was buried, showed how near the danger had come. if time presses, this excursion may be combined with the last, and the loreto-kirche taken on the way back to hall. chapter vi. north tirol--unterinnthal (right inn-bank). schwatz. the world is full of poetry unwrit; dew-woven nets that virgin hearts enthrall, darts of glad thought through infant brains that flit, hope and pursuit, loved bounds and fancies free-- poor were our earth of these bereft.... aubrey de vere. it is time now to return to speak of schwatz, of which we caught a glimpse across the river as we left viecht; [ ] and it is one of the most interesting towns, and centres of excursions, in tirol. it was a morning of bright promise which first brought us there by the early hour of . . to achieve this we had had to rise betimes; it was near the end of august, when the mid-day sun is overpowering; yet the early mornings were very cool, and the brisk breezes came charged with a memory of snow from the beautiful chains of mountains whose base we were hugging. the railway station, as if it dared not with its modern innovation invade the rural retreat of primitive institutions, was at a considerable distance from the village, and we had a walk of some fifteen or twenty minutes before we came within reach of even a chance of breakfast. my own strong desire to be brought quite within the influence of tirolean traditions perhaps deadened my sensations of hunger and weariness, but it was not so with all of our party; and it was with some dismay we began to apprehend that the research of the primitive is not to be made without some serious sacrifice of 'le comfortable.' our walk across the fields at last brought us to the rapid smiling river; and crowning the bridge, stood as usual s. john nepomuk, his patient martyr's face gazing on the effigy of the crucified saviour he is always portrayed as bearing so lovingly, seeming so sweetly all-enduring, that no light feeling of discontent could pass him unrestrained. still the call for breakfast is an urgent one with the early traveller, and there seemed small chance of appeasing it. near the station indeed had stood a deserted building, with the word 'restauration' just traceable on its mouldy walls, but we had felt no inclination to try our luck within them; and though we had now reached the village, we seemed no nearer a more appetising supply. no one had got out of the train besides ourselves; not a soul appeared by the way. a large house stood prominently on our right, which for a moment raised our hopes, but its too close proximity to a little church forbad us to expect it to be a hostelry, and a scout of our party brought the intelligence that it was a hospital; another building further on, on the left, gave promise again, because painted all over with frescoes, which might be the mode in schwatz of displaying a hotel-sign; but no, it proved to be a forge, and like the lintels marked by morgiana's chalk, all the houses of schwatz--as indeed most of the houses of tirol--were found to be covered with sacred frescoes. at last a veritable inn appeared, and right glad we were to enter its lowly portal and find rest, even though the air was scented by the mouldering furniture and neighbouring cattle-shed; though the stiff upright worm-eaten chairs made a discordant grating on the tiled floor, and a mildewed canvas, intended to keep out flies, completed the gloom which the smallness of the single window began. a repeated knocking at last brought a buxom maid out of the cow-shed, who seemed not a little amazed at our apparition. 'had she any coffee! coffee, at that time of day--of course not!' true, the unpunctuality of the train, the delivery of superfluous luggage to the care of the station-master, and our lingering by the way, had brought us to past nine o'clock--an unprecedented hour for breakfast in schwatz. 'couldn't we be content with wine? in a couple of hours meat would be ready, as the carters came in to dine then.' meat and coffee at the same repast, and either at that hour, were ideas she could not at first take in. nevertheless, when we detailed our needs, astonishment gave way to compassion, and she consented to drop her incongruous propositions, and to make us happy in our own way. accordingly, she was soon busied in lighting a fire, running to fetch coffee and rolls--though she did not, as happened to me in spain, ask us to advance the money for the commission--and very soon appeared with a tray full of tumblers and queer old crockery. the black beverage she at last provided consisted of a decoction of nothing nearer coffee than roasted corn, figs, [ ] or acorns; and the rolls had the strangest resemblance to leather; but the milk and eggs were fine samples of dairy produce, for which schwatz is famous, and these and the luscious fruit made up for the rest. i remember that the poet-author of one of the most charming books of travel, in one of the most charming countries of europe, [ ] deprecates the habit travel-writers have of speaking too much about their fare; and in one sense his remarks are very just. where this is done without purpose or art, it becomes a bore; but 'love itself can't live on flowers;' and as, however humiliating the fact, it is decreed that the only absolutely necessary business of man's life is the catering for his daily bread, it becomes interesting to the observant to study the various means by which this decree is complied with by different races, in different localities. it is especially noteworthy that it is just in countries made supercilious by their culture that these matters of a lower order engross the most attention, and just those who consider themselves the most civilized who are the most dependent on what have been termed mere 'creature comforts.' these poor country folks, whom the educated traveller often passes by as unworthy of notice in their benighted ignorance and superstition--while they would not forego their salutation of the sacred symbol by the way-side, which marks their intimate appreciation of truths of the highest order--put us to shame, by their indifference to sublunary indulgences. we had come to tirol to study their ways, and i hope we took our lesson on this occasion, well. we were not feasted with a sumptuous repast, such as might be found in any of the monster hotels, now so contrived, that you may pass through all the larger towns of europe with such similarity to home-life everywhere, that you might as well never have left your fireside; but we were presented with an experience of the struggle with want; of that hardy face-to-face meeting with the great original law of labour, which our modern artificial life puts so completely out of sight, that it grows to regard it as an antiquated fable, and which can only be met amid such scenes. the matutinal peasants were packing up their wares--which when spread out had made a picturesque market of the main street--by the time we again sallied forth, and we were nearly losing what is always one of the prettiest sights in a foreign town. at the end rose the parish church, with a stateliness for which the smallness of the village had not prepared us; but schwatz has a sad and eventful history to account for the disparity. schwatz was once a flourishing roman station, and even now remains are dug out which attest its ancient prosperity; but it had fallen away to the condition of a neglected häusergruppe by the fourteenth century, when suddenly came the discovery of silver veins in the surrounding heights. a lively bull, [ ] one day tearing up the soil with his horns in a frolic, laid bare a shining vein of ore. the name of gertraud kandlerin, the farm-servant who had charge of the herd to which he belonged, and brought the joyful tidings home to schwatz, has been jealously preserved. from that moment schwatz grew in importance and prosperity; and at one time there was a population of thirty thousand miners employed in the immediate neighbourhood. the fuggers and hochstetters of augsburg were induced to come and employ their vast resources in working the riches of the mountains; and native families of note, laying aside the pursuit of arms, joined in the productive industry. among these were the fiegers, one of whom was the counsellor and intimate friend of the emperor maximilian, who followed his remains to their last resting-place, at schwatz, when he died in ripe old age, leaving fifty-seven children and grandchildren, and money enough to enrich them all. his son hanns married a daughter of the bavarian house of pienzenau; and when he brought her home, tradition says it was in a carriage drawn by four thousand horses. many names, famous in the subsequent history of the country, such as the tänzls, jöchls, tannenbergs, and sternbachs, were thus first raised to importance. this outpouring of riches stimulated the people throughout the country to search for mineral treasures, and everywhere the miners of schwatz were in request as the most expert, both at excavating and engineering. nor this only within the limits of tirol; they had acquired such a reputation by the middle of the sixteenth century, that many distant undertakings were committed to them too. they were continually applied to, to direct mining operations in the wars against the turks in hungary. their countermines performed an effective part in driving them from before vienna in ; and again, in , they assisted in destroying the fortifications of belgrade. clement vii. called them to search the mountains of the papal state in ; and the dukes of florence and piedmont also had recourse to their assistance about the same time. in the same way, many knotty disputes about mining rights were sent from all parts to be decided by the experience of schwatz; and its abundance attracted to it every kind of merchandise, and every new invention. one of the earliest printing-presses was in this way set up here. but a similarity of pursuit had established a community of interest between the miners of schwatz and their brethren of saxony; and when the reformation broke out, its doctrines spread by this means among the miners of schwatz, and led at one time to a complete revolution among them. twice they banded together, and marched to attack the capital, with somewhat communistic demands. ferdinand i., and sebastian, bishop of brixen, went out to meet them on each occasion at hall, and on each occasion succeeded in allaying the strife by their moderate discourse. within the town of schwatz, however, the innovators carried matters with a high hand, and at one time obtained possession of half the parish church, where they set up a lutheran pulpit. driven out of this by the rest of the population, they met in a neighbouring wood, where joham strauss and christof söll, both unfrocked monks, used to hold forth to them. a franciscan, christof von münchen, now came to schwatz, to strengthen the faith of the catholics, and the controversy waged high between the partisans of both sides; so high, that one day two excited disputants carried their quarrels so far before a crowd of admiring supporters, that at last the lutheran exclaimed, 'if preacher söll does not teach the true doctrine, may satan take me up into the steinjoch at stans!' and as he spoke, so, says the story, it befell: the astonished people saw him carried through the air and disappear from sight! the credit of the lutherans fell very sensibly on the instant, and still more some days after, when the adventurous victim came back lame and bruised, and himself but too well convinced of his error. nevertheless the strife was not cured. somewhat later, there was an inroad of anabaptists, under whose auspices another insurrection arose, and for the time the flourishing mining works were brought to a stand-still. at last the government was obliged to interfere. the most noisy and perverse were made to leave the country, and the jesuits from hall were sent over to hold a mission, and rekindle the catholic teaching. peace and order were restored: four thousand persons were brought back to the frequentation of the sacraments; but the bergsegen, [ ] add the traditions, which had been the occasion of so much disunion, was never recovered. from that time forth the mining treasures of schwatz began to fail; and after a long and steadily continued diminution of produce, silver ceased altogether to be found. copper, and the best iron of tirol, are still got out, and their working constitutes one of the chief industries of the place; the copper produced is particularly fit for wire-drawing, for which there is an establishment here. another industry of schwatz is a government cigar manufactory, [ ] which employs between four and five hundred hands, chiefly women and children, who get very poorly paid--ten or twelve francs a-week, working from five in the morning till six in the evening, with two hours' interval in the middle of the day. there are pottery works, which also employ many hands; and many of the women occupy themselves in knitting woollen clothing for the miners. the pastures of the neighbourhood are likewise a source of rich in-comings to the town; but with all these industries together, schwatz is far below the level of its early prosperity. instead of its former crowded buildings, it now consists almost entirely of one street; and instead of being the cynosure of foreigners from all parts, is so little visited, that the people came to the windows to look at the unusual sight of a party of strangers as we passed by. in place of its early printing-press, its literary requirements are supplied by one little humble shop, where twine, toys, and traps, form the staple, and stationery and a small number of books are sold over and above; and where, because we spent a couple of francs, the master thereof seemed to think he had driven for that one day a roaring trade. other misfortunes, besides the declension of its 'bergsegen,' have broken over schwatz. in it was visited by the plague, in by an earthquake; but its worst disaster was in the campaign of , when the bavarians, under the duke of dantzic, and the french, under deroi, determined to strike terror into the hearts of the country-people by burning down the town. the most incredible cruelties are reported to have been perpetrated on this occasion, many being such as one cannot bear to repeat; so determined was their fury, that when the still air refused to fan the flames, they again and again set fire to the place at different points; and the people were shot down when they attempted to put out the conflagration. general wiede was quartered in the palace of count tannenberg, a blind old man, with four blind children; his misfortunes, and the laws of hospitality, might have protected him at least from participation in the general calamity; but no, not even the hall where the hospitable board was spread in confidence for the unscrupulous guest, was spared. once and again, as the inimical hordes poured into, or were driven out of, tirol, schwatz had to bear the brunt of their devastations, so that there is little left to show what schwatz was. the stately parish church, however, suffered less than might have been expected: in the height of the conflagration, when all was noise and excitement, a young bavarian officer, over whom sweet home lessons of piety exercised a stronger charm than the wild instincts of the military career which were effecting such havoc around, collected a handful of trusty followers, and, unobserved by the general herd, succeeded in rescuing it before great damage had been done. the building was commenced about , [ ] and consecrated in . what remains of the original work is in the best style of the period; the west front is particularly noteworthy. the plan of the building is very remarkable, consisting of a double nave, each having its aisles, choir, and high-altar; this peculiar construction originated in the importance of the knappen, or miners, at the time it was designed, and their contribution to the building fund entitling them to this distinct division of the church between them and the towns-people; one of the high-altars still goes by the name of the knappenhochaltar. the roof, like those of most churches of tirol and bavaria, is of copper, and is said to consist of fifteen thousand tiles of that metal--an offering from the neighbouring mines. the emblem of two crossed pick-axes frequently introduced, further denotes the connexion of the mining trade with the building. whitewash and stucco have done a good deal to hide its original beauties, but some fine monuments remain. one in brass, to hanns dreyling the metal-founder, date , near the side ('south') door, should not be overlooked: the design embodies a renaissance use of ionic columns and entablature in connexion with mediæval symbols. below, are seen hanns dreyling himself in the dress of his craft, his three wives, and his three sons habited as knights (showing the rise of his fortunes), all under the protection of s. john the baptist. above, is portrayed the vision of the apocalypse, god the father seated on his throne, surrounded by a rainbow, with the book of seven seals, and the lamb; at his feet the four evangelists; around, the four-and-twenty elders, with their harps, some wearing their crowns, and some stretching them out as a humble offering before the throne; in front kneels the apostolic seer himself, gazing, and with his right hand pointing, upwards, yet smiting his breast with the left hand, and weeping that no one was found worthy to open the seals of the book. below the epitaph, the monument bears the following lines: mir gab alexander colin den possen hanns löffler hat mich gegossen. alexander colin, of malines, and hans löffler, were, like hans dreyling, schmelzherrn of eminence, and connected with him by marriage, thus they naturally devoted their best talent to honour their friend and master. we learnt to appreciate it better when we came to see their works at innsbruck. the nine altar-pieces are mostly by tirolean painters. the assumption, on one high-altar, is by schöpf; the last supper on the other--the knappenhochaltar--by bauer of augsburg. the 'north' side door opens on to a narrow strip of grass, across which is a michaels-kapelle, as the chapel we so often find in german churchyards--and where the people love to gather, and pray for their loved and lost--is here called. it is a most beautiful little specimen of middle-pointed, with high-pitched roof and traceried window. a picturesque stone-arched covered exterior staircase, the banister cornice of which represents a narrow water-trough, with efts chasing each other in and out of it, leads to the upper chapel, which was in some little confusion at the time of our visit, as it was under restoration; two or three artists were in the lower chapel, painting the images of the saints in the fresh colours the people love. after some searching, i found out a figure of a dead christ, which i was curious to see; because, before coming to schwatz, i had been told there was one which had been dearly prized for centuries by the people; that once on a time there had come night by night a large toad, and had stood before the image, resting on its hinder feet, the two front ones joined as if in token of prayer; and no one durst disturb it, because they said it must be a suffering soul which they saw under its form. i spoke to one of the artists about it, to see if this was the right image, and if the legend was still acknowledged. he answered as one who had little sympathy with the mysteries he was employed to delineate; he evidently cared nothing for legends, though willing to paint them for money. it was the first time i had met with this sort of spirit in the neighbourhood, and was not surprised to learn he was not of tirol, but from munich. a door opposite the last named opens into the churchyard, filled with the usual black and gold cast-iron crosses, and the usual sprinkling of some of a brighter colour; each with its stoup of holy water and weihwedel, [ ] and its simple epitaph, 'hier ruhet in frieden....' besides the large crucifix, which always stands in the centre promising redemption to the faithful departed, is a stout round pillar of large rough stones, surmounted by a lantern cap with five sharp points, each face glazed, and a lamp within before some relic, always kept alight, for the people think [ ] that the holy souls come and anoint their burning wounds with the oil which piously feeds a churchyard lamp. twinkling fitfully amid the evening shadows, over the graves, and over the human skulls and bones, of which there happened fortuitously to be a heap waiting re-sepulture after some late arrangement of the burying-ground, it disposed one to listen to the strange tales which are told of it. there was once a robler of schwatz, well-limbed, deep-chested, full of confidence and energy, who had won the right to wear the champion feather [ ] against the whole neighbourhood. but not content to be the darling of his home, and the pride of his valley, he must needs prove himself the best against all comers. in fear of the shame of a reverse after all his boasts, he resolved to ensure himself against one, by having recourse to an act, originally designed probably as a test of possessing, but commonly believed by the people to be a means of winning, invincible strength of nerve, and which is described in the following narrative. opportunity was not lacking. death is ever busy, and one day laid low an old gossip, who was duly buried with all honour by her children and children's children to the third generation. now was the time for our brave robler. that first night that she rested in the 'field of peace,' he rose in the dead of the night--a dark starless night, just as it was when we stood there--and the lamp of the shrine resting its calm pale rays upon the graves. the great clock struck out twelve, with a rattling of its cumbersome machinery, which sounded like skeletons walking by in procession; our robler quailed not, however, but approached the new grave, scattered the earth from over it with his spade, raised up the coffin, opened it, took out the corpse, dressed himself in its shroud, and lifted the ghastly burden on to his strong shoulders. never had burden felt so heavy; it seemed to him as though he bore the freundsberg on his back; though sinking and quailing, he bore it three times round the whole circuit of the enclosure, laid it back in the coffin, and lowered the coffin into the grave; triumphantly he showered the earth over it, and took quite a pleasure in shaping the hillock smoothly and well. then suddenly, to his horror, with a click like the gripe of a skeleton, he heard the clapper of the old clock raised to mark the completion of the hour within which his task, to be effectual, must be accomplished. meantime, it had come on to rain violently, and the big drops pattered on the stones, like dead men tramping all around him; it happened to fall heavily round us, and the simile was so striking, i could not forbear a grim smile. it seemed to him as if he never could dash through their midst in time; still he made the attempt boldly, and actually succeeded in swinging himself over the churchyard wall before the hammer had fallen, and, what was most important, still bearing round his shoulders the shroud of the dead. nevertheless his heart was full of anxiety with the thought that he had disturbed the peace of the departed; it seemed to him as if the old gossip had run after him to claim her own, and with her burning hand had seized the fluttering garment, and torn a piece out of it, just as he cleared the wall. for days after, the sexton saw the piece, torn and burnt, fluttering over her grave, but never could make out how it got there. the robler, however, was now proof against every attack; no one could wear a feather in his presence, for he was sure to overcome him, and make him renounce the prize. what did he gain, however, by his uncannily-earned prowess? a little temporary renown and honour, and the fear of his kind; but all through the rest of his life, at the wandlung [ ] of the holy mass, the pure white wafer, as the priest raised it aloft, seemed black to his eyes, and when he came to die, there was no father-confessor near to whisper absolution and peace. a most singular legend, also attached to this spot, dates from the time when the jesuit fathers held their missions after the expulsion of the lutherans. with the fervour of new conversion, the people ascribed to their word the most wonderful powers; and their simple unwavering faith seems to have been a loan of that which removes mountains. among those whom a spirit of penance moved to come and make a general confession of their past lives was a lady no longer young, of blameless character, but unmarried. the fathers, as i have already implied, enjoyed the most unbounded confidence of the people; and the most unusual penance was accepted in the simplest way. to this person the penance enjoined was, that she should for three nights watch through the hour of midnight in the church, and then come and give an account of what she had seen. being apparently a person of a strong mind, she was satisfied with the assurance of the father that no harm would happen to her, and she fulfilled her task bravely. "when she came to narrate what had passed, she said that each night the church had been traversed by a countless train of men, women, and children, of every age and degree, dressed in a manner unlike anything she had seen or read of in the past; the features of all quite unknown to her, and yet exhibiting a certain likeness, which might lead her to believe they might be of her own family, and all wearing an expression indescribably sad; she was all anxiety to know what she could do for their relief, for she felt sure it was to move her to this that they had been revealed to her. the father told her, however, this was not at all the object of the vision: that the train of people she had seen was an appearance of the generations of unborn souls, who might have lived to the eternal honour and praise of god if she had not preferred her ease and freedom and independence to the trammels of the married state; 'for,' said he, 'your choice of condition was based on this, not on the higher love of god, and the desire of greater perfection. now, therefore, reflect what profit your past life has borne to the glory of god, and strive to make it glorify him in some way in the future.' the franciscan church was built about the same time as the other, and has some remains of the beautiful architecture of its date. over the credence table is a remarkable and very early painting on panel, of the genealogy of our lord. within the precincts of the monastery are some early frescoes, which i did not see; but they ought not to be overlooked. one subject, said to be very boldly and strikingly handled, is the commission to the apostles to go out and preach the gospel to the nations. the day was wearing on, and we had our night's lodging to provide; the inn where we had breakfasted did not invite our confidence, despite of the pretty kranach's madonna which smiled over the parlour, and the good-natured maid who deemed it her business to wait behind our chairs while we sipped our coffee; so we walked down the long street, and tried our luck at one and another. there were plenty of them: and they were easily recognized now we knew their token, for each has a forbidden-fruit-tree painted on the wall with some subject out of the new testament surmounting it, to show the triumph of the gospel over the fall; while the good gifts of providence, which mine host within is so ready to dispense, are typified by festoons of grape-vines, surrounding the picture. those which let out horses have also a team cut out in a thin plate of copper, and painted proper, as heralds say, fixed at right angles to the doorpost. nevertheless, the interiors were not inviting, and at more than one the bedding was all on the roof, airing; and the solitary maid, left in charge of the house while all the rest of the household were in the fields harvesting, declared the impossibility of getting so many beds as we wanted ready by the evening. dinner at the post having somehow indisposed us for it, we at last put up at the krone, which was very much like a counterpart of our first experience. nothing could exceed the pleasant willingness of the people of the house; but both their accommodation and their cleanliness was limited; and besides a repulsive look, there was an unaccountable odour, about the beds, which made sleeping in them impossible. my astonishment may be imagined, when on proceeding to examine whether there were any articles of bedding that would do to roll oneself up in on the floor, i found that the smell proceeded from layers of apples between the mattresses, which it seems to be the habit thus to preserve for winter use! the rooms were large and rambling, and filled with cumbersome furniture, some of which must, i think, have been made before the great fire of . as in all the other houses, a guitar hung on the wall of the sitting-room; and after many coy refusals, the daughter of the house consented to sing to it one or two melodies very modestly and well. you do not sleep very soundly on the floor, and by six next morning the tingling of the blessed sacrament bell sufficed to rouse me in time to see how the schwatzers honour 'das hochwürdigste gut,' [ ] as it passed them on its way to the sick. two little boys in red cassocks went first, bearing red banners and holy-water; two followed in red and yellow, bearing a canopy over the priest, and four men carried lanterns on long poles. the rain of the previous night had filled the road with puddles, but along the whole way the peasants were on their knees. to all who are afflicted with long illnesses, it is thus carried at least every month. the morning was bright and hot, but the ruined castle on the neighbouring freundsberg looked temptingly near; and we easily found a rough but not difficult path, past a number of crazy cottages, the inhabitants of which, however poor and hard worked, yet gave us the cheerful christian greeting, 'gelobt sei jesus christus!' as we passed. near the summit the cottages cease; and after a short stretch in the burning sun, you appreciate the shade afforded by a tiny chapel, at the side of a crystal spring, welling up out of the ground, its waters cleverly guided into a conduit, formed of a hollowed tree, which supplies all the houses of the hill-side, and perhaps accounts for their being so thickly clustered there. the last wind of the ascent is the steepest and most slippery. the sun beat down relentlessly, but seemed to give unfailing delight to myriads of lizards, adders, and grasshoppers, who were darting and whirring over the crumbling stones in the maddest way. historians, poets, or painters, have made some ruins so familiarly a part of the world's life, and their grand memories of departed glories have been so often recounted, that they seem stereotyped upon them. time has shattered and dismantled them, but has robbed them of nothing, for their glories of all ages are concrete around them still. but poor freundsberg! who thinks of it? or of the thousand and one ruined castles which mark the 'sky-line' of tirol with melancholy beauty? each has, however, had its throb of hope and daring, and its day of triumph and mastery, often noble, sometimes--not so often as elsewhere--base. freundsberg is no exception. for two hundred years before the christian era it was a fortress, we know: for how long before that we know not; and then again, we know little of what befell it, till many hundred years after, in the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries, its lords were known as mighty men of war. it reached its highest glory under captain georg, son of ulrich and a swabian heiress whose vast dowry tended to raise the lustre of the house. georg von freundsberg entered the career of arms in early youth, and rose to be a general at an age when other men are making their premières armes. at four-and-twenty he was reckoned by charles quint his most efficient leader. over the swiss, over the venetians, wherever he led, he was victorious. the victory at pavia was in great measure due to his prowess. his personal strength is recorded in fabulous terms; his foresight in providing for his men, and his art of governing and attaching them, were so remarkable, that they called him their father, and he could do with them whatever he would. they recorded his deeds in the terms in which men speak of a hero: they said that the strongest man might stand up against him with all his energy, and yet with the little finger of his left hand he could throw him down; that no matter at what fiery pace a horse might be running away, if he but stretched his hand across the path he brought it to a stand; that in all the emperor's stores there was no field-piece so heavy but he could move it with ease with one hand. they sang of him: georg von freundsberg, von grosser sterk, ein theurer held; behielt das feld in streit und krieg. den feind niederslieg in aller schlacht. er legt got zu die er und macht.' [ ] the last line would show that to a certain extent he was not untrue to the traditions of his country; nevertheless, his success in war, and his love for the emperor, carried him so far away from them, that when the siege of rome was propounded, he not only accepted a command in the attack on the 'eternal city,' but raised twelve thousand men in his swabian and tirolean possessions to support the charge. none who have pondered the havoc and the horrors of that wanton and sacrilegious siege will care to extenuate the guilt of any participator in it. it is the blot on georg von freundsberg's character, and it was likewise his last feat. he died suddenly within the twelvemonth, aged only fifty-two, leaving his affairs in inextricable confusion, and his estate encumbered with debts incurred in raising the troops who were to assist in the desolation of the 'holy city.' his brothers--ulrich, bishop of trent, and thomas, who like himself followed the military calling--earned a certain share of respect also; but no subsequent member of the family was distinguished, and the race came to an end in . the castle fell into ruin; and as if a curse rested on it, when it was used again, it was to afford cover to the bavarians in firing upon the people in ! i do not know by what local tradition, but some motive of affection still renders the chapel a place of pious resort; and a copy of kranach's 'mariähilf' adorns the altar. the remaining tower affords a pleasing outline. i returned to the chapel by the brook, and sat down to sketch it, though rather too closely placed under it to view it properly; there is always an indefinable satisfaction in making use of these places of pious rest, which brotherly charity has provided for the unknown wayfarer. when, after a time, i looked up from my paper, i saw sitting outside in the sun a strange old woman, the stealthy approach of whose shoeless feet i had not noticed. i advised her to come in and rest; and then i asked her how she came to walk unshod over the stones of the path, which were sharp and loose, as well as burning hot, while she carried a pair of stout shoes in her hand. 'that doesn't hurt,' she replied indignantly; 'it's the shoes that hurt. when you put your foot down you know where you put it, and you take hold of the ground; but when you have those things on, you don't know where your foot goes, and down you go yourself. that's what happened to me on this very path, and see what came of it.' and she bared her right arm, and showed that it had been broken, and badly set, and now was withered and useless--she could do no more work to support herself. i asked her how she lived, and she did not like the question, for begging, it seems, is forbidden. but i said it was a very hard law, and then she grew more confidential; and after a little more talk, her wild weird style, and her strong desire to tell my fortune, showed me she was one of those dangerous devotees who may be considered the camp-followers of the christian army, whose chance of ingratiating themselves seems greatest where the faith is brightest, and who there work all manner of mischief, overlaying simple belief with pagan superstition; but at the same time, such an one is generally a very mine for the comparative mythologist, and in this individual instance not without some excuse in her misfortunes. for, besides the unlucky disablement already named, she had lost not only her house, home, and belongings, but all her relations also, in a fire. it is not surprising if so much misery had unhinged her mind. her best means of occupation seemed to be, when good people gave her alms, to go to a favourite shrine, and pray for them; and i fully believe, from her manner, that she conscientiously fulfilled such commissions, for i did not discover anything of the hypocrite about her. only once, when i had been explaining what a long way i had come on purpose to see the shrines of her country, she amused me by answering, in the most inflated style, that however far it might be, it could not be so far as she had come--she came from beyond mountains and seas, far, far, ever so far--till i looked at her again, and wondered if she were a gipsy, and was appropriating to her personal experience some of the traditional wanderings of her race. presently she acknowledged that her birth-place was seefeld, which i knew to be at no great distance from innsbruck, perhaps ten miles from where we stood. yet this tone of exaggeration may have arisen from an incapacity to take in the idea of a greater distance than she knew of previously, rather than from any intention to deceive; and her 'seas' were of course lakes, which when spoken of in the german plural have not even the gender to distinguish them. when she had once mentioned seefeld, she grew quite excited, and told me no place i had come from could boast of such a marvellous favour as god had manifested to her seefeld. i asked her to tell me about it. 'what! don't you know about oswald milser?' and i saw my want of recognition consigned me to the regions of her profoundest contempt. 'don't you know about oswald milser, who by his pride quenched all the benefit of his piety and his liberality to the church? who, when he went to make his easter communion one grüne donnerstag, [ ] insisted that it should be given him in one of the large hosts, which the priest uses, and so distinguish him from the people. and when the priest, afraid to offend the great man, complied, how the weight bore him down, down into the earth;' and she described a circle with her finger on the ground, and bowed herself together to represent the action; 'and he clung to the altar steps, but they gave way like wax; and he sank lower and lower, [ ] till he called to the priest to take the fearful host back from him.' 'and what became of him?' i asked. 'he went into the monastery of stamms, and lived a life of penance. but his lady was worse than he: when they told her what had taken place, she swore she would not believe it; "as well might you tell me," she said, and stamped her foot, "that that withered stalk could produce a rose;" and even as she spoke, three sweet roses burst forth from the dry branch, which had been dead all the winter. then the proud lady, refusing to yield to the prodigy, rushed out of the house raving mad, and was never seen there again; but by night you may yet hear her wailing over the mountains, for there is no rest for her.' her declamation and action accompanying every detail was consummate. i asked her if she knew no such stories of the neighbourhood of schwatz. she thought for a moment, and then assuming her excited manner once more, she pointed to a neighbouring eminence. 'there was a bird-catcher,' she said, 'who used to go out on the goaslahn there, following his birds; but he was quite mad about his sport, and could not let it alone, feast day or working day. one sunday came, and he could not wait to hear the holy mass. "i'll go out for an hour or two," he said; "there'll be time for that yet." so he went wandering through the woods, following his sport, and the hours flew away as fast as the birds; hour by hour the church bell rang, but he always said to himself he should be in time to catch the mass of the next hour. the nine o'clock mass was past, and the clock had warned him that it was a quarter to ten, and he had little more than time to reach the last mass of the day. just as he was hesitating to pack up his tackle, a beautiful bird, such as he had never seen before, with a gay red head, came hopping close to his decoy birds. it was not to be resisted. the bird-catcher could not take his eye off the bird. "dong!" went the bell; hop! went the bird. which should he follow? the bird was so very near the lime now; there must be time to secure him, and yet reach the church, at least before the gospel. at last, the final stroke of the bell sounded; and at the same instant the beautiful bird hopped on to the snare. who could throw away so fair a chance? then the glorious plumage must be carefully cleansed of the bird-lime, which had assisted the capture, and the prize secured, and carefully stowed away at home. it would be too late for mass then; and the bird-catcher felt the full reproach of the course he was tempted to pursue, nevertheless he could not resist it. on he went, homewards; now full of buoyant joy over his luck, now cast down with shame and sorrow over his neglected duty. he had thus proceeded a good part of his way, before he perceived that his burden was getting heavier and heavier; at last he could hardly get along under it. so he set it down, and began to examine into the cause. he found that the strange bird had swelled out so big, that it was near bursting the bars of its cage, while from its wings issued furious sulphurous fumes. then he saw how he had been deceived; that the delusive form had been sent by the evil one, to induce him to disobey the command of the church. without hesitation he flung the cursed thing from him, and watched it, by its trail of lurid flame, rolling down the side of the goaslahn. but never, from that day forward, did he again venture to ply his trade on a holy day. 'such things had happened to others also,' she said. 'hunters had been similarly led astray after strange chamois; for the power of evil had many a snare for the weak. birds too, though we deemed them so pretty and innocent, were, more often than we thought, the instruments of malice.' and it struck me as she spoke, that there were more crabbed stories of evil boding in her repertory than gentle and holy ones. 'there is the swallow,' she instanced: 'why do swallows always hover over nasty dirty marshy places? don't you know that when the saviour was hanging on the cross, and the earth trembled, and the sun grew dark with horror, and all the beasts of the field went and hid themselves for shame, only the frivolous [ ] swallows flitted about under the very shadow of the holy rood, and twittered their love songs as on any ordinary day. then the saviour turned his head and reproached the thoughtless birds; and mark my words, never will you see a swallow perched upon anything green and fresh.' i was sorry to part from her and her legendary store; but i was already due at the station, to meet friends by the train. she took my alms with glee, and then pursued her upward way barefooted, to make some promised orisons at the freundsberg shrine. it was a glowing afternoon; and after crossing the unshaded bridge and meadows, to and from the railway, i was glad to stop and rest in a little church which stood open, near the river. it was a plain whitewashed edifice, ornamented with more devotion than taste. when i turned to come away, i found that the west wall was perforated with a screen of open iron-work, on the other side of which was an airy hospital ward. the patients could by this means beguile their weary hours with thoughts congenial to them suggested by the tabernacle and the crucifix. a curtain hung by the side, which could be drawn across the screen at pleasure. there were not more than four or five patients in the ward at the time, and in most instances decay of nature was the cause of disease. there is not much illness at schwatz; but admittance to the simple accommodation of the hospital is easily conceded. schwatz formerly had two, but the larger was burnt down in . the remaining one seems amply sufficient for the needs of the place. there was 'benediction' in the church in the evening, for it was, i forget what, saint's day. the church was very full, and the people said the rosary in common before the office began. a great number of the girls from the tobacco factory came in as they left work, and the singing was unusually sweet, which surprised me, as the schwatzers are noted for their nasal twang and drawling accent in speaking. i learnt that there are several italians from wälsch-tirol settled here, and they lead the choir. it is edifying to see the work-people, after their day's toil, coming into the church as if it was more familiar to them even than home; but one does not get used to seeing the uncovered heads of the women, though indeed with the rich and luxuriant braids of hair with which nature endows them, they might be deemed 'covered' enough. a more familiar sight to an english eye is the seat-filled area of the german churches. confessedly it is one of the home associations which one least cares to see reproduced, but the pews of the german churches are less objectionable than our own; they are lower, and not so crowded, and ample space is always left for processions, so they interfere far less with the architectural design. chapter vii. north tirol--unterinnthal (right inn-bank). excursions from schwatz. 'partout où touche votre regard vous rencontrez au fond sous la forme qui passe, un mystère qui demeure ... chacun des mystères de ce monde est la figure, l'image de celui du monde supérieur; de sorte que tout ce que nous pouvons connaître dans l'ordre de la nature est la révélation même de l'ordre divin.'--chevé, visions de l'avenir. falkenstein, which may be reached by a short walk from schwatz, is worth visiting on account of the information it affords as to the mode of working adopted in the old mines both of silver and copper. this was the locality where the greatest quantity of silver was got; it was particularly noted also for the abundance and beauty of the malachite, found in great variety and richness of tints; the turquoise was found also, but more rarely. the old shaft runs first horizontally for some two miles, and then sinks in two shafts to a depth of some two hundred and thirty fathoms. the engineering and hydraulic works seem to have been very ingenious, but the description of them does not come within the sphere of my present undertaking. it does, however, to observe that over this, as over everything else in tirol, religion shed its halo. the miners had ejaculatory prayers, which it was their custom to utter as they passed in and out of their place of subterranean toil; and an appropriate petition for every danger, whether from fire-damp, land-slips, defective machinery, or other cause. their greeting to each other, and to those they met by the way, in place of the national 'gelobt sei jesus christus,' was 'gott gebe euch glück und segen!' [ ] for their particular patron they selected the prophet daniel, whose preservation in the rocky den of the lions, as they had seen it portrayed, seemed to bear some analogy with their own condition. of their liberality in church-building i have already spoken; but many are the churches and chapels that bear the token--a crossed chisel and hammer on a red field--of their contribution to its expense. there are many other walks to be made from schwatz. first there is buch, so called from the number of beech-trees in the neighbourhood, which afford pleasant shade, and diversify the scenery, in which the castle of tratzberg across the inn [ ] also holds an important part. further on is margareth, surrounded by rich pastures, which are watered by the foaming margarethenbach. then to the south-east is galzein, with a number of dependent 'groups of houses,' particularly kugelmoos, the view from which sweeps the inn from kufstein to innsbruck. beyond, again, but further south, is the schwaderalpe, whence the iron worked and taken in depôt at schwatz is got; and the kellerspitze, with the little village of troi, its twelve houses perched as if by supernatural handiwork on the spur of a rock, and once nearly as prolific as falkenstein in its yield of silver. the exhausted--deaf (taub) as it is expressively qualified in german--borings of s. anthony and s. blaze are still sometimes explored by pedestrians. arzburg also is within an hour's walk. it was once rich in copper ore, but is now comparatively little worked. above it is the heiligenkreuzkapelle, about which it is told, that when, on occasion of the baierische-rumpel [ ] in , the bridge of zirl was destroyed, the cross which surmounted it being carried away by the current, was here rescued and set up by the country-people, who still honour it by frequent pilgrimages. starting again from schwatz by the high-road, which follows pretty nearly the course of the inn, you pass a succession of small towns, each of which heads a valley, to which it gives its name, receiving it first from the torrent which through each pours the aggregate of the mountain streams into the river, all affording a foot-way through the duxerthal into the further extremity of the zillerthal--pill, weer, kolsass, wattens, and volders. first, there is pill, a frequent name in tirol, and derived by weber from bühl or büchl, a knoll; it is the wildest and most enclosed of any of these lateral valleys, and exposed to the ravages of the torrent, which often in winter carries away both bridges and paths, and makes its recesses inaccessible even to the hardy herdsmen. the following story may serve to show how hardy they are:--three sons of a peasant, whose wealth consisted in his grazing rights over a certain tract of the neighbouring slopes, were engaged one day in gathering herbage along the steep bank for the kids of their father's flock. the steep must have been difficult indeed on which they were afraid to trust mountain kids to cater for themselves; and the youngest of the boys was but six, the eldest only fifteen. the eldest lost his balance, and was precipitated into the roaring torrent, just then swollen to unusual proportions; he managed to cling fast behind one of the rocky projections which mark its bed, but his strength was utterly unable to bear him out of the stream. the second brother, aged ten, without hesitating, embraced the risk of almost certain death, let himself down the side of the precipice by clinging to the scanty roots which garnished its almost perpendicular side. arrived at the bottom, he sprang with the lightness of a chamois across the foaming waters on to the rock where the boy was now slackening his exhausted hold, and succeeded in dragging him up on to the surface; but even there there seemed no chance of help, far out of sound as they were of all human ears. but the youngest, meantime, with a thoughtfulness beyond his years, had made his way home alone, and apprised the father, who readily found the means of rescuing his offspring. the break into the weerthal is at some little distance from the high road; its church, situated on a little high-level plain, is surrounded with fir-trees. a little lake is pointed out, of which a similar legend is told to 'the judgment of achensee,' which is indeed one not infrequently met with; it is said that it covers a spot where stood a mighty castle, once submerged for the haughtiness of its inhabitants, and the waters placed there that no one might again build on the site for ever. the greatest ornament of the valley is the rambling ruin of schloss rettenberg, on its woody height, once a fortress of the rottenburgers; afterwards it passed to florian waldauf, whose history i have already given when speaking of hall. [ ] it was bought by the commune in , and the present church built up out of the materials it afforded, the former church having been burnt down that year. the old site and its remains are looked upon by the people as haunted by a steward of the castle and his wife, who in the days of its prosperity dealt hardly with the widow and the orphan, and must now wander sighing and breathing death on all who come within their baleful influence. a shepherd once fell asleep in the noontide heat, while his sheep were browsing on the grass-grown eminence. when he woke, they were no longer in sight; at last he found them dead within the castle keep. 'guard thy flock better,' shouted a hoarse voice, 'for this enclosure is mine, and none who come hither escape me.' none ventured within the precincts after this; but many a time those who were bold enough to peep through a fissure in the crazy walls reported that they had seen the hard-hearted steward as a pale, weary, grey-bearded man, sit sighing on the crumbling stones. the kolsassthal merges into the weerthal and is hardly distinguished from it, and affords a sort of counterpart, though on more broken ground, to the gnadenwald on the opposite side of the river. it is from this abundance of shady woods that its name is derived, through the old german kuol, cool, and sazz, a settlement. in the church, the altar-piece of the assumption is by zoller. the church of wattens has an altar-piece by a more esteemed tirolean artist, schöpf; it represents s. laurence, to whom the church is dedicated. the many forges busily at work making implements of agriculture, nails, &c., keep you well aware of the thrift and industry of the place; its prosperity is further supported by a paper manufactory, which has always remained in the hands of the family which started it in , and supplies the greater part of tirol. a self-taught villager, joseph schwaighofer, enjoyed some reputation here a few years ago as a guitar maker. the wattenserthal, like the kolsassthal, is also very woody, and contains some little settlements of charcoal-burners; but it is also diversified by a great many fertile glades, which are diligently sought out for pasture. at walchen, where a few shepherds' huts are clustered at the confluence of two mountain streams, the valley is broken into two branches--one, möls, running nearly due south into the navisthal, by paths increasing in difficulty as you proceed; the other, lizumthal, by the south-east to hinterdux, passing at the innerlahn the so-called 'blue lake,' of considerable depth. [ ] following the road again, volders is reached at about a mile from wattens. as at the latter place, your ears are liberally greeted with the sounds of the smithy. volders has quite a celebrity for its production of scythes; some ten or twelve thousand are said to be exported annually. the post inn affords tolerable quarters for a night or two while exploring the neighbourhood. the prolific pencil of schöpf has provided the church with an altar-piece of the holy family; though an ancient foundation, it does not present any object of special interest. the voldererthal runs beneath some peaks dear to alpine climbers, the grafmarterspitz, the glunggeser, the kreuzjoch, and the pfunerjoch. its entrance is commanded by the castles of hanzenheim, sometimes called starkelberg, from having belonged to a family of that name, and used as a hospital during the campaign of ; and friedberg, which is still inhabited, having been carefully restored by the present owner, count albert von cristalnigg. it was originally built in the ninth or tenth century, as a tower to guard the bridge; it gave its name to a powerful family, who are often mentioned in the history of tirol. at the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries, it was one of the castles annexed by friedrich mit der leeren tasche. it contains also the voldererbad, a mineral spring, which is much visited, but more conveniently reached by way of windegg than through the valley itself. in the voldererwald is a group of houses, aschbach by name, which belongs ecclesiastically to the parish of mils, on the opposite side; and the following story is given to account for the anomaly:--at the time when the territory of volders belonged parochially to kolsass (it must have been before the year , as it was that year formed into an independent parish), the neighbourhood was once ravaged by the plague. a farmer of aschbach being stricken by it, sent to beg the spiritual assistance of the priest of kolsass. the priest attended to the summons; but when he reached the threshold of the infected dwelling, and saw what a pitiable sight the sick man presented, his fears got the better of his resolution, and he could not prevail on himself to enter the room. not to leave his penitent entirely without comfort, however, he exhorted him to repentance, heard his confession, and absolved him from where he stood; and then uncovering the sacred host, bid him gaze on it in a spirit of faith, and assured him he should thereby receive all the benefit of actual communion. the visit thus completed, he hurried back to kolsass in all speed. meantime the sick man, not satisfied with the office thus performed, sent for the priest of mils, who, supported by apostolic charity, approached him without hesitation, and administered the sacred mysteries. contrary to all expectation, the farmer recovered, resumed his usual labours, and in due course garnered his harvest. in due course also came round the season for paying his tithe. with commendable punctuality the farmer loaded his waggon with the sacred tribute, and started alacritously on the way to kolsass. any one who watched him might have observed a twinkle of his eye, which portended some unusual dénouement to the yearly journey. as he approached kolsass the twinkle kindled more humorously, and the oxen felt the goad applied more vigorously. the pastor of kolsass turned out to see the waggon approaching at the unusual pace, and was already counting the tempting sheaves of golden corn. to his surprise, however, his frolicsome parishioner wheeled round his team before he brought it to a stand, and then cried aloud, 'gaze, father! yes, gaze in faith on the goodly sight, and believe me, your faith shall stand you in stead of the actual fruition!' with that he drove his waggon at the same pace at which he had come, straight off to the pastor of mils, at whose worthy feet he laid the tithe. and this act of 'poetical justice' was ratified by ecclesiastical authority as a censure on the pusillanimity of the priest of kolsass, by the transfer of the tithing of aschbach to the parish of mils. i have met a counterpart of this story both in england and in spain; so true is it, as carlyle has prettily said, that though many traditions have but one root they grow, like the banyan, into a whole overarching labyrinth. the stately serviten-kloster outside volders suggests another adaptation of this metaphor. from the root of one saint's maxims and example, what an 'over-arching labyrinth' of good works will grow up and spread over and adorn the face of the earth, even in the most distant parts. in the year there was born at trent a boy named hyppolitus guarinoni, who was destined to graft upon tirol the singular virtues of st. charles borromeo. attached early to the household of the saintly archbishop of milan, guarinoni grew up to embody in action his spirit of devotion and charity. by st. charles's advice and assistance he followed the study of medicine, and took his degree in his twenty-fifth year. shortly after, he was appointed physician in ordinary to the then ruler of tirol, archduke ferdinand ii. his fervent piety marked him as specially fit to be further entrusted with the sanitary care of the convent founded some years before by the princesses magdalen, margaret, and helena, ferdinand's sisters, at hall, and called the königliche damenstift. [ ] all the time that was left free by these public engagements he spent by the bedsides of the poor of the neighbourhood. the care of the soul ever accompanied his care for their bodies, and many a wanderer owed his reconciliation with heaven to his timely exhortations. just about this time the incursions of the new doctrines were making themselves felt in this part of tirol, and some localities, which from their remoteness were out of the way of regular parochial ministrations, were beginning to listen to them. guarinoni discovered this in the course of his charitable labours, for which no outlying sennerhütte was inaccessible. in he obtained special leave, though a layman, from the bishop of brixen, to preach in localities which had no resident pastor; he further published a little work which he used to distribute among the people, designed to show them how many corporal infirmities are induced by neglect of the whole-some maxims of religion. besides the restored unity of the faith in his country, two other monuments of his piety remain: the church of st. charles by the bridge of volders, and the sanctuary of judenstein. in his moments of leisure it was his favourite occupation to commit to writing for the instruction of posterity the traditional details of the life of st. nothburga, and of the holy child andreas of rinn, which were at his date even more rife in the mouths of the peasantry of the neighbourhood than at present. he only died in , having devoted himself to these good works for nearly half a century. the church by which he endeavoured to bring under observation and imitation the distinguishing qualities of st. charles, was erected on a spot famous in the middle ages as a bandit's den; the building occupied thirty-four years, and was consecrated but a short time before his death. baron karl von fieger, from whom he bought the site, a few years later added to it the servite monastery, which, though it exhibits all the vices of the architecture of its date, yet bears tokens that its imperfections are not due to any stint of means. its three cupolas and other structural arrangements are designed in commemoration of the holy trinity--a mystery which is held in very special honour throughout austria. in the decorations, later benefactors have carried on guarinoni's intention, the acts of st. charles being portrayed in the frescoes, completed in , by which knoller has earned some celebrity in the world of art for himself and for the church: they display his conversion from the stiffer german style of his master, paul trogger, to the italian manner. that over the entrance conveys a tradition of st. charles, predicting to guarinoni, while his page, that he would one day erect a church in his honour; that of the larger cupola is an apotheosis of the saint. the picture of the high-altar sets forth the saint ministering to the plague-stricken; it is knoller's boldest attempt at colouring. near the entrance door may be observed a considerable piece of rock built into the wall, entitled by the people 'stein des gehorsams,' [ ] its history being that at the time when the church was building it was detached from the rock above by a landslip, and threatened the workmen with destruction. its course was arrested at the behest of a pious monk, who was overseeing the works. [ ] after passing the servitenkloster a footpath may easily be found which leads to judenstein and rinn, the seat of one of the much-contested mediæval beliefs accusing the jews of the sacrifice of christian children. it may be better, in describing this stem of this banyan, to visit rinn the further place first, and take judenstein on our way back. the country traversed is well wooded, and further diversified by the bizarre outlines of the steeples of hall seen across the river, while the mighty glunggeser-spitz rises , feet above you. it invites a visit for its amenity and its associations, though the relics of the infant saint 'anderle' are no longer there. his father died, it would seem, while he was a child in arms; his mother earned her living in the fields, and while she was absent used to leave her boy at pentzenhof in charge of his godfather, mayr. one day, when he was about three years old--it was the th july --she was cutting corn, when suddenly she saw three drops of blood upon her hand without any apparent means of accounting for the token, one with which many superstitions were connected. [ ] her motherly instincts were alarmed, and, without an instant's consideration, she threw down her sickle and hurried home. a little field-chapel to st. isidor the husbandman, st. nothburga, and st. andrew of rinn, was subsequently built upon this spot. arrived at mayr's house, the forebodings of her anxious heart were redoubled at not finding her darling playing about as he was wont. the faithless godfather, taken by surprise at her unexpected return, only stammered broken excuses in answer to her reiterated inquiries. at last he exclaimed, thinking to calm her frenzy, 'if he is not here, here is something better--a hat full of golden pieces, which we will share between us.' he took down his hat, but to his consternation instead of finding it heavy with its golden contents, there was nothing in it but withered leaves! at this sight he was overcome with fear and horror; his speech forsook him, and his senses together, and he ended his days raving mad. the distracted mother, meantime, pursued her inquiries and perquisitions; but all she could learn was that certain jews, [ ] returning from their harvesting at botzen, had over-tempted mayr by their offers and persuaded him to sell the child to them, but with the assurance that he should come to no harm. little reassured by the announcement, she ran madly into the neighbouring birchwood, whither she had learned they had bent their steps, and there came upon the lifeless body of her treasure, hanging bloodless and mangled from a tree. a large stone near bore traces of having been used as a sacrificial stone, and the clothes, which had been rudely torn off, lay scattered about; the many wounds of his tender form showed by how cruel a martyrdom he had been called to share in the massacre of the innocents. his remains were tenderly gathered and laid to rest, and his memory held in affection by all the neighbourhood; nevertheless, though there were many signs of the supernatural connected with the event, it did not receive all the veneration it might have been expected to call forth. about ten years later a similar event occurred at trent, and the remains of the infant s. simeon were treated with so great honour that the people of rinn were awakened to an appreciation of the treasure they had suffered to lie in their churchyard almost unheeded. [ ] the emperor maximilian i. contemplated building a church over the spot where the martyrdom occurred, hence call judenstein. his intentions were frustrated by the knavery of the builder, and only a small chapel was built at this time; and though on occasion of its consecration the relics of the child martyr were carried thither in solemn procession, they were still for some time after preserved at rinn. it was hippolitus gruarinoni to whom the honour is due of saving the spot from oblivion. the chisel of the tirolese sculptor nissl has set forth in grotesque design a group of jews fulfilling their fearful deed. a portrait of gruarinoni was likewise hung up there. the relics were translated thither with due solemnity in . an afflux of pilgrims was immediately attracted, and the numerous tablets which crowd the walls attest the estimation in which it has been held. then the people began to remember the wonders that had surrounded it. the ghost of godfather mayr, which for two centuries had been frequently met howling through the woods, now seemed to have found its rest, for it was never more seen or heard. and they recalled how a beautiful white lily, with strange letters on its petals, had bloomed spontaneously on the holy infant's grave; [ ] that when a wilful boy, pögler by name, snapped the stem while they were still pondering what the unknown letters might mean, he had his arm withered; and further that for generations after, every pögler had died an untimely or a violent death. how in like manner, for seven consecutive winters, the birch-tree, on which the innocent child's body was hung by his persecutors, put forth fresh green sprouts as if in spring, and how when a thoughtless woodman one day hewed it down for a common tree, it happened that he met with a terrible accident on his homeward way, whereof he died. it may well be imagined that where such legends prevailed jews obtained little favour; so that to the present day it is said there is but few jew families settled among them, though they are numerous and influential in other parts of the austrian dominion. [ ] another memory yet of hippolitus guarinoni lingers in the neighbourhood. by a path which branches off near judenstein to the left (going from volders and following the stream), the volderbad is reached; a sulphur spring discovered and brought into notice by him, and now much frequented in summer, perhaps as much for its pleasant mountain breezes as for the medicinal properties of the waters. there is another interesting excursion which should be followed before reaching innsbruck, but it is more easily made from hall than from volders, though still on the right bank of the inn. the first village on it is ampass, a walk of about four miles from hall through the most charming scenery; it is so called simply as being situated on a pass between the hills traversed on the road to hall. then you pass the remains of the former seat of the house of brandhausen; and following the road cut by maria theresa through the wippthal to facilitate the commerce in wine and salt between matrei and hall, you pass altrans and lans, having always the green heights of the patscherkofl smiling before you, an easy ascent for those who desire to practise climbing, from lans, where the wilder mann affords possible quarters for a night. [ ] a path branching off from the mattrei road leads hence to sistrans, a village whose church boasts of having been embellished by claudia de' medici. its situation is delightful; the green plain is strewed with fifteen towns and villages, including hall and innsbruck, and behind these rise the great range of alps, while on the immediate foreground is the tiny lansersee which will afford excellent forellen for luncheon. the bed of this same lansersee, it is said, was once covered with a flourishing though not extensive forest, its wood the only substance of a humble peasant, who had received it from his fathers. a nobleman living near took a fancy to the bit of forest ground, but instead of offering to purchase it, he endeavoured to set up some obsolete claim in a court of law. the judge, afraid to offend the powerful lord, decided in his favour. the poor man heard the sentence with as much grief at the dishonour done to his forefathers' honour as distress at his own ruin. 'there is no help for me on earth, i know,' said the poor man. 'i have no money to make an appeal. i may not contend in arms with one of noble blood. but surely he who sitteth in heaven, and who avenged naboth, will not suffer this injustice. as for me, my needs are few; i refuse not to work; the sweat of my brow will bring me bread enough; but the inheritance of my fathers which i have preserved faithfully as i received it from them, shall it pass to another?' and in the bitterness of his soul he wept and fell asleep; but as he slept in peace a mighty roaring sound disturbed the slumbers of the unjust noble; it seemed to him in his dream as though the foundations of his castle were shattered and the floods passing over them. when they awoke in the morning the forest was no more to be seen--a clear calm lake mirrored the justice of heaven, and registered its decree that the trees of the poor man should never enrich the store of his unscrupulous neighbour. sistrans was once famous for a champion wrestler who had long carried off the palm from all the country round; but like him of schwatz, he was not content with his great natural strength; he was always afraid a stronger than he might arise and conquer him in turn; and so he determined to put himself beyond the reach of another's challenge. to effect this he arranged with great seeming devotion to serve the mass on christmas night; and while the priest's eye was averted, laid a second wafer upon the one that he had had laid ready. the priest, suspecting nothing, consecrated as usual; and then at the moment of the wandlung, when the priest was absorbed in the solemnity of his act, as he approached to lift the chasuble he stealthily abstracted the host he had surreptitiously laid on the altar. the precious talisman carefully concealed, he bound it on his arm the instant mass was over; and from that day forth no one could stand against him. and not only this, but he had power too in a multitude of other ways. had anyone committed a theft, it needed but to consult our wrestler; if he began saying certain words and walking solemnly along, immediately, step by step, were he far or near, the thief, wherever he was, was bound by secret and resistless impulse to tread as he trod, and bring back the booty to the place whence he had taken it. was anyone's cattle stricken with sickness, it needed but to call our wrestler; a few words solemnly pronounced, and the touch of his potent arm, sufficed to restore the beast to perfect health. moreover, no bird could escape his snare, no fox or hare or chamois outrun him for swiftness. thus all went well; he had played a bold stake, and had won his game. but at last the time came for him to die. weary of his struggles, and even of his successes, our wrestler would fain have laid his head to rest under the soft green turf of the field of peace, by the wayside of those who pass in to pray, and lulled by the sound of the holy bells. but in vain he lay in his bed; death came not. true, there were all his symptoms in due force--the glazed eye and palsied tongue and wringing agony; but for all that he could not die. at last, the priest, astonished at what he saw, asked him if he had not on his conscience some sin weighty above the wont, and so moved him to a sense of penance that he confessed his impiety with tears of contrition; and it was not till he had told all, and the priest had received the sacred particle he had misused, that, shriven and blessed, his soul could depart in peace. there is a spot outside sistrans called the todsünden-marterle, but whether it has any connection with this tradition, or whether it has one of its own, i have not been able to learn. a couple of hours further is the pilgrimage chapel of heiligenwasser, which is much visited both by the pious and the valetudinarian. its history is that in two shepherd boys keeping their father's herd upon the mountains lost two young kine. in vain they sought them through the toilful path and beneath the burning sun; the kine were nowhere to be found. at last in despair of any further labour proving successful, they fell on their knees and prayed with tears for help from above. then a bright light fell upon them, and the gnadenmutter appeared beside them, and bid them be of good cheer, for the cattle were gone home to their stall; moreover she added, 'drink, children, for the day is hot, and ye are weary with wandering.' 'drink!' exclaimed the famished children, 'where shall we find water? there is no water near!' but even as they spoke the gnadenmutter was taken from their sight, but in the place where the light surrounding her had shone there welled up a clear and bubbling stream between the rocks, which has never ceased to flow since. the boys went home, but had not the courage to tell how great a favour had been bestowed on them; yet they never went by that way without turning to give glory to god, and say a prayer beneath the holy spring. fifty years passed. one of them was an infirm old man, and no longer went abroad so far, the other was attended in his labours by the son of a neighbour, a lad who had been dumb from his birth. when the lad saw the herdsman kneel down by the spring and drink and pray, he knelt and drank and prayed too; when lo! no sooner had the water passed his lips than he found he had the power of speech like any other. the narration of the one wonder led to that of the other. the people readily believed, and before the year was out a chapel had been raised upon the spot. chapter viii. north tirol--the innthal. innsbruck. many centuries have been numbered, since in death the monarch slumbered by the convent's sculptured portal, mingling with the common dust; but his good deeds, through the ages living in historic pages, brighter grow and gleam immortal, unconsumed by moth or rust. longfellow. i shall not easily forget my first greeting at innsbruck. we had come many days' journey from the north to a rendezvous with friends who had travelled many days' journey from the south; they were to arrive a week earlier than we, and were accordingly to meet us at the station and do the hosts' part. but it happened that the station was being rebuilt, and the order of 'no admittance except on business' was strictly enforced. the post-office was closed, being 'after hours,' and though the man left in charge, with true tirolean urbanity, suffered us to come in and turn over the letters for ourselves, we failed to find the one conveying the directions we sought. so with no fixed advices to guide us, we wandered through the mountain capital in search of a chance meeting. we had nearly given up this attempt in its turn in despair of success, when 'albina,' a little white roman lupetto dog, belonging to the friends of whom we were in search, came bounding upon me. it was more than two years since i had taken leave of her in the eternal city, but her affectionate sympathy was stronger than time or distance; and here, far from all aid in the associations of home, and while the rest of her party were yet a great way off--almost out of sight--she had spied me out, and came to give her true and hearty greeting. it is a pleasant association with innsbruck, a revelation of that pure and lasting love which dog-nature seems to have been specially created to convey; but it was not of innsbruck. innsbruck--schpruck, as the indigenous call it--though the chief, is the least tirolean town of tirol. it apes the airs and vices of a capital, without having the magnificence and convenience by which they are engendered. there is a page of tirol's history blotted by a deed which innsbruck alone, of all tirol, could have committed, and which it indeed requires its long and otherwise uniformly high character for both exceeding hospitality and exceeding loyalty to cancel. the subject of it was its own kaiser max, whose prudence in governmental details and gallantry in the field and in the chase had raised him in the popular mind to the position of a hero. when he had come to them before, in his youth, in his might, and in his imperial pomp, he had been sung and fêted. the people had acclaimed him with joy, and his deeds were a very household epic; while he in turn had extended their borders by conquest, and their privileges by concessions. but now he had come back to them, worn out with war and cares and age. he felt that his end was near, and it was to tirol, with which he had always stood in bonds of so much love, that he turned to spend his few declining years. but innsbruck, when it saw him thus, seems to have forgotten his prowess and his benefits, and to have remembered only a pitiful squabble about payment of the score for the maintenance of his household at his last visit. a ruler who had spent himself in bettering the condition of his people might well, in the days of his weariness and sadness of heart, have expected to meet with more liberality at their hands; but from innsbruck, where--little obscure provincial town as it was--he had so often held his court, which had been raised in importance and singularly enriched by royal marriages and receptions and other costly ceremonies celebrated there at his desire, and which by his example and instigation had become the residence of many nobles who had learnt under his administration to value peaceful study above the pursuit of war--from innsbruck he had most of all to expect. and yet on this occasion, as he lay ailing and restless on his couch, the neighing and tramping of his horses disturbed his fitful slumbers; and rising in the early dawn to ascertain the cause, he beheld the team which had brought him from the diet at augsburg, left out unfed and untended in the streets, because the people said he should not run up another score with them. with a moderation he would not perhaps have practised in his younger days, he quietly went on his way, to die at wels on the trann. i have often pictured the pale sad face of the old emperor as he turned from that sight, and thought of the sickness of his heart as one of history's most touching lessons of the world's inconstancy. perhaps it predisposed me against innsbruck; perhaps i was inclined to be a little unjust; but, at all events, it prepared me not to be surprised if its people should prove more sophisticated than their fellow-countrymen. it was quite what i expected, therefore, when i was told that in the older inns of the class wherein one generally finds a refreshing hospitality and primitiveness, the absence of comfort was not compensated by corresponding simplicity of manners. in the oesterreichischer hof, one of those provincial pieces of pretentiousness which those who travel to learn the characteristics of a country should, under ordinary circumstances, avoid, we found the pleasantness of its situation sufficient to make us forget all else; and indeed, considered as a copy of a vienna hotel, it is not a bad attempt. there is a room which on sundays is set apart for an english service. on a subsequent visit we found a large new hotel (europa), rather near the railway station, preferable to it in some respects, and there are many others besides. i have spoken of the pleasant situation, and our apartment was situated so as fully to enjoy it; we had to ourselves a whole suite of little rooms, with a separate corridor running along the back of them, from the windows of which we could make acquaintance, under the alternating play of sunshine, moonbeam, or lightning, with the range of mountains which wall in tirol. the martinswand and frauhütt, with their romantic memories; the seegruben-spitze and the kreuz-spitze, rugged and wild; the grand masses of the brandjoch and the lesser solstein, and the greater solstein already wearing a lace-like veil of snow; while the quaint copper cupolaed towers of innsbruck conceal the rumerjoch and the kaisersäule; and in the front of the picture, the roofs with their wooden tiles afford a view of the mysteries of apple-drying, and a thousand other local arts of domestic economy. if our furniture was not of the most elegant or abundant, it was all the more in keeping with such wild surroundings. the character of the town itself partakes of the same mixture of quaint picturesqueness with modern pretension which i have already observed in that of the people and the hotel. the neustadt, as the chief street is called, remarkable for its width, tidiness, and good paving, is no less so for its old arcades in one part, and the steep gables in another, and the monuments of faith which adorn its centre line. at one end it is closed in by the stern gaunt mountain, at the other by maria theresa's triumphal arch. there are other streets again, straight, modern, and uniform; the museum strasse, and the karl strasse, and the landhaus gasse, [ ] but you soon come to an end of them; and then you find yourself in a suburb of most primitive quality; your progress arrested, now by the advance of the iron road, now by the placid gentle sill, now by the proudly flowing inn. the mediæval history of innsbruck is signalized by a number of fires which destroyed many of its antiquities. to the first of these it owes the suggestion that the town needed a water supply, acted upon by meinhard ii., and the monks of wilten, in the formation of the kleine sill, which continues still as useful as ever; but other fires again and again laid it in ashes, so that very little of really old work survives, though there are many foundations of early date, the buildings of which have been again and again rebuilt. the very oldest of these is the monastery of wilten, now a suburb a little way outside the triumphpforte, originally the seat of the suzerains who created the town. the history of its origin is one of the most remarkable myths of the country, and is a very epitome of the history of the conflict of heathendom with christendom. the romans had found here a flourishing town even in their time, and they made of it an important station, calling it valdidena, whence its present name; coins and other relics of their sojourn are continually dug out of the soil. tradition has it, however, that etzel (attila) laid the city in ruins on his way back from the terrible battle of chalons. it continued, nevertheless, to be a convenient and consequently frequented station of the intercourse between the banks of the po and the rhine. when dietrich von bern (theodoric of verona) announced his expedition against chriemhilde's garden of roses at worms, one of the mightiest who responded to his appeal, and who did him the most signal service in taking the rose-garden, was heime, popularly called haymon, a giant 'taller and more powerful than goliath.' returning in theodoric's victorious train, he came through tirol. as he approached valdidena he found his passage barred by another giant named thyrsus, living near zirl, who has left his name to the little neighbouring hamlet of tirschenbach. thyrsus had heard of haymon's prowess, and as his own had been unchallenged hitherto, he determined to provoke him to combat. haymon was no less fierce than himself, and scarcely waited for his challenge to rush to the attack. but anyone who had looked on would have guessed from the first moment on which side the advantage would fall. thyrsus was indeed terrible of aspect; higher in stature than haymon, his shaggy hair covered a determined brow; his hardy skin was bronzed by exposure to weather and lying on the rocks; his sinews were developed by constant use, and their power attested by the tree torn up by the roots which he bore in his hand for a club; at each footfall the ground shook, for he planted his feet with a sound of thunder, and his stride was from hill to hill. but haymon's every movement displayed him practised in each art of attack and defence. less fierce of expression than thyrsus, his eyes were ever on the watch to follow every moment of his antagonist, and like a wall of adamant he stood receiving all his thrusts with a studied patience, giving back none till his attacker's strength was well-nigh exhausted. then he fell upon him and slew him. an effigy of the two giants yet adorns the wall of the wayside chapel at tirschendorf. haymon was still in the prime of manhood, being about thirty-five, and this was but one of his many successful combats. nevertheless, it was destined to be his last, for a benedictine monk of tegernsee coming by while he was yet in the first flush of victory, succeeded so well in reasoning with him on the worthlessness of all on which he had hitherto set his heart, and on the superior attractions of a higher life, that he then and there determined to give up his sanguinary career, and henceforth devote his strength to the service of christ. in pursuance of this design he determined to build with his own hands a church and monastery on the site of the ruined town of valdidena, by the banks of the sill. with his own hands he quarried the stone and felled the timber; but in the meantime the evil one in the form of a huge dragon had taken possession of the place. never did he let himself be seen; but when he came to lay the foundation, haymon found every morning that whatever work he had done by day, the dragon had destroyed by night. then he saw that he must watch by night as well as work by day, and by this means he discovered with what manner of adversary he had to deal. the dragon lashed the ground with his tail in fury, just as the wild wind stirs up the sea, and filled the air with the smoke and sparks he breathed out of his mouth. haymon saw that with all his strength and science he could not overcome so terrible an enemy; nevertheless, he did not lose heart, but commended himself to god. meantime, the streaks of morn began to appear over the sky, and at sight of them the dragon turned and fled. haymon perceived his advantage, and pursued him; by-and-by the rocks bounding the path contracted, and at last they came to the narrow opening of a cave. as soon as the dragon had got his head in and could not turn, haymon raised his sword with a powerful swing, and calling on god to aid his stroke, with one blow severed the monster's head from the trunk. as a trophy of his feat, he cut out the creature's sting, which was full two feet long, and subsequently hung it up in the sanctuary, and something to represent it is still shown in the church of wilten. after this, the building went on apace; and when it was completed, he took up a huge stone which had been left over from the foundation of the building, and flung it with the whole power of his arm. it sped over the plain for the space of nearly two miles, till it struck against the hill of ambras, and rolled thence down again upon the plain, 'where it may yet be seen;' and with all the land between he endowed the monastery. then he called thither a colony of benedictines to inhabit it, and himself lived a life of penance as the lowest among them for eighteen years; and here he died in the year . another benefit which he conferred on the neighbourhood was rebuilding the bridge of innsbruck. [ ] tradition says he was buried on the right hand side of the high altar, and even preserves the following rough lines as his epitaph:-- als tag und jahr verloffen war achthundert schon verstrichen zu siebzig acht hats auch schon g'macht da heymons tod verblichen. der tapfere held hat sich erwählt en kloster aufzuführen gab alles hinein, gieng selbst auch drein, wollts doch nicht selbst regieren. hat löblich gelebt, nach tugent gstrebt ein spiegel war er allen; riss hin riss her, ist nicht mehr er, ins grab ist er hier g'fallen. many fruitless searches have been made for his body; the last, in the year , undermined great part of the wall of the church, and caused its fall. the popular belief in the existence of the giants haymon and thyrsis has found a forcible expression nevertheless in two huge wooden figures, placed at the entrance of the minster church. the parish church of wilten has a more ancient and curious relic in the mutter gottes unter den vier säulen, [ ] of which it is said, that the thundering legion having been stationed at valdidena about the year , had this image with them; that on one occasion of being ordered on a distant expedition they buried it under four trees, and never had the opportunity of recovering it. that when rathold von aiblingen made his pilgrimage to rome, he brought back with him the secret of its place of concealment, exhumed it, set it up on the altar under a baldachino with four pillars, where it has never ceased to be an object of special veneration. this received a notable encouragement when friedrich mit der leeren tasche, wandering in secret through the country with his trusty hans von müllinen after the ban of the empire had been pronounced against him, knelt before this shrine, and prayed a blessing on his unchanging devotion to it. the sequel made him believe that his prayer was heard; and when he was once more established in his possessions, he caused himself and his friend to be portrayed kneeling at the shrine to seek protection under the fostering mantle of the virgin, and had the picture hung on the wall of the church opposite. the name of innsbruck first occurs in a record of the year , on occasion of a concession granted to the chapel of s. jakob in der au--s. james's in the field--probably the spot on which the stately pfarrkirche now stands. prior to this, the little settlement of inhabitants, whom the commerce between germany and italy had gathered round the inn-bridge, could only satisfy the obligation of the sunday and holy-day mass by attendance in the church of wilten; now, the faculty was granted to their own little chapel. its situation made it a convenient entrepôt for many articles of heavy merchandise, and, as years went by, a dwelling-place of various merchants also. all this time it was a dependency of the monks of wilten. in , berthold ii. von andechs, acquired from them by treaty certain rights over the prospering town. his successor, otho i., surrounded it with walls and fortifications, and built himself a residence, on the entrance of which was chiselled the date of , and the inscription,-- dies haus stehet in gottes hand ottoburg ist es genannt. and on the same spot, in an old house overlooking the river inn, some remains of this foundation may be traced, to which the name of ottoburg still attaches. in it was treated to the privilege of being the only dépôt for goods between the ziller and the melach; other concessions followed, maintaining its ever-rising importance. in bruno, bishop of brixen, consecrated a second church, the morizkapelle, in the ottoburg. but though both its temporal and spiritual lords appear to have encouraged its growth by every means in their power, and though there are records of occasional noble gatherings within its precincts, it was not till after the cession of tirol to austria by margaretha maultasch that the convenience of its central situation, and its water communication by the inn and danube with other towns of the empire, suggested its adoption as the seat of government of the country. the fidelity of the towns-people to duke rudolf iv. of austria at the time of a bavarian invasion, elicited a further outpouring of privileges from their ruler, putting beyond all dispute in a short time the priority of innsbruck over all the towns of tirol. friederich mit der leeren tasche made it his residence, and his base of operations for reducing the rottenburgers and other powerful nobles, who during the late unsettled condition of the government had set at naught his power and oppressed the people. in this he received the warmest support of the innsbruckers, which he in turn repaid by granting all their wishes. the singular loyalty of the tirolese, and their good fortune in having been generally blessed with upright and noble-minded rulers, make their annals read like a continuous heroic romance. the deeds of their princes have for centuries been household words in every mountain home of tirol. none have had a deeper place in their hearts than the fortunes of friedl, and never was any man more fortunate in his misfortunes. before they yet knew what manner of prince he was, the ban of the empire had made him a penniless wanderer. reduced to a condition lower than their own, the peasants wherever he passed gathered round him, and swore to stand by him, and concealed his hiding-places with the closest fidelity. one night he came weary and wayworn to bludenz in vorarlberg, seeking shelter before the impending storm. the night-watch had the closest orders to beware of strangers, for an incursion of the imperial army was expected, and every stranger might be a spy; no entreaty of friedl on his friend hans could shake his obedience to orders. when the prince declared who he was, the man said, 'would it were friedl indeed!' but added that he would not be taken in by the pretence, however well devised. at last the outcast obtained from him that he would send for an innkeeper to whom he was known. mine host at once recognised his sovereign, and received him with joy. the thorwächter trembled when he found what he had done, but frederick commended his steadfastness heartily, and invited him to dine at his table next day. while he was here, the emperor summoned the burghers to give up his prisoner; but the bludenzers sent answer that 'they had sworn fealty to duke frederick and the house of austria, and they would not break their oath.' this spirited reply would probably have brought an army to their gates had frederick remained among them; but in order to save them from an attack, for which they were little prepared, he took his departure,--by stealth, or they would not have suffered him to depart, even for their own safety's sake. at other times he would earn his day's food by manual labour before he disclosed to his entertainers who he was, and then he would only partake of the same frugal fare, and the same hard lodging, as the peasants who received him. by these means he became deeply endeared to the people, who thus knew he was one who felt for their privations, and shared their feelings and opinions, and did not treat them with supercilious contempt like one of the nobles. when by these wanderings frederick had discovered how deeply the people loved him, he arranged with the owner of the rofnerhof in the oetztal a plan by which, on occasion of a great fair at landeck, always crowded by people from all the country round, he appeared in the character of principal actor in a peasant-comedy, which set forth the sufferings of a prince driven from his throne by cruel enemies, wandering homeless among his people, then calling them to arms, and leading them to victory. the excitement of the people at the representation exceeded his highest expectations. loud sobs and cries accompanied his description of the prince's woes; but when he came to sing of the people following their prince's call to arms, their ardour became quite irresistible. the enthusiasm was contagious; frederick could no longer contain himself; he threw off his disguise, and declared himself their friedl. it needed no more; unbidden they proffered their allegiance and their vows to defend his rights to the last drop of their blood. the enthusiasm of the landeckers soon spread over the whole country; and when the emperor sigismund and ernst der eiserne and frederick's other foes found his people were as firm as their own mountains in his defence, they gave up the attempt at further persecution, and concluded a truce with him. in his prosperity he did not forget the peasants who had stood by him so loyally. while he tamed the power of their oppressors, he did all he could to lighten their burdens; and to many, who had rendered him special service, he marked his gratitude by special favours. thus, to ruzo of the rofnerhof he granted among other privileges the right of asylum on his demesne, which was put in use down to the year . we have already seen his conflict with henry of rottenburg, [ ] and in the same way he tamed the overgrown power of other nobles. in the course of our wanderings we shall often find the popular hero's name stored up in the people's lore. in connection with innsbruck, he is well known to the most superficial tourist as the builder of the goldene dachl-gebäude. and what is the goldene dachl-gebäude?--it is a most picturesque addition to, and almost all remaining of, what in his time was the fürstenburg, or princely palace, having a roof of shining gilt copper tiles, sufficiently low to be in sight of the passer-by; but the account the best english guide-book gives the tourist of its origin is so wanting in the true appreciation of friedl's character, that i am fain to supply the tirolese version of it. the above account says that it was built in 'by frederick, called in ridicule "empty purse," who, in order to show how ill-founded was the nickname, spent thirty thousand ducats on this piece of extravagance, which probably rendered the nickname more appropriate than before.' now, to say that he was called 'empty purse' thus vaguely would imply that it was a name given by common consent, and generally adopted. to say that he built the golden roof only to show that such a nickname was ill-founded, is simply to accuse him of arrogance. to treat it as an extravagance which justified the accusation, is to convict him of folly. but the government of frederick [ ]--which is felt even yet in the present independent spirit of tirol, which consolidated the country and made it respected, which set up the dignity of the freihof and the schildhof the foundation of a middle class as a dam against the encroachments of the nobility on the peasantry, which yet lives on in the hearts of the people, was an eminently prudent administration, and the story does not fit it. if, instead of resting satisfied with this compendious but flippant account, you ask the first true tirolese you meet to expound it, he will tell you that friedl had grown so familiar with peasant life that he despoiled himself to better the condition of his poorer subjects, not only by direct means, but by his expeditions in their defence, and also in forbearing to exact burdensome taxes. the nickname was not given him by general consent; nor at all, by the people; it was the cowardly revenge of those selfish nobles who could not appreciate the abnegation of his character. frederick saw in it a reproach, offered not so much to himself as to his people; it seemed to say that the people who loved him so well withheld the subsidies which should make him as grand as other monarchs. to disprove the calumny, and to show that his people enabled him to command riches too, he made this elegant little piece of display, which served also to adorn his good town of innsbruck; but he did not on that account alter his frugal management of his finances; so that when he came to die, though he had made none cry out that he had laid burdens on them, he yet left a replenished treasury. [ ] this is still one of the notable ornaments of innsbruck. the house is let to private families, but the 'gold-roofed' erker, or oriel, is kept up as a beloved relic almost in its original condition. there is a curious old fresco within, the subject of which is disputed; and on the second floor there is a sculptured bas-relief, representing maximilian and his two wives, mary of burgundy and maria bianca of milan, and the seven coats of arms of the seven provinces under maximilian's government. sigismund 'the monied,' frederick's son and successor ( - ), is more chargeable with extravagance, [ ] but his extravagance was all for the advantage of innsbruck. the reception he gave to christian i., king of denmark, when on his way to rome, is a striking illustration of the resources of the country in his time. sigismund went out to meet him at some miles' distance from the capital, with a train of three hundred horses, all richly caparisoned; his consort (eleanor of scotland) followed with her suite in two gilt carriages, and surrounded by fifty ladies and maidens on their palfreys. the king of denmark stayed three days; every day was a festival, and the magnificent dresses of the court were worthy of being specially chronicled. there seems to have been no lack of satin and velvet and ermine, embroidery, and fringes of gold-work. nor was mental culture neglected; for we find mention, at the same date, of public schools governed by 'a rector,' which would seem to imply that they had something beyond an elementary character. the impulse given to commerce by the working of the silver-mines also had the effect of causing some of the chief roads of the country to be made and improved. the most lasting traces of sigismund's reign, however, are the ruined towers which adorn the mountain landscapes. wherever we go in tirol, we come upon some memory of his expensive fancy for building isolated castles as a pied à terre for his hunting and fishing excursions, still distinguished by such names as sigmundskron, sigmundsfried, sigmundslust, sigmundsburg, sigmundsegg, and which we shall have occasion to notice as we go along. his wars were of no great benefit to the country, but his command of money enabled him to include vorarlberg within his frontier. sigismund was, however, entirely wanting in administrative qualities. this deficiency helped out his extravagance in dissipating the whole benefit which might have resulted to the public exchequer from the silver-works of his reign; and at last he yielded to the wholesome counsel of abdicating in favour of his cousin maximilian. maximilian ( - ) is another of the household heroes of tirol. even after he was raised to the throne of empire he still loved his tirolean home, and his residence there further increased the importance of the town of innsbruck. he built the new palace in the rennplatz, called the burg, which was completed for his marriage with maria bianca, daughter of galeazzo maria sforza, of milan. splendid was the assemblage gathered in innsbruck for this ceremonial. three years later it was further astonished by the magnificence of the turkish embassy; and the discussion of various treaties of peace were also frequently the means of adding brilliancy to the court, and prosperity to the town. his other benefits to the city, and innsbruck's unworthy return to him, i have already mentioned in the beginning of this chapter. many a fantastic sage is told of maximilian in the neighbourhood, which we shall find in their due places. the fine hunting-ground tirol affords was one of its greatest attractions for him; it led him, however, to introduce certain game-laws, and this was one principal element in bringing about the decline of his popularity in the last years of his life. at his death this disaffection broke out, and caused one of the most serious insurrectionary movements which have disturbed the even tenour of tirolese loyalty. to this was added the influence of lutheran teaching, the effects of which we have seen in the zillerthal. this spirit of discontent had time to gain ground during the first years of maximilian's grandson and successor, charles quint, whose immensely extended duties drew his attention off from tirol. very shortly after his accession, however, he made over the german hereditary dominions, including tirol, to his brother ferdinand, who established his family in this country. his wise administration and prudent concessions soon conciliated the people; though severe measures were also needed, and the year was signalized in innsbruck by some terrible executions. these were forgotten when, in the year , charles quint, returning victorious from pavia, on his way to augsburg stayed and held court at innsbruck; ferdinand met him on the brenner pass, and accompanied him to the capital. when charles reached the burg, ferdinand's children received him at the entrance; and the tenderness with which he greeted and kissed them was remarked by the people, on whom this token of homely affection had a powerful effect. electors and princes, spiritual and temporal, came to pay their homage to the emperor; and innsbruck was so filled with the titled throng, that the landtag had to remove its session to hall. ferdinand's other dominions, and the question of the threatened war with turkey, necessitated frequent absences from innsbruck. during one of these (in ) the burg was burnt down, and his children were only rescued from their beds with difficulty. the great hall, called the goldene saal, and the state bedroom, which was so beautifully ornamented that it bore the title of das paradies, were all reduced to ashes. in innsbruck was once more honoured by a visit of the magnificent emperor; and again, ten years later, he took up his residence there, that he might be near the session of the council of trent. it was while he was living here peacefully in all confidence, and almost unattended, that maurice, elector of saxony, having suddenly joined the smalkald league, treacherously attempted to surprise him, marching with a considerable armed force through pass fernstein. charles, who was laid up with illness at the time, was enabled by the loyal devotion of the tirolese to escape in the night-time and in a storm of wind and rain, being borne in a litter over the brenner, and by difficult mountain paths through bruneck into carinthia. maurice, baffled in his scheme, exercised his vengeance in plundering the imperial possessions, while his followers devastated the peasants' homes, the monastery of stams, and other religious houses that lay in their way. the sufferings of the tirolese on this occasion doubtless tended to confirm them in their aversion for the lutheran league. maurice's end was characteristic, and the tirolese, ever on the look-out for the supernatural, were not slow to see in it a worthy retribution for his treatment of their emperor. albert of brandenburg refused to join in the famous treaty of passau, subsequently concluded by maurice and the other lutheran leaders with the emperor. this and other differences led to a sanguinary struggle between them, in the course of which maurice was killed in battle at sieverhausen. ferdinand the first's reign has many mementos in innsbruck. he built the franciscan church, otherwise called the heiligen kreuzkirche and the hofkirche, which, tradition says, had been projected by his grandfather, kaiser max, though there is no written record of the fact; and he raised within it a most grandiose and singular monument to him, which has alone sufficed to attract many travellers to tirol. the original object of the foundation of the church seems to have been the establishment of a college of canons in this centre, to oppose the advance of lutheran teaching. it was begun in , the first design having been rejected by ferdinand as not grand enough, and consecrated in . he seems to have been at some pains to find a colony of religious willing to undertake, and competent to fulfil, his requirements; and not coming to an agreement with any in germany or the netherlands, ultimately called in a settlement of franciscans from trent and the venetian provinces, consisting of twenty priests and thirteen lay-brothers. the chief ornaments of the building itself are the ten large--but too slender--red marble columns, which support the plateresque roof. the greater part of the nave is taken up with maximilian's monument--cenotaph rather, for he lies buried at wiener-neustadt, the oft-contemplated translation of his remains never having been carried into effect. it was innsbruck's fault, as we have seen, that they were not originally laid to rest there, and it is her retribution to have been denied the honour of housing them hitherto. the monument itself is a pile upwards of thirteen feet long and six high, of various coloured marbles, raised on three red marble steps; on the top is a colossal figure, representing the kaiser dressed in full imperial costume, kneeling, his face being directed towards the altar--a very fine work, cast in bronze by luigi del duca, a sicilian, in . the sides and ends are divided by slender columns into twenty-four fine white marble compartments, [ ] setting forth the story of his achievements in lace-like relief. if the treatment of the facts is sometimes somewhat legendary, the details and accessories are most painstakingly and delicately rendered, great attention having been paid to the faithfulness of the costumes and buildings introduced, and the most exquisite finish lavished on all. they were begun in by the brothers bernhard and arnold abel, of cologne, who went in person to genoa to select the carrara tablets for their work; but they both died in , having only completed three. then alexander collin of mechlin took up the work, and with the aid of a large school of artists completed them in all their perfection in three years more. around it stands a noble guard of ancestors historical and mythological, cast in bronze, of colossal proportions, twenty-eight in number. it is a solemn sight as you enter in the dusk of evening, to see these stern old heroes keeping eternal watch round the tomb of him who has been called 'the last of the knights,' der letzte ritter. they have not, perhaps, the surpassing merit of the carrara reliefs, but they are nobly conceived nevertheless. for lightness of poise, combined with excellence of proportion and delicacy of finish, the figure of our own king arthur commends itself most to my admiration; but that of theodoric is generally reckoned to bear away the palm from all the rest. they stand in the following order. starting on the right side of the nave on entering, we have: . clovis, the first christian king of france. . philip 'the handsome,' [ ] of the netherlands, maximilian's son, reckoned as philip i. of spain, though he never reigned there. . rudolf of hapsburg. . albert ii. the wise, maximilian's great-grandfather. . theodoric, king of the ostrogoths. ( - .) . ernest der eiserne, duke of austria and styria. ( - .) . theodebert, duke of burgundy. ( .) . king arthur of england. . sigmund der münzreiche, count of tirol. ( - .) . maria bianca sforza, maximilian's second wife. (died .) . the archduchess margaret, maximilian's daughter. . cymburgis of massovica, wife of ernest der eiserne. (died .) . charles the bold, duke of burgundy, father of maximilian's first wife. . philip the good, father of charles the bold. founder of the order of the golden fleece. this completes the file on the right side; on our walk back down the other side we come to-- . albert ii., duke of austria, and emperor of germany. ( - .) . emperor frederick i., maximilian's father. ( - .) . st. leopold, margrave of austria; since the patron saint of austria. ( - .) . rudolf, count of hapsburg, grandfather or uncle of 'rudolf of hapsburg.' . leopold iii., 'the pious,' duke of austria, maximilian's great-grandfather; killed at sempach, . . frederick iv. of austria, count of tirol, surnamed 'mit der leeren tasche.' . albert i., d. of austria, emperor. (born ; assassinated by his nephew john of swabia, .) . godfrey de bouillon, king of jerusalem in . . elizabeth, wife of the emperor albert ii., daughter of sigismund, king of hungary and bohemia. ( - .) . mary of burgundy, maximilian's first wife. ( - .) . eleonora of portugal, wife of the emperor frederick iii., maximilian's mother. . cunigunda, maximilian's sister, wife of duke albert iv. of bavaria. . ferdinand 'the catholic.' . johanna, daughter of ferdinand and isabella, and wife of maximilian's son, philip i. of spain. there is a vast difference in the quality both of the design and execution of these statues; the greater number and the more artistic were cast by gregor löffler, who established a foundry on purpose at büchsenhausen; the rest by stephen and melchior godl, and hanns lendenstreich, who worked at mühlau, a suburb of innsbruck. all honour is due to them for the production of some of the most remarkable works of their age; but it was some unknown mind, probably that of some humble nameless franciscan, to whom is due the conception and arrangement of this piece of symbolism. it originally included, besides the statues already enumerated, twenty-three others, of saints, which were to have received a more elevated station, and it is for this reason that they are much smaller in size. they are now placed in the so-called 'silver chapel,' and are too frequently overlooked; but it is necessary to take them into account in order worthily to criticize this great monument. they are as follows:-- . st. adelgunda, daughter of walbert, count of haynault. . st. adelbert, count of brabant. . st. doda, wife of st. arnulf, duke of the moselle. . st. hermelinda, daughter of witger, count of brabant. . st. guy, duke of lotharingia. . st. simpert, bishop of augsburg, son of charlemagne's sister symporiana, who rebuilt the monastery of st. magnus at füssen. . st. jodok, son of a king of great britain; he wears a palmer's dress. . st. landerich, bishop of metz, son of st. vincent, count of haynault, and st. waltruda. . st. clovis. . st. oda, wife of duke conrad. . st. pharaild, daughter of witger, count of brabant. . st. reinbert, brother of the last. . st. roland, brother of st. simpert. . st. stephen, king of hungary. . st. venantius, martyr, son of theodoric, duke of lotharingia. . st. waltruda, mother of st. landerich (no. ). . st. arnulf, husband of st. doda (no. ), afterwards bishop of metz. . st. chlodulf, son of st. waltruda (no. ), also bishop of metz. . st. gudula, sister of st. albert, count of brabant. . st. pepin teuto, duke of brabant. . st. trudo, priest, son of st. adela. . st. vincent, monk. . richard coeur-de-lion. a series of men and women, all more or less closely connected with the house of hapsburg, selected for the alleged holiness of their lives or deeds under one aspect or another. it needs no laboured argument to show the appropriateness of thus representing to the life the solidarity of piety and worth in the great hero's earthly family, though a few words may not be out of place to distinguish the characters allied only or chiefly by the ties of the great family of chivalry. these are-- . king arthur (no. ), representative of the mythology of the round table. . roland (no. in the series of the saints), representing the myths of the twelve peers of france. . theodobert (no. ), who received a hero's death in the plain of chalons at the hand of attila, to be immortalized in the western nibelungen myths. . theodoric (no. ), celebrated as 'dietrich von bern' in the eastern. . godfrey de bouillon (no. ), representing the legendary glory of the crusades. [ ] the two other statues, of a later date--st. francis and st. clare--are by moll, a native of innsbruck, who became a sculptor of some note at vienna. the picture of st. anthony over the altar of the confraternity of st. anthony, on the epistle side of this church, has a great reputation among the people, because it remained uninjured in a fire which in burnt down the church of zirl, where it was originally placed. [ ] five years later it was brought hither for greater honour, and was let into a larger painting by jele of vienna, representing a multitude of sick and suffering brought by their friends to pray for healing before it. there is not much else in this church that is noteworthy (besides 'the silver chapel,' which belongs to the notice of ferdinand ii.). what there is may be mentioned in a few lines, namely--the fürstenchor, or tribune for the royal family, high up on the right side of the chancel, with the adjoining little chapel and its paintings, and cedar-wood organ, the gift of julius ii. to ferdinand i.; the quaint old clock; and the memory that queen christina of sweden made her abjuration here th october . her conduct on the occasion was, according to local tradition, most edifying. she was dressed plainly in black silk, with no other ornament than a large cross on her breast, with five sparkling diamonds to recall the glorious wounds of the redeemer. the emphasis with which she repeated the latin profession of faith after the papal nuncio did not pass unnoticed. the ambrosian hymn was sung at the close of the ceremony, and the church bells and town cannon spoke the congratulations of the innsbruckers on this and the subsequent days of her stay among them. among other tokens of gladness, several mystery plays (which are still greatly in vogue in tirol) were represented. another public ceremony of her stay was the translation of kranach's madonna, the favourite picture of tirol, brought to it by leopold v. the original altar-piece of the hofkirche, by paul troger--the invention of the cross--was removed by maria theresa to vienna, because the figure of the empress helena was counted a striking likeness of herself. the introduction of the jesuits into tirol, and the subsequent building of the jesuitenkirche in innsbruck, and the labours of b. peter canisius among the people, was also the work of ferdinand i. the peaceful prosperity which his wise government procured for the country, while wars and religious divisions were distracting the rest of europe, gave opportunity for the development of its literature and art-culture. [ ] one melancholy event of his reign was the outbreak in its last year, of a terrible epidemic, which committed appalling ravages. all who could, including the royal family, escaped to a distance; and those who had been stricken with it were removed to the siechenhaus, and isolated from the rest of the population. as has frequently happened on similar occasions, the dread of the malady operated to deprive the sick of the help of which they stood in need. it was when the plague raged highest, and the majority were most absorbed with the thought of securing their own safety, that a poor woman of the people, named magaretha hueber, rising superior to the vulgar terror, took upon herself cheerfully the management of the desolate siechenhaus. the example of her courage was all that was needed to bring out the christian confidence and charity of the masses; and to her devotion was owing not only the relief of the plague-stricken, but the moral effect of her spirit and energy was also not without its fruit in staying the havoc of the contagion; and she is still remembered by the name of die fromme siechen. shortly before his death (which happened in ), ferdinand had his second son, ferdinand ii., publicly acknowledged in the landtag of innsbruck, landesfürst of tirol. his own affection for the country had prevented him from suffering its interests to be ever neglected by the pressure of his vast rule; and now when his great age warned him that he would be able to watch over it no longer, he determined to give it once more the benefit of an independent government. ferdinand ii. seems to have had all the excellent administrative qualities of his father in the degree necessary for his restricted sphere of dominion. his disposition for the culture of peaceful arts was promoted by the happiness of his family life. the story of his early love, and his marriage in accordance with the dictates of his heart, in an age when matrimonial alliances were too often dictated by political considerations alone, have made one of the romances dearest to the popular mind. the natural retribution of a disturbance of the regular succession to the throne followed, but with tirol's usual good fortune the consequences did not prove disastrous, as we shall see later on. situated at the distance of a pleasant hour's walk from innsbruck, and forming an exceedingly picturesque object in the views from it, is schloss ambras, in ancient times one of the chief bulwarks of the innthal. ferdinand i. bought it of the noble family of schurfen at the time when he nominated his son to the government of the country, and it always remained ferdinand ii.'s favourite residence. hither he brought home the beautiful philippine welser, whose grace and modesty had won his heart at first sight, as she leant forward from her turret window to cast her flowery greeting at the feet of the emperor charles quint when he came into augsburg, and the young and handsome prince rode by his side. philippine had been betrothed by her father to the heir of the fugger family, the richest and most powerful of augsburg; but her eyes had met ferdinand's, and that one glance had revealed to both that their happiness lay in union with each other. fortunately for philippine she possessed in her mother a devoted confidant and ally. true, ferdinand could not rest till he had obtained a stolen interview with her; but the true german woman had confidence in the honour and virtue of the reigning house, and the words philippine, who was truth itself, reported were those of true love, which knows no shame. nevertheless, the fugger was urgent, and old welser--a sturdy upholder of his family tradition for upright dealing--never, they knew, could be brought to be wanting to his word. the warm love of youth, however, is ever a match for the steady calculation of age. while the fathers welser and fugger were counting their money-bags, ferdinand had devised a plan which easily received the assent of philippine's affection for him, the rather that her mother, for whom a daughter's happiness stood dearer than any other consideration, gave it her countenance and aid. at an hour agreed, ferdinand appeared beneath the turret where their happiness was first revealed to them; at a little distance his horses were in waiting. not an instant had he to wait; philippine, already fortified by her mother's farewell benediction, joined him ere a pang of misgiving had time to enter his mind, an old and trusted family servant accompanying her. safely the fugitives reached the chapel, where a friendly priest--ferdinand's confessor, johann cavallerüs--waited to bless the nuptials of the devoted pair, the old servant acting as witness. old franz welser was subsequently induced to give his approval and paternal benediction; and if his burgher pride was wounded by his daughter marrying into a family which might look down upon her connexions, he had the consoling reflection that he was able to give her a dowry which many princes might envy; and also in the discovery of a friendly antiquary, that even his lineage, if not royal, was not either to be despised, for it could be traced up to the same stock which gave belisarius to the empire! ferdinand's marriage was, i believe, never known to his father; though there are stories of his being won over to forgive it by philippine's gentle beauty and worth, but these are probably referable to the succeeding emperor. however this may be, the devoted pair certainly lived for some time in blissful retirement at ambras; and after his brother, maximilian ii., had acknowledged the legality of ferdinand's marriage--on the condition that the offspring of it should never claim the rank of archdukes of austria--ambras, which had been their first retreat, was so endeared to them, that they always loved to live there better than anywhere else. there were born to them two sons--karl, who afterwards became a cardinal and bishop of brixen; and andreas, markgrave of burgau, to whom ferdinand willed ambras, on condition that he should maintain its regal beauties, and preserve undiminished the rich stores of books and rare manuscripts, coins, armour, objects of vertù, and curiosities of every sort which it had been the delight of his and philippine's leisure hours to collect. this testamentary disposition the son judged would be best carried out by selling the place to the emperor rudolf ii. in ; and ambras has accordingly ever since been reckoned a pleasure-seat of the imperial family. the unfortunate love of centralization, more than the fear of foreign invasion, which was the ostensible pretext, deprived tirol of these treasures. they were removed to vienna in , where they may be visited in the belvedere palace, the promise of restoring them, often made, not having yet been fulfilled. among the remnants that are left, are still some tokens of ferdinand's taste and genius, and some touching memorials of thirty years of happiness purer and truer than had often before been combined with the enjoyment of power. there are some pieces of embroidery, with which philippine occupied her lonely hours while ferdinand's public duties obliged him to be away from her, among them a well-executed crucifixion; and some natural curiosities in the shape of gnarled and twisted roots, needing little effort of the imagination to convert into naturally--perhaps supernaturally--formed crucifixes, and which they had doubtless found pleasure in unearthing in the woods round ambras. at the time of my visit the private chapel was being very well restored, and some frescoes very fairly executed by wienhold, a local artist who has studied in rome. there is still a small collection of armour, and a suit of clothes worn by a giant in the suite of charles quint, which would appear to have belonged to a man near eight feet high; also some portraits of the hapsburg family and other rulers of tirol; among them margareta maultasch, which, if it be faithful, disproves the story deriving her name from the size of her mouth; but of this i shall have occasion to speak later. inglis mentions that among the relics is a piece of the tree on which judas hanged himself, but it was not shown to me. the people, whose own experience fixes the law of suffering in their minds, will have it that these years of tranquil joy were not unalloyed; but that philippine's mother-in-law embittered them by her jealous bickerings and reproaches, and that these in the end led her to make a sacrifice of her life to the exigencies of her husband's glory. the bath is yet pointed out at ambras where she is said to have bled herself to death to make way for a consort more conformable to her husband's birth. all, even local, historians, however, are agreed in rejecting this tradition. [ ] it has served nevertheless to endear her to the popular mind, for whom she is still a model of domestic virtues no less than a type of beauty. scarcely is there a house in tirol that is not adorned by her image. among other traditions of her personal perfections, it is fabled that her skin was so delicate that the colour of the red wine could be seen softly opalized as it passed her slender throat. [ ] chapter ix. north tirol--the innthal. innsbruck (continued). ora conosce come s'innamora lo ciel del giusto rege, et al sembiante del suo fulgore il fa vedere ancora. dante paradiso, xx. . [ ] another local tradition of ambras attaches to a spot where wallenstein, while a page in the household of ferdinand and philippine, fell unharmed from the window of the corridor leading to the dining-hall, making in the terrible moment a secret vow to the blessed virgin of his conversion if he escaped with life, which hastened the work begun doubtless by philippine's devout example and teaching. there is another, again, more marvellous still, and dated from an earlier period, and shortly before the purchase of the castle by the reigning family. it is said that theophrastus paracelsus, of whom many weird stories are told, was at one time sojourning at innsbruck--where, another tradition has it, he died--and in the course of his wanderings in search of plants of strange healing powers, came to this outlying and then neglected castle. a peasant woman seeing him pass her cottage weary and footsore, asked him to come in and rest and taste her freshly-baked cakes, of which the homely odour scented the air. the man of strange science thanked her for her hospitality, and in return touched the tongs upon the hearth with his wonder-working book, and behold the iron was turned into pure gold. the origin of such a legend as this is easy to trace; the book of the touch of which such virtue is fabled, plainly represents the learning of the studious savant, which brought him, as well as fame, pecuniary advantage, enabling him to astonish the peasants with payment in the precious metal not often seen by them. but there are many others told of him, the details of which are more complicated, and wander much further from the outline of fact. the way in which he became possessed of his wonder-working power is thus accounted for. [ ] one sunday morning, when he was after his custom wandering in search of plants in a forest on the heights not far from innsbruck, he heard a voice calling him out of a tree. 'who are you?' cried paracelsus. 'i am he whom men call the evil one,' answered the voice; 'but how wrong they are you shall judge; if you but release me out of this tree you shall see i am not evil at all.' 'how am i to set about it?' asked the clever doctor. 'only look straight up the stem of the pine opposite you, and you will see a bung with three crosses on it; all you have to do is to pull it out, and i am free; if you do this i will show you how good i am by giving you the two things you most desire, an elixir which shall turn all to gold, and another which shall heal every malady.' paracelsus, lured by the tempting promise, pulled out the bung, and straightway an ugly black spider crawled out of the hole, and quickly transformed itself into an old man wrapped in a scarlet mantle. the demon kept his word, and gave the doctor the promised phials, but immediately began threatening the frightful vengeance he would wreak on the exorcist who had confined him in the tree. paracelsus now blamed himself for his too ready confidence in the character the demon had given himself for goodness, and bethought him of a means of playing on the imp's vanity. 'what a knowing man that same exorcist must be,' said paracelsus, 'to turn a tall powerful fellow like you into a spider, and then drive you into a tree.' 'not a bit of it,' replied the imp, piqued, 'he couldn't have done anything of the sort, it was all my own doing.' 'your own doing!' exclaimed paracelsus, with a mocking laugh. 'is that likely? i have heard of people being transformed by some one of greater power than themselves, never by their own.' 'you shall see, though,' said the provoked imp; and with that he quickly resumed the form of a spider, and crawled back into the hole. [ ] paracelsus, it may well be imagined, lost no time in replacing the bung, on which he cut three fresh crosses to renew the spell; and never can he again be released, for it was agreed never to cut down this forest on account of the protection it afforded to the country against the avalanches. but, it may be asked, the wonder-working phials once vouchsafed to men, would surely be taken good care of. there is a legend to provide for that too. [ ] when the other doctors of innsbruck found that paracelsus so far exceeded them in skill, they determined to poison him. paracelsus had knowledge of their plot by his arts, he knew too that there was only one remedy against the poison they had adopted, and he shut himself up, telling his servant not to disturb him for five days. at the end of the fourth day, however, the curious servant came into his room and broke the spell. paracelsus had employed a wonder-working spider to draw out the poison, which it would have done in the course of five days. disturbed on the fourth, paracelsus knew he must die. determined that the jealous members of his profession should not profit by their crime, he sent his servant with the two phials and bid him stand in the middle of the inn-bridge and throw them into the river. where they fell into the river the water was streaked with molten gold. it remains to call attention to the splendid and truly tirolean panoramic view from the pretty terrace of ambras, with its luxuriant trellis of passion-flower and 'virgin vine.' overhanging the village of ambras is the so-called tummelplatz, where in the lifetime of ferdinand and philippine, many a gay tournament was held, but since used as a burying-place; first for the military hospital, to which the castle was at one time devoted--and some seven or eight thousand patriots were interred here between and --and afterwards for those who fell successfully resisting the italian invasion of . whatever was the manner of philippine's death, it was bitterly lamented by ferdinand, who found the usual refuge of human grief in raising a splendid monument to her memory, in the so-called silberne kapelle in the hofkirche. the chapel had been built by him to satisfy her devotion to the doctrine of the immaculate conception; and in her lifetime was so called from the solid silver image of the blessed virgin, and the bas-reliefs of the mysteries of the rosary in the same metal over the altar, itself a valuable ebony carving. she had loved to pray there, and it accordingly formed a fitting resting-place for her mortal remains. her effigy in marble over her altar-shaped tomb is a figure of exceeding beauty, and is ascribed to alexander collin; it stands under a marble canopy. the upright slab is of white marble, carved in three compartments; the centre one bearing a modest inscription, and the other two, subjects recording her charity to the living and the dead; the outline of the town of innsbruck, as it appeared in her day, forms the background. by his desire ferdinand was buried near her; his monument is similarly sunk in the thickness of the wall, which is adorned with shields carved in relief, bearing the arms of his house painted with their respective tinctures; and on the tomb are marble reliefs, setting forth (after the manner of those on maximilian's cenotaph) the public acts of his life. this chapel came to be used afterwards for italian sermons by the consorts of subsequent rulers of tirol, many of whom were italians. in innsbruck was visited by a severe shock of earthquake, which overthrew many buildings, and so filled the people with alarm, that temporary wooden huts were built in the open field where they took refuge. ferdinand and philippine had recourse to the same means of safety; and while living thus, their only daughter, anna eleonora, was born. in thanksgiving for this favour, and for the cessation of the panic, the royal pair vowed a pilgrimage to seefeld, [ ] which they accomplished on foot, accompanied by their sons; above two thousand innsbruckers following them. the general sentiment of gratitude was further testified by the enactment on the part of ferdinand, and the glad acceptance on the part of the people, of various rules of devotion, which have gone to form the subsequent habits of the people. three years of dearth succeeded the earthquake, and were accepted by the pious ruler and people as a heavenly warning to lead them to increased faith and devotion. many lutheran books which had escaped earlier measures against them were spontaneously brought forward and burnt; special devotion to the blessed sacrament was promoted, ferdinand himself setting the example; for whenever he met the viaticum on the way to the sick, whether he was in a carriage or on horseback, he never failed to alight and kneel upon the ground, whatever might be its condition. this was indeed a special tradition of his house; it is told of rudolf of hapsburg, that one day as he was out hunting, a furious storm came on, soon swelling the mountain torrents and sweeping away paths and bridges. on the brink of a raging stream, which there was no means of crossing, stood a priest, weather-bound on his way to carry the last sacrament to a dying parishioner. rudolf recognised the sound of the bell, and directed his steps by its leading to pay his homage to the 'hochwürdigste gut.' he no sooner learned the priest's difficulty than he dismounted, and offered him his own horse. when the priest brought the animal back next day, the pious prince told him he could not think of himself again crossing a horse which had been honoured by having borne his lord and redeemer, and begged him to keep it for the future service of religion. while philippine's relations never sought to overstep the limits which imperial etiquette had set them, ferdinand seems to have treated them with kind cordiality. an instance of this was the magnificence with which he celebrated the marriage of her nephew, johann von kolourat, with her maid-of-honour, katarina von boimont, in : the 'neustadt' or principal street afforded space for tournaments and races which lasted many days, and attracted the remaining votaries of chivalry from all parts of europe. the festivities were closed by a splendid pageant, in which ferdinand took part as 'olympian jove.' in ferdinand married anna katharina gonzaga, daughter of the duke of mantua, who was no less pious than philippine. the marriage was celebrated at innsbruck with great pomp. she was the first to introduce the capuchin order into germany. some discussion in the general chapter of the order preceded the decision which allowed the monks to accept the consequences of being exposed to a colder climate than that to which they had been used. the first stone of their monastery was laid by ferdinand and anna katharina in august , at the intersection of the universitäts-gasse and the sill-gasse. ferdinand died the following year, regretted by all the people, but by none more than by anna katharina, who passed the remainder of her days in a convent she had founded at innsbruck. she died in , and desired the following inscription to be put on her tomb:--'miserere mei domine dum veneris in novissimo die.' the warning of the disastrous years - was further turned to practical account by ferdinand in his desire to relieve the distress of the peasants. in the first months of threatening famine he bought with his own means large stores of grain in hungary and italy, and opened depôts in various parts of tirol, where it was sold at a reasonable price. to provide a means of earning money for those who were shut out of their ordinary labour, he laid out or improved some of the most important high roads; he likewise exerted himself in every way to promote the commerce of the country. his reign conferred many other benefits on the people. many laws were amended and brought in conformity with the altered circumstances of the age; the principle of self-taxation was established, and other measures enacted which it does not belong to my present province to particularise. he introduced also the use of the gregorian calendar, and gave great encouragement to the cultivation of letters. it was by his care that the most authentic mss. of the nibelungen poems and other examples of early literature were preserved to us. as ferdinand had no children by anna katharina, and those of philippine were not allowed to succeed, [ ] the rule over tirol went back at his death to the emperor rudolf ii., maximilian's eldest son. in , however, he gave over the government to his brother maximilian, who is distinguished by the name of the deutschmeister. tirol was again fortunate in her ruler; maximilian was as pious and prudent a prince as his predecessors. he promoted the educational establishments of the town, and was a zealous opponent of religious differences; he brought in the order of servites to oppose the remaining germs of lutheran teaching; the church and monastery at the end of the neustadt being built for them by katharina maria. there are some pictures in the church by theophilus polak, martin knoller, grasmair, and other native artists; and the frescoes on the roof by schöpf are worth attention. a fanatic named paul lederer, one of the very few tirol has produced, rose in this reign, and carried away about thirty persons to join a kind of sect which he attempted to form; in accordance with the laws of the age, he was tried and executed, after which his followers were no more heard of. maximilian was much attached to the capuchins, and built himself a little hermitage within their precincts, which is still shown, where he spent all the time he could spare in prayer and meditation; following the rule of the monks, rising with them to their night offices, and employing himself at manual labour in the field and in the workshop like one of them. his cell is paneled with plain wood, the bed and chair are of the most ordinary make, as are the ink-stand and other necessary articles, mostly his own handiwork; it has a window high up in the chancel, whence he could assist at the offices in the church. the empress maria theresa visited it in , and seating herself in the stiff wooden chair, exclaimed, 'what men our forefathers were!' another illustrious pilgrim, whose visit is treasured in the memories of the house, was st. lorenzo of brindisi, when on his way to found a house of the order in austria. the monks begged of him his hebrew bible, his walking-stick, and breviary, which are still treasured as relics. all the churches of innsbruck and many throughout tirol felt the benefit of maximilian's devotion to the church. his spirit was emulated by the townspeople, and when the fatal epidemic of ceased its ravages, the burghers of innsbruck built the dreiheiligkeitskirche [ ] for the jesuits, as a thank-offering that the plague was stayed. the temporal affairs of tirol received no less attention from archduke maximilian than the spiritual. with the foresight of a true statesman, he discovered the coming troubles of the thirty years' war, and resolved that the defences of his country should be in a state to keep the danger at a distance from her borders. the fortified towers, especially those commanding the passes into the country, were all overlooked, and plans of them carefully prepared, all the fortifications being put in repair. the landwehr, the living bulwarks, the ready defenders of their beloved mountain vaterland, attracted his still more special attention, and he furnished them with a regulation suited to the needs of the times. he settled also several outstanding disputes with the venetians, with count arco, and with neighbours over the north and west frontiers; and an internal boundary quarrel between the bishops of brixen and trent. the death of rudolf ii., in , had invested him with supreme authority over the country, and simplified his action in all these matters for the benefit of the commonwealth. another outburst of pestilence occurred in ; the old siechen-haus was not big enough for all the sick, and had no church attached to it. two jesuits--the professor of theology at their university, and kaspar von köstlan, a native of brixen--assisted by a lay-brother, devoted themselves to the service of the sick; their example so edified the innsbruckers, that in their admiration they readily provided the means, at their exhortation, to build a church. hanns zimmermann, dean of the burgomasters, bound himself by a vow to see to the erection of the building, and from that time it was observed the fury of the pestilence began to diminish. maximilian bought the neighbouring house and appointed it for the residence of the chaplain of the siechen-haus and the doctors. he gave also the altarpiece by stötzl, representing the three pestschutzheiligen, [ ] and another quaint and curious picture of the plague-genius. maximilian died in , and a religious vow having kept him unmarried, the government was transferred to leopold v., archduke of styria, again a most exemplary man. his father was charles ii., son of the emperor ferdinand i.; he had originally been devoted to the ecclesiastical state, and nominated bishop of strasburg and passau; but out of regard for the exigencies of the country a dispensation, of which i think history affords only two or three other examples, was granted him from rome. he married the celebrated claudia de' medici, duchess of urbino. though also governor of the low countries, he by no means neglected the affairs of tirol. some fresh attempts of lutherans to interfere with its religious unity, as well as to foment political dissensions, were put down with a resolute hand. friedrich von tiefenbach, sometime notorious as a politico-religious leader in moravia, was discovered in a hiding-place he had selected, in the wild caves at pfäffers [ ] below chur, and tried and beheaded at innsbruck in . the selection of innsbruck for the marriage of the emperor ferdinand ii. with his second wife eleonora, daughter of the duke of mantua, in , revived the splendours of maximilian's reign, for the emperor stayed there some weeks with all his court; the landwehr turned out three thousand strong to form his guard of honour. it was the depth of winter, but the bride braved the snow; the count of harrach was sent out to meet her on the brenner pass with six gilt sledges, and a vast concourse of people. it is recorded that the emperor wore on the occasion an entirely white suit embroidered with gold and pearls, on his shoulders a short sky-blue cloak lined with cloth of gold, and a diamond chain round his neck. eleonora, more in accordance with the season, wore a tight-fitting dress of carnation satin embroidered in gold, over it a sable jacket, and a hat with a plume of eagles' feathers. the banquet was entirely served by young tirolean nobles. the emperor's present to his bride was a pearl parure, costing thirty thousand ducats; and that of the town of innsbruck a purse of eighteen thousand ducats. leopold was confirmed by his imperial brother in the government on this occasion. his own marriage was celebrated with scarcely less state than the emperor's in april , an array of handsome tents being pitched in the meadows of wilten, where the landesschützen performed many marksmen's feats for the diversion of the company assembled for the ceremonial. this included the archbishop of salzburg, who officiated in the church function, one hundred and fifty counts and barons, and three hundred of noble blood. the visit of the grand duke of tuscany in , and of ferdinand, king of hungary and bohemia, in , were other notable occasions of rejoicing for innsbruck. leopold benefited and adorned the town by the enclosure and planting of the hofgarten, and the bronze equestrian statue of himself, still one of its chief ornaments; but his memory has been more deeply endeared to the people by the present of kranach's madonna, which they have copied in almost every church, household, and highway of the country. it is a little picture on panel, very like many of its date, in which the tenderness of devotion beams through and redeems all the stiffness of mannerism; but which we are apt to pass, i had almost said by the dozen, in the various galleries of europe, with no more than a casual glance. with the tirolese it was otherwise. their faith-inspired eyes saw in it a whole revelation of divine mercy and love; they gazed on the outpouring of maternal fondness and filial confidence in the unutterable communion of the mother and the son there portrayed; and deeming that where so much love reigned no petition could be rejected, they believed that answers to the frequent prayers of faith sent up before it were reaped an hundredfold, [ ] and the fame of the benefits so derived was symbolized in the title universally given to the picture, of mariähülfsbild. [ ] leopold being in the early part of his reign on a visit to the elector of saxony, on occasion of one of his journeys between tirol and the low countries, and being lost in admiration of his collection of pictures at dresden, received from him the offer of any painting he liked to select. there were many choice specimens, but the devotional conception of this picture carried him away from all the rest, and it became the object of his selection. he never parted from it afterwards, and it accompanied him in all his journeyings. when in innsbruck, it formed the altar-piece of the hofkapelle, whither the people crowded to kindle their devotion at its focus. after the withdrawal of the allied french, swedish, and hessian troops in , the innsbruckers, in thanksgiving for the success of their prayers before it, built the elegant little circular temple [ ] on the left bank of the inn, still called the mariähülfskirche, thinking to enshrine it there; but ferdinand karl, who had then succeeded to his father leopold, could not bear to part with it, and gave them a copy instead, by paul schor, inserted in a larger picture representing it borne by angels, and the notabilities of innsbruck kneeling beneath it, the mariähülfskirche being introduced into the background landscape. however, the number of people who pressed to approach it was so great that he was in a manner constrained to bestow it on the pfarrkirche only two or three years later, where it now remains; it was translated thither during queen christina's visit, as i have mentioned above. it was borne on a car by six white horses, the crowded streets being strewn with flowers. it is a small picture, and has been let into a large canvas painted in schöpf's best manner, with angels which appear to support it, and beneath st. james, patron of the church, and st. alexius. a centenary festival was observed in memory of the translation by maria theresa in , when all the precious ex votos, the thank-offerings for many granted prayers, were exposed to view under the light streaming from a hundred silver candelabra, the air around being perfumed by the flowers of a hundred silver vases. the procession was a splendid pageant, in which no expense seems to have been spared, the great empress herself, accompanied by her son, afterwards joseph ii., heading it. this was repeated--in a manner corresponding with the diminished magnificence of the age--in , the emperor ferdinand i., the empress anna, and other members of the imperial family, taking their part in it. [ ] the only remaining act of leopold's reign which calls for mention in connexion with innsbruck, was the erection of the monument to maximilian the deutschmeister, in the pfarrkirche, almost the only one that was spared when the church was rebuilt after the earthquakes of and , the others having been ruthlessly used--the headstones in building up the walls, the bronze ones in the bell-castings. leopold's son, ferdinand karl, being under age at the time of his death, in , he was succeeded by his widow, claudia de' medici, as regent. the troubles of the thirty years' war, in which leopold like other german princes had had his chequered share, were yet raging. claudia was equal to the exigencies of her time and country. she continued the measures of maximilian the deutschmeister for perfecting the defences of the country, and particularly all its inlets; and she encouraged the patriotic instincts of the people by constantly presiding at their shooting-practice. the swedish forces, after taking constance, advanced as far as the valtelin, and tirol was threatened with invasion on both sides at once. by her skilful measures, at every rumour of an inroad, the mountains bristled with the unerring marksmen of tirol, securely stationed at their posts inaccessible to lowlanders. nothing was spared to keep up the vigilance and spirit of the true-hearted peasants. by this constant watchfulness she saved the country from the horrors of war, in which almost the whole of the german empire was at that time involved. during all this time she was also developing the internal resources, and consolidating the administration of the country. two misfortunes, however, visited innsbruck during her reign: a terrible pestilence, and a destructive fire in which the burg suffered severely, the beautiful chapel of ferdinand ii. being consumed, and the body of leopold, her husband, which was lying there at the time, rescued with difficulty. after this, claudia spent some little time at botzen, and also visited florence. it may be questioned whether the introduction of the numerous italians about her court was altogether for the benefit of tirol. they brought with them certain ways and principles which were not altogether in accordance with the german character; and we have seen the effect of the jealousies of race in the tragic fate of her chancellor biener. [ ] ferdinand karl having attained his majority in , claudia withdrew from public affairs, and died only two years later. in his reign the introduction of the italian element at court was apparent in the greater luxury of its arrangements, and in the greater cultivation of histrionic and musical diversions. the establishment of the theatre in innsbruck is due to him. the marriage of his two sisters, maria leopoldina and isabella clara, and the frequent interchange of visits between him and the princes of italy, further enlivened innsbruck. the visit of queen christina, [ ] of which i have already said enough for my limits, also took place in his reign ( ). nor did ferdinand karl give himself up to amusement to the neglect of business, or of more manly pleasures. he maintained all his mother's measures for the encouragement of the scheibenschiessen, and had the satisfaction of seeing the departure of the enemy's army from his borders, which was celebrated by the building of mariähülfskirche. [ ] to his love of the national sport of chamois-hunting his death has to be ascribed; for the neglect of an attack of illness while out on a mountain expedition near kaltern after the wild game, gave it a hold on his constitution, which placed him beyond recovery. his death occurred in , at the early age of thirty-four; he left no heir. he was succeeded by his only brother, sigmund franz, bishop of gurk, augsburg, and trent, who seems to have inherited all his mother's finer qualities without sharing her italianizing tendencies. with a perhaps too sudden sternness, he purged the court and government of all foreign admixture, and reduced the sumptuous suite of his brother to dimensions dictated by usefulness alone. however popular this may have made him with the german population, the ousted italians were furious; and his sudden death--which occurred while, after the pattern of his father, applying for a dispensation to marry, in --was by the germans ascribed to secret poisoning; his tuscan physician agricola having, it is alleged, been bribed to perpetrate the misdeed. tirol now once more reverted to the empire. though leopold i. came to innsbruck to receive the homage of the people on his accession, and a gay ceremonial ensued, yet it lost much of its importance by having no longer a resident court. while there, however, leopold had seen the beautiful daughter of ferdinand karl's widow, claudia felicità, who made such an impression upon him, that he married her on the death of his first wife. the ceremony was performed in innsbruck by proxy only; but the dowager-archduchess provided great fêtes, in which the city readily concurred, and gave the bride thirty thousand gulden for her wedding present. claudia felicità, in her state at vienna, did not forget the good town of innsbruck; and by her interest with her husband, tirol received a statthalter in the person of charles duke of lotharingia, husband of his sister eleonora maria, widow of the king of poland. charles took up his residence at innsbruck; and though he was often absent with the army, the presence of his family revived the gaiety of the town; still it was not like the old days of the court. charles, however, who had been originally educated for the ecclesiastical state, was a sovereign of unexceptionable principles and sound judgment; and he did many things for the benefit of tirol, particularly in developing its educational establishments. he raised the jesuit gymnasium of innsbruck to the character of a university; and the privileges with which he endowed it, added to the salubrity of the situation, attracted alumni from far and near, who amounted to near a thousand in number. nothing of note occurred in tirol till --the duke of lotharingia had died in --which is a memorable year. the war of the spanish succession, at that time, found maximilian, elector of bavaria, and some of the italian princes, allied with france against austria--thus there were antagonists of austria on both sides of tirol; nevertheless, no attack on it seems to have been apprehended; and thus, when a plan was concerted for entering austria by carinthia (the actual boundaries against bavaria being too well defended to invite an entrance that way), and it was arranged that the bavarian and italian allies should assist the french in overrunning tirol, everyone was taken by surprise. maximilian easily overcame the small frontier garrison. at kufstein he met a momentary check, but an accident put the fortress in his power. possessed of this base of operations, he was not long in reducing the forts of rottenburg scharnitz, and ehrenberg, and possessing himself of hall and innsbruck. he now reckoned the country his, and that it only remained to send news of his success to vendôme, who had taken wälsch-tirol similarly by surprise and advanced as far as trent, in order to carry out their concerted inroad through the pusterthal. so sure of his victory was he, that he ordered the te deum to be sung in all the churches of innsbruck. in the meantime the tirolese had recovered from their surprise, and had taken measures for disconcerting and routing the invaders; the storm-bells and the kreidenfeuer [ ] rallied every man capable of bearing arms, to the defence of his country. the main road over the brenner was quickly invested by the native sharp-shooters; there was no chance of passing that way. maximilian thought to elude the vigilance of the people by sending his men round by oberinnthal and the finstermünz. the party trusted with this mission were commanded by a bavarian and a french officer. they reached landeck in safety, but all around them the sturdy tirolese were determining their destruction. martin sterzinger, pfleger or judge, of landeck, summoned the landsturm of the neighbouring districts, and arranged the plan of operation. the enemy were suffered to advance on their way unhindered along the steep path, where the rocky sides of the inn close in and form the terrible gorge which is traversed by the pontlatzerbrücke; but when they arrived, no bridge was there! the mountaineers had been out in the night and cut it down. beyond this point the steep side afforded no footing on the right bank, no means remained of crossing over to the left! the remnants of the bridge betrayed what had befallen, and quickly the command was given to turn back; in the panic of the moment many lost their footing, and rolled into the rapid river beneath. for those even who retained their composure no return was possible; the heights above were peopled with the ready tirolese, burning to defend their country. down came their shots like hail, each ball piercing its man; those who had no arms dashed down stones upon the foe. only a handful escaped, but at landeck these were taken prisoners; and there was not one even to carry the news to maximilian. this famous success is still celebrated every year on the st of july by a solemn procession. maximilian and vendôme remained perplexed at hearing nothing from each other, and without means of communication; in vain they sent out scouts; money could not buy information from the patriotic tirolese. meantime, danger was thickening round each; the landsturm was out, and every height was beset with agile climbers, armed with their unerring carbines, and with masses of rock to hurl down on the enemy who ventured along the road beneath them. the bavarian and french leaders in the north and in the south only perceived how critical was their situation just in time to escape from it, and the waste and havoc they had made during their brief incursion was recompensed by the numbers lost in their retreat. the bavarians held kufstein for some time longer, but their precipitate withdrawal from all the rest of the country earned for the campaign, in the mouths of the tirolese, the nickname of the baierische-rumpel. while brave arms had been defending the mountain passes, brave hearts of those whose arms were nerved only for being lifted up in prayer, not for war, were day by day earnestly interceding in the churches for the deliverance of their husbands, fathers, and brothers; and when, on the th of july, the land was found free of the foe, it was gratefully remembered that it was s. anne's day, and the so-called annensäule, which adorns the neustadt--the principal thoroughfare of innsbruck--was erected in commemoration. it is composed of the marbles of the country; the lower part red, the column white, the effigy of the immaculate conception, which surmounts it and the surrounding rays, in gilt bronze. round the base stand st. vigilius and st. cassian (two apostles of tirol), and st. anne and st. george; about them float angels, in the breezy style of the period. the monument was solemnly inaugurated on s. anne's day, ; and every year on that day a procession winds round it from the parish church, singing hymns of thanksgiving; and an altar, gaily dressed with fresh flowers, stands before it for eight days under the open sky. leopold i. died in , and was succeeded by his son, joseph i., who reigned only six years. charles vi., leopold's younger son, followed, who appointed karl philipp, palsgrave of neuburg, governor of tirol. he was another pious ruler, and much beloved by the people; his memory being the more endeared to them, that he was their last independent prince. his reign benefited innsbruck by the erection of the handsome landhaus and the gymnasium, and also by the extensive restoration of the pfarrkirche. this occupied the site of the little chapel, the accorded privilege to which of hearing in it masses of obligation forms the earliest record of innsbruck's history. it had grown with the growth of the town, and had been added to by various sovereigns, and we have seen it gifted with kranach's mariähilf. the earthquakes of and had left it so dilapidated, however, that karl philipp resolved to rebuild it on a much larger plan. he laid the first stone on may , , in presence of his brother, the bishop of augsburg, and it was consecrated in . it has the costliness and the vices of its date; its overloaded stucco ornaments are redeemed by the lavish use of the beautiful marbles of the country; the quarrying and fashioning these marbles occupied a hundred workmen, without counting labourers and apprentices, for the whole time during which the church was building. the frescoes setting forth the wonder-working patronage of st. james, on the roof and cupola, are by kosmas damian asam, whose pencil, and that of his two sons, kosmas and egid, were entirely devoted to the decoration of churches and religious houses. there is a tradition, that as the fervent painter was putting the finishing touches to the figure of the saint, as he appears, mounted on his spirited charger as the patron of compostella, in the cupola, he stepped back to see the effect of his work. forgetting in his zeal the narrowness of the platform on which he stood, he would inevitably have been precipitated on to the pavement below, but that the strong arm of the saint he had been painting so lovingly, detached itself from the wall, and saved his client from the terrible fate! [ ] other works of this reign were the strafarbeitshaus, a great improvement on the former prison; and the church of st. john nepomuk, in the innrain, then a new and fashionable street. the canonization of the great martyr to the seal of confession took place in . though properly a bohemian saint, his memory is so beloved all through southern germany, that all its divisions seem to lay a patriotic claim to him. his canonization was celebrated by a solemn function in the pfarrkirche, lasting eight days; and the people were so stirred up to fervour by its observance, that they subscribed for the building of a church in his honour, the governor taking the lead in promoting it. maria theresa succeeded her father, charles vi., in . she seems to have known how to attend to the affairs of every part of the empire alike; and thus, while the whole country felt the benefit of her wise provisions, all the former splendours of the tirolean capital revived. maria theresa frequently took up her residence at innsbruck; and while benefiting trade by her expenditure, and by that of the visitors whom her court attracted, she set at the same time an edifying example of piety and a well-regulated life. her associations with innsbruck were nevertheless overshadowed by sad events more than once, though this does not appear to have diminished her affection for the place. when marshal daun took a whole division of the prussian army captive at maxen in , the officers, nine in number, were sent to innsbruck for safe custody. here they remained till the close of the war, five years later. this, and the furnishing some of its famous sharpshooters to the austrian contingent, was the only contact tirol had with the seven years' war. two years after ( ) maria theresa arranged that the marriage of her son (afterwards leopold ii.) with maria luisa, daughter of charles iii. of spain, should take place there. the townspeople, sensible of the honour conferred on them, responded to it by adorning the city with the most festive display; not only with gay banners and hangings, but by improving the façades of their houses, and the roads and bridges, and erecting a triumphal arch of unusual solidity at the end of the neustadt nearest wilten, being that by which the royal pair would pass on their way from italy; for leopold was then grand duke of tuscany. the theatre and public buildings were likewise put in order. maria theresa, with her husband francis i., and all the imperial family, arrived in innsbruck on july , attracting a larger assemblage of great people than had been seen there even in its palmiest days. banquets and gay doings filled up the interval till august , when leopold and maria luisa made their entrance with unexampled pomp. the marriage was celebrated in the pfarrkirche by prince clement of saxony, bishop of ratisbon, assisted by seven other bishops. balls, operas, banquets, illuminations, and the national freischiessen, followed. but during all these fêtes, an unseasonable gloom, which is popularly supposed to bode evil, overclouded the august sky, usually so clear and brilliant in innsbruck. on the th, a grand opera was given to conclude the festivities; on his way back from it francis i. was seized with a fit, and died in the course of the night in the arms of his son, afterwards joseph ii. though maria theresa's master mind had caused her to take the lead in all public matters, she was devotedly attached to her husband, and this sudden blow was severely felt by her. she could not bear that the room in which he expired should ever be again used for secular purposes, and had it converted into a costly chapel; at the same time she made great improvements and additions to the rest of the burg. she always wore mourning to the end of her life, and always, when state affairs permitted, passed the eighteenth day of every month in prayer and retirement. a remarkable monument remains of both the affection and public spirit of this talented princess. driving out to the abbey of wilten in one of the early days of mourning, while some of the tokens of the rejoicing, so unexpectedly turned into lamentation, were still unremoved, the sight of the handsome triumphal arch reminded her of a resolution suggested by francis i. to replace it by one of similar design in more permanent materials. her first impulse was to reject the thought as a too painful reminder of the past; but reflection on the promised benefit to the town prevailed over personal feelings, and she gave orders for the execution of the work; but to make it a fitting memorial of the occasion, she ordered that while the side facing the road from italy should be a triumphpforte, and recall by its bas-reliefs the glad occasion which caused its erection, the side facing the town should be a trauerpforte, and set forth the melancholy conclusion of the same. the whole was executed by tirolean artists, and of tirolean marbles. she founded also a damenstift, for the maintenance of twelve poor ladies of noble birth, who, without taking vows, bound themselves to wear mourning and pray for the soul of francis i. and those of his house. another great work of maria theresa was the development she gave to the university of innsbruck. after her death, which took place in , joseph ii., freed from the restraints of her influence, gave full scope to his plans for meddling with ecclesiastical affairs, for which his intercourse with russia had perhaps given him a taste. pius vi. did not spare himself a journey to vienna, to exert the effect of his personal influence with the emperor, who it would seem did not pay much heed to his advice, and so disaffected his people by his injudicious innovations, that at the time of his death the whole empire, which the skill of maria theresa had consolidated, was in a state of complete disorganization. [ ] though increased by his ill-gotten share of poland, he lost the low countries, and hungary was so disaffected, that had he not been removed by the hand of death ( ), it is not improbable it would have thrown off its allegiance also. leopold ii., his brother, who only reigned two years, saved the empire from dissolution by prudent concessions, by rescinding many of joseph's hasty measures, and abandoning his policy of centralization. one religious house which joseph ii. did not suppress was the damenstift of innsbruck, of which his sister, the archduchess maria elizabeth, undertook the government in ; and during the remainder of her life held a sort of court there which was greatly for the benefit of the city. pius vi. visited her on his way back from vienna on the evening of may , . the whole town was illuminated, and all the religious in the town went out to meet him, followed by the whole body of the people. late as was the hour (a quarter to ten, says a precise chronicle) he had no sooner reached the apartment prepared for him in the burg, than he admitted whole crowds to audience, and the enthusiasm with which the religious tirolese thronged round him surpasses words. many, possessed with a sense of the honour of having the vicar of christ in their very midst, remained all night in the surrounding rennplatz, as it were on guard round his abode. in the morning, after hearing mass, he imparted the apostolic benediction from the balcony of the burg, and proceeded on his way over the brenner. leopold ii. had not been three months on the throne before he came to innsbruck to receive the homage of his loyal tirolese, who took this opportunity of winning from him the abrogation of many josephinischen measures, particularly that reducing their university to a mere lyceum. he was succeeded in by his son, francis ii.; but the mighty storm of the french revolution was threatening, and absorbed all his attention with the preservation of his empire, and the defence of tirol seems to have been overlooked. year by year danger gathered round the outskirts of her mountain fastnesses. whole hosts were engaged all around; yet there were but a handful, five thousand at most, of austrian troops stationed within her frontier. the importance of obtaining the command of such a base of operations, which would at once have afforded a key to italy and austria, did not escape bonaparte. joubert was sent with fifteen thousand men to gain possession of the country, and advanced as far as sterzing. innsbruck was thrown into a complete panic, and i am sorry to have to record that the archduchess maria elizabeth took her flight. the austrian generals, kerpen and laudon, did not deem it prudent, with their small contingent, to engage the french army. nevertheless, the tirolese, instead of being disheartened at this pusillanimity, with their wonted spirit rose as one man; a decisive battle was fought at spinges, a hamlet near sterzing, where a village girl fought so bravely, and urged the men on to the defence of their country so generously, that though her name is lost, her courage won her a local reputation as lasting as that of joan of arc or the 'maid of zaragoza,' under the title of das mädchen von spinges. [ ] driven out hence, the french troops made the best of their way to join the main army in carinthia. after this the enemy left tirol at peace for some years, with the exception of one or two border inroads, which were resolutely repulsed. one of these is so characteristic of the religious customs of tirol, that, though not strictly belonging to the history of innsbruck, i cannot forbear mentioning it. the french, under massena, had in been twice repulsed from feldkirch with great loss. divisions which had never known a reverse were decimated and routed by the practised guns of the mountaineers. thinking their victory assured, the peasants, after the manner of volunteer troops, had dispersed but too soon, to return to their flocks and tillage. warily perceiving his advantage, massena led his troops back over the border silently by night, intending in the morning to take the unsuspecting town by storm--a plan which did not seem to have a chance of failure. but it happened to be holy saturday. suddenly, just as he was about to give the order for the attack, the bells of all the churches far and near, which had been so still during the preceding days, burst all together upon his ear with the jubilant auferstehungsfeier. [ ] general and troops, alike unfamiliar with religious times and seasons, took the sound for the alarm bells calling out the landsturm. in the belief that they were betrayed, a precipitate retreat was ordered. but the night no longer covered the march; and the peasants, who were gathered in their villages for the offices of the church, were quickly collected for the pursuit. this abortive expedition cost the french army three thousand men. in the meantime the archduchess had returned to innsbruck, and all went on upon its old footing, as if there were no enemy to fear. so little was another disturbance expected, that the archduchess devoted herself to the promotion of local improvements, including that of the gottesacker. this is one of the favourite sunday afternoon resorts of the innsbruckers, and is well worthy of a visit. the site was first destined for the purpose by the emperor maximilian. it was gifted with all the indulgences accorded to the campo santo of rome by the pope, and in token of the same some earth from san lorenzo fuori le mura was brought hither at the time of its consecration by the bishop of brixen in . it has, according to the frequent german arrangement, an upper and a lower chapel; the former, dedicated to s. anne; the latter, as usual, to s. michael, though the people commonly call it die veitskapelle, on account of some cures of s. vitus' dance wrought here. the arcades which now surround the cemetery were the result of the introduction of italian customs later in the sixteenth century. some of the oldest and noblest names of tirol are to be found upon the monuments here, some of which cannot fail to attract attention. the bas-reliefs sculptured by collin for that of the hohenhauser family, and those he prepared for his own, may be reckoned among his masterpieces. some which are adorned with paintings would be very interesting if the weather had spared them more. the archduchess had prepared her own resting-place here also, but was not destined to occupy it. the disastrous defeat of austerlitz filled her with alarm, and she once more fled from innsbruck, this time not to return. this was the year , and a sad one it was for tirol. the treaty of pressburg had given tirol to bavaria, and bavaria and tirol had never in any age been able to understand each other. willingly would the tirolese have opposed their entrance; but the bavarians, who knew every pass as well as themselves, were enabled to pour in the allied troops under marshal ney in such force, that they were beyond their power to resist. the fortresses near the bavarian frontier were razed, and innsbruck occupied. on february , , marshal ney left, and the town was formally delivered over to bavarian rule. the most unpopular changes of government were adopted, particularly in ecclesiastical matters and in forcing the peasants into the army; the university also was once more made into a lyceum. but the landsturm was not idle, and the archduke johann, leopold's brother, came into tirol to encourage them. maturing their plans in secret, the patriots, under andreas hofer, who had been to vienna in january to declare his plans and get them confirmed by his government, and speckbacher, broke into innsbruck on april , , where the townspeople received them with loud acclamations; and after a desperate and celebrated conflict at berg isel, succeeded in completely ridding it of the invaders. the bavarian arms on the landhaus were shattered to atoms, and when the eagle replaced them, the people climbed the ladders to kiss it. this was the first great act of the befreiungskämpfe which have made 'the year nine' memorable in the annals of tirol, and, i may say of europe, for it was one of the noblest struggles of determined patriotism those annals have to boast, and at the same time the most successful effort of volunteer arms. hofer accepted the title of schützenkommandant, and was lodged in the imperial burg, while his peasant neighbours took the office of guards; but he altered nothing of his simple habits, nor his national costume. his frugal expenses amounted to forty-five kreuzers a day, and he lost no opportunity of expressing that he did nothing on his own account, but all in the name of the emperor. on may the bavarians laid siege to the town; but the defenders of the country, supported by a few regular austrian troops, obliged them by the end of a fortnight to decamp. on june they returned with a force of twenty-four thousand men; but other feats of arms of the patriots in all parts of tirol showed that its people were unconquerable, and for the third time hofer took possession of innsbruck. in the meantime, however, the peace of schönbrunn, of october , had nullified their achievements, though the memory of their bravery could never be blotted out, and always asserted its power. nor could the brave people, even when bidden by the emperor himself to desist, believe that his orders were otherwise than wrung from him, nor could their loyalty be quenched. hofer's stern sense of subordination made him advise abstention from further strife, but the more ardent patriots refused to listen, and ended by leading him to join them. a desultory warfare was now kept up, with no very effectual result, but yet with a spirit and determination which convinced the bavarians that they could never subdue such a people, and predisposed them to consent to the evacuation of their country in ; for they saw that freedom from every hut sent down a separate root, and when base swords her branches cut, with tenfold might they shoot. in the meantime a terrible wrong had been committed; the french, knowing the value of hofer's influence in encouraging the country-people against them, set a price on his head sufficient to tempt a traitor to make know his hiding-place. he was taken, and thrown into prison at the porta molina at mantua. tried in a council of war, several voices were raised in honour of his bravery and patriotism; a small majority, however, had the cowardice to condemn him to death. he received the news of the sentence with the firmness which might have been expected of him, the only favour he condescended to ask being the spiritual assistance of a priest. provost manifesti was sent to him, and remained with him to the end. an offer was made him of saving his life by entering the french service, but he indignantly refused to join the enemies of his country. to provost manifesti he committed all he possessed, to be expended in the relief of his fellow-countrymen who were prisoners. he spent the early hours of the morning of the day on which he was to die, after mass, in writing his farewell to his wife, bidding her not to give way to grief, and to his other relations and friends, in which latter category was comprehended the population of the whole passeyerthal, not to say all tirol; recommending himself to their prayers, and begging that his name might be given out, and the suffrages of the faithful asked for him, in the village church where he had so often knelt in years of peace. he was forbidden to address his fellow-prisoners. he bore a crucifix, wreathed in flowers, in his hand as he walked to the place of execution, which he was observed repeatedly to kiss. there he took a little silver crucifix from his neck, a memorial of his first communion, and gave it to provost manifesti. he refused to kneel, or to have his eyes bandaged, but stood without flinching to receive the fire of his executioners. his signal to them was first a brief prayer; then a fervently uttered 'hoch lebe kaiser franz!' and then the firm command, 'fire home!' his courage, however, unmanned the soldiers; ashamed of their task, they durst not take secure aim, and it took thirteen shots to send the undaunted soul of the peasant hero to its rest. it was february , ; he was only forty-five. the traditions of his courage and endurance, his probity and steadfastness, are manifold; but in connexion with innsbruck we have only to speak of his brief administration there, which was untarnished by a single unworthy deed, a single act of severity towards prisoners of war, of whom he had numbers in his power who had dealt cruel havoc on his beloved valleys. the emperor for whom he had fought so nobly returned to innsbruck, to receive the homage of the tirolese, on may , , amid the loud rejoicings of the people, preceded by a solemn service of thanksgiving in the pfarrkirche. illuminations and fêtes followed till june , when the ceremony was wound up by a grand shooting-match, at which the emperor presided and many prizes were distributed. the number who contended was , , and , of them made the bull's-eye; among them were old men over eighty and boys of thirteen and fourteen. the claims of hofer on his country's remembrance were not forgotten when she once more had leisure for works of peace. his precious remains, which had been carefully interred by the priest who consoled his last moments at mantua, were brought to innsbruck in , and laid temporarily in the servitenkloster. on february they were borne in solemn procession by six of his brothers in arms, all the clergy and people following. the abbot of wilten sang the requiem office. the emperor ordered the conspicuous and appropriate monument to mark the spot where they laid him, which is one of the chief ornaments of the hofkirche. the pedestal bears the inscription-- seinen in den befreiungskämpfen gefallenen söhnen das dankbare vaterland, and the sarcophagus the words-- absorbta est mors in victoria. tirol had no reason to regret the restoration of the dynasty for which she had suffered so much. most of her ancient privileges were restored to her, and in innsbruck again received the honour of a university, and many useful institutions were founded. francis came to innsbruck again this year, and while there, received the visit of the emperor of russia and the king of prussia. another shooting-match was held before them, at which the precision of the tirolese received much praise; and again for a short time in . the archduke john, who came in to live in tirol, was received with great enthusiasm; his hardy feats of mountain climbing, and hearty accessible character, endearing him to all the people. the troubles of gave the tirolese again an opportunity of showing that their ancient loyalty was undiminished. the emperor ferdinand, driven out of his capital, found that he had not reckoned wrongly in counting on a secure refuge in tirol. it was the evening of may that the imperial pair came as fugitives to innsbruck. though there was hardly time to announce their advent before their arrival, the people went out to meet them, took their horses from the carriage, and themselves drew it into the town; and all the time they remained the towns-people and landes-schützen mounted guard round the burg. more than this, the tirolese kaiser-jäger-regiment volunteered for service against the insurgents, and fought with such determination that marshal radetsky pronounced that every man of them was a hero. with equal stout-heartedness the landes-schützen repelled the attempted italian invasion at several points of the south-western frontier, and kept the enemy at bay till the imperial troops could arrive. these services were renewed with equal fidelity the next year. a tablet recording the bravery of those who fell in this campaign--one of the officers engaged being hofer's grandson--is let into the wall of the hofkirche opposite hofer's monument. it was this emperor from whom the name of ferdinandeum was given to the museum, but it was rather out of compliment, and while he was yet crown-prince, than in memory of any signal co-operation on his part. it was projected in by count von chotek, then governor of tirol. it comprises an association for the promotion of the study of the arts and sciences. the museum contains several early illuminated mss., in the production of which the carthusians of schnals and the dominicans of botzen acquired a singular pre-eminence. at a time when the nobles of other countries were occupied with far less enlightened pursuits, the peaceful condition of tirol enabled its nobles, such as the edelherrn of monlan, annaberg, dornsberg, runglstein, and others, to keep in their employment secretaries, copyists, and chaplains, busied in transcribing; and often sent them into other countries to make copies of famous works to enrich their collections. it has also some of the first works produced from the printing-press of schwatz already mentioned. this press was removed to innsbruck in ; trent set one up about the same time. in the lower rooms of the ferdinandeum is a collection of paintings by tirolean artists, and specimens of the marbles, minerals, and other natural productions of the country. the great variation in the elevation of the soil affords a vast range to the vegetable kingdom, so that it can boast of giving a home to plants like the tobacco, which only germinates at a temperature of seventy degrees, and the edelweiss, which only blossoms under the snow. there is also a small collection of roman and earlier antiquities, dug up at various times in different parts of tirol, and specimens of native industries. among the most singular items are some paintings on cobweb, of which one family has possessed the secret for generations, specimens of their works may be found in most of the museums of south germany; these almost self-taught artists display great dexterity in the management of their strange canvas, and considerable merit in the delicate manipulation of their pigments; sometimes they even imitate fine line engravings in pen and ink without injuring the fragile surface. they delight specially in treating subjects of traditional interest, as kaiser max on the martinswand, the beautiful philippine welser, the heroic hofer, and the patron saints and particular devotions of their village sanctuaries. kranach's mariähilf is thus an object of most affectionate care. the 'web' is certainly like that of no ordinary spider; but it is reported that this family has cultivated a particular species for the purpose, and an artist friend who had been in mexico mentioned to me having seen there spiders'-webs almost as solid as these. i was not able, however, to learn any tradition of the importation of these spiders from mexico. in the first room on the second floor are to be seen the characteristic letter written, as i have said, by hofer, shortly before his end, and other relics of him and the other patriots, such as the hat and breviary of the franciscan haspinger. also an italian gun taken by the akademische legion--the band of loyal volunteer students of innsbruck university, in the campaign of --and i think some trophies also of the success of tirolese arms against the attempted invasion of the later italian war, in which as usual the skill of these people as marksmen stood them in good stead. anyone who wishes to judge of their practice may have plenty of opportunity in innsbruck, for their rifles seem to be constantly firing away at the schiess-stand; so constantly as to form an annoyance to those who are not interested in the subject. this schiess-stand, or rifle-butt, was set up in , in commemoration of the fifth centenary of tirol's union with austria and its undeviating loyalty. no history presents an instance of a loyalty more intimately connected with religious principle than the loyalty of tirol; the two traditions are so inseparably interwoven that the one cannot be wounded without necessarily injuring the other. the present emperor and empress of austria are not wanting to the devout example of their predecessors, but the modern theory of government leaves them little influence in the administration of their dominions. meantime the anti-catholic policy of the central government creates great dissatisfaction and uneasiness in tirol. other divisions of the empire had been prepared for such by laxity of manners and indifferentism to religious belief--the detritus, which the flood of the french revolution scattered more or less thickly over the whole face of europe. but the valleys of tirol had closed their passes to the inroads of this flood, and laws not having religion for their basis are there just as obnoxious in the nineteenth as they would have been in any former century. in concluding my notice of the capital of tirol, it may be worth while to mention that the census of january gives it a population (exclusive of military) of , , being an increase of , over the twelve preceding years. chapter x. north tirol--oberinnthal. innsbruck to zirl and scharnitz--innsbruck to the lisens-ferner. i taught the heart of the boy to revel in tales of old greatness that never tire. aubrey de vere. those who wish to visit the legend-homes of tirol without any great measure of 'roughing,' will doubtless find innsbruck the most convenient base of operations for many excursions of various lengths to places which the pedestrian would take on his onward routes. those on the north and east, which have been already suggested from hall and schwatz, may also be treated thus. it remains to mention those to be found on the west, north-west, and south. but first there is mühlau, also to the east, reached by an avenue of poplars between the right bank of the inn and the railway; where the river is crossed by a suspension-bridge. there are baths here which are much visited by the innsbruckers, and many prefer staying there to innsbruck itself. a pretty little new gothic church adorns the height; the altar is bright with marbles of the country, and has a very creditable altar-piece by a tirolean artist. mühlau was celebrated in the befreiungskämpfe through the courage of baroness sternbach, its chief resident; everywhere the patriots gathered she might have been found in their midst, fully armed and on her bold charger, inspiring all with courage. arrested in her château at mühlau during the bavarian occupation, no threats or insult could wring from her any admission prejudicial to the interests of her country, or compromising to her son. she was sent to munich, and kept a close prisoner there, as also were graf sarnthein and baron schneeburg, till the peace of vienna. from either mühlau or innsbruck may be made the excursion to frau hütt, a curious natural formation which by a freak of nature presents somewhat the appearance of a gigantic petrifaction of a woman with a child in her arms. of it one of the most celebrated of tirolean traditions is told. in the time of noe, says the legend, there was a queen of the giants living in these mountains, and her name was frau hütt. nork makes out a seemingly rather far-fetched derivation for it out of the wife der behütete (i.e. the behatted, or covered one), otherwise odin, with the sky for his head-covering. however that may be, the legend says frau hütt had a son, a young giant, who wanted to cut down a pine tree to make a stalking-horse, but as the pine grew on the borders of a morass, he fell with his burden into the swamp. covered over head and ears with mud, he came home crying to his mother, who ordered the nurse to wipe off the mud with fine crumb of white bread. this filled up the measure of frau hütt's life-long extravagance. as the servant approached, to put the holy gift of god to this profane use, a fearful storm came on, and the light of heaven was veiled by angry clouds; the earth rocked with fear, then opened a yawning mouth, and swallowed up the splendid marble palace of frau hütt, and the rich gardens surrounding it. when the sky became again serene, of all the former verdant beauty nothing remained; all was wild and barren as at present. frau hütt, who had run for refuge with her son in her arms to a neighbouring eminence, was turned into a rock. in place of our 'wilful waste makes woeful want,' children in the neighbourhood are warned from waste by the saying, 'spart eure brosamen für die armen, damit es euch nicht ergehe wie der frau hütt.' [ ] frau hütt also serves as the popular barometer of innsbruck; and when the old giantess appears with her 'night-cap' on, no one undertakes a journey. this excursion will take four or five hours. on the way, büchsenhausen is passed, where, as i have already mentioned, gregory löffler cast the statues of the hofkirche. i have also given already the legend of the bienerweible. as a consequence of the state execution which occasioned her melancholy aberrations, the castle was forfeited to the crown. ferdinand karl, however, restored it to the family. it was subsequently sold, and became one of the most esteemed breweries of the country, the cellars being hewn in the living rock; and its 'biergarten' is much frequented by holiday-makers. remains of the old castle are still kept up; among them the chapel, in which are some paintings worth attention. on one of the walls is a portrait of the chancellor's son, who died in the franciscan order in innsbruck, in his ninety-first year. if time allows, the weierburg and the maria-brunn may be taken in the way home, as it makes but a slight digression; or it may be ascended from mühlau. the so-called mühlauer klamm is a picturesque gorge, and the torrent running through it forms some cascades. weierburg affords a most delightful view of the picturesque capital, and the surrounding heights and valleys mapped out around. schloss weierburg was once the gay summer residence of the emperor maximilian, and some relics of him are still preserved there. hottingen, which might be either taken on the way when visiting frau hütt or the weierburg, is a sheltered spot, and one of the few in the innthal where the vine flourishes. it is reached by continuing the road past the little church of mariähilf across the inn; it had considerable importance in mediæval times, and has consequently some interesting remains, which, as well as the bathing establishment, make it a rival to mühlau. in the church (dedicated to st. nicholas) is gregory löffler's monument, erected to him by his two sons. the count of trautmannsdorf and other noble families of tirol have monuments in the friedhof. the tower of the church is said to be a remnant of a roman temple to diana. to the right of the church is schloss lichtenthurm, well kept up, and often inhabited by the schneeburg family. on the woody heights to the north is a little pilgrimage chapel difficult of access, and called the höttingerbilde. it is built over an image of our lady found on the spot in , by a student of innsbruck who ascribed his rapid advance in the schools to his devotion to it. on the east side of the höttinger stream are some remains of lateral mining shafts, which afford the opportunity of a curious and difficult, though not dangerous, exploration. there are some pretty stalactitic formations, but on a restricted scale. there is enough of interest in a visit to zirl to make it the object of a day's outing; but if time presses it may be reached hence, by pursuing the main street of this suburb, called, i know not why, zum grossen herr-gott, which continues in a path along an almost direct line of about seven miles through field and forest, and for the last four or five following the bank of the inn. or the whole route may be taken in a carriage from innsbruck, driving past the rifle-butt under mariähilf. at a distance of two miles you pass kranebitten, or kranewitten, not far from which, at a little distance on the right of the road, is a remarkable ravine in the heights, which approach nearer and nearer the bank of the river. it is well worth while to turn aside and visit this ravine, which goes by the name of the schwefelloch. it is an accessible introduction on a small scale to the wild and fearful natural solitudes we read of with interest in more distant regions. the uneven path is closed in by steep and rugged mountain sides, which spontaneously recall many a poet's description of a visit to the nether world. at some distance down the gorge, a flight of eight or nine rough and precarious steps cut in the rock, and then one or two still more precarious ladders, lead to the so-called hundskirche, or hundskapelle, [ ] which is said to derive its name from having been the last resort of pagan mysteries when heathendom was retreating before the advance of christianity in tirol. further on, the rocks bear the name of the wagnerwand (wand being a wall), and the great and lesser lehner; and here they seem almost to meet high above you and throw a strange gloom over your path, and the torrent of the sulz roars away below in the distance; while the oft-repeated answering of the echo you evoke is more weird than utter silence. the path which has hitherto been going north now trends round to the west, and displays the back of the martinswand, and the fertile so-called zirlerchristen, soon affording a pleasing view both ways towards zirl and innsbruck. there is rough accommodation here for the night for those who would ascend the gross solstein, , feet; the brandjoch, , feet; or the klein solstein, , feet--peaks of the range which keep bavaria out of tirol. as we proceed again on the road to zirl, the level space between the mountains and the river continues to grow narrower and narrower, but what there is, is every inch cultivated; and soon we pass the markstein which constitutes the boundary between ober and unter-innthal. by-and-by the mountain slopes drive the road almost down to the bank, and straight above you rises the foremost spur of the solstein, the martinswand, so called by reason of its perpendicularity, celebrated far and wide in sage and ballad for the hunting exploit and marvellous preservation of kaiser max. it was easter monday, ; kaiser max was staying at weierburg, and started in the early morning on a hunting expedition on the zirlergebirge. so far there is nothing very remarkable, for his ardent disposition and love of danger often carried him on beyond all his suite; but then came a marvellous accident, the accounts of the origin of which are various. there is no one in innsbruck but has a version of his own to tell you. as most often reported, the chamois he was following led him suddenly down the very precipice i have described. the steepness of the terrible descent did not affright him; but in his frantic course one by one the iron spikes had been wrenched from his soles, till at last just as he reached a ledge, scarcely a span in breadth, he found he had but one left. to proceed was impossible, but--so also was retreat. there he hung, then, a speck between earth and sky, or as collin's splendid popular ballad, which i cannot forbear quoting, has it:-- hier half kein sprung, kein adler-schwung denn unter ihm senkt sich die martinswand der steilste fels im ganzen land. er starrt hinab in 's wolkengrab und starrt hinaus in 's wolkenmeer und schaut zurück, und schaut umher. wo das donnergebrüll zu füssen ihm grollt wo das menschengewühl tief unter ihm rollt: da steht des kaisers majestät doch nicht zur wonne hoch erhöht. ein jammersohn auf luft 'gem thron findet sich max nun plötzlich allein und fühlt sich schaudernd, verlassen und klein. [ ] but the singers of the high deeds of kaiser max could not bring themselves to believe that so signal a danger could have befallen their hero by mere accident. they must discover for it an origin to connect it with his political importance. accordingly they have said that the minions of sigismund der münzreiche, dispossessed at his abdication, had plotted to lead max, the strong redresser of wrongs, the last flower of chivalry, the hope of the hapsburg house, the mainstay of his century, into destruction; that it was not that the innocent chamois led the kaiser astray, but that the conspirators misled him as to the direction it had taken. certainly, when one thinks of the situation of the empire at that moment, and of hungary, the borderland against the turks, suddenly deprived of its great king matthias corvinus, even while yet at war with them, only four days before [ ]; when we think that the writers of the ballad had before their eyes the great amount of good maximilian really did effect not only for tirol, but for the empire and for europe, and then contemplated the idea of his career being cut short thus almost at the outset, we can understand that they deemed it more consonant with the circumstances to believe so great a peril was incurred as a consequence of his devotion to duty rather than in the pursuit of pleasure. here, then, he hung; a less fearless hunter might have been overawed by the prospect or exhausted by the strain. not so kaiser max. he not only held on steadfastly by the hour, but was able to look round him so calmly that he at last discerned behind him a cleft in the rock, or little cave, affording a footing less precarious than that on which he rested. the ballad may be thought to say that it opened itself to receive him. the rest of the hunting party, even those who had nerve to follow him to the edge of the crag, could not see what had become of him. below, there was no one to think of looking up; and if there had been, even an emperor could hardly have been discerned at a height of something like a thousand feet. the horns of the huntsmen, and the messengers sent in every direction to ask counsel of the most experienced climbers, within a few hours crowded the banks on both sides with the loyal and enthusiastic people; till at last the wail of his faithful subjects, which could be heard a mile off, sent comfort into the heart of the kaiser, who stood silent and stedfast, relying on god and his people. meantime, the sun had reached the meridian; the burning rays poured down on the captive, and gradually as the hours went by the rocks around him grew glowing hot like an oven. exhausted by the long fast, no less than the anxiety of his position, and the sharp run that had preceded the accident, he began to feel his strength ebbing away. one desire stirred him--to know whether any help was possible before the insensibility, which he felt must supervene, overcame him. then he bethought him of writing on a strip of parchment he had about him, to describe his situation, and to ask if there was any means of rescue. he tied the scroll to a stone with the cord of his hunting-horn, and threw it down into the depth. but no sound came in answer. in the meantime all were straining to find a way of escape. even the old archduke sigismund who, though he is never accused of any knowledge of the alleged plot of his courtiers, yet may well be supposed to have entertained no very good feeling towards maximilian, now forgot all ill-will, and despatched swift messengers to schwatz to summon the cleverest knappen to come with their gear and see if they could not devise a means for reaching him with a rope; others ran from village to village, calling on all for aid and counsel. some rang the storm-bells, and some lighted alarm fires; while many more poured into the churches and sanctuaries to pray for help from on high; and pious brotherhoods, thousands in number, marching with their holy emblems veiled in mourning, and singing dirges as they came, gathered round the base of the martinswand. the kaiser from his giddy height could make out something of what was going on, but as no answer came, a second and a third time he wrote, asking the same words. and when still no answer came--i am following collin's imaginative ballad--his heart sank down within him and he said, 'if there were any hope, most surely my people would have sent a shout up to me. so there is no doubt but that i must die here.' then he turned his heart to god, and tried to forget everything of this earth, and think only of that which is eternal. but now the sun sank low towards the horizon. while light yet remained, once more he took his tablet and wrote; he had no cord left to attach it to the stone, so he bound it with his gold chain--of what use were earthly ornaments any more to him?--'and threw it down,' as the ballad forcibly says, 'into the living world, out of that grave high placed in air.' one in the crowd caught it, and the people wept aloud as he read out to them what the kaiser had traced with failing hand. he thanked tirol for its loyal interest in his fate; he acknowledged humbly that his suffering was a penance sent him worthily by heaven for the pride and haughtiness with which he had pursued the chase, thinking nothing too difficult for him. now he was brought low. he offered his blood and his life in satisfaction. he saw there was no help to be hoped for his body; he trusted his soul to the mercy of god. but he besought them to send to zirl, and beg the priest there to bring the most holy sacrament and bless his last hour with its presence. when it arrived they were to announce it to him by firing off a gun, and another while the benediction was imparted. then he bid them all pray for steadfastness for him, while the pangs of hunger gnawed away his life. the priest of zirl hastened to obey the summons, and the kaiser's injunctions were punctually obeyed. meantime, the miners of schwatz were busy arranging their plan of operations--no easy matter, for they stood fifteen hundred feet above the emperor's ledge. but before they were ready for the forlorn attempt, another deliverer appeared upon the scene with a strong arm, supported the almost lifeless form of the emperor--for he had now been fifty-two hours in this sad plight--and bore him triumphantly up the pathless height. there he restored him to the people, who, frantic with joy, let him pass through their midst without observing his appearance. who was this deliverer? the traditions of the time say he was an angel, sent in answer to the kaiser's penitential trust in god and the prayers of the people. later narrators say--some, that he was a bold huntsman; others, a reckless outlaw to whom the track was known, and these tell you there is a record of a pension being paid annually in reward for the service, if not to him, at least to some one who claimed to have rendered it. [ ] the monstrance, which bore the blessed sacrament from zirl to carry comfort to the emperor in his dire need, was laid up among the treasures of ambras. maximilian, in thanksgiving for his deliverance, resolved to be less reckless in his future expeditions, and never failed to remember the anniversary. he also employed miners from schwatz to cut a path down to the hole, afterwards called the max-höhle, which had sheltered him, to spare risk to his faithful subjects, who would make the perilous descent to return thanks on the spot for his recovery; and he set up there a crucifix, with figures of the blessed virgin and s. john on either side large enough to be seen from below; and even to the present day men used to dangerous climbing visit it with similar sentiments. it is not often the tourist is tempted to make the attempt, and they must be cool-headed who would venture it. the best view of it is to be got from the remains of the little hunting-seat and church which maximilian afterwards built on the martinsbühl, a green height opposite it, and itself no light ascent. it is said maximilian sometimes shot the chamois out of the windows of this villa. the stories are endless of his hardihood and presence of mind in his alpine expeditions. at one time, threatened by the descent of a falling rock, he not only was alert enough to spring out of the way in time, but also seized a huntsman following him, who was not so fortunate, and saved him from being carried over the precipice. at another he saw a branch of a tree overhanging a yawning abyss; to try his presence of mind he swung himself on to it, and hung over the precipice; but crack! went the branch, and yet he saved himself by an agile spring on to another tree. another time, when threatened by a falling rock, his presence of mind showed itself in remaining quite still close against the mountain wall, in the very line of its course, having measured with his eye that there was space enough for it to clear him. but enough for the present. zirl affords a good inn and a timely resting-place, either before returning to innsbruck, or starting afresh to visit the isarthal and scharnitz. the ascent of the gross solstein is made from zirl, as may also be that of the martinswand. in itself zirl has not much to arrest attention, except its picturesque situation (particularly that of its 'calvarienberg,' to form which the living rocks are adapted), and its history, connecting it with the defence of the country against various attacks from bavaria. proceeding northwards along the road to seefeld, and a little off it, you come upon fragenstein, another of maximilian's hunting-seats, a strong fortress for some two hundred years before his time, and now a fine ruin. there are many strange tales of a great treasure buried here, and a green-clad huntsman, who appears from time to time, and challenges the peasants to come and help him dig it out, but something always occurs to prevent the successful issue of the adventure. once a party of excavators got so far that they saw the metal vessel enclosing it; but then suddenly arose such a frightful storm, that none durst proceed with the work; and after that the clue to its place of concealment was lost. continuing the somewhat steep ascent, leiten is passed, and then reit, with nothing to arrest notice; and then seefeld, celebrated by the legend my old friend told me on the freundsberg. [ ] the archduke ferdinand built a special chapel to the left of the parish church, called die heilige blutskapelle, in , to contain the host which had convicted oswald milser, and which is even now an object of frequent pilgrimage. the altar-piece was restored last year very faithfully, and with considerable artistic feeling, by haselwandter, of botzen. it is adorned with statues of the favourite heroes of the tirolese legendary world, st. sigismund and st. oswald, and compartment bas-reliefs of subjects of gospel history known as 'the mysteries of the rosary.' the tone of the old work has been so well caught, that it requires some close inspection to distinguish the original remains from the new additions. the archduchess eleonora provided the crystal reliquary and crown, and the rich curtains within which it is preserved. at a little distance to south-west of seefeld, on a mountain-path leading to telfs, is a little circular chapel, built by leopold v. in , over a crucifix which had long been honoured there. it is sometimes called the kreuz-kapelle, but more often the zur-seekapelle, though one of the two little lakes, whence the appellation, and the name of seefeld too, was derived, dried out in . there is also a legend of the site having been originally pointed out by a flight of birds similar to that i have given concerning s. georgenberg. the road then falls more gently than on the zirl side, but is rugged and wild in its surroundings, to scharnitz, near which you meet the blue-green gushing waters of the isar. scharnitz has borne the brunt of many a terrible contest in the character of outpost of tirolean defences: it is known to have been a fortress in the time of the romans. it was one of the points strengthened by klaudia de' medici, who built the 'porta klaudia' to command the pass. good service it did on more than one occasion; but it succumbed in the inroad of french and bavarians combined, in . it was garrisoned at that time by a small company of regular troops, under an english officer in the austrian service named swinburne, whose gallant resistance was cordially celebrated by the people. he was overwhelmed, however, by superior numbers and appliances, and at marshal ney's orders the fort was so completely destroyed, that scarcely a trace of it is now to be found. [ ] it is the border town against bavaria, and is consequently enlivened by a customs office and a few uniforms, but it is a poor place. i was surprised to be accosted and asked for alms by a decent-looking woman, whom i had seen kneeling in the church shortly before as this sort of thing is not common in tirol. she told me the place had suffered sadly by the railway; for before, it was the post-station for all the traffic between munich and innsbruck and italy. the industries of the place were not many or lucrative; the surrounding forests supply some employment to woodmen; and what she called dirstenöhl, which seems to be dialectic for steinöhl or petroleum, is obtained from the bituminous soil in the neighbourhood; it is obtained by a kind of distillation--a laborious process. the work lasted from s. vitus' day to the nativity of the blessed virgin; that was now past, and her husband, who was employed in it, had nothing to do; she had an old father to support, and a sick child. then she went on to speak of the devotion she had just been reciting in the church to obtain help, and evidently looked upon her meeting with me as an answer to it. it seemed to consist in saying three times, a petition which i wrote down at her dictation as follows:--'gott grüsse dich maria! ich grüsse dich drei und dreizig tausend mal; o maria ich grüsse dich wie der erzengel gabriel dich gregüsset hat. es erfreuet dich in deinen herzen dass der erzengel gabriel den himmlischen gruss zu dir gebracht hat. ave maria, &c.' she said she had never used that devotion and failed to obtain her request. i learnt that the origin she ascribed to it was this:--a poor girl, a cow-herd of dorf, some miles over the bavarian frontier, who was very devout to the blessed virgin, had been in the habit while tending her herds of saying the rosary three times every day in a little madonna chapel near her grazing-ground. but one summer there came a great heat, which burnt up all the grass, and the cattle wandered hither and thither seeking their scanty food, so that it was all she could do to run after and keep watch over them. the good girl was now much distressed in mind; for the tenour of her life had been so even before, that when she made her vow to say the three rosaries, it had never occurred to her such a contingency might happen. but she knew also that neither must she neglect her supervision of the cattle committed to her charge. while praying then to heaven for light to direct her in this difficulty, the simple girl thought she saw a vision of our lady, bidding her be of good heart, and she would teach her a prayer to say instead, which would not take as long as the rosary, and would please her as well, and that she should teach it also to others who might be overwhelmed with work like herself. this was the petition i have quoted above. but the maid was too humble to speak of having received so great a favour, and lived and died without saying anything about it. when she came to die, however, her soul could find no rest, for her commission was unfulfilled; and whenever anyone passed alone by the wayside chapel where she had been wont to pray, he was sure to see her kneeling there. at last a pious neighbour, who knew how good she had been, summoned courage to ask her how it was that she was dealt with thus. then the good girl told him what had befallen her long ago on that spot, and bid him fulfil the part she had neglected, adding, 'but tell them also not to think the mere saying the words is enough; they must pray with faith and dependence on god, and also strive to keep themselves from sin.' in returning from zirl to innsbruck, the left bank may be visited by taking the zirl bridge and pursuing the road bordering the river; you come thus to unterperfuss, another bourne of frequent excursion from innsbruck, the inn there having the reputation of possessing a good cellar, and the views over the neighbourhood being most romantic, the château of ferklehen giving interest to the natural beauties around. hence, instead of pursuing the return journey at once, a digression may be made through the selrainthal (selrain, in the dialect of the neighbourhood, means the edge of a mountain); and it is indeed but a narrow strip bordering the stream--the melach or malk, so called from its milk-white waters--which pours itself out by three mouths into the inn at the debouchure of the valley. there is many a 'cluster of houses,' as german expresses [ ] a settlement too small to be dignified with the name of village, perched on the heights around, but all reached by somewhat rugged paths. the first and prettiest is selrain, which is always locally called rothenbrunn, because the iron in the waters, which form an attraction to valetudinarian visitors, has covered the soil over which they flow with a red deposit. small as it is, it boasts two churches, that to s. quirinus being one of the most ancient in tirol. the mountain path through the fatscherthal, though much sought by innsbruckers, is too rough travelling for the ordinary tourist, but affords a fine mountain view, including the magnificent fernerwand, or glacier-wall, which closes it in, and the three shining and beautifully graduated peaks of the hohe villerspitz. at a short distance from selrain may be found a pretty cascade, one of the six falls of the saigesbach. some four or five miles further along the valley is one of the numerous villages named gries; and about five miles more of mountain footpath leads to the coquettishly perched sanctuary of st. sigismund, the highest inhabited point of the selrainthal. it is one of the many high-peaked buildings with which the archduke sigismund, who seems to have had a wonderful eye for the picturesque, loved to set off the heaven-pointing cones of the tirolese mountains. another opening in the mountains, which runs out from gries, is the lisenthal, in the midst of which lie juvenau and neurätz, the latter much visited by parties going to pick up the pretty crystal spar called 'andalusiten.' further along the path stands by the wayside a striking fountain, set up for the refreshment of the weary, called the magdalenenbründl, because adorned with a statue of the magdalen, the image of whose penitence was thought appropriate to this stern solitude by the pious founder. the melach is shortly after crossed by a rustic bridge, and a path over wooded hills leads to the ancient village of pragmar. hence the ascent of the sonnenberg or lisens-ferner is made. the monastery of wilten has a summer villa on its lower slope, serving as a dairy for the produce of their pastures in the neighbourhood; a hospitable place of refreshment for the traveller and alpine climber, and with its chapel constituting a grateful object both to the pilgrim and the artist. the less robust and enterprising will find an easier excursion in the lengenthal, a romantically wild valley, which forms a communication between the lisenthal and the oetzthal. the selrainthalers are behind none in maintaining the national character. when the law of conscription--one of the most obnoxious results of the brief cession to bavaria--was propounded, the youths of the selrain were the first to show that, though ever ready to devote their lives to the defence of the fatherland, they would never be enrolled in an army in whose ranks they might be sent to fight in they knew not what cause--perhaps against their own brethren. the generous stand they made against the measure constituted their valley the rendezvous of all who would escape from it for miles round, and soon their band numbered some five hundred. during the whole of the bavarian occupation they maintained their independence, and were among the first to raise the standard of the year . a strong force was sent out on march to reduce them to obedience, when the selrainers gave good proof that it was not cowardice which had made them refuse to join the army. they repulsed the bavarian regulars with such signal success, that the men of the neighbourhood were proud to range themselves under their banner, which as long as the campaign lasted was always found in the thickest of the fight. no less than eleven of their number received decorations for personal bravery. in peace, too, they have shown they know how to value the independence for which they fought; though their labours in the field are so greatly enhanced by the steepness of the ground which is their portion, that the men yoke themselves to the plough, and carry burdens over places where no oxen could be guided. their industry and perseverance provide them so well with enough to make them contented, if not prosperous, that 'in selrain hat jeder zu arbeiten und zu essen' (in selrain there is work and meat enough for all) is a common proverb. the women, who are unable for the reason above noted to take so much part in field-labours as in some other parts, have found an industry for themselves in bleaching linen, and enliven the landscape by the cheerful zest with which they ply their thrifty toil. the path for the return journey from selrain to ober-perfuss--or foot of the upper height--is as rugged as the other paths we have been traversing, but is even more picturesque. the church is newly restored, and contains a monument, with high-sounding latin epitaph, to one peter anich, of whose labours in overcoming the difficulties of the survey and mensuration of his country, which has nowhere three square miles of plain, his co-villagers are justly proud. he was an entirely self-taught man, but most accurate in his observations, and he induced other peasants to emulate his studies. ober-perfuss also has a mineral spring. a pleasant path over hills and fields leads in about an hour to kematen, a very similar village; but the remains of the ruined hunting-seat of pirschenheim, now used as an ordinary lodging-house, adds to its picturesqueness. near by it may also be visited the pretty waterfall of the sendersbach. a shorter and easier stage is the next, through the fields to völs or vels, which clusters at the foot of the blasienberg, once the dwelling of a hermit, and still a place of pilgrimage and the residence of the priest of the village. the parish church of vels is dedicated in honour of s. jodok, the english saint, whose statue we saw keeping watch over maximilian's tomb at innsbruck. another hour across the level ground of the galwiese, luxuriantly covered with indian corn, brings us back to innsbruck through the innrain; the galwiese has its name from the echo of the hills, which close in the plain as it nears the capital; wiese being a meadow, and gal the same form of schall--resonance, which occurs in nachtigall, nightingale; and also, strangely enough, in gellen, to sound loudly (or yell). at the cross-road (to axams) we passed some twenty minutes out of völs, where the way is still wild, is the so-called schwarze kreuz-kapelle. one blasius hölzl, ranger of the neighbouring forest, was once overtaken by a terrible storm; the geroldsbach, rushing down from the götzneralp, had obliterated the path with its torrents; the reflection of each lightning flash in the waste of waters around seemed like a sword pointed at the breast of his horse, who shied and reared, and threatened to plunge his rider in the ungoverned flood. hölzl was a bold forester, but he had never known a night like this; and as the rapidly succeeding flashes almost drove him to distraction, he vowed to record the deliverance on the spot by a cross of iron, of equal weight to himself and his mount, if he reached his fireside in safety. then suddenly the noisy wind subsided, the clouds owned themselves spent, and in place of the angry forks of flame only soft and friendly sheets of light played over the country, and enabled him to steer his homeward way. hölzl kept his promise, and a black metal cross of the full weight promised long marked the spot, and gave it its present name. [ ] the accompanying figures of our lady and s. john having subsequently been thrown down, it was removed to the chapel on blasienberg. ferneck, a pleasant though primitive bath establishment, is prettily situated on the innsbruck side of the galwiese, and the church there was also once a favourite sanctuary with the people; but when the neighbouring land was taken from the monks at wilten, who had had it ever since the days of the penitent giant haymon, it ceased to be remembered. starting from innsbruck again in a southerly direction, a little beyond wilten, already described, we reach berg isel. though invaded in part by the railway, it is still a worthy bourne of pilgrimage, by reason of the heroic victories of the patriots under hofer. on sunday and holiday afternoons parties of innsbruckers may always be found refreshing these memories of their traditional prowess. it is also precious on less frequented occasions for the splendid view it affords of the whole innthal. two columns in the scheisstand record the honours of april and august , , with the inscription, 'donec erunt montes et saxa et pectora nostra austriacæ domini mænia semper erunt.' i must confess, however, that the noise of the perpetual rifle-practice is a great vexation, and prevents one from preserving an unruffled memory of the patriotism of which it is the exponent; but this holds good all over germany. here, on may , fell graf johan v. stachelburg, the last of his noble family, a martyr to his country's cause. the peasants among whom he was fighting begged him not to expose his life so recklessly, but he would not listen. 'i shall die but once,' he replied to all their warnings; 'and where could it befall me better than when fighting for the cause of god and austria?' he was mortally wounded, and carried in a litter improvised from the brushwood to mutters, where he lies buried. a little beyond the southern incline of berg isel a path strikes out to the right, and ascends the heights to the two villages of natters and mutters, the people of which were only in released from the obligation of going to wilten for their mass of obligation. natters has some remains of one of archduke sigismund's high-perched hunting-seats, named waidburg; he also instituted in a foundation for saying five masses weekly in its chapel. there are further several picturesque mountain walks to be found in the neighbourhood of innsbruck, under the grandly towering nockspitze and the patscherkofl. or again from either mutters or natters there is a path leading down to götzens, birgitz, axams, and grintzens, across westwards to the southern end of the selrainthal. götzens (from götze, an idol), like the hundskapelle, received its name for having retained its heathen worship longer than the rest of the district around. the ruins, which you see on a detached peak as you leave götzens again, are the two towers of liebenberger, and völlenberger the poor remains of schloss völlenberg, the seat of an ancient tirolean family of that name, who were very powerful in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. it fell in to the crown during the reign of friedrich mit der leeren tasche, by the death of its last male heir. frederick converted it into a state-prison. the noblest person it ever harboured was the poet oswald von wolkenstein. himself a knight of noble lineage, he had been inclined in the early part of frederick's reign to join his influence with the rest of the nobility against him, because he took alarm at his familiarity with the common people. frederick's sudden establishment of his power, and the energetic proceedings he immediately adopted for consolidating it, took many by surprise, oswald von wolkenstein among the rest. he was a bard of too sweet song, however, to be shut up in a cage, and friedl was not the man to keep the minstrel in durance when it was safe to let him be at large. he had no sooner established himself firmly on the throne than he not only released the poet, but forgetting all cause of animosity against him, placed him at his court, and delighted his leisure hours with listening to his warbling. oswald's wild and adventurous career had stored his mind with such subjects as friedl would love to hear sung. but we shall have more to say of oswald when we come to his home in the grödnerthal. the next village is birgitz; and the next, after crossing the torrent which rushes down from the alpe lizum, is axams, one of the most ancient in the neighbourhood, after passing the opening to the lonesome but richly pastured sendersthal, the slopes of which meet those of the selrainthal. the only remaining valley of north tirol which i have room here to treat is the stubay thal. [ ] of the three or four ways leading into it from innsbruck, all rugged, the most remarkable is called by the people 'beim papstl' because that traversed by pius vi. when he passed through tirol, as i have already narrated. the first place of any interest is waldrast, a pilgrim's chapel, dating from the year . a poor peasant was directed by a voice he heard in his sleep to go to the woods (wald), and lay him down to rest (rast), and it would be told him what he should do; hence the name of the spot. there the madonna appeared to him, and bid him build a chapel over an image of her which appeared there, no one knew how, some years before. [ ] a servite monastery, built in on the spot, is now in ruins, but the pilgrimage is still often made. it may be reached from the railway station of matrey. the ascent of the serlesspitz being generally undertaken from here, it is called in innsbruck the waldrasterspitz. fulpmes is the largest village of the stubay thal. the inhabitants are all workers in iron and steel implements, and among other things are reckoned to make the best spikes for the shoes of the mountain climbers. their works are carried all over austria and italy, but less now than formerly. in the church are some pictures by a peasant girl of this place. few will be inclined to pursue this valley further; and the only remaining place of any mark is neustift, the marshy ground round which provides the innsbruck market with frogs. the church of neustift was built, at considerable cost, in the tasteless style of the last century. the wood carvings by the tirolean artists keller, hatter, and zatter, however, are meritorious. chapter xi. wÄlsch-tirol. the wÄlsch-tirolische etschthal and its tributary valleys. it is not some peter or james who has written these stories for a little circle of flattering contemporaries; it is a whole nation that has framed them for all times to come, and stamped them with the impress of its own mighty character.--aksharounioff, use of fairy tales. it is time that we turn our attention to the traditions of south and wälsch-tirol, though it must not be supposed that we have by any means exhausted those of the north. there are so many indications that ere long the rule over the province, or kreis, [ ] as it is called, of wälsch-tirol, may some day be transferred to italy, that, especially as our present view of it is somewhat retrospective, it is as well to consider it first, and before its homogeneity with the rest of the principality is destroyed. wälsch, or italian-tirol sometimes, especially of late, denominated the trentino, comprises the sunniest, and some at least, of the most beautiful valleys of tirol. the etschthal, or valley of the adige, which takes its source from the little lake reschen, also called der grüne, from the colour of its waters, near nauders, traverses both south and wälsch-tirol. that part of the etschthal belonging to the latter kreis takes a direct north to south direction down its centre. there branch out from it two main lines of valleys on the west, and two on the east. the northernmost line on the west side is formed of the val di non and the val di sole; on the east, of the avisio valley under its various changes of name which will be noted in their place. the southern line on the west is called giudicaria, and on the east, val sugana, or valley of the euganieren. the traveller's first acquaintance with the wälschtirolische-etschthal will probably, as in my own case, be made in the val lagarina, through which the railway of upper italy passes insensibly on to tirolese soil, for you are allowed to get as far as ala before the custom-house visitation reminds you that you have passed inside another government. it is a wild gorge along which you run, only less formidable than that which you saw so grimly close round you as you left verona. if you could but lift that stony veil on your left, you would see the beautiful garda-see sparkling beside you; but how vexatious soever the denial, the envious mountains interpose their stern steeps to conceal it. their recesses conceal too, but to our less regret, the famous field of rivoli. borghetto is the first village on tirolese soil, and ala, in the middle ages called sala, the first town. it thrives on the production of silk, introduced here from lombardy about . it has a picturesque situation, and some buildings that claim a place in the sketchbook. the other places of interest in the neighbourhood are most conveniently visited from roveredo, or rofreit as the germans call it, a less important and pleasing town than trent, but placed in a prettier neighbourhood. it received its name of roboretum from the latins, on account of the immense forests of oak with which it was surrounded in their time. the road leading through it, being the highway into the country, bristles all along its way with ancient strongholds, as avio, predajo, lizzana, castelbarco, beseno, and others, which have all had their share in the numerous struggles for ascendancy, waged for so many years between the emperor, the republic of venice, the bishops of trent, and the powerful families inhabiting them. the last-named preserves a tradition of more peaceful interest. at the time that dante was banished from florence, lizzana was a seat of the scaligers, and they had him for their visitor for some time during his wanderings. not far from it is the so-called slavini di san marco, a vast steinmeer, which seems, as it were, a ruined mountain, such vast blocks of rock lie scattered on every side. there is little doubt the poet has immortalized the scene he had the opportunity of contemplating here in his description of the descent to the inferno, opening of canto xii. it is said that a fine city, called san marco, lies buried under these gigantic fragments, concerning which the country people were very curious, and were continually excavating to arrive at the treasure it was supposed to contain, till one day a peasant thus engaged saw written in fiery letters on one vast boulder, 'beati quelli che mi volteranno' (happy they who turn me round). the peasant thought his fortune was made. there could be no doubt the promised happiness must consist in the riches which turning over the stone should disclose. plenty of neighbours were ready to lend a hand to so promising a toil; and after the most unheard-of exertions, the monster stone was upheaved. but instead of a treasure they found nothing but another inscription, which said 'bene mi facesti, perchè le coscie mi duolevano (you have done me a good turn, for i had a pain in my thighs). [ ] as the peasants felt no great satisfaction in working with no better pay than this, the buried city of san marco ceased from this time to be the object of their search. nevertheless, near mori, on the opposite (west) side of the river, is a deep cave called 'la busa del barbaz,' concerning which the saying runs, that it was, ages ago, the lurking-place of a cruel white-bearded old man, who lived on human flesh, and that whoso has the courage to explore the cave and discover his remains, will, immediately on touching them, be confronted by his spirit, who will tell the adventurous wight where an immense treasure lies hid. some sort of origin for this fable may be found in an older tradition, which tells that idols, whose rites demanded human sacrifices, were cast down this cave by the first christian converts of the lenothal. the slavini are closed by a rocky gorge, characteristically named serravalle; and as the country again opens out another cave on the east bank is pointed out, which was for long years a resort of robbers, who plundered all who passed that way. these were routed out by the prince-bishop of trent in , and a hospice for the relief of travellers built on the very spot which so long had been the terror of the wayfarer. the chapel was dedicated in honour of s. margaret, and still retains the name. roveredo itself is crowned by a fort--schloss junk, or castel nuovo--which has stood many a siege, originally built by the venetians; but it is more distinguished by its villas and manufactories. the silk trade was introduced here in , and has continuously added to the prosperity of the place. gaetano tacchi established relations with england at the end of the last century, and the four brothers of the same name, who now represent her house, are the richest family in roveredo. they have a very pretty family vault near the madonna del monte, a pilgrimage reached by a road which starts behind the pfarrkirche of sta. maria. another pilgrimage church newly established is the madonna de saletto. while the silk factories occupy the italian hands, the germans resident in roveredo find employment at a newly-established tobacco factory. much tobacco is grown in the trentino. a great deal of activity is seen in roveredo. the corso nuovo is a broad handsome street with fine trees. a new and handsome road, between the town and railway station, was laid out in the autumn of . outside the town is the so-called lenoschlucht, reached by the strada nuova, which crosses it by a daring high arched bridge. the cliff rises sheer on the right hand, and overlooking the dangerous precipice is the little chapel of s. columban, seemingly perched there by enchantment. it is built over the spot where a hermit, who was held in veneration by the neighbourhood, had his retreat. there are seven churches, but not much to remark in any of them. that of s. rocchus was built in consequence of a vow made by the townspeople during the plague of , to invite a settlement of franciscans if it was stayed. the altar-piece is ascribed to giovanni da udine. there are several educational establishments, and a club which is devoted to propagandism of italian tendencies. the time to see trent to advantage is in the month of june, not only for the sake of the natural beauties of climate and scenery, but because then falls the festa of s. vigilius ( th), the evangelizer of the country, and the churches are crowded with all the surrounding mountain population, who, after religious observances have been duly fulfilled, indulge in all their characteristic games and amusements, often in representations of sacred dramas, [ ] and always wind up with their favourite and peculiar illumination of their mountain sides by disposing bonfires in devices over a whole slope. this custom is the more worth noting that it is thought to be a remnant of fire-worship, prevailing before the entrance of the etruscans. [ ] that their city was the see of s. vigilius, and the seat of the great council of the church, are reckoned by its people their greatest glories; and they delight to trace a parallel between their city and 'great rome.' they reckon that it was founded in the time of tarquinius priscus by a colony of etruscans, under a leader named rhætius, who established there the worship of neptune, whence the name of tridentum or trent. that they occupied and fortified the country, and subsequently became a power formidable to the empire; but some twenty-five years before the christian era, rhætia, as the country round was called, was conquered by drusus, son-in-law of augustus, and colonized. an ancient inscription preserved in the schloss buon consiglio shows that trent was the centre of the local government, which was exactly modelled on that of rome. s. vigilius, who spread the light of the faith here, was a born roman, and suffered martyrdom in a persecution emulating those of rome in the year . the city endured sieges and over-running from many of the barbarous nations which over-ran and sacked rome, and researches into the ancient foundations show that the accumulation of ruins has raised the soil, as in rome, some feet above the original ground plan--ranzi says more than four metres. the traces of three distinct lines of walls, showing just as in rome the progressive enlargement of the city, have been found, as also remains of a considerable amphitheatre, and many of inlaid pavements, &c., showing that it was handsomely built and provided. to complete the parallel, it was under the régime of an ecclesiastical ruler that, after years of distress and turmoil, its peace and prosperity were restored. the bishop of trent still retains his title of prince, but the deprivation of his territorial rule was one of the measures of secularization of joseph ii. there are sixteen churches in trent, of which the most considerable is the cathedral, dating from the eleventh century--with some remnants of sculpture, as the lombard ornaments of the three porches, reckoned to belong to the seventh or eighth--a romanesque building of massive design, built of the reddish-brown marble which abounds in the neighbourhood, with a piazza and fountain before it. the interior is extensively decorated with frescoes. it is dedicated to s. vigilius, whose relics are preserved in a silver sarcophagus. among its other notabilia are a madonna, by perugino, and some good paintings of less esteemed masters; also a copy of the madonna di san luca of the pantheon, presented in to the then bishop of trent, while on a visit to rome, by the pope, and ever since an object of popular veneration. as a curiosity, is shown a waxen image of the blessed virgin, modelled by a jew. it also contains several curious brass monuments. the church of sta. maria maggiore, where the great council was held, on this account, surpasses it in interest, though of small architectural merit. there is a legend that when the final te deum at the close of the council was sung on december , , [ ] a crucifix, still pointed out in one of the side chapels [ ] of the cathedral, was seen to bow its head as if in token of approval of the constitutions that had been established. sta. maria maggiore contains a picture of the council, with the fathers in full session, which is not without interest, as all the costumes can still be made out, though quaint and faded and injured by lightning. it has also a very fine organ, the tone of which was so much esteemed at the time it was built, that it is said the town council determined to put out the eyes of the organ-builder, [ ] lest he should endow any other city with as perfect an instrument. the meister, finding he could not prevail on the councilmen to relent, asked as a last favour to be allowed to play on his organ, which was willingly conceded; but as soon as he had obtained access to the instrument, he contrived to damage the stop imitating the human voice, which he had invented, and which had been its great merit, and thus punished the pride and cruelty of the municipality. in the remarkable gothic church of st. peter is a chapel, built in commemoration of the infant st. simeon, or simonin, whose alleged martyrdom at the hands of the jews, in , i have already had reason to mention. many relics of him are shown in the chapel, where a festa is still kept in his honour on march . the cutting of his name in the stone is still quite legible. my limits forbid my speaking in much detail of the secular buildings and institutions which are, however, not unworthy of attention. there are clubs and reading-rooms--in some of which aspirations after union with italy are steadily propagated. the spirit of loyalty to austria, though still strong in many breasts, has nothing like the same influence as in - , or in , when the attacks and blandishments of the revolutionists of italy were alike powerless to shake the allegiance of the trentiners. no one will overlook the vast schloss buon consiglio in the piazza d'armi, said to be an etruscan foundation. the public museum is a very creditable institution, enriched in by the legacy of count giovanelli's collection, chiefly of coins and medals; and paintings, not to be despised, are to be seen in the collections of the best families of the place--palazzi wolkenstein and sizzo, case salvetti and gaudenti. two great ornaments of the city are the palazzi tabarelli, and zambelli or teufelspalast; and with the legend of the latter i must wind up my notice of trent. georg fugger, a scion of the wealthy anthony fugger, of augsburg, the entertainer of charles quint, was deeply enamoured of the spirited claudia porticelli, the acknowledged beauty of trent. claudia did not appear at all averse from the match, but she was too proud to yield herself all too readily; and besides, was genuinely possessed with the spirit of patriotism, to which mountain folk are never wanting. accordingly, when the reply long pressed for from her lips came at last, it informed him that never would claudia porticelli of tirolean trent give her hand to one whose dwelling was afar from her native city; she wondered, indeed, that one who did not own so much as a little house to call a home in trent, should imagine he possessed her sympathies. to another this answer would have amounted to a refusal, for it only wanted a day of the time already fixed, of long date beforehand, for the announcement of her final choice. but georg fugger, whose vast riches had long nursed him in the belief that 'money maketh man,' and that nothing was denied to him, would not yield up a hope so dearly cherished as that of making claudia porticelli his wife. to his determined mind there was a way of doing everything a man was resolved to do. to build a house, however, in one night, and that a house worthy of being the home of his claudia, when men should call her claudia fugger, was a serious matter indeed. no human hands could do the work, that was clear; he must have recourse to help from which a good christian should shrink; but the case was desperate; he had no choice. nevertheless, georg fugger had no mind to endanger his soul either. the game he had to play was to get the evil one to build the house, but also to guard from letting him gain any spiritual advantage against him; and his indomitable energy devised the means of securing the one and preventing the other. without loss of time the devil was summoned, and the task of building the desired palace propounded. the tempter willingly accepted the undertaking, on his usual condition of the surrender of the soul of him in whose favour it was performed. georg fugger cheerfully signed the bond with his blood, only stipulating first for the insertion of one slight condition on his side--namely, that the devil should do one little other thing for him before he claimed his terrible guerdon. 'whatever you like! it won't be too hard for me!' boasted the evil one; and they separated, each well satisfied with the compact. 'the devil's palace has a splendid design, worthy the genius of palladio,' writes a modern traveller, who has only seen it in its decadence. on the night in which it was built, it was resplendent with marbles and gilding and tasteful decoration; furnished it was too, to satisfy the most fastidious taste, and the requirements of the most luxurious. with pride the devil called georg fugger to come and survey the lordly edifice, and name his 'final condition.' georg fugger was prepared for him; he had taken a bushel of corn, and strewn it over all the floors of the vast building. 'look here, meister,' he said. 'if you can gather this corn up grain by grain, and deliver me back the whole number correctly, then indeed my soul will be yours; but if otherwise, my soul remains my own and the palace too. that is my final condition.' the devil accepted the task readily, and with no misgiving of his success. true, it took all the time that remained before sunrise to collect all the scattered grain; still he had performed harder feats before that day. but the hours ran by, and still there were five grains wanting to complete the count; where could those five grains be! with a flaring torch, lighted at his fiercest fire, he searched every corner through and through, but the five grains were nowhere to be seen, and daylight began to appear! 'ah! the measure is well-heaped up, the fugger won't discover they are missing,' so the fiend flattered himself. but georg fugger was keener than he seemed. before his eyes he counted out the corn, and asked for the five missing grains. 'stuff! the measure is piled up full enough, i can't be so particular as all that. the number must be there.' 'but it is not!' urged fugger. 'oh, you've miscounted,' rejoined the evil one; 'i'm not going to be put off in that way. i've built your house, and i've collected your measure of corn, and your soul is mine; you can't prove that there were five more grains.' 'yes, i can,' replied fugger; 'reach out me your paw;' and the devil, not guessing how he could convict him by that means, held out his great paw, with insolent confidence of manner. 'there!' cried fugger, pointing to it as he spoke; 'there, under your own claws, lie the five grains! that corn had been offered before the holy rood, and by the power of the five sacred wounds it was kept from fulfilling your fell purpose. you had not collected the full number of grains into the measure by the morning light, so our bargain is at an end. begone!' the devil, self-convicted, had no refuge but to strive to alarm his victor by a show of fury, and with burning claw he began tearing down the wall so lately raised. but fugger remained imperturbable, for he had fairly won the palace, and the devil himself had no more power over it. he could only succeed in making a hole big enough for himself to escape by, which hole was for many and many years pointed out. but fugger had also hereby established his claim to claudia's hand, who rejoiced at the gentle violence thus done her; and many happy days they spent together in the teufelspalast. in later years it passed from their family into the hands of field-marshal gallas, who lived here in peaceful retirement after his renowned exploits in the thirty years' war, whence it was long called palazzo gallas or golassi; but it has lately again changed hands, and thus acquired the name of palazzo zambelli. the suburbs of trent, among other excursions, offer the pleasing pilgrimage of the madonna alle laste, [ ] which is reached through the porta dell' aquila, on the east side of the city, by half an hour's climbing up a mountain path off the road to bassano. on a spur of this declivity had stood from time immemorial a marble maria-bild, honoured by the veneration of the people. somewhere about the year a jew wantonly disfigured and damaged the sacred token, to the indignation of the whole neighbourhood. christopher detscher, a german artist, devoted himself to restoring it; but it was impossible altogether to obliterate the traces of the injury. by some means or other, however--the people said by miraculous intervention--it was altogether renewed in one night; and this prodigy so enhanced its fame, that there was no case so desperate but they believed it must obtain relief when pleaded for at such a shrine. a poor cowherd named antonia, who had been deaf all her life, was said to have received the power of hearing after praying there; and a child, who had died before there was time to baptise it, a reprieve of existence long enough to receive that sacrament. the grateful people now immediately set themselves to raise a stone chapel over it, and by their ready alms maintained a hermit on the spot to guard the sacred precincts. twelve years later, by the bounty of field-marshal gallas, a community of carmelites was established on the spot, which continued to flourish down to the secularization of joseph ii. the convent buildings, however, yet serve the beneficent purpose of a refuge for foundlings and orphans. the prospect from the precincts of the institution is very fine; between the distant ranges of mountains and the foreground slopes covered with peach trees, lies the grand old city of trent, shaped, like the country of tirol itself, in the form of a heart. [ ] very effective in accentuating the outline are the two old castles of the buon' consiglio and the palazzo degli alberi, both formerly fortress-residences of the prince-bishops of trent, the former vieing with the castle of the prince-bishop of salzburg in extent and grandeur. the curious isolated rock of dos trento is another centre of a splendid view. the romans called it verruca, a wart. it was strongly fortified by augustus, and remains of inscriptions and bas-reliefs are built into the wall of the ancient church of st. apollinaria, occupying the site of a temple of saturn. the vantage ground it afforded in repelling the entry of the french in obtained for it the name of the franzosenbühel. it has lately been newly fortified. a charming but somewhat adventurous excursion may be made on foot, by a path starting from the fort of the dos trento rock, to the cascade of sardagna. somewhere about this path, in the neighbourhood of cadine, it is said, st. ingenuin, [ ] one of the early evangelizers of the country, planted a beautiful garden, which was a living model of the garden of eden; but so divinely beautiful was it, that to no mortal was it given to find it. only the holy albuin obtained by his prayers permission once to find entrance to 'st. ingenuin's garden.' entranced with the delights of the place, he determined at least to bring back some sample of its produce. so he gathered some of its golden fruits, to show the children of earth. to this day a choice yellow apple, something like our golden pippin, grown in the neighbourhood, goes by the name of st. albuin's apple. the only remaining towns of any note in the line of the wälschtirolische etschthal, are lavis and s. michel. lavis is a pretty little well-built town (situated at the point where the torrents of the cembra, fleims, and fassa valleys, under the name of the avisio, are poured into the etsch), remarkable for a red stone viaduct, nearly , feet long, near the railway station, over the avisio. lavis fell into possession of the french in , when the church was burnt and the houses plundered. in --forty-five years after--a french soldier sent a sum of one hundred gulden to the church, in reparation for having carried off a silver sanct-lamp for his share of the booty. lavis has on many another occasions stood the early brunt of the attacks of tirol's foes, and its people have testified their full share of loyalty. there is a tradition that the french, having on one occasion gained possession of it with a band two hundred strong, the people posted themselves on the neighbouring heights and harassed them in flank; but a cobbler of lavis, indignant at the havoc the french were making, left this vantage ground, and running down into the town, shouting 'follow me, boys!' dispersed the french troops before one of his fellows had time to come up! [ ] san michel, or wälsch michel, is the boundary town against the circle of south tirol, once the last town on venetian territory. there are imposing remains here of a fine augustinian priory, which originated in a castle given up to this object by ulrich count of eppan in ; the building has of late years been sadly neglected; it is now a school of agriculture. a little way before wälsch michel, the railway crosses, for the first time since leaving verona, to the left bank of the adige, by a handsome bridge called by the people 'the sechsmillionen brücke.' here we leave the etschthal for a time, but we shall renew acquaintance with it in its northern stretch when we come to visit south tirol. the two northern tributary valleys of the etschthal on the west are the val di non [ ] and val di sole; among the germans, they go by the names of nonsberg and sulzberg, as if they considered the hills in their case more striking than the valleys. the val di non is entered at wälschmetz or mezzo lombardo by the strangely wild and gloomy rochettapass. wälschmetz is a flourishing italian-looking town, whence a stellwagen meets every train stopping at san michel. conveyances for exploring the valleys can be hired either at the 'corona' or the 'rosa.' the rochetta is guarded by a ruined fort fantastically perched on an isolated spur of rock called visiaun or il visione, said to have formed part of a system of telegraphic communication established by the romans. in the church of spaur maggiore, or spor, so called because the principal place in the neighbourhood, which at one time all belonged to the counts of spaur, is a wunderbild of the blessed virgin, which has for centuries attracted pilgrims from the whole country round. the church of the next place of any importance, denno, is remarkably rich in marbles, and handsome for its situation; a new altar-piece of some pretension, and a new presbytery, were completed here in august . flavone or pflaun, the next village, is particularly proud of a rich silver-gilt cross, twenty-five pounds in weight, and set with pearls, a gift of a bishop of trient. at the time of the french invasion it was taken to vicenza, but as soon as peace and security were re-established the people would not rest till it was restored to them. the hamlet is adorned with a rather handsome municipal palazzo, built in the sixteenth century, when the ancient schloss, which overhangs the trisenega torrent, was pronounced unsafe after several earth-slips. this valley is, if possible, richer in such remains than any other: every mountain spur bristles with them. one of the most important and picturesque is the schloss belasis, near denno, claiming to be the cradle of the family of that name, which has established itself with honour in several countries of europe, including our own. behind pflaun are large forests, which constitute the riches of the higher, as the seidenbaum [ ] is of the lower, level of the valley. in its midst lies the wildsee of tobel, which, frozen in winter, serves for the transport of the timber growing on the further side. the safety of its condition for the purpose is ascertained by observing the time when the trace of the sagacious fox shows that he has trusted himself across. cles, situated nearly at the northernmost reach of the valley, is a centre of the silk trade, and the factory-girls are remarkable for their tastefully adorned hair, though they all go barefooted. the site of a temple of saturn, of considerable dimensions, has been found, coinciding with traditions of his worship having been popular here; and remains of an ancient civilization are continually dug up. there is a wild-looking plain outside the town, still called the schwarzen felder, or black fields, because tradition declares it to be the place where the roman inhabitants burnt their dead. here ss. sisinius, martyrius, and alexander, are believed to have suffered death by fire on may , , because these zealous supporters and missionaries of st. vigilius refused to take part in a heathen festival. st. vigilius no sooner heard of their steadfast witnessing to the truth, than he repaired to the spot, and after zealously collecting and venerating their remains, preached so powerfully on their holy example, that great numbers were converted by his word. a church was shortly after built here, and being the first in the neighbourhood, was called eccelesia, whence the name of cles. the devout spirit of these saintly guides does not seem wanting to the present inhabitants; when the jubilee was held on occasion of the vatican council, more than two thousand persons went to communion. at the not far distant village of livo, on the same occasion, it was found necessary to erect a temporary building to supplement the large parish church, for the numbers who flocked in from the outlying parishes. the same thing occurred when the faithful were invited to join in prayers for the pope after the piedmontese invasion of rome, september , . on these 'campi neri' was found, in the spring of , a tablet since known as the 'tavola clesiana.' it is a thickish bronze tablet, about in. by in., with holes showing where it was attached to a wall by the corners. it bears an inscription in roman character, the graving of which is quite distinct and unworn, as if newly executed. it is as follows, and has given rise to a great deal of controversy among archæologists, and between professors vallaury and mommsen, concerning its bearing on the early history of annaunia:-- miunio . silano . q . sulpicio . camerino . cos idibus . martis . bais . in . praetorio . edictum . ti . claudi . caesaris . augusti . germanici . propositum . fuit . id . quod . infra . scriptum . est . ti . claudius . caesar . augustus . germanicus . pont . maxim . trib . potest . vi . imp . xi . p . p . cos . designatus . iiii . dicit . cum . ex . veteribus . controversis . petentibus . aliquamdiu . etiam . temporibus . ti . caesaris . patrui . mei . ad . quas . ordinandas . pinarium . apollinarem . miserat . quae . tantum . modo . inter . comenses . essent . quantum . memoria . refero . et . bergaleos . is que . primum . apsentia . pertinaci . patrui . mei . deinde . etiam . gai . principatu . quod . ab . eo . non . exigebatur . referre . non . stulte . quidem . neglexerit . et . posteac . detulerit . camurius . statutus . ad . me . agros . plerosque . et . saltus . mei . iuris . esse . in . rem . praesentem . misi . plantam . iulium . amicum . et . comitem . meum . qui . cum . adhibitis . procuratoribus . meis . quisque . in . alia . regione . quique . in . vicinia . erant . summa . cura . inquisierit . et . cognoverit . cetera . quidem . ut . michi . demonstrata . commentario . facto . ab . ipso . sunt . statuat . pronuntietque . ipsi . permitto . quod . ad . condicionem . anaunorum . et . tulliassium . et . sindunorum . pertinet . quorum . partem . delator . adtributam . tridentinis . partem . neadtributam . quidem . arguisse . dicitur . tam . et . si . animaduerto . nonnimium . firmam . id . genus . hominum . habere . civitatis . romanae . originem . tamen . cum . longa . usurpatione . in . possessionem . eius . fuisse . dicatur . et . ita . permixtum . cum . tridentinis . ut . diduci . ab . is . sine . gravi . splendi . municipi . iniuria . non . possit . patior . eos . in . eo . iure in . quo . esse . existimaverunt . permanere . beneficio . meo . eo . quidem . libentius . quod . plerisque . ex . eo . genere . hominum . etiam . militare . in . praetorio . meo . dicuntur . quidam . vero . ordines . quoque . duxisse . nonnulli . collecti . in . decurias . romae . res . iudicare . quod . beneficium . is . ita . tribuo . ut . quaecumque . tanquam . cives . romani . gesserunt . egeruntque . aut . inter . se . aut . cum . tridentinis . alisve . ratam . esse . iubeat . nominaque . ea . que . habuerunt . antea . tanquam . cives . romani . ita . habere . is . permittam . a fragment of an altar was found at the same time, with the following words on it:-- saturno sacr l. papirius l opus livo is the first village of the val di sole, which runs in a south-westerly direction, forming nearly a right-angle with the val di non, than which it is wilder, and colder, and less inhabited. at magras the val di rabbi strikes off to the north. its baths are much frequented, and s. bernardo is hence provided with four or five capacious hotels. a new church has just been built there, circular in form, with three altars, one of which is dedicated in honour of st. charles borromeo, who visited the place in , and preached with so much fervour as effectually to arrest the zuinglian teaching, which had lately been imported. male is the chief place of val di sole, and contains about , inhabitants. at a retreat held here last christmas by the dean of cles, so many of them as well as of the circumjacent hamlets were attracted, that not less than , went to communion. further along the valley is mezzana, the birthplace of antonio maturi, who, after serving in the campaigns of prince eugene, entered a franciscan convent at trent, whence he was sent as a missionary to constantinople, and was made bishop of syra, and afterwards was employed as nuncio by benedict xiv. it was almost entirely destroyed by fire a few years ago, but is being rapidly rebuilt. after this place the country becomes more smiling, and cheerful cottages are seen by the wayside, with an occasional edifice, whose solid stone-built walls suggest that it is the residence of some substantial proprietor. the valley widens out to a plain at pellizano, round which lofty mountains rise on every side. the church here has a most singular fresco on the exterior wall, which is intended to record the circumstance that charles quint passed through in . some restoration or addition was made to the church at his expense, and a quaint inscription hints that he did it somewhat grudgingly. a few miles further the valley divides into two branches, the val di pejo and the val di vermiglio. at cogolo, the chief place of val di pejo, had long been stored a magnificent monstrance, offered to the church by count megaezy, who, though resident in hungary, owned it for his stammort. [ ] it had long been the admiration of the neighbourhood, and the envy of visitors; but it was stolen by sacrilegious hands in the troubles consequent on the invasion of the trentino by 'italianissimi,' in . count guglielmo megaezy sent the village a new one of considerable value and handsome design, whose reception was celebrated amid lights and flowers, ringing of bells and firing of mortaletti, july , . this branch of the valley is closed in by the drei herren spitz, or corno de' tre signori, the boundary-mark between the valtellina, bormio, and tirol, and so called when they belonged to three different governments. the val di vermiglio is closed by monte tonale, the depression in whose slope forms the tonal pass into val camonica and the bergamese territory. monte tonale was notorious in the sixteenth to early in the eighteenth century for its traditions of the witches' sabbath, and the trials for sorcery connected with them. [ ] freyenthurn, a ruin-crowned peak at no great distance, bears in its name a tradition of the worship of freya. on the vine-clad height of ozolo, above revo, a few miles north of cles, is a little village named tregiovo, most commandingly situated; hence, on a fine day, may be obtained one of the most enchanting and remarkable views, sweeping right over the two valleys. hence a path runs up the heights, and along due north past cloz and arz to castelfondo, with its two castles overhanging the roaring cascade of the noce. along this path, where it follows the novella torrent, numbers of pilgrims pass every year to one of the most famed sanctuaries of tirol--unsere liebe frau im walde, or auf dem gampen, as the mountain on which it is perched is called by the germans; and this reach of the nonstal is almost entirely inhabited by germans. the italians call it le pallade, and more commonly senale. the chapel is on the site of an ancient hospice for travellers, which became disused, however, as early as the fourteenth century. a highly-prized madonnabild, of great sweetness of expression, found in a swamp near the place, stands over the high-altar. a celebration of the seventh centenary of its being found was kept by a festival of three days from august , , when crowds of pilgrimages, comprising whole populations of circumjacent villages, both german and italian, might have been seen gathering round the shrine. fondo, though but a few miles distant, is a thoroughly italian town; and so great is the barrier this difference of tongue sets up, that great part of the population of the one never visits the other. it was nearly burnt down in , and has hardly yet recovered from the catastrophe; the church, which occupies a very commanding situation, was saved, and its fine peal of six bells. near it is st. biagio, where was once the only convent the nonsthal ever possessed. near this again is sanzeno, which, by a tradition a little different from that given at denno, is made out to be the place of martyrdom of ss. sisinius (supposed to be another form of the name of st. zeno), martyrius, and alexander. their relics, at all events, are venerated here in a marble urn behind the high-altar of the church, which bears the title of the cathedral of the val de non; and the roman remains, which are continually being discovered, [ ] show that there were romans here to have done the martyrdom. the legend is, that these saints were three brothers of noble family, of cappadocia, who put themselves under the bidding of s. vigilius, bishop of trent (who was already engaged in the conversion of the valley), a.d. . their conversions were numerous during a series of years; but on may , , the inhabitants of the valley, who adhered to the old teaching, desirous to make their usual sacrifice to obtain a blessing on their crops, called upon the christian converts to contribute a sheep for the purpose. on the christians refusing a strife ensued, of which two of the three missionaries were the immediate victims; but the next day, the third, alexander was also arrested; he was burnt alive, along with the corpses of his companions. a church was subsequently built on the spot where they were said to have suffered; their acts may be seen in a bas-relief of the seventeenth century. san zeno is also famous for being the birth-place of christopher busetti, whose verses, no less than the details of his life, earned for him the title of the tirolean petrarch. a little east of san zeno is the narrow inlet into the romediusthal, so called from s. romedius, whom we heard of at taur, [ ] having chosen it for a hermitage whence to evangelize the nonsthal, and in which to end his days. a more secluded spot could not be found on the whole earth. perpendicular rocks narrow it in, leaving scarcely a glimpse of the sky above; the torrent which files its way through it, called san romedius-bach, continually works a deeper and deeper bed. two other torrents strive for possession of the gorge (romediusschlucht), the rufreddo and the verdes, between them; near their confluence rises a stark isolated crag, from whose highest point, almost like a fortress, rises the far-famed hermitage, accessible only from one side. the legend has it that s. vigilius, knowing his exalted piety, conceived the idea of consecrating the cell whence his holy prayers had been poured out, for a chapel, but was warned in a vision that angels had already fulfilled the sacred task. when this was known, it may be imagined that the veneration of the people for it knew no bounds, and the angelic consecration is still remembered by diligent pilgrimages every first sunday in june; the saint's feast is on january . the shrine is overladen with thank-offerings, which might attract the robber in so lonely a situation. due precautions are taken for the preservation of the treasury; the chapel is surrounded by strong walls, and ingress is not permitted to strangers after nightfall. there is no record of any attempt having been made on it but once, some thirty years ago. on this occasion three men presented themselves at the gate, and urgently begged to be admitted to confession; their devotion was so well assumed, and their show of penitence so hearty, that the good priest could not refrain from letting them in. he had scarcely taken his seat in the confessional, however, than the three surrounded him, each presenting a pistol at his breast; all three missed fire, and the would-be robbers, convicted by the portent, knelt and made a real confession of their misdeeds, and left as really penitent as they had feigned to to be on arriving. the spot has never ceased to be honoured since the death of the saint, somewhere about . it is strange to stand between the walls of the living mountain and realize the fact. there are few shrines in all europe which can boast of such antiquity, such unbroken tradition, and such exemption from desecration. the building is as singular and characteristic as the locality. the chapel, where the saint's remains rest, and where he himself raised the first sanctuary of the nonsthal, is reached by one hundred and twenty-two steps, necessarily very steep; and on attaining the last, it must be a very steady head that can turn to survey the rise without giddiness. the interior is quite in keeping with the surroundings. its light is dim and subdued, sufficient only to reveal the countless trophies of answered prayer which cover the dark red marble columns and enrichments. there are two other chapels at lower levels, one of the blessed sacrament, called del santissimo, and one over the hermitage in the rock. flanking this curious pile of chapels on chapels are, on one side, the priory or residence of the chaplain of the place, and on the other the hospice for pilgrims and visitors, the whole forming a considerable corps de bâtiment, and enclosed by a wall which seems to have grown out of the rock. another little crag, jutting up as if in emulation of that so gloriously crowned, was made into a gottesacker, by a late prior, and its churchyard cross affords it a striking termination too; though not many monuments of the dead bristle from its sides as yet. this singularly interesting excursion may be made direct from s. michel by those who have not time for visiting the whole valley. they will pass several striking old castles, particularly that of thun, nearly opposite castle bellasi, the stammschloss of one of the oldest and noblest german families, founded by one of the dearest companions and patrons of st. vigilius. no other has given so many distinguished scions to the service of the church; sigmund von thun was the representative of the emperor at the council of trent. there is a strong attachment between it and the people of the valley, who delight in celebrating every domestic event by what they call a nonesade, or poem in the dialect of the val di non. the castle is well kept up; the interior is characteristically decorated and arranged, and many curiosities are preserved in the library; its grounds also are charmingly laid out. it is supplied with water by a noble aqueduct, raised in , right across the valley from berg st. peter; crowned also by an ancient castle, but in ruins. few will have a prettier page in their sketch-book than they can supply it with here. half way between sanzeno and fondo, by a path which forms a loop with that already mentioned, by cloz and arz, and just where the opening into the romediusthal strikes off, is a village named dambel or dambl, where a very curious relic of antiquity, and an important one for throwing light on the history of the earlier inhabitants of the valley, was unearthed a couple of years ago. it is a stout, handsome bronze key, / in. long, the bow ornamented with scroll-work, which at first sight suggested the idea that it had formed part of a comparatively modern casting of the pontifical arms. closer inspection showed that on an octagonal ornament of the upper part of the stem was an inscription, not merely engraved, but deeply cut (it is thought with a chisel), and in perfect preservation, in characters described by a local antiquary as 'parte runiche, parte gotiche, del greco e latino del dell' era volgare, descritte da ufila; ma molte somigliano a quelle del latino dell' ionio b. c.' the owner of the ground, bartolo pittschneider, the jeweller of the village, seems to have been digging the foundation for a rustic house, intending to make use of a remnant of a very ancient wall long thought to have formed part of a temple of saturn. at a depth of about or in. he came to a sort of pavement, or tomb or cellar covering, of roughly-shaped stones resting against and sloping away from the base of the ancient wall, so as to form a little enclosure. along with the key lay some other small objects, which unfortunately have been dispersed, [ ] but among them were two bronze coins of maximilian and constantine the great, thought to indicate the date of the burial of the key and not that of its manufacture. this key was subsequently sent to padre tarquini, [ ] and a copy has been given me of his report upon it. he pronounced the inscription to be undoubtedly etruscan, but at the same time he did not think the work of the key to be of older date than the fourth century of our era; inasmuch as there are other examples of etruscan writing surviving to as late a date in remote districts; that its size and material (a mixture of silver and copper) denoted it to belong to some important edifice, and most probably to the very temple of saturn amid whose ruins it was found buried. he found in it two new forms of letters not found in other etruscan inscriptions, but says that similar aberrations are too common to excite surprise. he translated it in the following form:--'ad introducendum virum ( ) addictum igni in vulcani ( ) vivus aduratur ob perversitatem--incidendo incide ( )--sceleratus est; sectam facit; blasphemavit--in aspectu ejus ascendentes limen paveant, videntes hominem oblitum ejus ( ) præstare jubilationem retinenti ad cruciatum, tamquam hostem suum.' [ ] it would be curious to know how mr. isaac taylor would read the inscription by his different method, for padre tarquini found a curious coincidence of circumstances to afford an interpretation to his translation. it would seem that it was only after translating it as above that his attention was called to the christian local tradition, and then he was struck with several points of contact between it and them. . the date which he had already assigned to the key is that given by the bollandists to the martyrdom of st. alexander and his two brothers. . it was found within the very precincts where he was said to have been burnt, and (his translation of) the inscription commemorates a human burnt sacrifice (il vivicomburio). . the inscription (by his translation) seems to allude to christians, to their suffering expressly for propagating their religion. . the inscription points to the sacrifice having taken place in an elevated situation, as it uses the verb 'to ascend,' and the contemporary narrative of st. vigilius to st. chrysostom of the event, as it had happened before his eyes, says 'itum est post hæc in religiosa fastigia, hoc est altum dei templum ... in conspectu saturni.' he further goes on to approve a conjecture of the local antiquary that the key was a votive offering made on occasion of the martyrdom of st. alexander with ss. zeno and martyrius, in thanksgiving for the triumph over their teaching, and inscribed with the above lines as a perpetual warning to their followers. the avisiothal--the northernmost eastern tributary of the etschthal--consists of three valleys running into each other; the val di cembra, or zimmerthal; the val fieme, or fleimserthal; and the val di fassa, or evasthal. the val di cembra is throughout impracticable for all wheeled traffic. nature has made various rents and ledges in its porphyry sides, of which hardy settlers have taken advantage for planting their villages, and for climbing from one to another; but even their laborious energy has not sufficed to make roads over such a surface. this difficulty of access has not been without its effect in tending to keep up the honesty, hospitality, and piety of the people; but as few will be able to penetrate their recesses, their characteristics will be better sacrificed to the exigencies of space than those of others. i will only mention, therefore, the church of cembra, the hauptort (about four hours' rugged walk from lavis), which is an ancient gothic structure well kept up, and adorned with paintings; and a peculiar festival which was celebrated on the assumption-day, , at altrei, namely, the presentation of new colours to the schiess-stand, by karl von hofer, on behalf of the empress of austria. one bears a madonna, designed by jele of innsbruck, on a banner of green and white (the national colours); the other the names of the empress ('karolina augusta') and the word 'all-treu,' the original name of the village, conferred on it by henry duke of bohemia, when he permitted ten faithful soldiers to make a settlement here free of all taxes and customs. and yet the italians, regardless of derivations, have made of it anterivo. cavalese (which can be reached in five hours by stellwagen running twice a day from the railway station at neumarkt) stands near the point where the val di cembra (which runs nearly parallel to the railway between lavis and neumarkt) passes into the fleimserthal. it is a charmingly picturesque, thriving little town, and should not be overlooked, for the church is a very museum of tirolese art: painting, sculpture, and architecture, all being due to native artists, and highly creditable to national taste, culture, and devotion. among these artists were franz unterberger, who was chosen by the empress catherine to execute copies from raffael's loggie, alberti, riccaboni, and others, whose fame has resounded beyond the echoes of their native mountains. many private houses also contain works of tirolese art. cavalese stands on a plateau, overlooking a magnificent panorama, and shaded by a grove of leafy limes. under these is a stone table, with stone seats arranged round it, where a sort of local parliament was formerly held. respecting the appropriation of this plateau for the site of the church, tradition says that in early times, when the church was about to be built, the commune fixed upon this plateau, in the outskirts of the town, as the most beautiful, and therefore most appropriate, situation. but the old lady, part of whose holding it formed, could be induced on no consideration to give it up. some little time after, however, she had a very serious illness; on her sick bed she vowed, that if restored to health she would devote as much of her fair meadow to the use of the church as a man could mow in one day. [ ] she had no sooner registered her vow than health returned. the commune appointed a mower, and he mowed off the whole of the vast meadow in one day. the old lady always maintained that there was something uncanny about it, and anyone can see for themselves that no human mower could have done it. the market-place is adorned with a very handsome tower. a new church is now building, after the design of staidl, of innsbruck, on the site of the little ruined church of st. sebastian, which shows that the study of architecture is not neglected in tirol. the space being very restricted, the novel expedient has been resorted to of placing the sacristy under the sanctuary, and with good effect to the external appearance. the former palace of the bishops of trent, now a prison, is not to be overlooked. predazzo is the only other spot in this valley we will stop to look at. the extraordinary geological formation of the neighbourhood has attracted many men of science to the place, whose names may be seen in the strangers' book. the people are singularly thrifty and industrious. a high road connecting it with primiero is just completed, which is to be continued to meet the railway projected between belluno and treviso. a new church is being raised there, of proportions and design quite remarkable for so remote a place. it was begun simultaneously with the troubles in italy, in , and a creditable amount has been since laid out upon it. the lofty vaulting of the nave is supported by ten monolithic columns of granite; the floor is paved with hard cement, arranged in patterns formed in colour; the smaller pillars, doors, steps, mouldings, are all of granite; much of the tracery is very artistic; the windows are of creditable painted glass, though not free from the german vice of over-shading. the architect is michel maier, of trent; the elegant campanile by geppert, of innsbruck. it will be the largest church in the whole of wälsch-tirol, after the cathedral of trent. the interior arrangements and decoration bid fair to be worthy of the structure. there is some good polychrome in the presbytery, by ciochetti, a young artist, native of the village of moena, in fassathal, who in the last five years has had eleven medals from the academy of fine arts at venice. it is the custom all through the valley that each village should have its own gay banner, which is carried before bridal processions to and from the church. but at predazzo they have many other peculiarities; among these is the following:--the night before the wedding the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, accompanied by a party of musicians, knocks at the door, and demands his bride. the eldest and least well-favoured member of the household is then brought to him, on which a humorous altercation takes place and a less ancient dame is brought, and so on, till all have been passed in review, and then the intended bride herself is brought at last, who admits the swain to the evening meal of the family. the friends and neighbours then come in, and bring their wedding gifts to the loving pair. the fassathal begins just after moena. one of its wildest legends is that of the feuriger verräther. it dates from the time of the roman invasion. the mountain-dwellers appear to have been as zealous defenders of their native fastnesses then as in later times, and it is said the conquering legions were long wandering round the confines without finding any who would lead them into the interior of the country. it was at last an inhabitant of the fassathal who betrayed the narrow pass which was the key to their defences, and which cost the liberty of the nation--all for the sake of the proffered blood-money. but he was never suffered to enjoy it; for a flash like lightning, though under a clear sky, struck him to the earth, and ever since, the traitor has been to be met by night wrapt in flames, and howling piteously. vigo is the principal town, and serves as the starting-point for the magnificent mountain excursions of the neighbourhood. the most difficult of these, and one only to be attempted by the well-seasoned alpine climber, [ ] is that of the massive snow-clad marmolata, , feet high, surnamed the queen of the dolomites; but she is a severe and haughty queen, who knows how to hold her own, and keep intruders at a distance; and many who have been enchanted with her stern beauty from afar have rued the attempt at intruding on the cold solitude of her eternal penance. for the legends tell that in her youth she was covered with verdant charms, which made her the delight of the people; but they were not content to use with pious moderation the precious gifts she had in store, and for some sin of theirs--some say for selfish disregard of the law of charity to the poor; [ ] some say for disregard of the church's law forbidding to work on the hohe unser-frauentag (the assumption), [ ] some say for unjust striving for the possession of the soil--the vengeance of heaven overtook them, and the once smiling meadows were converted into the hard and barren glacier. near vigo is a little way-side chapel, highly prized, because near it some french soldiers in the invasion of lost their way, and the town was thus saved from their depredations; and the legend arose that the madonnabild had stricken them blind. several of them died of falls and hunger, and tradition says, that on wild nights notes of distress from a dying bugler's horn may be heard resounding still. the avisio was once the boundary against venetian territory; and st. ulrich dying on its banks, on his return from rome, exacted of his disciples a promise that they would carry his body across, so that he might find his final rest on german soil. chapter xii. wÄlsch-tirol. val sugana.--giudicaria.--folklore. legends are echoes of the great child-voices from the primitive world; so rich and sweet that their sound is gone out into all lands. val sugana is watered by the brenta through its whole course, running nearly direct east from trent. it is reached by the adler thor, and over the handsome bridge of s. ludovico, through luxuriant plantations of mulberries and vines, and with many a summer villa on either hand. the road leads (at a considerable and toilsome distance) to the low range of hills (in tirol called a sonnenberg) of baselga, locally named pinè, whose sides are studded with a number of villages and groups of houses. in one of these, verda or guarda by name, near the village of montanaga, is the most celebrated pilgrimage of the trentino--the madonna di pinè, also known as the madonna di caravaggio. it was the year ; a peasant girl, domenika targa, native of verda, who was noted by all her neighbours for the angelic holiness of her life, had lost some of her herd upon the mountain one hot august day; in her distress, she knelt down to ask for help to bring back her charge faithfully. suddenly the place was bathed in a light of glory, and before her stood a lady so benign and glorious, she could be none other than the himmelskönigin. 'go, my child, and tell them that you have seen me here, and that i have chosen this spot for my delight; and that their prayers will be heard which they offer before the picture of the madonna di caravaggio.' the light faded away, and domenika turned to seek her flock. she found them all in order, waiting for her to drive them home. there was considerable discussion after this as to what 'madonna di caravaggio' might mean; and it was at last decided that it could mean nothing but the picture of the madonna by caldara, surnamed caravaggio from his birthplace, venerated at milan. domenika could not leave her herds to go to milan, and she was perplexed how to obey the vision. in her simple faith she addressed her prayer on high for further direction, and once more the heavenly sight was vouchsafed to her, and it was explained that the madonnabild meant was not that of milan, but the one in the little field-chapel of s. anna, near montanaga. domenika did not fail to go there the next festival on which it was open, the ascension day, which was, that year, may . above the faint light of the tapers tempered by the incense clouds, and amid the chanted litanies of the choir, the fair queen once more appeared to her in garments of gold, and surrounded by a glittering train of attendants. some months passed, and though the people had wondered at the marvel, nothing had been done to commemorate it; domenika was kneeling, on september , the nativity of the blessed virgin, in the chapel of s. anna. a sound of soft chanting broke on her ear, which she thought must be the procession of the parish coming up the hill to pray for rain. but as it grew nearer, the same heavenly radiance overspread the place, and once more she saw the virgin mother; but this time she looked stern, for the great favour of her visit had been overlooked, and she reasoned with domenika on the ingratitude it betokened. domenika honestly outspoke her inward cogitations on the subject--what could a poor cattle-herd do? it was given her to understand that much might be done even by such a poor peasant, if she exercised energy and devotion. with new strength and determination, she girt herself for the task of building a shrine over the spot so dear to her. at first she met with great ridicule and scorn, but she pursued her way so steadily and so humbly, that all were won to share her convictions. offerings for the work began to flow in. those who had no money gave their corn, or their grapes, their ornaments, and their very clothes. year by year the new church rose, according as she could collect the means; and at last, on may , , she had the consolation of seeing the complete edifice consecrated. it is a neat cruciform building, sixty-three feet long and fifty-three feet wide, with three marble altars, on one of which is a copy of the madonna di caravaggio of milan painted by jakob moser after he had made three pilgrimages to the original. i was not able to ascertain what was supposed to have been intended in the first instance by calling the old picture in s. anna's field-chapel the madonna di caravaggio. possibly the little milanese town, which has given two painters to fame, had produced some 'mute inglorious' 'caravaggio,' who painted the earlier picture. the commemoration of domenika's vision is celebrated every year in val pinè by pilgrimages on may when the most striking gatherings of tirolese costume are to be observed there. pergine is the first large village on returning into the main valley, about six miles from trent. it well deserves to be better known: the neighbourhood is of great beauty, and the form of the surrounding heights is well likened by the inhabitants to a theatre. the church, built in - , is spacious and handsome, adorned in the interior with red marble columns. in the churchyard are the remains of the older church, where every lent german sermons are still preached for the benefit of the scattered german population, whose name for the place is persen. the german and italian elements within the village are blended with tolerable amity. from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries, silver, copper, lead, and iron, were got out in the neighbouring fersinathal; and though the works are now nearly given up, the knappen then formed an important portion of the community. they cast the bell as an offering to the church when building, and it is still called the knappinn--by the italians canòppa. the chief industry now is silk-spinning. the greatest ornament of the place is the schloss of the bishop of trent, which is well kept up, and from the roof of which an incomparable view is obtained. among the peculiar customs of the place those concerning marriages deserve to be recorded, as they tend to show the character of the people. two young men of the bridegroom's friends are selected for the office of brumoli so called; they have to carry, the one a barn-door fowl, the other a spinning-wheel, before the bride as she goes to and from church, to remind her of her household duties. after the wedding, as she returns with her husband to his house the door is suddenly closed as she approaches, and there is then carried on a dialogue, according to an established form, between her and her husband's mother--the latter requiring, and the former undertaking, that she will prove herself god-fearing and domesticated; that she will be faithful and devoted to her husband, and live in charity with all his family. the little ceremony complete, the mother-in-law throws wide the door, and receives her with open arms. on the south side of the valley, opposite pergine, is the clear lake of caldonazzo, whose waters reflect the bright green chestnut woods around it; it is the source of the brenta, and one of the largest lakes of tirol; about three miles long, and half as broad. count welfersheim, an austrian general, and his adjutant, were drowned in attempting to walk over the thin ice on it in march . on a rugged promontory jutting into its midst stands the most ancient sanctuary of the neighbourhood, san cristofero; once a temple to saturn and diana, but adopted for a christian church by the earliest evangelizers of the valley, for which reason the produce of the soil and waters yet pays tithe to the presbytery of pergine. other villages add to the surrounding beauties of the lake, particularly campolongo, with its church of st. teresa high above the green waters, and the church and hermitage of san valentin; the latter is now used for a roccolo, or vogeltennen, by which numbers of birds of passage are caught on their migrations. the land is very poor. to eke out their living, most of the male inhabitants of the villages around are wont to go out every winter as pedlars, with various small articles manufactured in the valley, and with which they are readily trusted by those who stay behind. on their return, which is always at easter, they distribute honourably what they have earned for each, deducting a small commission. so straightforward and honourable are they, that though they have little idea of keeping accounts, and the sums are generally made out with a bit of chalk on the inn table, yet it is said that such a thing as a dispute over the amounts is utterly unknown. the church of st. hermes, at calzeranica, is reckoned the most ancient of the whole neighbourhood; remains of an ancient temple, thought to have been to diana of antioch, have been found when repairing it. in the forest behind bosentino, a neighbouring village, is a pilgrimage chapel called nossa signora del feles; die h. jungfrau vom farrenkraut--st. mary of the fern. some two hundred years ago, gianisello, a little dumb boy of bosentino, who was minding his father's herd in the forest, was visited by a bright lady, who pointed to a tuft of fern growing under a chestnut tree, and bid him go and tell the village people she would have them built a chapel there. when the people heard the boy tell his story, who for all the twelve years of his life had never spoken a word before, they felt no doubt it was the blessed virgin he had seen. the chapel was soon built, and furnished with a painting embodying the little boy's story. in time of dearth, drought, epidemic, or other local calamity, many are the processions which may yet be seen wending their prayerful way to the chapel of st. mary of the fern. among the wild and beautiful legends of this part of the valley is a variant of one familiar in every land. a young swain, the maiden of whose choice was called to an early grave, went wandering through the chestnut groves calling for his beloved, till he grew weary with crying, and laid him down in a cave to rest. a sweet sleep visited him, and he found himself in it at home as of old in the valle del orco, [ ] with his filomena on his arm; he led her to the village church, and the silver-haired pastor gave the marriage blessing, while all the village prayed around. he brought filomena home to his old house, alle settepergole, [ ] his dear old father and mother welcomed her, and she brought sunshine into the cottage; and when they were called away the old walls were yet not without life and joy, for it resounded to the voice of the prattling little ones. the little ones grew up into stalwart lads and lasses, who earned homesteads of their own, and erewhile brought another tribe of prattling little ones to his knee; while filomena smiled a bright sunshine over all, and they were so happy they prayed it might never end: but one day it seemed that the sunshine of filomena's smile was not felt, for she was no longer there; then all grew pale and cold, and with a sudden chill he woke. it was grey morning as he rose from the cave; the cattle were lowing as they were led out to pasture; he looked out towards the chestnut groves, and watched in their waving foliage the strange effect which had been the charm of his childhood, looking like rippled ocean pouring abroad its flood. [ ] but when he reached the village the sights and sounds were no more so familiar: the old church tower was capped with a steeple, of which he never saw the like; the folk he met by the way were all strangers, and stared at him as at one who comes from far. he wandered up and down all the day, and everything was yet strange. at evening the men came back from the fields, and again they gazed at him estranged: once he made bold to ask them for 'zansusa,' the companion of his boyhood, but they shrugged their shoulders with a 'chè zansusa?' and passed on. he asked again for 'piero,' almost as dear a friend, and they pointed to a 'piero' with not one feature like his peter. once again he asked for 'franceschi,' and they pointed to a grave, where his name was written indeed--'franceschi,' who but the day before had walked with him in full life and health, to hang a fresh wreath on filomena's cross! ah! there was filomena's cross, but how changed was that too! the bright gilding, on which his savings had been so willingly lavished, was tarnished and weather-worn, and not a leaf of his garland remained round it. he wandered no further, nor sought to fathom the mystery more; he knelt on the only spot of earth that had any charm for him. as his knees touched the hallowed soil consoling thoughts of her undying affection overflowed him. 'here we are united again,' he said; 'in a little while we shall be united for ever.' 'at last have i found thee! these fifty years i have sought thee in vain!' the moonbeam kissed his forehead as he looked up, and the moonbeam bore her who had spoken. a fair form she wore, but still it was not the form of filomena. 'who are you, and wherefore sought you me?' he asked. 'i am death,' replied the pale maiden, 'and for fifty years i have sought thee to lead thee to filomena.' she beckoned as she spoke, and willingly he followed her whither the moonbeam led. the village of caldonazzo, with its ancient castle, is another ornament of the lake. further south is the village of lavarone, or lafraun, accessible only to the pedestrian. a house close to the edge of a little lake here is pointed out, which in olden time was the residence of two brothers, the owners of the meadow over which the lake is now spread. these two could never agree; their strife grew from day to day, till at last one night they called each other out to settle their quarrels once for all by mortal combat. the noise of the strife within had made them oblivious to the strife of the elements which was waging without. the gust which entered as the eldest turned to open the cottage door, and the blinding rain, drove them back; even their fierce passions seemed mastered by the fiercer fury without. in silence they returned into the room, and neither cared to raise his voice amid the angry voices of the storm, which now made themselves heard solemnly indeed. in sullen silence they passed the night, and during the silence there was time for reflection; each would have been glad to have backed out of the promised fight, but neither had the courage to propose a reconciliation. sullenly they rose with the morning light; the pale gold rays rested on the trees, now calm and tranquil, and both shuddered to carry their vengeance out on to the fair scene; but neither dared speak, and once more the eldest opened the door. this time it was not the rain descending from above which drove him back; it was the flood rising from beneath! the centa torrent had overflowed. the disputed meadow had become a lake, and with their united efforts they scarcely kept the waters banked out. the community of labour, of danger, and of distress, ended the strife; and though their worldly possessions were lost to them for ever, they had found a greater boon, the bond of fraternal charity. i must pass over levico, near which the brenta has its source, and the intervening villages; but borgo di val sugan' demands our attention for its beautiful situation. the view over both may be enjoyed by mountain climbers from the neighbouring height of vezzena. borgo is commonly called the italian meran, for its likeness with that favourite watering-place. its buildings extend over both sides of the brenta, being united by a massive stone bridge, built in . those on the left bank were nearly destroyed by fire in , but the rebuilding has been carried on with great spirit. its ecclesiastical buildings do not date far back; the rebuilding of the parish church in nearly obliterated all traces of the earlier edifice; its chief glories are three paintings it possesses, one by titian's brother, one by karl loth, and one by rothmayr. the fine campanile was added in . there is also a franciscan convent, but it does not date back further than , there is the following curious tradition of its origin. the sellathal leading to sette comuni, is narrowed by two mighty cliffs--the rochetta on the south, and the grolina on the north, adorned with the ruined castel san pietro, [ ] seemingly perched above all human reach. on a green knoll beneath it stand the lordly remains of castel telvana; its frescoes are now nearly faded away, only a room here and there is habitable; but its enduring walls and towers show of what strength it was in the days long gone by--days such as those in which anna, wife of siccone di caldonazzo, defended it with so much spirit against all the might of friedrich mit der leeren tasche, that she obtained the right to an honourable capitulation. it was bought by the counts of welsburg in , and henceforth it became an abode of pleasure rather than a mere fortress. count sigmund von welsburg, who was its master towards the end of the sixteenth century, was particularly disposed to make his residence in their midst a boon to the inhabitants of borgo, and entered heartily into all the pastimes of the people. it happened thus that the carneval procession of the year was invited to take the castel telvana for its bourne; and that the women might not be fatigued by the ascent, the count gallantly provided them all with horses from his own stud. the valley resounded with merriment as they wended their way up in their varied and fantastic attire. arrived at the castle, good cheer was provided, which none were slow to turn to account, and the return was commenced in no less boisterous humour. at the most precarious spot of the giddy declivity, the courage of the foremost rider forsook her; the count's high-couraged charger, which she bestrode, perceiving the slackened pressure on the rein, grew nervous and bewildered too, and uneasy to find himself for the first time subjected to devious guidance. the indecision of the first fair cavalier alarmed her sister, who followed next behind--a shriek was the expression of the alarm, which communicated itself to the next rider, and in a moment a panic had possessed the whole cavalcade, or nearly the whole; for the few who here and there still retained their presence of mind were powerless to make those before them advance, or to keep back the threatening tramp of those behind. the count saw the danger, and the one remedy. first registering a vow, that if he succeeded in his daring enterprise he would build a convent to the honour of god and st. francis, he set out along the brink of the narrow track, where there was scarce a foot-breadth between him and the abyss, past the whole file of the snorting horses and their terrified burdens. he had this in his favour, that every denizen of his stable recognised him as he went by, and his presence soothed their chafing. arrived at last safely at the head of the leading steed, his hand on its mane was enough to restore its confidence; securely he led it to the full end of the dangerous pass, and all the others followed in docile order behind. the count did not forget his vow, nor would he in his gratitude allow any other hand to diminish the outlay he had undertaken. the convent buildings are now in part turned to secular uses, though part is also used for a hospital, where all the sick of the town are freely tended. in the church is an altarpiece of lazarus begging at the gate of dives, by lorenzo fiorentini, a native artist. the pass i have mentioned between the rochetta and the grolina--the importance of which as a defence was not unknown to the romans, of whose remains the town possesses a considerable collection dug up at different times--was not without its share of work in the french invasions of and . in the former, a handful of tirolese successfully repulsed five hundred of the enemy in an obstinate encounter of three hours' duration. in the latter, the place was attacked by tenfold greater numbers. general ruska was so infuriated, not only by their determined and galling fire, but by the derisive shouts and gestures of the mountaineers, who carried their daring so far as to fling the dead bodies of the soldiers they had killed down under the wheels of his carriage, that he ordered the pillage and destruction of the town. his guns were ready planted to pour out their murderous fire, when the parish priest, heading a procession of aged house-fathers, came to implore him to spare their homes. at the same moment news was brought him that two austrian battalions were advancing with dangerous haste. one or other of the considerations thus urged effected the deliverance of the town, which was only required to buy itself off at the price of a large supply of provisions. borgo has further advantage of the mineral spring of zaberle, and a creditable theatre. silk-spinning is again the chief industry of the place; and there are several so-called filatoriums, employing a great number of hands. the most remarkable excursions in the neighbourhood are to the deserted hermitage of san lorenzo and the stalactite caves of costalta, both in the sellathal, whence there is a path leading to the curiously primitive and typically upright community of the sette comuni. pursuing the valley further in its easterly course, i must not omit to mention castelalto, not only remarkable for its share in the mediæval history of tirol, but for being still well kept up. at strigno, one of the largest hamlets of the valley, is another ancient castle, which after its abandonment in the fourteenth century acquired the name of castelrotto. the parish church, rebuilt in , contains a madonna del rosario by domenichino; and a mater dolorosa in carrara marble, by the venetian sculptor melchiori. this is the generally adopted starting-place for the cima d'asta, the highest peak of the trentino ( , feet), and commanding a panorama of exceptional magnificence. under favourable circumstances it is reached within thirty hours, sleeping in the open at quarazza. the interest of the way is heightened by two considerable lakes; the lower, that of quarazza, closed in by wall-like cliffs, is fed by a cascade from the higher lake, which receives several torrents. near the summit is a garnet quarry. just below strigno is another inhabited castle, that of ivano, belonging to the count of wolkenstein-trostburg, who makes it a summer residence. the church is dedicated to s. vindemian; near it was once a hermitage. further down the valley is ospedaletto, famous in border warfare, and once a hospice for travellers, served by monks, still a mountain-inn with a chapel attached. grigno has another once-important castle. s. udalric, bishop of augsburg, had occasion to pass through the village on his way to rome in the time of pope sergius iii. (a.d. - ), and left behind him so profound an impression of his sanctity, that the devotion of the people to his memory has never diminished. in the eleventh century a chapel was built in his honour, with the picturesque instinct of the people of that date, on the steep way leading to castel tesino. it was always kept in good condition till , when it was desecrated by the french soldiery. it was restored within ten years, and a rustic piazza in front planted with lime trees, which have at the present time attained considerable dimensions. in july , processions consisting of more than four thousand villagers met at this shrine, to pray for deliverance from the heavy rains, which were causing the inundation of their homesteads. from grigno there is a path which few persons however will be tempted to follow, across the so-called canal san bovo, to primiero, a country which has already been so ably laid open to the tourist that i need not attempt a fresh description of its beauties. if any one penetrates its recesses as far as the village of canal san bovo, i think they will not be sorry to have been advised to ask for a certain virginia loss, who has a touching story to tell them of her adventures. on a stormy day, the last of october , she was making her way, though only thirteen, with her mother and another woman, along the dangerous path leading hither from the fleimserthal, following their occupation of carriers. they had passed panchià and ziano, and were in the midst of the verdant tract known as the sadole. the fierce wind that blew exhausted her poor mother's strength, and she saw no help but to lay down her burden by the way, and try to reach home with bare life. domenica orsingher, the other woman, however, who had already got on a good way beyond her, no sooner learned what she had done than, considering what a loss it must be to her, with a humble heroism went back to fetch the pack intending to carry it in addition to her own! the next day some men travelling by the same path found her body extended by the wayside. she had died of cold and exhaustion. the land is strong with such as these, her heroes' destined mothers. further along they found elisabetta loss and her daughter huddled together. on carrying the bodies to cauria they succeeded in reviving only the child. virginia has a tragic story to tell of; of how her mother sank to her rest, and her own unavailing and inexperienced efforts to call her to life; then the horror of the approaching night, the snow storm in which she expected to be covered up and lost to sight, yet had not strength to move away; and, worst of all, the circling flight of crows and ravens which she spent her last energies in driving with her handkerchief from her mother's face; and yet the presence of death, solitude and helplessness, made the approach of even those rapacious and ill-omened companions seem almost less unwelcome. the insensibility which ensued was probably the most welcome visitant of all. le tezze is a smaller village than grigno, but one that has done good service to the patriotic cause, having many a time stayed the advance of invading hosts; and never more successfully than in the latest garibaldian attempt on the trentino, upon the cession of venice by austria after sadowa. the tombs of the bold mountaineers who fell while driving back the tenfold numbers opposed to them are to be seen appropriately ranged along the stony declivity they defended so well. these graves are yearly visited by their brethren on the th of august. they fell devoted and undying, the very gale their deeds seems sighing; the waters murmur forth their name, the woods are peopled with their fame, the silent pillar, lone and gray, claims kindred with their sacred clay. le tezze is the last tirolean village of the valley, and the seat of the austrian custom-house against italy. on the other side of this frontier is the interesting italian town of primolano, whence there is an easier way into primiero-thal than by crossing the canal san bovo. val sugana retains more of the german element than any other district of wälsch-tirol. judicarien or giudicaria bifurcates westwards and south-westwards from the etschthal opposite val sugana. its first (south-west) division is called the sarcathal and reaches to the lago di garda. though no part of the beautiful italian lake actually belongs to tirol the town of riva overlooks it; the country round is most productive in wine, silk, lemons, figs, and other fruits. its pleasant climate, the warmest in all tirol, is due not only to its southern latitude, but also to its being the lowest land of the principality. innsbruck is , feet above the sea-level, riva but . from the western division of giudicaria there branch out northwards val rendena, north-westwards val breguzzo and val daone, and southwards val bona. the val di ledro or lederthal, forms a parallel return towards the garda-see. here an attempt at invasion headed by garibaldi was repulsed by the innsbruck student-brigade in at a pass called bezzecca. giudicaria is little explored yet it contains some choice scenery and traditions. castel madruzz, which can be visited from trent, is one of its most ancient and important castles. from the twelfth to the seventeenth century, the family which inhabited it and bore its name takes a foremost place in tirol's history. in the church are shown the portraits of seven of the family ascribed to titian. from to four of its members occupied the see of trent, and were successively invested with the cardinalitial dignity. cardinal karl madruzz became the last of his house. all his kindred having died without heirs, he applied to rome for permission to marry--a dispensation which we have seen once before accorded in favour of a tirolese prince. cardinal madruzz preferred his suit successively before urban viii., innocent x., and alexander vii., and at last obtained it, coupled with the proviso that he should only marry in his own station. as this did not accord with his intentions, the favour so tardily granted was never acted on. this fine castle had fallen into sad neglect but it is being restored. from its deserted terraces a glorious view is obtained, which takes in the two lakes of toblino to the north, and cavedine to the south, both being fed by the same torrents. round the lago di cavedine lie the flowery slopes which bear the name of abraham's garden. the lake of toblino is broken into by a picturesque promontory, bearing the castellated villa of the prince-bishops of trent; though on flat ground, the round turrets at the angles with their pointed caps afford a wonderful relief to the landscape. the village is called sta. massenza, from the mother of s. vigilius, who died here in the odour of sanctity, . her relics were translated to trent, . at the foot of the height on which stands schloss madruzz is a double chapel, on the model of the holy house of loreto, the legend being inscribed on the walls. at the westernmost reach of giudicaria, the rendenathal branches off towards val di sole. it was the cradle of the evangelization of tirol, for here s. vigilius suffered martyrdom, , and the valley is rife with traditions of him. he appears to have been stirred with zeal for the propagation of the faith at a very early age; and his piety and earnestness were so apparent that he was consecrated bishop of trent at the age of twenty. he made many conversions, and built a church to ss. gervasius and protasius, a.d. . but he was not content with establishing the faith here, and sending out missionaries hence; he would wander himself on foot through all the valleys where paganism still lurked, overturning idols and building christian sanctuaries--more than thirty trace their origin to his work. nowhere did he meet with so much opposition as in the rendenathal, which was the last to accept the yoke of christ. but he was untiring in his apostolic labours, nor could he rest while one token of a false religion remained erect. it is not to be supposed that, though he made many fervent converts, he effected all this without also exciting the opposition and fury of those whose teaching he had come to supersede. yet though many were the snares set for him, no conspiracy against him succeeded till he had cast down the last idol. it was at mortaso, one of the remotest villages of this secluded dell, he stood announcing the 'glad tidings' of the gospel from the pedestal of the image he had overthrown, and the population crowded round, earnestly garnering in his words. he had left off preaching, and just raised his hands in benediction, when a body of heathen men and women, who had long determined to compass his end, rushed upon the scene from the surrounding grove, and stoned him with the fragments of the image he had overthrown. his hearers would have defended him, but he knew that his hour was come, for his work was accomplished; and forbidding all strife, he knelt down, and folding his arms on his breast meekly rendered up his spirit, while his constancy won many to the faith. his disciples reverently gathered his remains and bore them to trent; but as soon as his murderers were aware of their intent, they set out to follow them. the christian party, delayed by the weight of their burden, found that their pursuers were fast gaining ground. in this strait, says the legend, they called upon the rocky wall before them-- apritevi, o sassa, che s. vigilio passa, and behold before them suddenly appeared a cleft in the rock, through which they passed in safety, and which is pointed out to this day. another narrow cleft is pointed out near cadine, which is said to have been rent asunder at his bidding, when once, at an earlier stage of his labours, he deemed it right to flee from those who would have taken his life. the acqua della vela now passes through it, and a dent is shown which is said to mark the place where the saint impressed his hand on the obedient stone. it was this suggested to the bearers of the bier to make a similar appeal on behalf of his relics. it is commonly reported that in mortaso the bread never rises properly; and they couple with it this tradition, that when the pieces of the broken idol sufficed not for all who would attack the saint, the women brought out loaves from the oven to complete the work. the rendenathal also preserves the memory of s. julian, called also sent ugiano and san zulian in local dialect. his legend says he lived with his parents in an outlying house. on one occasion, at the time of day when they were usually at work in the fields, he heard the sound of persons entering the house, and turned and slew them, and only found afterwards that it was his parents whose lives he had taken. [ ] struck with horror he devoted himself to a life of penance, and made a vow to live so far from the habitations of men that he should no more hear the cheerful crowing of the cock or the holy chime of the church bells. after his death the people found that angels had planted roses on his grave which bloomed in winter, and they observed that no venomous reptile ever rested on it, while earth taken from it cured their sting. so they built a chapel in his honour on the border of the little lake which bears his name, at the opening of val génova. another interesting church in the same locality is that of caresolo. its exterior walls are adorned with frescoes bearing date , and inside is an inscription recording that it was restored by the munificence of charles quint. at pelugo, near tione, where the rendenathal branches off, he found the castle in possession of a jew, and so indignant was he to find a once christian fortress so occupied, that he had him immediately ejected and the place exorcised. here, as also at massimeno and caderzone, all inconsiderable mountain villages, new churches were consecrated during the bishop of trent's visitation in august , showing that the spirit of s. vigilius had not died out. in the pfarrkirche at condino is a muttergottesbild, presented in by a parishioner who averred he had seen it shed tears. of the church of campiglio the legend runs, that when it was building, the people being much distressed by a dearth, and their means hardly sufficing, the angels used to bring stone, wood, and other materials in the night; and one pillar is pointed out which was raised before the eyes of the builders in broad day by invisible hands. the inn here occupies a hospice built by the templars, hence its imposing appearance. colini, who was locally called the hofer of wälsch-tirol, for his brave leadership of his countrymen in 'the year nine,' kept it till his death in . at pinzolo is a thriving glass-house, supported by milanese capital and venetian art and industry. riva, at the head of the garda-see, is one of the most charming spots in tirol. its german name of reif is not a mere corruption of the italian name; it is an old german word, having the same signification, of a shore. the parish church is a really handsome edifice, and a great ornament to the town and neighbourhood. outside the town is a curious octagonal church of the immaculate conception, built to enclose a wonder-working picture of the blessed virgin, by cardinal karl von madruzz, who also founded a house of friars minor to attend to the spiritual necessities of the many pilgrims who came to visit it. the churches of s. roch and s. sebastian were built on occasion of visitations of the plague in and . the neighbourhood supplies the whole of tirol with twigs of olive to use in the office of palm sunday, and all kinds of southern produce grow on the banks of the lake. it was long considered the highest latitude at which the olive-tree would grow, but it has since been successfully cultivated as far north as botzen. in order to gain a full enjoyment of the beautiful scenery around, the altissimo di nago should be ascended by all who have the courage for a six or seven hours' climb. from san giacomo, however, where there is a poor wirthshaus and chapel, reached in not more than two hours, the scene at sunrise is one of inconceivable beauty. behind are ranges beyond ranges and peaks beyond peaks of lordly alps. before you lies the blue lago di garda, and the vast lombard plains studded with fair cities, amid which you will not fail to distinguish milan, which some optical illusion brings so near that it seems it would take but an easy morning's walk to reach it. on the way hence to mori, at about half distance, lies brentonico, with a new church perched picturesquely as a mediæval one on a bold scarped rock. the old parish church has a fine crypt. the castello del dosso maggiore is a noble ruin. there is a bridge over a deep defile in the outskirts, called the ponte delle strege--the witches' bridge--being deemed too daring for human builders. mori, though named from its mulberry trees, is more famed for its tobacco, which is reckoned the best grown in tirol. wälsch-tirol has many traditions, customs and sayings, which differ from those of the rest of the principality, more resembling those of italy, and some of which it cannot be fanciful to trace back to an etruscan connection. some bear the impress of the roman occupation, and all are strung together by an overpowering germanic influence. the most prominent group--and their special home, i am assured, clusters round the dolomite mountains--are those concerning certain beings called 'salvan' and 'gannes;' and traditions about 'orco.' a local collector of such lore, to whom i am chiefly indebted for the above fact, is inclined to identify the 'salvan' with 'orco;' but i think it can be shown that they are distinct ideas. both are only ordinarily, not always malicious, but the 'salvan' is one of a number of sprites, orco has the dignity of being one by himself. the salvan in some respects takes the place of the wild man of the north, and of the satyr whom i also found called in rome 'salvatico' and 'selvaggio.' [ ] 'orco' clearly takes the place of orcus in italy; and that of the 'teufel' in german legend. yet so are the traditions of neighbouring peoples intermingled, that the germans, not content with their own devil, have sprightly imitations of orco in their 'nork' and lorg, softened in the intermediate deutsch tirol into norg. [ ] in norway the same appellation is found, hardened into nök, neck, nikr, [ ] which seems to bring us round to our own 'old nick;' for in iceland he is 'knikur,' and, perhaps, he gave his name to orkney. [ ] it is curious, in tracing the seemingly undoubtable connection between the norg and orco, to observe that though the norg possesses almost invincible strength, and often prevails against giants, yet in stature he is always a dwarf, while orco himself is considered a giant. but then it is the one essential characteristic of orco which forms the link between all conceptions of him, whether men call him orco, nork, or nyk, that he is a deceiver ever; a liar from the beginning; whenever he appears it is continually under some ever-changing, not-to-be-expected form, and only the wise guess what he is before it is too late. [ ] thus it happened to two young lads of mori, who had been up the mountains to visit their sweet-hearts, and coming back, they met orco prowling about after his manner when all good people are safe in bed asleep--this time in the form of an ass. the mori lads, never thinking but that it was a common ass, jumped on its back. they soon found out their mistake, for orco quickly resented their want of discrimination, and cantered off with them past an old building which had once been a prison, and skilfully chucked them both in at the window. it was some days before they contrived to crawl out again, and not till they were nearly starved. but we have in english another affinity with 'orco,' besides 'old nick;' we have seen him take the place of our 'ogre' in deed as well as in name in the roman fairy tales, and in italy he is also the bugbear of the nursery which we have almost literally in 'old bogey.' and now mr. i. taylor has found another affinity for him if he be justified in identifying our 'ogre' with "the tatar word, 'ugry,' a thief." [ ] to return to orco's place in tirol, we find his name assumes nearly as many transliterations as his external appearance assumes changes. in vorarlberg they have a dorgi or doggi (i being the frequent local abbreviation for the diminutive lein,--klein), there considered as one personation of the devil. the doggi spreads over part of switzerland, and overflows into alsace as the doggele. [ ] in the zone of tirol where the italian and german elements of the population mingle, there is a class of mischievous irrepressible elfs called orgen; soft, and round, and small, like cats without head or feet, who establish themselves in any part of a house performing all sorts of annoyances, but who are as afraid of egg-shells as the norgs in other parts are said to be. their chief home is in the martelthal, south of schlanders in the vintschgau, and their name is devoted to the brightly shining peak seen from it--the orgelspitz. in the passeyer, on the north side of the vintschgau, they go by the name of oerkelen. since we have seen him, too, divested of his 'r' in doggi from vorarlberg to alsace, and the germans have already given him an l in lorg, he assumes a mysterious likeness to loki himself, and as a sample of how elastic is language, and how misleading are mere sounds, though for no other purpose, it might be said, we had found in this doggi a relation of the dog who guards the entrance to the regions of orcus! the salvan and gannes, as described by the local observer above alluded to, seem to partake very much of the character of the good and evil genii of the etruscans, though the traditions that remain of them refer almost exclusively to their action on this side the grave. 'their etruscan appellation,' says mr. dennis, 'is not yet discovered;' [ ] when it is, it will be very satisfactory if it has any analogy with 'gannes.' [ ] the gannes were gentle, beauteous, beneficent beings, delighting in being helpful to those they took under their protection; harmful to none. the salvans were hideous, wild, and fierce, delighting in mischief and destruction, with fiery serpents for their chief companions. they seem to have done all the mischief they could as long as their sway lasted, but they were scared by advancing civilization; and i have a ludicrous description of how they stood gazing down in stupid wonderment from their dolomite peaks, when the first ploughs were brought into use in the valleys. schneller, who with all his appreciation of wälsch-tirol, looks at its traditions too much through german spectacles, gives us some little account of these beings too. [ ] he has also a 'salvanel,' who seems a male counterpart of his gannes, helpful and soft-natured, with no vice save a tendency to steal milk. in return he teaches mankind to make butter and cheese, and other useful arts, and is specially kind to little children; his name bears some relation with the local word for the 'jack-'o-lantern' reflection from glass or water. but he found also the 'salvan' in his pernicious character under the names of 'bedelmon,' 'bildermon,' and 'salvadegh.' but the most pernicious spirit that came in his way was the 'beatrik,' who is an unmitigated fury, [ ] and the natural enemy and antagonist of a gentle, helpful, beauteous spirit called angane, eguane, and enguane, but possessed with his german ideas, he saw in the being so designated nothing but 'a witch, or perhaps a fairy-natured being.' [ ] in another page he pairs them off more fairly with the 'säligen fräulein' of germany. here is a story of their ways which was given me, but i do not know if it was founded on his at page , or independently collected:--a young woodman was surprised one day to meet, in the midst of his lonely toil, a beautiful maiden, who nodded to him familiarly, and bid him 'good day' with more than common interest. nor did her conversation end with 'good day;' she found enough to prattle about till night fell; and then, though the young woodman had been sitting by her side instead of attending to his work, he found he had a bigger faggot to carry home than he had ever made up with all his day's labour before. 'that was a sweet maiden, indeed,' he mused on his way home. 'and yet i doubt if she is all right. but her talk showed she was of the right stuff to make a housewife; but then maddalena, what will she say? ha! let her say what she will, she won't stand comparing with her! i wonder if i shall see her again! and yet i don't think she's altogether right, either.' so he mused all through the lonely evening, and all through the sleepless night; and his first thought in the morning was of whether he should meet that strange maiden again in the wood. in the wood he did meet her, and again she wiled away the day with her prattle; and again and again they met. maddalena sat at home weeping over her spinning-wheel, and wondering why he came no more to take her for a walk; but maddalena was forgotten, and one day it was her fate to see her former lover and the strange maiden married in the parish church. the woodman was not surprised to find his seiren the model of a wife. the house was swept so clean, the clothes so neatly mended, the butter so quickly churned, that though all the villagers had been shy of the strange maiden, none could deny her excellent capacity. the woodman was very well satisfied with his choice; but as he had always a misgiving that there was something not quite right with her, he could not help nervously watching every little peculiarity. it was thus he came to notice that it was occasionally her custom to lay her long wavy tresses carefully outside the bedclothes at night; he thought this odd, and determined to watch her. one night, when she thought him asleep, and he was only feigning, he observed that she took a little box of salve from under her pillow, and rubbing it into her hair, said, schiva boschi e schiva selva (shun woods and forests), and then was off and away in a trice. determined to follow her, he took out the box of salve, and rubbing it into his hair, tried to repeat her saying, but he did not recall it precisely, and said instead, passa boschi e passa selvi (away through woods and forests), and away he went, faster than he liked, while his clothes and his skin were torn by the branches of the trees. he came, however, to the precincts of a great palace, where was a fresh green meadow, on which were a number of kine grazing, and some were sleek and well-favoured, while some were piteously lean; and yet they all fed on the same pasture. the palace had so many windows that it took him a long while to count them, and when he had counted them he found there were three hundred and sixty-five. he climbed up and looked in at one of them--it was the window of a great hall, where a number of enguane were dancing, and his wife in their midst. when he saw her, he called out to her; but when she heard his voice, instead of coming she took to flight, nor could he overtake her with all his strength for running. at last, after pursuing her for three days, he came to the hut of a holy hermit, who asked him wherefore he ran so fast; and when he had told him, the hermit bid him give up the chase, for an enguane was not a proper wife for a christian man. then the woodman asked him to let him become a hermit too, and pass the remainder of his life under his guidance. to this the hermit consented; so he built him a house, and they lived together in holy contemplation. one day the woodman told the hermit of what he had seen when he went forth to seek his wife; and the hermit told him that the palace with three hundred and sixty-five windows represented this temporal world, with its years of three hundred and sixty-five days; but the fresh green meadow was the church, in which the redeemer gave his flesh for the food of all alike; but that while some pastured on it to the gain of their eternal salvation, who were represented by the well-favoured kine, there were also the perverse and sinful, who eat to their own condemnation, and were represented by the lean and distressed kine. [ ] it is less easy to collect local traditions in wälsch-tirol than in any other part of the principality, but legends and marvellous stories exist in abundance; and so long as the institution of the filò (or out-house room where village gossips meet to spend their evenings in silk-spinning and recounting tales) last, they will not be allowed to die out: [ ] it is said that there are some old ladies who can go on retailing stories by the week together! and though by the nature of the case these gatherings must consist almost exclusively of women, yet it is thought uncanny not to have any man about the place; in fact, that in such a case froberte [ ] is sure to play them some trick. they narrate that once when this happened, one of the women exclaimed, 'only see! we have no man at all among us; let's be off, or something will happen!' all rose to make their escape at the warning, but before they had time to leave, a donna berta knocked and came in. 'padrona! donna berta dal nas longh,' [ ] said all the women together, trying to propitiate her by politeness; and the nearest offered her a chair. 'wait a little, and you'll see another with a longer nose than i,' replied froberte; and as she spoke, a second donna berta knocked and entered, to whom the women gave the same greeting. 'wait a bit, and you'll see another with a longer nose than i,' said the second donna berta; and so it went on till there were twelve of them. then the first said, 'what shall we be at?' to which the second made answer, 'suppose we do a bit of washing:' and the others agreeing, they told the women to give them pails to fetch water with; but the women, knowing that their intention was to have suffocated them all in the wash-tubs, gave them baskets instead. not noticing the trick, they went down to the etsch with the baskets to fetch water, and when they found that all their labour was in vain, they ran back in a great fury; but in the meantime the women had all escaped to their home, and every one was safe in bed with her husband. but a froberte came to the window of each and cried, 'it is well for you you have taken refuge with your husband!' the next night the women were determined to pay off the brava berta for the fright they had had, so they got one of their husbands to hide himself in the crib of the oxen; had he sat down with them, the froberte would not have come at all. not seeing him, froberte knocked and came in, and they greeted her and gave her a chair, just as on the previous night; and the whole twelve soon arrived. before they could begin their washing operations, however, the man sprang out of the crib, and put them to flight with many hard blows; so that they did not return for many a long day. the last day of carneval was called il giorno delle froberte, probably because many wild pranks in which sober people allow themselves to indulge on that day of licence were laid on the shoulders of mistress bertha. but it is also said, that since the sitting of the holy council of trent, the power for mischief of these elves has grown quite insignificant. here are some few specimens of the multifarious stories of the filò. [ ] once there was a man and his wife who had two daughters: one pretty, but vain and malicious; the other ugly, but docile and pious. the mother made a favourite of the pretty daughter, but set the ugly one to do all the work of the house; and though she worked from morning to night, was never satisfied with her. one day she sent her down to the stream to do the washing; but the stream was swollen with the heavy rains, and had become so rapid that it carried off her sister's shift. not daring to go home without it, she ran by the side of the stream, trying to fetch it back. all her pains were vain; the stream went on tumbling and roaring till it swelled out into a big river, and she could no longer even distinguish the shift from the white foam on which it was borne along. at last, hungry and weary, she descried a house, where she knocked with a trembling hand, and begged for shelter. the good woman come to the door, but advised her not to venture in, for the salvan would soon be home; but the child knew nothing about the salvan, but a great deal about the storm, and as one was brooding, and night coming on, she crept in. she had not been long inside, when the salvan came home, also seeking shelter from the storm. 'what stink is this i smell of christian flesh?' he roared; and the child was too truthful to remained concealed, and so came forward and told all her tale. the salvan was won by her artlessness, and not only allowed her a bed and a supper, but gave her a basketful of as much fine linen as she could carry, to make up for her loss. when her pretty sister saw what a quantity of fine linen the salvan had given her, she determined to go and beg for some too; but when the salvan saw her coming, he holloaed out, 'so you're the child who behaves so ill to your sister!' and he gave her such a rude drubbing, that she went back with very few clothes on that were not in rags. in selecting a specimen or two of the fiabe i will take first a group going by the name of 'zuam' or 'gian dall' orso' (bear-johnny), [ ] because the wolf-boy group is a very curious one, and this is our nearest approach to it, [ ] though it deals with a bear-child and not a wolf-child; [ ] and because we have already found orso and orco confounded in italian folk-lore at rome. the following is from val di non:--a labourer and his wife had their little boy out with them as they worked in the fields. a she-bear came out of the woods and carried him off. she treated him well, however, and taught him to be strong and hardy, and when he was twenty years old she sent him to his parents. he had such an appetite that he eat them out of house and home, and then he made his mother go and beg all over the country till she had enough to buy him three hundredweight of iron to make him a club. armed with this club, he went forth to seek fortune. in the woods he met a giant carrying a leaden club called barbiscat ('cat's beard'), and the two made friends went out together till they met another giant, who carried a wooden club called testa di molton ('ram's head'). they made friends and went out together till they came to a house in a town where magicians lived. the giant with barbiscat knocked first, and at midnight a magician came out and said, 'earthworm, wherefore are you come?' then he of barbiscat was frightened and ran away. the next night the giant with testa di molton knocked with the same result. but the third night gian dall' orso himself knocked, and he had no fear, but when the magician came out he knocked him down with many blows of his iron club, and went to fetch the other two giants. when they returned no magician was to be seen, only a trail of blood. they followed the trail till they came to a deep pit, and zuam dall' orso made the giants let him down by a rope. in a cave he found the wounded magician and three others besides, by slaying whom he delivered a beautiful maiden. the giants drew her up, but abandoned him. then he saw a ring lying on the ground, and when he took it up and rubbed it two moors appeared and asked him what he wanted. 'i want an eagle, to bear me up to earth,' he said. so they brought him a big eagle, 'but,' said they, 'he must be well fed the while.' so he bid them bring him two shins of beef, and fed him well the while, and the eagle bore him to the king; who finding he was the deliverer of his daughter, killed the two giants, and gave him plenty of gold and silver, with which he went back to his home and lived happily and in peace,--a very homely termination, welcome to the mountaineer's mind. in the lederthal version he was so strong at two years old that he lifted up the mountain under which the bear's den was, and ran back to his mother; but at school he killed all the children, and knocked down the teacher and the priest, and was sent to prison. here he lifted the door off its hinges, and went to the judge, and made him give him a sword, with which he went forth to seek fortune. with the two companions picked up by the wayside, who for once do not play him the trick of leaving him below in the cave, he delivers three princesses, and all are made happy. in another version, where he is called 'filomusso the smith,' and is nurtured by an ass instead of a bear, the provision of meat for feeding the eagle is exhausted before he reaches the earth, and he heroically tears a piece of flesh out of his own leg, and thus the flight can be completed. . the following version of the story of joseph and his brethren is quaint:--a king had three sons. the two elder were grown up, while jacob (the italian is not given) was still quite small, and was his father's pet. one day, when the king came back from hunting, he was quite out of sorts because he had lost the feather (la penna dell' uccello sgrifone) he was wont always to wear. when everyone had sought for it in vain, little jacob came to him, and bid him eat and be of good cheer for he and his brothers would find the feather. the king promises his kingdom to whichever of the three finds it. little jacob finds the feather, and carries it full of joy to his brothers. the brothers, jealous that he should have the kingdom, kill him and take the feather to their father. a year after a shepherd finds little jacob's bones, and takes one of them to make a fife, but as soon as he begins to play upon it the fife tells the whole story of the foul play. the shepherd takes it to the king, who convicts his two sons, has them put to death, and dies of grief. . here is a homely version of oidipous and the sphinx:--a poor man owed a large debt and had nothing to pay it with. the rich man to whom he owed it came to demand the sum, and found only the poor man's little boy sitting by the hearth. 'what are you doing?' asked the rich man. 'i watch them come and go,' replied the boy. 'do so many people come to you then?' enquired the rich man. 'no man,' replied the boy. not liking to own himself puzzled, the rich man asked again, 'where is your father?' 'he's gone to plug a hole with another hole,' replied the boy. posed again, the rich man proceeded, 'and where's your mother?' 'she's baking bread that's already eaten,' replied the boy. 'you are either very clever or a great idiot,' now retorted the rich man; 'will you please to explain yourself?' 'yes, if you will reward me by forgiving father his debt.' the rich man accepted the terms, and the boy proceeded. 'i'm boiling beans, and the bubbling water makes them seethe, and i watch them come and go. my father is gone to borrow a sum of money to pay you with, so to plug one hole he is making another. all the bread we have eaten for a fortnight past was borrowed of a neighbour, now mother is making some to pay it back with, so i may well say what she is making is already eaten.' the rich man expressed himself satisfied, and the poor man was delivered from the burden of his debt. . a poor country lad once went out into the wide world to seek fortune. as he went along he met a very old woman carrying a pail of water, with which she seemed sadly overladen. the poor lad ran after her, and carried it home for her. but she was an angana, and to reward him she gave him a dog and a cat, and a little silver ring, which she told him to turn round whenever he was in difficulty. the boy walked on, thinking little about the old woman's ring, and not at all believing in its efficacy. when he got tired with his walking he laid down under a tree, but he was too hungry to sleep. as he lay tossing about he twirled the ring round without knowing what he was doing, and suddenly an old woman appeared before him, just like the one he had helped, and asked what he wanted of her. 'something to eat and drink,' was the ready and natural answer. he had hardly spoken it when he found a table spread with good things before him. he made a good meal, nor did he neglect to feed his dog and cat well; and then they all had a good sleep. in the morning he reasoned, 'why should i journey further when my ring can give one all one wants?' so he turned the ring round; and when the old woman appeared he asked for a house, and meadows, and farming-stock, and furniture; and then he paused to think of what more he could possibly desire; but he remembered the lessons of moderation his mother had taught him, and he said, 'no, it is not good for a man to have all he wants in this world.' so he asked for nothing more, but set to work to cultivate his land. one day when he was working on his land, a grand damsel came by with a number of servants riding after her. the damsel had lost her way, and had to ask him to lead her back to the right path. as they went, she talked to him about his house and his means, and his way of life; and before she had got to her journey's end they were so well pleased with each other that she agreed to go back with him and marry him; but it was the ring she was in love with rather than with him. they were no sooner married than she got possession of the ring, and by its power she ordered the farm-house to be changed into a palace, and the farm-servants into liveried retainers, and all manner of luxuries, and chests of coin. nor was she satisfied with this. one day, when her husband was asleep in a summer-house, she ordered it to be carried up to the highest tip of a very high mountain, and the palace far away into her own country. when he woke he found himself all alone on the frightful height, with no one but the dog and cat, who always slept the one at his head and the other at his feet. though he was an expert climber it was impossible to get down from so sharp a peak, so he sat down and gave himself up to despair. the cat and dog, however, comforted him, and said they would provide the remedy. they clambered down the rugged declivity, and ran on together till they came to a stream which puss could not cross, but the dog put her on his back and swam over with her; and without further adventure they made their way to the palace where their master's wife lived. with some cleverness they manoeuvred their way into the interior, but into the bed-room there seemed no chance of effecting an entrance. they paced up and down hour by hour, but the door was never opened. at last, when all was very still, a mouse came running along the corridor. the cat pounced on the mouse, who pleaded hard for mercy in favour of her seven small children. 'if i restore you to liberty,' said the cat, 'you must do something for me in return.' the mouse promised everything; and the cat instructed her to gnaw a hole in the door, and fetch the ring out of the princess's mouth, where she made no doubt she kept it at night for safety. the mouse kept her word, and obeying her directions punctually, soon returned with the ring; and off the cat and dog set on their return home, in high glee at their success. it rankled, however, in the dog's mind, that it was the cat who had all the glory of recovering the treasure; and by the time they had got back to the stream he told her that if she would not give him the satisfaction of carrying the ring the rest of the way, he would not carry her over it. the cat would not accept his view, and a fight ensued, in the midst of which the ring escaped them both and fell into the water, where it was caught by a fish. the cat was in despair, but the dog plunged in and seized the fish, and by regaining the ring earned equal right to the merit of its recovery, and they clambered together in amity. their master was rejoiced to receive his ring once more, and by its power he got back his homestead and farm-stock, and sent for his mother to live with him, and all his life through took great care of his faithful dog and cat; but the perverse princess he ordered the ring to transfer in the summer-house to the peak whither she would have banished him. when all this was set in order he threw away the ring, because he said it was not well for a man to have all his wishes satisfied in this world. [ ] the following legend of st. kümmerniss is very popular in tirol. churchill, in his 'titian's country,' mentions a chapel on the borders of cadore and wälsch-tirol, where she is represented just as there described, but he does not appear to have inquired into its symbolism. there was once a heathen king who had a daughter named kümmerniss, who was fair and beautiful beyond compare. a neighbouring king, also a heathen, sought her in marriage, and her father gave his consent to the union; but kümmerniss was distressed beyond measure, for she had vowed in her own heart to be the bride of heaven. of course her father could not understand her motives, and to force her to marry put her into a hard prison. from the depths of the dungeon kümmerniss prayed that she might be so transformed that no man should wish to marry her; and in conformity with her devoted petition, when they came to take her out of the prison they found that all her beauty was gone, and her face overgrown with long hair like a man's beard. when her father saw the change in her he was indignant, and asked what had befallen her. she replied that he whom she adored had changed her so, to save her from marrying the heathen king after she had vowed herself to be his bride alone. 'then shall you die, like him you adore,' was her father's answer. she meekly replied that she had no greater desire than to die, that she might be united with him. and thus her pure life was taken a sweet sacrifice; and whoso would like her be altogether devoted to god, and like her obtain their petition from heaven, let them honour her, and cause her effigy to be painted in the church. so many believed they found the efficacy of her intercession, that they set up memorial images of her everywhere, and in one place they set one up all in pure gold. a poor minstrel once came by that way with his violin; and because he had earned nothing, and was near starving, he stood before st. kümmerniss and played his prayer on his violin. plaintive and more plaintive still grew his beseeching notes, till at last the saint, who never sent any away empty, shook off one of her golden shoes, and bid him take it for an alms. the minstrel carried the golden shoe to a goldsmith, and asked him to buy it of him for money; but the goldsmith, recognizing whence it came, refused to have anything to do with sacrilegious traffic, and accused him of stealing it. the minstrel loudly protested his innocence, and the goldsmith as loudly vociferated his accusation, till their clamour raised the whole village; and all were full of fury and indignation at the supposed crime of the minstrel. as their anger grew, they were near tearing him in pieces, when a grave hermit came by, and they asked him to judge the case. 'if it be true that the man obtained one shoe by his minstrelsy, let him play till he obtain the other in our sight,' was his sentence; and all the people were so pleased with it, that they dragged the minstrel back to the shrine of st. kümmerniss. the minstrel, who had been as much astonished as anyone else at his first success, scarcely dared hope for a second, but it was death to shrink from the test; so he rested his instrument on his shoulder, and drew the bow across it with trembling hand. sweet and plaintive were the shuddering voice-like tones he sent forth before the shrine; but yet the second shoe fell not. the people began to murmur; horror heightened his distress. cadence after cadence, moan upon moan, wail upon wail, faltered through the air, and entranced every ear and palsied every hand that would have seized him; till at last, overcome with the intensity of his own passionate appeal, the minstrel sank unconscious on the ground. when they went to raise him up, they found that the second golden shoe was no longer on the saint's foot, but that she had cast it towards him. when they saw that, each vied with the other to make amends for the unjust suspicions of the past. the golden shoes were restored to the saint; but the minstrel never wanted for good entertainment for the rest of his life. 'puss in boots' figures in the folklore of wälsch-tirol as 'il conte martin della gatta;' its chief point of variation is that no boots enter into it at all, otherwise the action of the cat is as usual in other versions. there is another class of stories in which the townspeople indulge at the expense of the uninstructed peasants in outlying districts, and which their extreme simplicity and naïveté occasionally justify. i must not close my notice of the volklore of wälsch-tirol without giving some specimens of these. it may be generally observed that stories which have no particular moral point, and are designed only to amuse without instructing, are as frequent in the trentino as they are rare in the german divisions of tirol. turlulù [ ] was such a simple boy that he could not be made to do anything aright; and what was worst was, he thought himself so clever that he would always go off without listening to half his instructions. one day his mother sent him with her last piece of money to buy a bit of meat for a poor neighbour; 'and mind,' she said, 'that the butcher doesn't give you all bone.' 'leave that to me!' cried turlulù without waiting for an explanation; and off he went to the town. the butcher offered him a nice piece of leg of beef. 'no, no, there's bone to that,' cried turlulù; 'that won't do.' the butcher, provoked, offered him a lump of lights. turlulù seeing it look so soft, and no bone at all to it, went off with it quite pleased, but of course the poor neighbour had to starve. when his mother found what he had done, she was in great distress, for she had no money left; so she sent him with a piece of home-spun linen to try to sell it. 'but mind you don't waste your time talking to gossiping old women,' she said. 'leave that to me, mother,' cried turlulù; and off he ran. as he got near the market-place, he began crying, 'fine linen! who wants to buy fine linen!' several countrywomen, who had come up to town to make purchases, came to look at the quality. 'go along, you gossiping old things; don't imagine i'm going to sell it to you!' cried turlulù, and he ran away from them. as he ran on he saw a capitello [ ] by the wayside. when he saw the image of the blessed virgin, looking so grave and calm, he said, 'ah, you are no gossip, you shall have my linen;' and he threw it at her feet. 'come, pay me!' he cried presently; but of course the figure moved not. 'ah, i see, you've not got the money to-day; i will come back for it to-morrow.' when he came back on the morrow the linen had been picked up by a passer-by, but no money was forthcoming. 'pay me now,' said turlulù; but still the figure was immovable. again and again he repeated the demand, till, finding it still unheeded, he took off his belt, and hit hard and fast upon the image. so great was his violence, that in a very short time he had knocked it to the ground; and lo and behold, inside the now uncovered pedestal were a heap of gold pieces, which some miser had concealed there for greater security. 'my mother herself will own this is good pay for the linen,' cried turlulù, as he filled his pockets, 'and for once she won't find fault.' his way home lay along the edge of the pond, and as he passed the ducks were crying, 'quack! quack! quack!' turlulù thought they were saying quattro, meaning that he had four pieces of gold. 'that's all you know about it,' cried turlulù; 'i've got many more than four, many more.' but the ducks continued to cry 'quack.' 'i tell you there are more than four,' reiterated turlulù impetuously, but the ducks did not alter their strain. 'then take them, and count them yourselves, and you'll see what a lot there are!' so saying, he threw the whole treasure into the mud; and as the ducks, scared by the noise, left off their 'quack,' he satisfied himself that he had convinced them, and went home to boast to his mother of the feat. a showman came through a village with a dancing-bear. the people went out to see him, and gave him plenty of halfpence. 'suppose we try our luck, and go about showing a bear too; it seems a profitable sort of trade,' said one of the lookers-on to another. 'ay, but where shall we find one?' objected the man addressed. 'oh, there must be bears to be found; it needs only to go out and look for them.' they went out to look for a bear, and at last really found one, [ ] which ran before them and plunged into a cave. 'i'll tell you what we'll do,' said the peasant who had proposed the adventure, 'i'll creep into the cave and seize the bear, and you take hold of my legs and pull us both out together.' the other assented; and in went the first. but the bear, instead of letting him seize it, bit off his head. the other pulled him out as agreed, but was much astonished to find him headless. 'well, to be sure!' he cried, 'i never noticed the poor fellow came out this morning without his head. i must go home and ask his wife for it.' so saying, he ran back to the man's house. 'i say, neighbour,' he cried, 'did you happen to notice, when your husband went out this morning, whether he had his head on?' 'i never thought to look,' replied the wife, 'but i'll run up and see if he left it in bed; but tell me,' she added, 'will he catch cold for going out without his head on?' 'i don't know as to that,' replied the man; 'but if he should want to whistle he might find it awkward!' a woman working in the fields one day saw a snail, which spread out its horns as she looked at it. in great alarm, she ran to the chief man of the parish, and told him what she had seen. he, too, was horribly frightened, but he mastered his fear, as became the dignity of his office. in order to provide duly for the safety of his village, he sent two trustworthy men with a large sum of money to trent, to buy a sharp sword; and till their return placed all the able-bodied men on guard. when the man brought the sharp sword back from trent, he called the heads of the commune together, and said to them: 'i will not exercise my right of sending any of you in peril of his life, but i ask you which of you is ready to encounter this great danger, and whoever has the courage shall receive a great reward.' hereupon two of the most valiant came forward as volunteers, and were invested with the sharp sword. in solemn silence they marched boldly to the field where the snail was, and they saw him sitting on the edge of a rotten leaf; but at the moment when they had screwed up their courage to smite him with the edge of the sword, the breeze blew down the leaf and the snail with it. they, however, thought the snail was preparing to attack them, and ran away so fast that they tumbled over the edge of an abyss. the people of a certain village were envious because the church tower of the neighbouring village was higher than theirs. so they held a council to consider what remedy they could apply. no one could think of anything to propose, till the oldest and wisest of them at last rose and advised that a great heap of hay should be laid by the side of their tower, so that it might eat and grow strong, and increase in height. the counsel was received with applause, and every one cheerfully brought his quota to the common sacrifice, till there was a mighty heap of hay laid at the base of the church tower. all the horses and asses that went by, finding such a fine provision of provender laid out for them, ate the hay; but the people seeing the heap diminish, were quite satisfied, and said, 'our tower must be beginning to grow, you see how fast it eats!' in wälsch-tirol the graves are not decked with flowers on all souls' day, as in germany, but on the other hand it is customary for the parish clergy to gather their flocks round them, and say the rosary kneeling amid the graves. doles of bread, locally called cuzza, and alms, are given away to the poor on that day, and in some places a particular soup made of beans. the symbolism was formerly carried so far, that these alms, devoted to the refreshment of the souls of the departed, were actually laid on the graves, as if it was supposed that the holy souls would come out and partake of the material food. and thus some even placed vessels of cold water as a special means of solace from their purgatorial pains. [ ] in the north of italy, the feast of sta. lucia (december ) holds the place of that of st. nicholas among children in germany; in wälsch-tirol the children have the advantage of keeping both. in val arsa, part of the loaves baked on christmas eve are kept, as cross-buns used to be among us. in folgareit they have a curious game for christmas-tide. a number of heaps of flour, according to the number of the household, are arranged on the table by the father of the family, some little present being covered up in each; when they are thus prepared the family is admitted, and the choice of places decided by various modes of contest. in several parts, particularly in the rabbithal, the lombard [ ] custom prevails of putting a huge log on the fire, called the zocco di natale and the zocco di ogni bene, that it may burn all night and keep the divine infant from the cold. the idea, more or less prevalent all over christendom, that beasts have the gift of speech on christmas eve, prevails here no less. a story is told of a peasant who determined to sit up and listen to what his oxen said. 'where shall we have to go to-morrow?' he heard one say. 'we shall have to fetch the boards for our master's coffin,' replied his companion. the man was so shocked, that he went to bed and died next day. animals are blessed on st. anthony's day (january ), as in rome. carnival is celebrated with representations partaking somewhat of the character of 'passion plays,' though always with more or less humorous treatment of their subject. till lately there lingered a curious pastime at this season, in which on giovedì grasso there was a contest, according to fixed rules, between the masked and unmasked inhabitants, for certain cakes (gnocchi) made of indian corn, whence the day is still called giovedì dei gnocchi. it commemorated a fight between the men of trent and them of feltre, who tried to carry off their provision while they were building the walls of trent, in the time of theodoric king of the visigoths. s. urban is considered the patron of vineyards in etschland, and on his feast his images are hung with bunches of grapes. here are a few specimens of their popular sayings and customs. when it thunders the children say, domeniddio va in carozza. the chirping of a cricket, instead of being reckoned a lucky token, forebodes death. sponsors are regarded a person's nearest relations, and at their funeral they go as chief mourners before all others. marriages in may are avoided. the reason why the bramble always creeps along, instead of growing erect, is, because once a thorny bramble branch caught the hair of the blessed virgin; before that it grew erect like other trees. cockchafers are blind, because one of them once flew into the blessed virgin's face and startled her; before that they had sight. swallows are called uccelli della madonna, but i have not ascertained the reason. scorpions, which are venomous in italy, are not so in the italian tirol, because one fell once into st. vigilius' chalice at mass. i will conclude with some popular riddles, showing a traditionary observation of the movements of the heavenly bodies, but not much humour: due viandanti, due ben stanti, e un cardinal? [ ] gh' è 'n prà tutto garofalà: quanca se vien el papa con tutta la sô paperia en garòfol sol no l'è bon de portar via? [ ] piatto sopra piatto, uomo ben armato, donna ben vestita. cavalleria ben fornita? [ ] c'è un palazzo, vi son dodici camere, ognuna ne ha trenta travi, e vi son due che si corrono sempre l'uno dietro all' altro e non si raggiungono mai? [ ] o mein tirol! wie ich mit schmerzentzücken dich nun geschaut vor meinen feuchten blicken. so lebt dein rührend bild im tiefsten sinn. nimm denn, tirol, des schmerzbegeistrungstrunk'nen, des ganz in dich verlornen und versunk'nen liebvolles lebewohl, mit liebe hin! eduard silesius. notes [ ] this is what the introduction of manufactories is doing in italy at this moment. the director of a large establishment in tuscany, which devours, to its own share, the growth of a whole hill-side every year, smiled at my simplicity when i expressed regret at hearing that no provision was made for replacing the timber as it is consumed. [ ] except the legends of the marmolata, which i have given in 'household stories from the land of hofer; or, popular myths of tirol,' i hardly remember to have met any concerning its prominent heights. [ ] i published much of the matter of the following pages in the first instance in the monthly packet, and i have to thank the editor for my present use of them. [ ] see steub 'Über die urbewohner rätiens und ihren zusammenhang mit den etruskern. münich, ,' quoted in dennis' cities and cemeteries of etruria, i. preface, p. xlv. [ ] see it in use below, p. , and comp. etruscan res. p. , note. [ ] somewhat like pleurer. a good many words are like french, as gutschle, a settle (couche); schesa, a gig; and gespusa, mentioned above, is like épouse; and au, for water, is common over n. tirol, as well as vorarlberg, e.g. infra, pp. , . &c. [ ] comp. etrus. res. - . [ ] several places have received their name from having grown round such a hut; some of these occur outside vorarlberg, as for instance kühthei near st. sigismund (infra, p. ) in the lisenthal, and niederthei in the oetzthal. [ ] comp. ma = earth, land, etrus. res. pp. , . [ ] comp. subulo, etrus. res. . dennis i. . [ ] infra, p. . [ ] see e.g., infra, p. . [ ] etrus. res. p. . [ ] p. . [ ] professor max müller, chips from a german workshop. [ ] rev. g. w. cox, prof. de gubernatis, dr. dasent, &c. [ ] in the contemporary review for march . [ ] mr. cox had pointed it out before him, however, and more fully, mythology of the aryan nations, ii. . [ ] l'una vegghiava a studio della culla, e consolando usava l'idioma, che pria li padri e le madri trastulla: l'altra traendo alla rocca la chioma favoleggiava con la sua famiglia de' troiani, e di fiesole, e di roma. dante. paradiso, xv. . [ ] tullio dandolo. [ ] depping, romancero, preface. [ ] the usual fate of relying on road-books. ours, i forget whether amthor's or trautwein's, said there was regular communication between oberriet and feldkirch, and nothing could be further from the fact, as will be seen a few pages later. [ ] if pfäffers is visited by rail (see p. ), it is convenient to take it before feldkirch. [ ] see further quaint details and historical particulars in vonbun, sagen vorarlbergs, p. - . [ ] vonbun, pp. - . [ ] historical particulars in vonbun, pp. - . [ ] vonbun, pp. - . [ ] it may also be reached by railway as it is but three or four miles from ragatz, two stations beyond buchs (p. ). [ ] it has been suggested by an eminent comparative mythologist that it is natural luc-ius should be said to have brought 'the light of the gospel' to men of licht-enstein. [ ] the traitor was loaded with heavy armour and thrown over the ill precipice. see vonbun's parallel with the tradition of the tarpeian rock, p. n. . [ ] notably at raggal, sonntag, damüls, luterns, and also in lichtenstein.--vonbun, pp. - . [ ] infra, chapter viii., p. . [ ] vonbun, pp. - . [ ] some analogous cases quoted in sagas from the far east, pp. , - . [ ] father! take me also with you. [ ] vonbun, pp. - . [ ] the story of its curious success against the bavarians in , p. - . from landeck there is a fine road (the description of which belongs to snitt-tirol), over the finstermünz and stelvio, to the baths of bormio or worms. [ ] the chief encounter occurred at a place called le tezze, near primolano, on the venetian border, where the tiroleans repulsed the italians, in numbers tenfold greater than their own, and no further attempt was made. the anniversary is regularly observed by visiting the graves on august ; mentioned below at le tezze. [ ] following are the names of the fourteen, but i have never met any one who could explain the selection. . s. acatius, bishop in asia minor, saved from death in the persecutions under decius, , by a miracle he performed in the judgment hall where he was tried, and in memory of which he carries a tree, or a branch of one, in pictures of him. . s. Ægidius (giles, in german, gilgen), hermit, of nimes, nourished in his cell by the milk of a hind, which, being hunted, led to the discovery of his sanctity, an episode constantly recurring in the legendary world. another poetical legend concerning him is that a monk, having come to him to express a doubt as to the virginity of our lady, s. giles, for all answer traced her name in the sand with his staff, and forthwith full-bloom lilies sprang up out of it. . s. barbara. a maiden whom her heathen father shut up in a tower, that nothing might distract her attention from the life of study to which he devoted her; among the learned men who came to enjoy her elevated conversation came a christian teacher, and converted her; in token of her belief in the doctrine of the trinity she had three windows made in her tower, and by the token her father discovered her conversion, delivered her to judgment, and she suffered an incredible repetition of martyrdoms. she is generally painted with her three-windowed tower in her hand. . s. blase, bishop of sebaste and martyr, a.d. . he had studied medicine, and when concealed in the woods during time of persecution, the wild beasts used to bring the wounded of their number to his feet to be healed. men hunting for christians to drag to justice, found him surrounded by lions, tigers, and bears; even in prison he continued to exercise his healing powers, and from restoring to life a boy who had been suffocated by swallowing a fishbone, he is invoked as patron against sore throat. he too suffered numerous martyrdoms. . s. christopher. . s. cyriacus, martyr, , concerning whom many legends are told of his having delivered two princesses from incurable maladies. . s. dionysius, the areopagite, converted by s. paul, and consecrated by him bishop of athens, afterwards called to rome by s. peter, and made bishop of paris. . s. erasmus, a bishop in syria, after enduring many tortures there, he was thrown into prison, and delivered by an angel, who sent him to preach christianity in italy, he died at gaeta . at naples and other places he is honoured as s. elmo. . s. eustachius, originally called placidus, a roman officer, converted while hunting by meeting a stag which carried a refulgent cross between its horns; his subsequent reverses, his loss of wife and children, the wonderful meeting with them again, and the agency of animals throughout, make his one of the most romantic of legends. . s. george. . s. catherine of alexandria. . s. margaret. . s. pantaleone, another student of medicine; when, after many tortures, he was finally beheaded, the legend tells us that, in token of the purity of his life, milk flowed from his veins instead of blood, a.d. . . s. vitus, a sicilian, instructed by a slave, who was his nurse, in the christian faith in his early years; his father's endeavours to root out his belief were unavailing, and he suffered a.d. , at not more than twelve years of age. the only link i can discover in this chain of saints is that they are all but one or two, whose alleged end i do not know, as s. christopher, credited with having suffered a plurality of terrible martyrdoms. to each is of course ascribed the patronage over some special one of the various phases of human suffering. [ ] p. . [ ] among these not the least remarkable were some specimens of the unbrimmed beaver hat, somewhat resembling the grenadier's bear-skin, only shorter, which is worn by the women in various parts of tirol and styria. [ ] the bell called in other countries the elevation bell, is in germany called the wandlung, or change-of-the-elements bell. the idiom was worth preserving here, as it depicts more perfectly the solemnity of the moment indicated. [ ] the threefold invocation, supposed to be supremely efficacious. [ ] in tirol the roofs are frequently made of narrow overlapping planks, weighed down by large stones. hence the origin of the german proverb, 'if a stone fall from the roof, ten to one but it lights on a poor widow;'--equivalent to our 'trouble never comes alone.' [ ] 'may god reward it.' [ ] the frontispiece to this volume (very much improved by the artist who has drawn it on the wood). [ ] of the brixenthal and the gebiet der grossen ache we shall have to speak in a later chapter, in our excursion 'from wörgl to vienna.' [ ] the comparative mythologist can perhaps tell us why this story crops up everywhere. i have had occasion to report it from spain in patrañas. curious instances in stöber sagen des elsasses. [ ] s. leonard is reckoned the patron of herds. see pilger durch tirol, p. . [ ] anna maria taigi, lately beatified in rome, was also a maid-servant. [ ] i have throughout the story reconciled, as well as i could, the various versions of every episode in which local tradition indulges. one favourite account of ottilia's end, however, is so different from the one i have selected above, that i cannot forbear giving it also. it represents ottilia rushing in despair from her bed and wallowing in the enclosure of the pigs, whence, with all henry's care, she could not be withdrawn alive. all the strength of his retainers was powerless to restrain the beasts' fury, and she was devoured, without leaving a trace behind; only that now and then, on stormy nights, when the pigs are grunting over their evening meal, some memory of their strange repast seems to possess them, and the wail of ottilia is heard resounding hopelessly through the valley. [ ] grimm has collected (deutsche sagen, nos. and ) other versions of the tradition of oxen deciding the sites of shrines which, like the story of the steeple, meets us everywhere. a similar one concerning a camel is given in stöber's legends of alsace. [ ] it is perhaps to be reckoned among the tokens of etruscan residence among the rhætian alps, for mr. isaac taylor finds that the word belongs to their language. (etruscan researches, pp. , .) [ ] 'hulda was supposed to delight in the neighbourhood of lakes and streams; her glittering mansion was under the blue waters, and at the hour of mid-day she might be seen in the form of a beautiful woman bathing and then disappearing.'--wolf, deutsche götterlehre. see also grimm, deutsche mythologie, pp. - . [ ] one version of the legend says, the frozen wall was formed out of the quantities of butter the people had wasted. [ ] this excursion was made on occasion of a different journey from that mentioned in chapter i. of course, if taken on the way from kufstein to innsbruck, you would take the wildschönau before the zillerthal. [ ] whoever comes into the zillerthal is sure to visit it a second time. [ ] in the vintschgau (see infra) the leading cow has the title of proglerin, from the dialectic word proglen, to carry one's head high. she wears also the most resounding bell. [ ] 'kaspar my name: from the east i came: i came thence with great speed: five thousand miles in fourteen days: melchior, step in.' zingerle gives a version of the whole set of rimes. [ ] see sitten bräuche u. meinungen des tiroler volks, p. . [ ] its origin may be traced further back than this, perhaps. the cat was held to be the sacred animal of freia (schrader, germ. myth.), and the word freien, to woo, to court, is derived from her name. (nork.) [ ] the merry mocking laugh was a distinguishing characteristic of robin goodfellow. 'mr. launcelot mirehouse, rector of pestwood, wilts, did aver to me, super verbum sacerdotis, that he did once heare such a lowd laugh on the other side of a hedge, and was sure that no human lungs could afford such a laugh.'--john aubrey, in thoms' anecdotes and traditions, camb. camden society, . [ ] o woe! the plough like fire glows, and no one how to help me knows. [ ] released am i now, god be praised, and the bound-stone again rightly placed. [ ] the haunting cobbler--a popular name for 'the wandering jew'; in switzerland they call him 'der umgehende jud.' [ ] (the souls of all unbaptized children.) börner, volkssagen, p. . [ ] a precisely similar superstition is mentioned in mrs. whitcomb's recently published volume as existing in devonshire. we shall meet berchtl again in the neighbouring 'gebiet der grossen ache' on our excursion from 'wörgl to vienna.' [ ] procula is the name given her in the apocryphal gospels. [ ] 'it is now known that such tales are not the invention of individual writers, but that they are the last remnants--the detritus, if we may say so--of an ancient mythology; that some of the principal heroes bear the nicknames of old heathen gods; and that in spite of the powerful dilution produced by the admixture of christian ideas, the old leaven of heathendom can still be discovered in many stories now innocently told by german nurses, of saints, apostles, and the virgin mary.'--max müller, chips from a german workshop. [ ] compare cox's mythology of the aryan nations, vol. ii. p. , and passim. [ ] max müller. review of dasent's works. [ ] max müller. comparative mythology. [ ] a tradition still held of the berchtl in many parts of tirol. [ ] nork. mythologie der volkssagen. [ ] abbé banier. mythology explained from history. vol. ii. book , p. , note a. [ ] nork, banier, &c. cox's mythology of the aryan nations, vol. i. pp. - and note, gives other connexions of the legend; and at vol. ii. p. , and note to p. . [ ] m. müller. review of kelley's indo-european traditions. [ ] weber says the only accusation was grounded on a pasquinade against claudia found among his papers, but that he should calumniate her seems inconsistent with his general character. though his unsparing lampoons on his adversaries had excited them more than anything else against him. [ ] compare gebhart, vol. ii. p. . [ ] near innsbruck. [ ] staffler, das deutsche tirol, vol. i. p. ; and thaler, geschichte tirols v. der urzeit, p. . [ ] ball's central alps. [ ] pasture-ground lying at the base of a mountain. [ ] alpine herdsman. [ ] respecting the curious idea of the kalte pein, consult alpenburg, mythen tirols; vernalken, alpensagen; beckstein, thuringer sagenbuch. see also dr. dasent's remarks about hel in popular tales from the norse; and dante (notably inferno, cantos vi. xxii. xxiv.) introduces cold among the pains of even the christian idea of future punishment. [ ] here we have quite the etruscan idea of providing against after-death needs with appliances connected with the mortal state. dennis (cities and cemeteries of etruria, vol. i. p. ) mentions more material traces of etruscan beliefs at matrei, on the north side of the brenner. somewhat further south more important remains still have of late years been unearthed, as we shall have occasion to note by-and-by. the story in the text, in its depiction of self-devotion, has much analogy with a chinese legend told to me by dr. samuel birch, of the british museum, concerning a man who sacrifices his own life in order to put himself on fighting terms with a cruel spirit which torments that of his dead companion. in its details it is like the story i have pointed out in folklore of rome (the 'tale of the pilgrim husband,' pp. - and xvii), as the most devious from christian teaching of any of the legends i have met with in rome; and it is particularly noteworthy in connexion with mr. isaac taylor's summary of the etruscan creed (etruscan researches, p. ). 'the turanian creed was animistic. the gods needed no gifts, but the wants of the ancestral spirits had to be supplied: the spirits of the departed were served in the ghost-world by the spirits of the utensils and ornaments which they had used in life.') and in effect we find in every collection of the contents preserved at the opening of etruscan tombs, not only gems and jewellery and household utensils, but remains also of every kind of food. [ ] there is something like this in dean milman's annals of st. paul's cathedral:--'"others," adds bishop braybroke, "by the instigation of the devil, do not scruple to play at ball, and other unseemly games, within the church (he is speaking of st. paul's), breaking the costly painted windows, to the amazement of the spectators."' speaking of the post-reformation period, the dean adds: 'if, when the cathedral was more or less occupied by sacred subjects, the invasion of the sanctuary by worldly sinners resisted all attempts at suppression; now, that the daily service had shrunk into mere forms of prayer, at best into a mere 'cathedral service,' ... it cannot be wondered at that the reverence, which all the splendour of the old ritual could not maintain, died away altogether as puritanism rose in the ascendant.' mr. longman, however (the three cathedrals, p. - ), quotes the very stringent regulations which were issued for the repression of such practices: perhaps the legend constructor would say, these afford the reason why, though st. paul's was profaned like the church of achensee, it did not 'likewise perish.' [ ] nork (mythologie der volksagen, vol. ix. p. ) gives other significations to horse-shoes found in the walls of old churches, but does not mention this instance. concerning the origin of the superstition about vampires, see cox's mythology of the aryan nations, vol. i. p. ; also p. and p. . [ ] gebhart. [ ] 'probably early in the ninth century.'--scherer. [ ] burglechner. pilger durch tirol. panzer. mülhenhof. [ ] lit. a 'cattle-breeding-farm.' [ ] it follows that (when mountain scenery is not the special object with the tourist) it is better to visit viecht when staying at schwatz (chapters vi. and vii.) than from jenbach, at least it is a much less toilsome ascent on this side from viecht to s. georgenberg, the most interesting point of the pilgrimage. at s. georgenberg there is a good mountain inn. [ ] in his reign, - , it was that the silver-mines of tirol were discovered; and the abundant influx, to the extent of cwt. annually, of the precious metal into his treasury, led him to treat its stores as exhaustless; though the richest monarch of his time, his easy open-handed disposition continually led him into debt, and made his subjects finally induce him in his old age to resign in favour of his cousin, the emperor maximilian i. it is a token of the simplicity of the times, that one of the gravest reproaches against him was that he indulged in the luxury of silk stockings! he married eleanor, daughter of james ii. of scotland. [ ] see infra in the stubayerthal. [ ] in battle impetuous, yet merciful; in time of peace tranquil, and faithful to his country's laws; whether as a warrior, a subject, or an individual, worthy of honour as of love. [ ] steward of the salt-mines. [ ] johanniswürmchen, fire-flies. [ ] peasants' war. [ ] burglechner. [ ] colin de plancy, légendes des sept pechés capitaux, appendice; and nork, mythologie der volkssagen, point out that the dragon, sacred to wodin, was placed on houses, town gates, and belfries, as a talisman against evil influences. see also some remarks on the two-fold character of dragons in mythology in cox's mythology of the aryan nations, i. . [ ] compare leoprechting, aus dem lechrain, page . müllenhof sagen der herzogthümer schleswig holstein u. lauenburg, page . [ ] mother of mercy. [ ] a touching story has been made out of his history in alpen blumen tirols. [ ] this was designed so as to coincide with the time when the faithful throughout the world were saying the de profundis. [ ] a similar fact for the comparative mythologist is recorded p. - , in the case of the bienerweible. while these sheets were preparing for the press, a singular one nearer home was brought under my notice. a little girl being asked at a national school examination, 'what david was before he was made king?' answered, 'jack the giant-killer.' this is a noteworthy instance of the hold of myths on the popular mind; it did not proceed from defective instruction, for the school is one of the very first in its reports, and the child not at all backward. [ ] concerning der feurige mann, and the mark of his burning hand, see stöber sagen des elsasses, p. - . [ ] at page . [ ] 'feigen-kaffee,' made of figs roasted and ground to powder, is sold throughout austria. [ ] aubrey de vere's greece and turkey. [ ] burglechner. a.d. . [ ] mineral wealth--lit. mountain-blessing. [ ] i was told there that it had been reckoned that , cigars are smoked per diem in tirol. [ ] the date of death on the tombstone of lukas hirtzfogel, whom tradition calls the architect of this church, is . [ ] brush for sprinkling holy-water. [ ] see note to p. . [ ] see p. . [ ] see note to p. . [ ] 'the most precious good,' or 'possession;' a tirolean expression for the blessed sacrament. [ ] george of freundsberg; a man of great strength; a worthy hero; master of the field in combat and war; in every battle the enemy fell before him. the honour and power he ascribed to god. [ ] maundy thursday. [ ] stöber sagen des elsasses records a legend of a similar judgment befalling a man who, in fury at a long drought, shot off three arrows against heaven. [ ] leichtsinnig. [ ] god prosper and bless you! [ ] supra, pp. - . [ ] rout of the bavarians. [ ] see pp. - . [ ] grimm (deutsche sagen, no. ) gives an interesting legend of the hasslacherbrunnlein (half way between kolsass and wattens) and of the resistance offered by the inhabitants of tirol to the roman invasion of their country. [ ] the suppression of this and several other convents, in , was a measure sufficiently unpopular to almost neutralize the popularity joseph ii. enjoyed as son of maria theresa. the suppression was not, however, accompanied by spoliation; the funds were devoted to provide a moderate stipend to a number of women of reduced circumstances belonging to noble families. [ ] stone of obedience. [ ] i have met with another sprout of this banyan at the monastery of the sacro speco in the papal state, where a huge fragment of rock, so nicely balanced that it looks as if a breath might send it over the cliff, is pointed out as having stood still for centuries at the word of s. benedict, who bid it 'non dannegiare i sudditi miei.' [ ] wolf, beiträge zur deutschen mythologie, vol. ii. pp. - . müller, niedersächsische sagen, p. . müllenhoff, sagen der herzogthümer schleswig-holstein u. lanenburg, p. . [ ] so strong is the prejudice in tirol against jews, that it is said to be most difficult to find any one who will consent to act the part of judas in the passion plays. there is a very strong personal dislike to judas throughout tirol, and i have also heard that the custom of burning him in effigy occurs in various places. karl blind, in the article quoted above, (p. ,) accounts for this custom in the following way: 'after the appearance of fermenting matter it was said' (in what he calls the germanic mythology) 'that there rose in course of time--even as in greek mythology--first a half-human, half-divine race of giants, and then a race of gods; the gods had to wage war against the giants and finally vanquished them. evidently the giants represent a torpid barren state of things in nature, whilst the gods signify the sap and fulness of life which struggles into distinct and beautiful form. there was a custom among the germanic tribes of celebrating this victory over the uncouth titans by a festival, when a gigantic doll was carried round in guy fawkes manner and at last burnt. to this day there are traces of the heathen practice. in some parts of europe, so-called judas-fires, which have their origin in the burning of the doll which represented the giants or jötun. in some places, owing to another perversion of things and words, people run about on that fête-day shouting 'burn the old jew!' the jötun was in fact, when christianity came in, first converted into judas and then into a jew, a transition to which the similarity of the sound of the words easily lent itself.' no doubt jötun sounds very like juden but not all coincidences are consequences, and it is quite possible that the old heathen custom had quite died out before that of burning judas in effigy began, as it certainly had before guy fawkes began to be so treated. the same treatment of judas' memory occurs, too, in spain on the day before good friday. [ ] s. simeon of trent is commemorated in the roman breviary (on the th march). s. andreas of rinn has not received this honour. [ ] keller, in his volkslieder, p. , gives an analogous legend of a poor idiot boy, who lived alone in the forest and was never heard to say any words but 'ave maria.' after his death a lily sprang up on his grave, on whose petals 'ave maria' might be distinctly read. it is a not unusual form of legend; bagatta, admiranda orbis christiani, gives fifteen such. [ ] the ballad concerning the analogous english legend of hugh of lincoln seems to demand to be remembered here:-- hugh of lincoln (showing the cruelty of a jew's daughter). a' the boys of merry lincoln, were playing at the ba', and up it stands him, sweet sir hugh, the flower among them a'. he kicked the ba' there wi' his feet, and keppit it wi' his knee, till even in at the jew's window, he gart the bonny ba' flee. 'cast out the ba' to me, fair maid, cast out the ba' to me;' 'never a bit,' says the jew's daughter, 'till ye come up to me.' 'come up, sweet hugh! come up, dear hugh! come up and get the ba';' 'i winna come, i minna come, without my bonny boys a'.' she's ta'en her to the jew's garden, where the grass grew long and green; she's pu'd an apple red and white, to wyle the bonny boy in. when bells were rung and mass was sung, and every bairn went home; then ilka lady had her young son, but lady helen had none. she row'd her mantle her about, and sair, sair, 'gan to weep: and she ran into the jew's house when they were all asleep. 'the lead is wondrous heavy, mither, the well is wondrous deep; a keen penknife sticks in my heart, 'tis hard for me to speak.' 'gae hame, gae hame, my mither dear, fetch me my winding-sheet; and at the back of merry lincoln, 'tis there we twa shall meet.' now lady helen she's gane hame, made him a winding-sheet; and at the back o' merry lincoln, the dead corpse did her meet. and a' the bells o' merry lincoln without men's hands were rung; and a' the books o' merry lincoln, were read without men's tongue; never was such a burial since adam's days begun. [ ] there is a carriage-road reaching nearly to the top of the lanserkopf. [ ] the best shops are in the franziskanergruben. [ ] grimm, deutsche sagen, no. . [ ] under four pillars. [ ] see p. . [ ] of the earlier history of tirol we shall have to speak when we come to schloss tirol and greifenstein. [ ] consult zoller, geschichte der stadt innsbruck; and staffler, das deutsche tirol. [ ] see p. . [ ] for the convenience of the visitor to innsbruck, but not to interrupt the text, i subjoin here a list of the subjects. ( .) the marriage of maximilian (then aged eighteen) with mary of burgundy at ghent. ( .) his victory over the french at guinegate, when he was twenty. ( .) the taking of arras thirteen years later; not only are the fighting folk and the fortifications in this worthy of special praise, but there is a bit of by-play, the careful finish of which must not be overlooked; and the figure of one woman in particular, who is bringing provisions to the camp, is a masterpiece in itself. ( .) maximilian is crowned king of the romans. the scene is the interior of the cathedral of aix-la-chapelle: the prince is seated on a sort of throne before the altar; the electors are busied with their hereditary part in the ceremony; the dresses of the courtiers in the crowd, and the ladies high above in their tribune, are a perfect record for the costumier, so minute are they in faithfulness. ( .) the battle of castel della pietra, or stein am calliano, the landscape background of which is excellent; the tirolese are seen driving the venetians with great fury before them over the etsch (adige). ( .) maximilian's entry into vienna ( ), in course of the contest for the crown of hungary after the death of matthias corvinus; the figure of maximilian on his prancing horse is drawn with great spirit. ( .) the siege of stuhlweissenburg, taken by maximilian the same year; the horses in this tableau deserve particular notice. ( .) the eighth represents an episode which it must have required some courage to record among the acts of so glorious a reign; it shows maximilian receiving back his daughter margaret, when, in , charles viii. preferred anne of brittany to her. the french envoys hand to the emperor two keys, symbols of the suzerainty of burgundy and artois, the price of the double affront of sending back his daughter and depriving him of his bride, for anne had been betrothed to him. [margaret, though endowed with the high qualities of her race, was not destined to be fortunate in her married life: her hand was next sought by ferdinand v. of spain for his son don juan, who died very shortly after the marriage. she was again married, in , to philibert duke of savoy, who died without children three years later. as governor of the netherlands, however, her prudent administration made her very popular.] ( .) maximilian's campaign against the turks in croatia. ( .) the league of maximilian with alexander vi., the doge of venice, and the duke of milan, against charles viii. of france; the four potentates stand in a palatial hall joining hands, and the french are seen in the background fleeing in dismay. ( .) the investiture at worms of ludovico sforza with the duchy of milan. the portraits of maximilian are well preserved on each occasion that he is introduced, but in none better than in this one: maria bianca is seen seated to the left of the throne, sforza kneels before them; on the waving standard, which is the token of investiture, the ducal arms are plainly discernible. ( .) the marriage at brussels, in , of philip der schöne, maximilian's son, with juana of spain; the archbishop of cambrai is officiating, maximilian stands on the right side of his son: charles quint was born of this marriage. ( .) a victorious campaign in bohemia in . the th represents the episodes of the siege of kufstein, recorded in the second chapter of these traditions ( ). ( .) the submission of charles d'egmont to maximilian, . the kaiser sits his horse majestically; the duke of gueldres stands with head uncovered; the battered battlements of the city are seen behind them. ( .) the league of cambrai, . the scene is a handsome tent in the camp near cambray; maximilian, julius ii., charles viii., and ferdinand v., are supposed to meet, to unite in league against venice. ( .) the siege of padua, , the first result of this league; the view of padua in the distance must have required the artist to have visited the place. ( .) the expulsion of the french from milan, and reinstatement of ludovico sforza, . ( .) the second battle of guinegate: maximilian fights on horseback; henry viii. leads the allied infantry, . ( .) the conjunction of the imperial and english forces before terouenne: maximilian and henry are both on foot, . ( .) the battle of vicenza, . ( .) the siege of marano, on the venetian coast. the rd represents a noble hall at vienna, such details as the pictures on the walls not being omitted: maximilian is treating with uladisaus, king of hungary, for the double marriage of their offspring--anna and ludwig, children of the latter, with ferdinand and maria, grandchildren of the former--an alliance which had its consequence in the subsequent incorporation of hungary with the empire. ( .) the defence of verona by the imperial forces against the french and venetians. [ ] called by the french philippe 'le beau,' in distinction from their own 'philippe le bel.' [ ] this monument earned ferdinand the title of the lorenzo de' medici of tirol. [ ] st. anthony being the patron invoked against accidents by fire; also against erisypelas, which in some parts of england even is called 'st. anthony's fire.' [ ] weber, das land tirol, vol. i. p. . [ ] zoller geschickte der stadt innsbruck, p. ; and weiesegger, vol. vi. p. . [ ] i have met the same hyperbole in a piece of homely spanish poetry. [ ] 'now he knows how the just monarch is beloved of heaven; his beaming countenance yet testifies his joy.' [ ] nork, mythologie der volkssagen, p. . [ ] exactly the story of the fisherman and the genius in the copper vessel of the arabian nights. it is found also in grimm's story of the spirit in the bottle, in the norse tale of the master smith; in that of the lad and the devil (dasent); and in the gaelic tale of the soldier (campbell). [ ] von alpenburg, mythen u. sagen tirols. [ ] see pp. , , - . [ ] they accepted their position with the usual tirolese loyalty, and never attempted to found any claims to power on the circumstance of their birth. [ ] holy trinity church. [ ] patron saints against pestilence: viz. ss. martha (because according to her legend she built a hospital and ended her life tending the sick), sebastian (because a plague was stayed in rome at his intercession), and rocchus (because of the well-known legend of his self-devotion to the plague-stricken). [ ] mentioned in the chapter on vorarlberg, p. . [ ] thirteen volumes were filled with the narrations of such 'answers' received between and . [ ] picture of mary 'help of christians'--auxilium christianorum. [ ] inglis says that schor was the architect of this church, and that he had assisted in building the vatican. [ ] it is painted on panel, thirty inches by twenty-one; the figure of our lady is three quarter-length, but appears to be sitting, as the foot of the divine infant seems to rest upon her knee. the tradition concerning it is, that it represents an episode of the flight into egypt, when, as the holy family rested under a palm-grove, they were overtaken by a band of robbers, headed by s. demas, the (subsequently) penitent thief. the holy child is indeed represented clinging to his mother--not as in fear, or even as if need were to suggest courage to her, but simply as if an attack sustained in common impelled a closer union of affection. [ ] see pp. - . [ ] she was on her way to rome, where she spent the rest of her life. alexander vii. commissioned bernini to rebuild the porta del popolo, and adorned it with its inscription, felici, faustoque ingressui, in honour of her entry. [ ] see p. . [ ] kreidenfeuer--alarm fires, from krei, a cry. [ ] a leading spiritualist, who has also a prominent position in the literary world, tells the story that one day he had missed his footing in going downstairs, and was within an ace of making as fatal a fall as professor phillips, when he distinctly felt himself seized, supported, and saved by an invisible hand. the analogy between the two convictions is curious. [ ] consult cesare cantù storia universale, § xvii. cap. . [ ] since writing the above, i have been assured by one who has frequently conversed with her, that the concealment of her name arose from her own modesty; it was katharina lanz. to avoid public notice, she went to live at a distance, and up to the time of her death in , bore an exemplary character, living as housekeeper to the priest serving the mountain church of s. vigilius, near rost, the highest inhabited point of the enneberg. when induced to speak of her exploits, she always made a point of observing that, though she brandished her hay-fork, she neither actually killed or wounded anyone. she had heard that the french soldiers were nothing loth to desecrate sacred places, and she stationed herself in the church porch determined to prevent their entrance; the churchyard had become the citadel of the villagers. from her post of observation she saw with dismay that her people were giving way. it was then she rushed out and rallied them; in her impetuosity she was very near running her hay-fork through a french soldier, but she was saved from the deed by her landlord, who, encouraged by her ardour, struck him down, pushing her aside. the success of her sally and her subsequent disappearance cast a halo of mystery round her story, and many were inclined to believe the whole affair was a heavenly apparition. [ ] celebration of the resurrection. [ ] spare your bread for the poor, and escape the fate of frau hütt. see some legends forming a curious link between this, and that of ottilia milser in stöber sagen des elsasses, pp. - . [ ] the dog's church or chapel. [ ] his well-known daring, emulating that of the chamois and the eagle, was of no avail now; for straight under him sinks the martin's wall, the steepest cliff of the whole country-side. he gazes down through that grave of clouds. he gazes abroad over that cloud-ocean. he glances around, and his gaze recoils. with only the thunder-roll of the people's voices beneath, there stands the kaiser's majesty. but not raised aloft to receive his people's homage. a son of sorrow, on a throne of air, the great maximilian all at once finds himself isolated, horror-stricken, and small. [ ] 'with him,' says a hungarian ballad, 'righteousness went down into the grave: and the sun of pest-ofen sank towards its setting.' [ ] primisser, who took great pains to collect all the various traditions of this event, mentions a favourite huntsman of the emperor, named oswald zips, whom he ennobled as hallaurer v. hohenfelsen. this may have been the actual deliverer, or may have been supposed to be such, from the circumstance of the title being hohenfelsen, or highcliff; and that a patent of nobility was bestowed on a huntsman would imply that he had rendered some singular service: the family, however, soon died out. [ ] see chapter on schwatz. [ ] to the editor of the 'monthly packet.' sir,--i think it possible that r. h. b. (to whom we owe the very interesting traditions of tirol), and perhaps others of your readers, may care to hear some of the particulars, as they are treasured by his family, of the defence of scharnitz by baron swinburne. r. h. b. speaks of it in your number of last month. that defence was so gallant as to call forth the respect and admiration even of his enemies, and baron swinburne was given permission to name his own terms of surrender. he requested for himself, and those under him, that they might be allowed to retain their swords. this was granted, and the prisoners were sent to aix-la-chapelle, where everyone was asking in astonishment who were 'les prisonniers avec l'épée a côté.' the eagles of austria, that had been so nobly defended by the englishman and his little band, never fell into the hands of the french. one of the tirolese escaped, with the colours wrapped round his body under his clothes, and though he was hunted among the mountains for months, he was never taken; and some years after he came to his commander in vienna and gave him the colours he had so bravely defended. they are now in possession of baron edward swinburne, the son of the defender of scharnitz, who himself won, before he was eighteen, the order of 'the iron crown,' by an act that well deserves to be called 'a golden deed;' and ere he was twenty he had led his first and last forlorn hope, when he received so severe a wound as to cost him his leg, which has incapacitated him for further service. his father received the highest military decoration of austria, that of 'maria teresa;' he fought at austerlitz and wagram; on the latter occasion he was severely wounded. later in life, he was for many years governor of milan. hoping that a short record of true and faithful services performed by englishmen for their adopted country, may prove of some interest to your readers, and with many thanks to r. h. b. for what has been of so much interest to us, i am, sir, yours faithfully, september, . a. swinburne. [ ] häusergruppe. [ ] such offerings are met with in other parts of tirol; in one place we shall find a candle offered of equal weight to an infant's body. they present a striking analogy with the sanskrit tulâdâna or weight-gift; the practice of offering to a temple or buddhist college a gift of silver or even gold of the weight of the offerer's body appears not to have been infrequent and tolerably ancient. lassen (indische alterthumskünde, vol. iii. p. ) mentions an instance of the revival of the custom by a king named shrikandradeva, who offered the weight of his own body in gold to the temple at benares (circa ); and (vol. iv. p. ) another in which aloungtsethu, king of birmah, in , made a similar offering in silver to a temple which he built at buddhagayâ. he refers also to earlier instances 'in h. burney's note in as. res. vol. xx. p. , and one by fell in as. res. vol. xv. p. .' [ ] i have occasion to give one of the most remarkable legends of the oetzthal in the chapter on wälsch-tirol. [ ] see a somewhat similar version in nork's mythologie der volksagen, pp. - . [ ] circle. [ ] the sunnier and less thoughtful tone of mind in which the italian particularly differs from the german character, is often to be traced in their legendary stories. those of the germans are nearly always made to convey some moral lesson; this is as often wanting in those of the italians, who seem satisfied with making them means of amusement, without caring that they should be a medium of instruction. [ ] the passion plays of the brixenthal, however, are reckoned the best. the performers gather and rehearse in the spring, and go round from village to village through the summer months, only, as amphitheatres are improvised in the open. [ ] it may be worth mentioning, as an instance of how the contagion of popular customs is transmitted, that on enquiring into some very curious grotesque ceremonies performed in trent at the close of the carneval, and called its 'burial,' i learnt that it did not appear to be a tirolean custom, but had been introduced by the soldiers of the garrison who, for a long time past, had been taken from the slave provinces of the austrian empire, and thus a slave popular custom has been grafted on to tirol. wälsch-tirol, however, has its own customs for closing the carneval, too. in some places it is burnt in effigy; in some, dismissed with the following dancing-song (schnodahüpfl) greeting, evviva carneval! chelige manca ancor el sal; el carneval che vien lo salerem più ben! [ ] a centenary celebration of the council was held at trent in , at which the late lamented cardinal von reisach presided as legate a latere. [ ] this chapel has lately been restored by loth of munich. [ ] a variant of this tradition takes the more usual form of applying it to the architect of the edifice, as with the kremlin. as stöber gives it from strasburg, it was there the maker of the great clock. [ ] laste is dialectic for a smooth, steep, almost inaccessible chalk cliff. [ ] hence kaiser max was wont to call tirol 'the heart' and 'the shield' of his empire. [ ] st. ingenuin was bishop of säben or seben, a.d. . the see, founded by st. cassian, had been long vacant, and great errors and abuses had taken root among the people, who in some places had relapsed towards heathen customs. his success in reforming the manners of his flock was most extraordinary. he built a cathedral at seben, where he is honoured on february , the anniversary of his death. st. albuin, one of his successors, was a scion of one of the noblest families of tirol; he removed the see to brixen, a.d. . [ ] this is a local application of the widespread myth of the tailor, who kills 'seven at one blow,' identified by vonbun (p. - ) with the sage of siegfried. prof. zarncke has also written a great deal to show tirol's place in the nibelungenlied. [ ] anciently anaunium, and still by local scholars called annaunia, a possession of the nonia family, not unknown to roman history. [ ] the white mulberry, whose leaves feed the silkworm, rearing which forms one great industry of wälsch-tirol, is called the seidenbaum, the silk tree. [ ] stammort, cradle of his race. [ ] see un processo di stregheria in val camonica, by gabriele rosa, pp. , ; and il vero nelle scienze occulte, by the same author, p. ; and tartarotti congresso delle lammie. lib. ii. § iv. it is one of the only four such spots anywhere existing where italian is spoken. [ ] a mithraic sacrifice with several figures, sculptured in bas-relief, in white carrara marble, in very perfect preservation, bearing the inscription: ilda marivs l. p. has just been found at this very spot. [ ] see pp. - . [ ] too many such remnants, which the plough and the builder's pick are continually unearthing, have been thus dispersed. it has been the favourite work of monsignor zanelli, of trent, to stir up the local authorities to take account of such things, and so form a museum with them in trent. [ ] padre tarquini--one of the rare instances of a jesuit being made a cardinal--died, it may be remembered, in february last, only about two months after his elevation. he had devoted much time to the study of etruscan antiquities; he published the mysteries of the etruscan language unveiled in , and later a grammar of the language of the etruscans. [ ] '( .) or it might be 'ad introductionem viri.' ( .) 'vulcano' here (precisely as in another etruscan inscription found a few years before at cembra, and translated by professor giovanelli) for 'ignis.' ( .) an allusion to the custom of first piercing (sforacchiare) the bodies of persons to be burnt in sacrifice, which appears from the inscription found at s. manno, near perugia, and again from the appearance of the figures of human victims represented in the tomba vulcente. ( .) the deity of the place to which the key belonged, probably, therefore, saturn.' [ ] a tag-mahd, or 'day's mowing,' is a regular land measure in north tirol. [ ] there is no record of her summit ever having been attained before the successful ascent of herr grohmann, in . mr. tucker, an englishman, accomplished it the next year. [ ] i have given some of the most curious of these in a collection of household stories from the land of hofer. [ ] there is no tradition more universally spread over tirol than that which tells of judgments falling on non-observers of days of rest. they are, however, by no means confined to tirol. ludovic lalanne, curiosités des traditions, vol. iv. p. , says that the instances he had collected showed it was treated as a fault most grievous to heaven. 'matthieu paris, à l'année , raconte qu'une pauvre blanchisseuse ayant osé travailler un jour de fête fut punie d' une étrange façon; un cochon de lait tout noir s'attacha à sa mamelle gauche.' he relates one or two other curious instances--one of a young girl who, having insisted on working on a holiday, somehow got the knot of her thread twisted into her tongue, and every attempt to remove it gave intolerable pain. ultimately she was healed by praying at the lady-altar at noyon, and here the knot of thread was long shown in the sacristy. i well remember the english counterpart in my own nursery. there were, indeed, two somewhat analogous stories; and i often wondered, without exactly daring to ask, why there was so much difference in the tone in which they were told, for the one seemed to me as good as the other. the first, which used to be treated as an utter imposture, was that a woman and her son surreptitiously obtained a consecrated wafer for purposes of incantation (we have had a tirolean counterpart of this at sistrans, supra pp. - ), and in pursuit of their weird operation had pierced it, when there flowed thereout such a prodigious stream of blood that the whole place was inundated, and all the people drowned. the second, which was told with something of seriousness in it, ('and they say, mind you, that actually happened,') was of a young lady who, having persisted in working on sunday in spite of all her nurse's injunctions, pricked her finger. no one could stop the bleeding that ensued, and she bled to death for a judgment; and whether it was true or not, there was a monument to her in westminster abbey. dean stanley, who seems to have missed nothing that could possibly be said about the abbey, finds place, i see, to notice even this tradition (pp. - and note), and identifies it with the monument of elizabeth russell (born ) in st. edmund's chapel. madame parkes-belloc tells me she has often seen a wax figure of a lady (in the costume of two centuries later than elizabeth russell) under a glass case in gosfield hall, essex (formerly a seat of the buckingham family), of which a similar tradition is told. [ ] it is significant of a symbolical intention that the story should thus allude to the valle del orco; the more so as i cannot hear of any such actual locality in val sugana, though 'orco' has lent his name to more than one spot, as we shall see later. there is, however, a val d'inferno between this valley and predazzo. [ ] settepergole--seven pergolas--the name of several farms in wälsch-tirol. pergola is the name for a vine trellised to form an arbour, all over italy. [ ] this effect has often been noticed here by travellers. [ ] two bronze statuettes of apollo were found here in june . [ ] very like and very unlike the legend of s. giuliano i met in rome (folklore of rome), where he was supposed to be a native of albano, and to have passed his penitential time at compostella. g. schott, wallächische märchen, pp. and , gives a similar legend applied to elias in place of st. julian. [ ] folklore of rome, p. . [ ] i need not repeat the characteristics of the tirolean norg, which i have given in the translation of the 'rose-garden' in household stories from the land of hofer. [ ] thorp's northern mythology, vol. ii. pp. - . [ ] though of course mere similarity of sound may lead one absurdly astray; as if any one were to say that the old fables of rubbing a ring to produce the 'slave of the ring' was the origin of the modern substitute of ringing to summon a servant! [ ] again, mr. cox (mythology of the aryan nations, vol. ii. p. et seq.) says, 'the maruts or storm winds who attend on indra ... became the fearful ogres in the traditions of northern europe ... they are the children of rudra, worshipped as the destroyer and reproducer and ... like hermes, as the robber, the cheat, the deceiver, the master thief.' [ ] etruscan researches, p. and note. [ ] stöber, sagen des elsasses, p. . [ ] cities of etruria, vol. ii. p. - . [ ] selvan, at all events, is a word which, mr. isaac taylor observes, is of frequent occurrence in etruscan inscriptions (et. res. pp. - ), and its signification has not yet been fixed. and may not gannes have some relation with kan or khan (p. )? [ ] it is very disappointing that he has translated the great bulk of his vast collection of fiabe ('fiaba' in north italian answers to the 'favola' of rome) so utterly into german that, though we find all our old friends among them, all the distinctive expressions are translated away, and they are rendered valueless for all but mere childish amusement. thus it is interesting to find in wälsch-tirol a diabolical counterpart of the roman story of 'pret' olivo,' but it would have rendered it infinitely more interesting had the collector told us what was the word which he translates by 'teufel,' for it is the rarest thing in the world for an italian to bring the personified 'diavolo' or 'demonio' into any light story. in the same way it is interesting to find all the other tales with which we are familiar turn up here, but the real use of printing them at length would have been to point out their characteristics. what was the italian used for the words rendered in the german by 'witch?' was it 'gannes' or 'strega?' or for 'giant' and 'wild man:' was it 'l'om salvadegh' or 'salvan' or 'orco?' i cannot think it was 'gigante.' but all is left to conjecture. among the few bits of italian he does give are two or three 'tags' to stories, among them the one i met so continually in rome 'larga la foglia'--(it was still 'foglia' and not 'voglia') word for word. [ ] dr. steub, in his herbsttagen in tirol, shows that the beatrick may be identified with dietrich von bern. [ ] though nothing would seem simpler than to suppose the word derived from the euganean inhabitants who left their name to val sugana. [ ] it is curious to observe the story pass through all the stages of the supernatural agency traditional in the locality; first the good genius of the etruscans merging next into the germanic woodsprite, then assuming the vulgar characteristics of later imaginings about witchcraft, and then the christian teaching 'making use of it,' as professor de gubernatis says, 'for its own moral end.' [ ] a collection of the 'costumi' of tuscany i have, without a title-page, but i think published about , laments the growing disuse in lunigiana (i.e. the country round the gulf of spezia, so called from luna, an etruscan city, but 'not one of the twelve,' and including carrara, lucca, and pisa) of the practice of recounting popular traditions at the focarelli there. these seem to be autumn evening gatherings round a fire, but in the open air, often on a threshing-floor; while the able-bodied population is engaged in the preparation of flax, and some are spinning, the boys and girls dance, wrestle, and play games, and the old crones gossip; but now, says the writer, they begin to occupy themselves only with scandalous and idle reports, instead of old-world lore. [ ] my readers will perhaps not recognize at first sight that this is a corruption of frau bertha, the perchtl whom we met in north tirol. in the italian dialects of the trentino she is also called la brava berta and la donna berta. [ ] 'your servant! mistress bertha of the long nose.' such was supposed to be the correct form of addressing the sprite. [ ] many of these concern the earthly wanderings of christ and his apostles. i have given one of the most sprightly and characteristic of schneller's, too long to be inserted here, in the month for september, , entitled 'the lettuce-leaf barque.' [ ] gathered for the above-named collection by herr zacchea of the fassathal, in the val di non, lederthal, and val arsa. [ ] i have mentioned the only other wolf-stories that i have met with in the chapter on excursions round meran; and at p. of this volume. [ ] cox's aryan mythology, vol. i. p. . [ ] i have thought this one of the best specimen tales, as the two stories of the three wishes and the three faithful beasts are leading ones in every popular mythology. i have named a good many variants in connexion with their counterparts in the folklore of rome, and a more extensive survey of them, together with a most interesting analysis of their probable origin, will be found in cox's mythology of aryan nations, vol. i. pp. and . i had thought that these, being strung together in the text version, was owing to a freak of memory of some narrator who, having forgotten the original conclusion of the former story, takes the latter one into it; but, curiously enough, in the note to the last-named page of mr. cox's work, he happens actually to establish an intrinsic identity of origin in the two stories. the three wishes story has also a strangely localized home in the oetzthal, which, though properly belonging to the division of north tirol, i prefer to cite here, for the sake of its analogies. its particular home is in the so-called thal vent, on the frozen borders of the gletscher described by weber, as appalling to a degree in its loneliness, and in the roaring of its torrents, and the stern rugged inaccessibility of its peaks. here, he says, three selige fräulein (weber, like schneller, translates everything inexorably into german; this may have been an enguana) have their abode in a sumptuous subterranean palace, which no mortal might reach. they are also called die drei feyen, he says, forming a further identification with the normal legend, but he does not account for the penetration of the french word into this unfrequented locality. they were kind and ancillary to the poor mountain folk, but the dire enemies of the huntsman, for he hunted as game the creatures who were their domestic animals (here we have the nucleus of a heap of various tales and legends of the pet creatures of fairies and hermits becoming the intermediaries of supernatural communication). the thal vent legend proceeds that a young shepherd once won the regard of the drei feyen; they fulfilled all his wishes, and gave him constant access to their palace under the sole condition that he should never reveal its locality to any huntsman. after some years the youth one day incautiously let out the secret to his father, and from thenceforth the drei feyen were inexorable in excluding him from their society. he pleaded and pleaded all in vain, and ultimately made himself a huntsman in desperation. but the first time he took aim at one of their chamois, the most beautiful of the three fairies appeared to him in so brilliant a light of glory, that he lost all consciousness of his actual situation and fell headlong down the precipice. [ ] they are called 'lustige geschichte,' 'storielle da rider.' the germans have a saying that 'in jeder sage haftet eine sache;' the 'sache' is perhaps more hidden in these than in others. i have pointed out counterparts of the following at rome and elsewhere in folklore of rome. [ ] capitello, in wälsch-tirol, is the same as bildstöcklein in the german provinces--a sacred image in a little shrine. [ ] bears exist to the present day in tirol. seven were killed last year. a prize of from five-and-twenty to fifty florins is given for killing one by various communes. [ ] a distinct remnant of etruscan custom. it is singular, too, that mr. i. taylor finds 'faba' to have been taken by the romans from the etruscans for a bean, but though the custom of connecting beans with the celebration of the departed is common all over italy, i do not think the etruscans provided their dead with beans except along with all other kinds of food (supra p. - note). [ ] the little book of costumi spoken of above, mentions the 'zocco del natale' as in use also in lunigiana; it is generally of olive-tree, and household auguries are drawn from the crackling of leaves and unripe berries. it cites a letter of a certain giovanni da molta, dated , showing that the custom has not undergone much change in five hundred years. [ ] two travellers, two prosperous ones, and a cardinal?--answer. sun and moon; earth and heaven; and the ocean. [ ] there is a meadow overblown with carnations, yet if the pope came with all his court, not one sole carnation would he be able to carry off?--answer. the heaven beaming with stars. [ ] plate upon plate; a man fully armed; a lady well dressed; a stud well appointed?--answer. heaven and earth; the sun; the moon; the stars. [ ] there is a palace with twelve rooms; each room has thirty beams, and two are ever running after each other through them without ever catching each other?--answer. the palace is the year, the rooms the months, the beams the days, and day and night are always following each other without overlapping. [ ] the simplicity of the people of this valley is celebrated in many 'men of gotham' stories. [ ] dennis, cities and cemeteries of etruria, vol. , pp. xxxiv-v, mentions the etruscan remains that had been found at mattrey (of which he gives a cut) and other places in tirol up to his time. [ ] it is noteworthy that so prominent an enquirer into etruscan antiquities should bear a patronymic so connected with etruria as tarquini. [ ] in abbé dubois' introduction to his translation of the pantcha tantra, is a story called 'la fille d'un roi changé en garçon,' in which mention is made of a brahman hermit who fixed his residence in a hollow tree. [every attempt has been made to replicate the original as printed. some typographical errors have been corrected; a list follows the text. (etext transcriber note.)] _the story of prague_ _the mediæval town series_ =verona.=(a) by alethea wiel. =chartres.=(b) by cecil headlam. =cairo.=(b) by stanley lane-poole. =bruges.=(b) by ernest gilliat-smith. =rome.=(b) [_ nd edition._ by norwood young. =florence.=(b) [_ rd edition._ by edmund g. gardner. =assisi.=(a) [_ nd edition._ by lina duff gordon. =constantinople.=(a) by william h. hutton. =moscow.=(a) by wirt gerrare. =rouen.=(b) [_ nd edition._ by theodore a. cook. =nuremberg.=(a) [_ rd edition._ by cecil headlam. =perugia.=(a) [_ th edition._ by margaret symonds and lina duff gordon. =toledo.=(a) by hannah lynch. _the volumes marked_ (a) _are_ _s._ _d._ _net in cloth_, _s._ _d._ _net in leather_; _those marked_ (b) _are_ _s._ _d._ _net in cloth_, _s._ _d._ _net in leather_. [illustration: the pulverthurm prague] _the story of_ =prague= _by count lützow_ _illustrated by nelly erichsen_ [illustration: colophon] _london: j. m. dent & co._ _aldine house, and bedford street_ _covent garden, w.c._ [illustration] _all rights reserved_ to professor morfill, m.a. _corresponding member of the royal scientific society of bohemia, who has so largely contributed to making bohemia known to england_ contents page _introduction_ xv chapter i _prague at the earliest period_ chapter ii _from the reign of charles iv. to the executions at prague in _ chapter iii _prague in modern times_ chapter iv _palaces_ chapter v _churches and monasteries_ chapter vi _the bohemian museum_ chapter vii _walks in prague_ chapter viii _walks and excursions near prague_ _note_ _appendix_ _princes of bohemia_ _kings of bohemia_ _index_ list of illustrations page _the pulverthurm_ (_photogravure_) _frontispiece_ _tomb of ottokar i._ _the jewish cemetery_ _the hradcany and ottokar towers_ _charles iv., from triforium of st. vitus_ _the gothic projection, carolinum_ _the bridge tower of the malá strana_ _statue of st. john nepomuk on the bridge_ _medals of hus_ _medals of hus_ _the bridge tower of the old town_ _the hradcany_ _view of prague and hradcany castle_ _the town hall and market-place_ _south porch of tyn church_ _clock tower in town hall of staré mesto_ _chapel of town hall_ _wenceslas chapel, st. vitus's cathedral_ _the east gate of the hradcany_ _rudolph ii._ _tombstone of tycho brahe in tyn church_ _the royal officials are thrown from the windows on may , _ _battle of the white mountain, november , _ _the executions on the market-place of the old town of prague on the st of june _ _the dungeon in the town hall_ _bethlehem chapel_ _the old synagogue_ _secret seal of the malá strana_ _the oldest great seal of the old town_ _gate of the clam-gallas palace_ _the hall of vladislav in the hradcany castle_ _the most ancient shield of the old town_ _view of strahov_ _st. vitus from the 'stag's ditch'_ _the tyn church_ _the library, strahov_ _most ancient arms of the malá strana_ _the powder tower_ _door of old synagogue_ _jewish town hall and old synagogue_ _chapel of st. martin_ _karlov_ _from the bridge looking towards the old town_ _view of the bridge from the mills of the old town_ _the 'star' hunting lodge_ _the oldest great seal of the malá strana, thirteenth century_ _view of prague in , after sadeler's famous engraving, in three sections_ _facing_ _map of prague_ " introduction few cities in the world have a more striking and feverish historical record than prague, the ancient capital of bohemia and of the lands of the bohemian crown. it is a very ancient saying at prague that when throwing a stone through a window you throw with it a morsel of history. the story of prague is to a great extent the history of bohemia, and all bohemians have always shown a devoted affection for the 'hundred-towered, golden prague,' as they fondly call it. as mr. arthur symons has well said, prague is to a bohemian 'still the epitome of the history of his country; he sees it, as a man sees the woman he loves, with her first beauty, and he loves it as a man loves a woman, more for what she has suffered.' foreigners, however, have not been backward in admiring the beauties of prague. the words of humboldt, who declared that prague was the most beautiful inland town of europe, have often been quoted, and it is certain that a traveller who looks at the town from the bridge, or the strahov monastery or the belvedere, will share this opinion. yet prague is, i think, very little known to englishmen, and i received with great pleasure mr. dent's suggestion that i should write a short sketch of the history of the capital of my country. it has, indeed, to me been a labour of love. the geographical situation of prague is to some extent a clue to its historical importance. bohemia, the slavic land that lies furthest west, has always been the battlefield of the slavic and teutonic races, and its capital, prague, has for more than a thousand years been an outlying bastion of the slav people, which, sometimes captured, has always been recovered. within the time of men now living prague had the appearance of a german city, while it has now a thoroughly slav character. the town has therefore an intense interest for the student of history, and, indeed, of politics. for more than two centuries a religious conflict, interwoven with the racial struggle in a manner that cannot be defined in few words, attracted the attention of europe to bohemia, and particularly to prague; for the battles of the zizkov and the vysehrad were fought within the precincts of the present city. but it is not only in the annals of war that prague plays a pre-eminent part. the foundation of the university for a time made prague one of the centres of european thought. thanks to the enthusiasm and eloquence of hus, the endeavour to reform the church, which had failed in england, was for a time successful in bohemia. though he was not born at prague, and died in a foreign country, the life of hus belongs to prague. the traveller cannot pass the bethlehem chapel or the carolinum without thinking of the great reformer. though the iconoclastic fury of the extreme hussites and the rage of incessant civil warfare have deprived prague of many of its ancient monuments, it is by no means so devoid of architectural beauty as has been stated by those who, perhaps, know the town only by hearsay. the three ancient round chapels, dating from the beginning of the tenth century, still remain as examples of the earliest ecclesiastical architecture of prague. the church of st. george, on the hradcany hill, which is now being carefully restored, is a very fine specimen of early romanesque architecture. the four towers at the outskirts of the hradcany, which date from the thirteenth century, are an interesting relic of the ancient fortifications of prague. the principal churches of the town, st. vitus's cathedral and the tyn church, frequently enlarged and altered, recall the vicissitudes of bohemian history, in which they played such a prominent part. ferdinand the first's belvedere villa is one of the finest renaissance buildings in northern europe. i have found no lack of materials while writing this short note on the story of prague. i have of course mainly relied on the old chronicles, most of which are written in the national language. these almost unknown chroniclers are little inferior to those of italy. their fierce religious and racial animosities sometimes inspire them, and even carry away the reader, whatever his own views may be. want of space has unfortunately obliged me to quote but sparingly from these ancient chronicles. of modern historical works on prague, dr. tomek's _dejepis mesta prahy_ (history of the town of prague) is vastly superior to all previous works of the present age. this book, written in the little-known bohemian language, deserves to rank with gregorovius's _mediæval rome_ as one of the greatest town-histories of the nineteenth century. the twelve volumes of dr. tomek's work that have appeared up to now only bring the history of the city down to the year . as the smallest of these volumes is more than double the size of this little book, it is unnecessary to say that i have not been able to avail myself of the contents of dr. tomek's book to a large extent. i have mentioned, in an appendix to this book, a few of the other works that i have consulted. after giving an account of the story of prague, i have in chapters iv. and v. briefly referred to the most prominent objects of interest in the town. with the exception of the bridge--which every traveller will cross, however short his stay may be--the town hall and the neighbouring jewish churchyard, an account of these will be found in these two chapters. a somewhat fuller notice of the town will be found in chapters vi., vii. and viii., though here, too, it has been impossible to mention every subject of interest for the student of history, architecture and archæology. the history of prague is to so great an extent that of bohemia that i have at the end of this volume given a list of the rulers--princes, afterwards kings--of bohemia, which the reader will, i think, find useful. i have often been told by english friends that prague is a very distant and 'out-of-the-way' place. i am, i think, entitled to dispute the correctness of this statement. dresden, one of the towns most visited by english travellers, is only four hours from prague. the train leaving dresden at . reaches prague at . . prague is also not distant from the bohemian watering-places, karlsbad, marienbad and franzensbad, and the distance would appear yet smaller were it not for the slowness of all austrian, even express, trains. i may add a word on the hotels of prague. of the best of these hotels, three--the hotel de saxe, the 'blue star,' and the 'black horse'--are situated close to the state railway station and the powder tower, while a fourth, the 'victoria,' is in the jungmann street. in all these hotels the english traveller will often regret the absence of a reading or public sitting-room. even when such a room is provided, it is often closed or used for private card parties. in late years i have during my many visits to prague always stayed at the hotel de saxe, and i can conscientiously recommend it. to those who, for the purpose of study or for other reasons, intend making a somewhat lengthy stay at prague, the pension finger (corner of the vaclavské námesti and the town park) can be recommended. it remains to me to thank those who have kindly assisted me while i was preparing this little book. as on previous occasions, i have again had the privilege of frequently consulting mr. adolphus patera, head librarian of the bohemian museum. dr. matejka, guardian of the print room of that museum, has most kindly permitted the reproduction of some of the treasures contained in that collection. dr. jaromir celakovsky, archivist of the town of prague, kindly granted permission that the interesting old town seals of prague should be reproduced here. monsignor lehner kindly furnished me with some fresh information on the subject of early bohemian ecclesiastical architecture, on which he is so great an authority. dr. zahradnik, canon and librarian of the strahov monastery, has given me much valuable information concerning his ancient monastery, and particularly concerning the library that he so ably and skilfully directs. i have also had the privilege of receiving advice from professors kalousek and mourek. lÜtzow. prague, _november , _. the story of prague chapter i _prague at the earliest period_ the earliest tales of the foundation of prague are as those of most very ancient cities--entirely mythical. here, as elsewhere, very ancient legends and traditions take the place of genuine history. yet a notice of such ancient towns that ignored these legends would be valueless. it is almost certain that the earliest inhabited spot within the precincts of the present city of prague was the hill on the right bank of the vltava or moldau, known as the vysehrad ('higher castle' or acropolis). it is also probable that the 'higher castle' was from a very early date the residence of a prince who ruled over part of bohemia, and the very ancient legend that refers to the vysehrad as the residence of krok or crocus, the earliest sovereign of bohemia, is no doubt founded on this fact. krok is said to have left no son, but three daughters, kázi, teta and libussa. libussa, though the youngest, succeeded her father as ruler of bohemia. libussa is described by the ancient chronicler, cosmas of prague, as 'a wonderful woman among women, chaste in body, righteous in her morals, second to none as judge over the people, affable to all and even amiable, the pride and glory of the female sex, doing wise and manly deeds; but, as nobody is perfect, this so praiseworthy woman was, alas, a soothsayer.' the last words, no doubt, refer to libussa's prophecy of the future greatness of prague, which will be mentioned presently. the great merits of libussa do not, however, appear to have reconciled the bohemians to the rule of a woman. when libussa had been sitting in judgment on a dispute between two nobles--brothers who both claimed the paternal inheritance--the one to whom the princess's decision was unfavourable insulted her by exclaiming that it was a shame for a country to be ruled by a woman. libussa then declared that she would no longer rule so ferocious a people. she bade the people disperse and reassemble on the following day, when she would accept as husband whomsoever they might select. the bohemians, however, declared that they would leave the choice to her and accept as their ruler the man whom she would choose. libussa, who here is represented as a visionary or soothsayer, then said, pointing to the distant hills, 'behind these hills is a small river called belina and on its bank a farm named stadic. near that farm is a field and in that field your future ruler is ploughing with two oxen marked with various spots. his name is premysl and his descendant will rule over you for ever. take my horse and follow him; he will lead you to the spot.' guided by libussa's horse, the bohemian envoys immediately set forth and found the peasant premysl ploughing his field. they immediately saluted him as their ruler. premysl mounted the horse and, followed by the bohemian envoys, proceeded to the vysehrad, where he was immediately betrothed to libussa. the chroniclers tell us that when he arrived at the vysehrad he still wore the dress of the bohemian peasant, and that his rough shoes were preserved in the vysehrad castle as late as the twelfth century. premysl became the founder of a line that ruled in bohemia up to ; and the present king of bohemia, francis joseph, is his successor in the female line. to libussa is ascribed the second foundation of a city on the site of the present town of prague. it is said to have taken place on the left bank of the vltava, on the hradcany hill. the spot then, and even far later, was covered by a dense forest; the ancient slavs, it may be noted, generally chose secluded spots surrounded by forests as their dwelling-places. the oldest account, and therefore the most valuable, is that of the chronicler, cosmas of prague (about to ), whom i shall again quote. he tells us that libussa, 'standing on a high rock on the vysehrad in presence of her husband premysl, and the elders of the people incited by the spirit of prophecy uttered this prediction: i see a town the glory of which will reach the stars. there is a spot in the forest, thirty stades from this village, which the river vltava encircles, and which to the north the stream brusnice secures by its deep valley; and to the south a rocky hill, which from its rocks takes the name of petrin,[ ] towers above it.... when you have reached this spot you will find a man in the midst of the forest who is working at a door-sill for a house.[ ] and as even mighty lords bend before a low door, so from this event you shall call the town which you will build "praha." ... they proceed immediately to the ancient forest, and having found the sign which had been given them they build on this site a town, prague, the mistress of all bohemia.' this is the most ancient record of the foundation of prague on which all subsequent ones are based. the older castle on the vysehrad, separated from the newer foundation by the vast extent of land now occupied by the staré mesto (old town) and the nové mesto (new town) continued to be the frequent residence of the bohemian princes. the date of the foundation of prague by libussa is as uncertain as everything concerning that semi-mythical princess. hajek of libocan, a chronicler of the sixteenth century, gives the year as the date of the foundation of the castle on the hradcany hill. it was at first of a very simple character, consisting probably but of wooden buildings. during the reign of libussa's successors--of whom little but their names is known[ ]--we have scant information as regards the growth of prague. after the introduction of christianity one of the earliest christian churches is stated to have been erected on the hradcany at prague. the new settlement rapidly extended itself, and from an early date we read of the 'suburbium pragense,' which extended on both banks of the river and included the present malá strana (small quarter) at the foot of the hradcany hill, as well as that part of the staré mesto that is nearest to the vltava. though there is but little trustworthy information concerning this early period, it is certain that the city gradually spread out on both banks of the river. they were from the earliest historical period united by a bridge that stood near the site of the present far-famed bridge. buildings not connected with either the vysehrad or the hradcany settlements sprang up at a very early period. according to professor tomek, as early as the year some houses stood on the site of the present poric street (close to the state railway station). immediately after the introduction of christianity, but particularly during the reign of the pious wenceslas ( - ), many churches were erected at prague, though the earliest building devoted to christian worship was at levy hradec.[ ] according to some accounts a church on the hradcany was dedicated to the virgin by borivoj, the first christian ruler of bohemia. it was in this church that st. wenceslas received the tonsure. the earliest church on the vysehrad probably dates from nearly the same time. prince wenceslas--afterwards sainted--built several churches, and also laid the foundations of the first buildings on the spot where st. vitus's cathedral now stands. wenceslas was induced to build this church by the gift of an arm of st. vitus, a precious relic that he received from the german king, henry i. the first church of st. vitus, like all the earliest religious buildings in bohemia, was in the romanesque style. in the remains of st. wenceslas were conveyed here from stará boleslav, where he had (in ) been murdered by his treacherous younger brother, boleslav.[ ] the successor of st. wenceslas, boleslav i., whom palacky calls 'one of the most powerful monarchs that ever occupied the bohemian throne,' greatly extended the frontiers of his country, a fact that necessarily largely increased the importance of his capital; but of yet greater importance for the development of prague was--in accordance with the ideas of the time--the foundation of the bishopric in . it took place during the reign of boleslav ii., the son and successor of boleslav i. bohemia had formerly belonged to the diocese of regensburg or ratisbon. at the time of the foundation the bohemian princes ruled not only over bohemia and its sister lands (moravia and silesia), but also over southern poland, galicia and a large part of northern hungary. all these countries formed parts of the new bishopric of prague. palacky justly regrets that an archbishopric was not founded for so vast an extent of land. it is only several centuries later that prague became an archbishopric. the first bishop, thietmar, was, after a short time, succeeded by vojtech or adalbert, a bohemian who was afterwards sainted and is still one of the patrons of the country. after the death of boleslav ii., in , civil war broke out in bohemia, and the development of prague was necessarily retarded. [illustration: tomb of ottokar i.] the population of prague--originally entirely slavic--was at an early period increased by german immigrants. they first arrived at prague as permanent residents during the reign of king vratislav ( - ). they settled on the right bank of the vltava, and, favoured by the bohemian sovereigns, increased rapidly. they were granted special privileges by sobeslav, and these privileges were afterwards extended by king wenceslas i. thus the old town in distinction from the new town, afterwards founded by charles iv., long had a somewhat german character, and indeed only entirely lost it during the hussite wars. the old document stating that 'no german or jew shall be burgomaster of the old town of prague,' which is still shown in the town hall, only dates from this period. the old town, however, always contained a strong bohemian-slavic element, and the fusion of the two nationalities undoubtedly became closer when, during the reign of king wenceslas i., the old town was--probably about the year --enclosed with walls. these walls starting from the vltava, near the present bridge of francis joseph, followed the line of the elizabeth street and the josefské námesti till they reached the prikopy or graben. thence they proceeded along the present prikopy, ovocná ulice and ferdinandova ulice till they rejoined the river, near the spot where the national theatre now stands. the graben, now the principal thoroughfare of prague by its name, which signifies ditch or trench, still recalls its original destination. the prasná brana (powder tower or gate) marks the spot where one of the gates of the old town stood. according to dr. tomek the fortifications consisted of a double wall and double ditch, which was filled with water derived from the vltava. with the exception of the vysehrad and a few straggling buildings near the present poric street, the new walls contained all that part of prague that was situated on the right bank of the river. premysl ottokar ii., the son and successor of wenceslas i., was one of bohemia's greatest kings. both by successful warfare and by skilful diplomacy he so greatly enlarged his dominions, that his rule at one time extended from the adriatic in the south to the baltic in the north. though his many campaigns left him little leisure to reside in his capital, ottokar enlarged both the town and the fortifications of prague. in he greatly added to the fortifications that no doubt already existed on the hradcany hill. he caused the whole hradcany hill to be surrounded by a strong wall and the various towers to be connected by covered passages. ten knights and armed men were to keep constant watch and ward over the fortifications. the still existent towers--daliborka, mikulka, and the white and the black towers--formed part of these fortifications. somewhat later the king also enclosed with walls the malá strana (small quarter)--that is to say, the buildings that extended from the foot of the hradcany to the river. here fortifications were necessary in three directions only, as in the direction of the hradcany that fortress protected the newly enclosed settlement. it appears probable that when the old town had been fortified a tête-de-pont had been built on the left bank of the vltava, which, together with a similar building on the right bank, was to secure the bridge of prague. the fortified gate on the left bank was now included in the new fortifications. it may here be remarked that when the old town had been fortified the jewish quarter (vicus judæorum) had been included in these fortifications; gates, however, separated the jewish quarter from the rest of the old town. the jewish colony of prague is of very ancient origin. according to mr foges,[ ] who was himself a member of that community, jews went there immediately after the destruction of jerusalem, if not even before that event. popular tradition, always given to exaggeration, indeed affirms that jews first settled at [illustration: the jewish cemetery] prague, or rather at buiarnum, which stood on the spot where libussa afterwards founded prague, before the beginning of the christian era, and being therefore guiltless of all participation in the crucifixion they had fared better in prague in mediæval times than in most other cities. it is true that jew-baiting was not unknown in prague. mr foges quotes from the original hebrew a graphic account of the great persecution of the jews in . yet, on the whole, we find at prague fewer traces of the intense hatred of the jews which is general elsewhere, and individual jews often were in favour with the rulers of bohemia. thus the rabbi löwi bezalel, who died in , and is buried in the old jewish cemetery, enjoyed the favour of rudolph ii. bezalel, who was a student of astronomy and astrology, then intimately connected with it, was a friend of tycho brahe, who attracted rudolph's attention to the learned jew. bezalel was summoned to the royal palace, on the hradcany, and a very lengthy interview between him and rudolph took place. it is stated that bezalel, during his whole lifetime, refused to give any account of this mysterious interview. he was probably a cabalist, and many quaint legends have centred round his name. according to dr. tomek the period between the circumvallation of the old town and the foundation of the new town was that in which the preponderance of the german element at prague attained its height. the sovereigns favoured the german immigrants, wishing to use them as a counterpoise to the overwhelming power of the masterful bohemian nobles. the old chronicler dalimil, when describing ottokar ii.'s departure on his last fatal campaign against rudolph of hapsburg, refers to the apathy of the bohemians, many of whom considered themselves as neglected in favour of the germans, and to the king's resentment. he is made to say: 'when i return from the wars i will inflict much evil on the bohemians. i will thus stain the petrin[ ] with their blood, that no bohemian will any longer be seen on the bridge of prague.' the passage is interesting also, as showing how early the bridge of prague became famous.[ ] the feelings expressed by dalimil, who always writes as the champion of the bohemian aristocracy, were, however, by no means universal among the bohemians, many of whom were warmly attached to their sovereign. we read that when, on june th, , ottokar left prague for the last time 'he took leave of all those whom he loved and who were faithful to him; the clergy and the whole people followed him to the city-gates with prayers and many tears.' they seem to have foreseen the fatal defeat on the marchfeld where ottokar lost his life. when the news of his death reached prague, lamentation was general from the royal palace to the lowliest hovel. though ottokar was under sentence of excommunication, the bohemians, never very heedful of the papal authority, thronged to the altars to pray for the eternal salvation of their beloved sovereign, while the bells of all the churches of prague, nearly a hundred in number, tolled. during the short reigns of his successors, the last premyslide princes, bohemia was involved in almost incessant war. soon after the extinction of the premyslide dynasty [illustration: the hradcany and ottokar towers] ( ), john of luxemburg, son of the german emperor henry vii., became king of bohemia (in ). his adventurous reign concerns the annals of prague but very little. a sovereign who declared that 'paris was the most chivalrous town in the world, and that he only wished to live there,' naturally neglected his bohemian capital. the bohemians complained that his short visits to prague were only made for the purpose of obtaining financial aid from the estates of bohemia. his incessant campaigns, that extended from lithuania and hungary to italy and france, indeed involved him in constant financial difficulties. it is characteristic of the knight-errant king that he seriously contemplated re-establishing at prague the round-table of king arthur. he invited all the most famous knights in europe to that city in ; nobody, however, appears to have responded to his call. after king john's death on the battlefield of crécy, his son charles iv. (or i. as king of bohemia) became his successor. differing in most respects from his father, he was a devoted lover of prague, and may almost be considered a second founder of the city. the districts of prague, the malá strana and the staré mesto, that were already enclosed by walls, had become insufficient to shelter the ever-increasing population. charles therefore decided on building a new city on the right bank of the vltava. the old chronicler, benes of weitmil, tells us that 'in the year of the lord mcccxlviii., on the day of st. marc, our lord charles, king of the romans and of bohemia, laid the first stone, and founded the new city of prague, building a very strong wall with ramparts and high towers extending from the castle of vysehrad to poric. the vysehrad hill also he surrounded with a wall and very strong towers, and the whole work was carried out within two years. and he also ordered that gardens and vineyards should be planted around the city of prague.' it is interesting to note in connection with this statement of the old chronicler that dr. tomek also tells us that during the reign of charles many citizens bought land outside the town and established vineyards there. the new town received great privileges from charles, and the foundation of the university, which contributed largely to increasing the population of the town, also had a very favourable effect on the new community. the 'new town,' the limits of which were soon extended, enjoyed the rank of a royal town, a name given to those cities only that had been awarded special privileges by the bohemian kings. [illustration: charles iv., from triforium of st. vitus] charles had, while temporary ruler of bohemia during the absence of his father, succeeded in persuading the papal see to raise the bishopric of prague to an archbishopric. it was through his influence also that his friend ernest of pardubic, a member of one of the oldest noble families of bohemia, was chosen as first archbishop of prague. it was on ernest also that charles conferred the dignity of being the first chancellor of the newly-founded university of prague. that foundation is, as regards the annals of the world, the most important event in the history of prague. that a movement in favour of church reform should originate here at a time when geneva and wittenberg were unknown as centres of theological strife was only rendered possible by the fact that prague had become the site of one of the then very scanty universities. at the meeting of the estates at prague in charles made the following statement: 'one of our greatest endeavours is that bohemia our kingdom, for which we feel greater affection than for any of our other lands, should, through our action, be adorned by a great number of learned men; thus will the faithful inhabitants of that kingdom, who incessantly thirst for the fruits of learning, be no longer obliged to beg for foreign alms, rather will they find a table prepared for them in their own kingdom; thus will the natural sagacity of their minds move them to become cultured by the possession of knowledge.' charles concluded by informing the assembly that he had resolved to found the university of prague. faithful to his predilection for france, charles modelled his regulations for the new university entirely on those of the university of paris. the students were divided into 'nations' according to their nationality. in prague we find the bohemian, polish, bavarian and saxon 'nations'; each of these separately elected members to the general council of the university. the new foundation seems to have been very successful from the first. benes of weitmil writes: 'the university' (studium) 'became so great that nothing equal to it existed in all germany; and students came there from all parts--from england, france, lombardy, poland, and all the surrounding countries, sons of nobles and princes, and prelates of the church from all parts of the world.' no special building seems at first to have been erected for the university. many professors delivered their lectures at their own apartments, while of the five professors of the theological faculty one lectured in st. vitus's cathedral, the other four, all monks, in the monasteries to which they belonged. the lectures were at first always delivered in latin, and it is, therefore, equally incorrect to maintain that the prague university was at its beginning a genuinely german one as to say that it had, from the origin, a really bohemian--national--character. in the last years of his life charles caused several colleges to be built for the benefit of the students. the first of these colleges was founded when charles bought the 'house of the jew lazarus in the old town,' which afforded a dwelling-place for twelve professors. charles also gave a library to the newly-founded college. during the reign of his son this, the most important of these foundations, was transferred to the building known as the 'carolinum,' which henceforth became the centre of the university. everything connected with the university was to charles of the greatest interest, and the sovereign was often present at the 'disputations' which, according to the mediæval custom, took place there. charles was also the founder of a confraternity or guild of artists, of which painters, sculptors, wood-carvers and goldsmiths were members, and which, as palacky says, took the place of a modern academy of arts. charles--who, as his very curious latin memoirs prove--was a very devout christian, was a great church builder. he rebuilt and enlarged st. vitus's cathedral, and among his many ecclesiastical constructions the karlov and the church and monastery of emaus may be mentioned. the great prosperity that bohemia and prague in particular enjoyed during the reign of charles produced a tendency to luxury, and had a somewhat harmful influence on the morality of the people and of the wealthy clergy in particular. thence arose a strong and general demand for church reform which [illustration: the gothic projection, carolinum] afterwards culminated in hus. it would be very tempting to refer here to the forerunners of hus who lived during the reign of charles, but here, as everywhere, the need of compression confronts me. yet a short mention should be made of conrad waldhauser and milic of kromerize. the former, an austrian by birth, was called to prague in by charles, and preached at several churches there, but principally at the tyn church, where he became rector about the year . though he generally preached in german, his sermons, containing eloquent denunciations of the immorality and luxury of the times, greatly impressed the praguers, even the vast tyn church occasionally became insufficient to contain his audience, and he sometimes preached in the streets and market-places. he strongly inveighed against the immorality and extravagance of the citizens of prague, and the result of his preaching was very striking. we read that the women of prague discarded the jewelry to which they were accustomed, their precious veils, their dresses trimmed with gold and pearls, and adopted simple clothing; usury ceased, and many who had formerly committed that sin declared themselves ready to compensate their former victims. many citizens who had led an immoral life did public penance, and henceforth gave a good example to others. as was perhaps inevitable, the great success obtained by waldhauser was resented by other preachers at prague. this feeling became more intense when waldhauser attacked the mendicant friars. in the dominican monks accused him of heresy, and brought two points in which, they said, his teaching was contrary to the church, before archbishop ernest. waldhauser lost no time in presenting his defence, and when the archbishop appointed day and hour, when anyone who had any grievance against conrad might appear before the archiepiscopal court, no accuser came forth. this success seems to have encouraged waldhauser to continue his denunciations of the corruption of the clergy. he was again accused, both by the dominican and augustine friars. the latter especially accused him of apostasy. waldhauser defended himself in a latin _apologia_, which has been preserved. its tone allows us to infer that his attacks against the immorality of the monks must have been very violent. it is a proof of the liberal mind of charles, who has by german writers often been accused of undue subservience to the church of rome, that waldhauser none the less retained his office as rector of the tyn church up to his death. yet greater was the fervour of milic, who, in , succeeded waldhauser as rector of the tyn church. milic had early in life held important offices at the court of charles. a canon of the cathedral of prague, he had also been appointed vice-chancellor of the court, and had for some time in that capacity accompanied charles during his travels. the desire for church reform and a return to the primitive church, then so prevalent in bohemia, induced milic to renounce all his honours and to seek refuge in poverty. after having acted as curate for some time in a poor village, milic returned to prague, where his sermons, preached in the church of st. nicholas in the malá strana, soon attracted general attention. following in the steps of waldhauser, he eloquently denounced the corruption of his times; but he seems to have strayed further from the doctrine of rome than waldhauser had done. incessant study of the apocalypse, and the horror which the evil ways of his day inspired in him, appear to have ripened in his mind the idea that the end of the world was approaching. he gave expression to his views not only in his sermons, but also in a written work, entitled, _libellus de antechristo_. the monks of prague, his enemies, as they had been those of waldhauser, denounced him to the papal see, and milic started for rome, where, in the absence of pope urban, he was imprisoned. after the pontiff's arrival an interview between him and milic took place, when urban, recognising the purity of his motives, caused him to be liberated, and allowed him to return to prague. through the favour of charles he here obtained the rectorship of the tyn church, as already mentioned. coming from a thoroughly slavic part of moravia, milic was well acquainted with the national language, and, indeed, only learnt german late in life. his sermons, therefore, attracted yet more attention than those of his predecessor. milic did not limit himself to invectives against vice, but endeavoured by his own activity to reform the people of prague. through his influence the ill-famed buildings known as benatky (venice) were destroyed and a building erected on the spot to which the name of 'jerusalem' was given, the first instance of the adoption of biblical names, that afterwards became so frequent in bohemia. the fallen women who had formerly dwelt at benatky now lived as penitents at 'jerusalem,' and were the object of milic's particular care. at the end of his life milic again incurred the hostility of the ecclesiastical authorities. he repaired to the papal court at avignon in , but died (there) before the ecclesiastical court before which his case was brought and had pronounced judgment. his memory was long held in reverence by the bohemians.[ ] the reign of charles i. marks so important a step in the development of prague that it may be interesting to note here the various divisions of the city such as they existed during his reign, and after he had so greatly enlarged the city. prague then consisted of three 'royal' cities, that is to say, communities that had received special privileges from the sovereign. they were the old town (staré mesto), new town (nové mesto), both on the right bank of the vltava, and the malá strana (small quarter), on the left bank of the river. besides these the community of hradcany was under the rule of the burgrave of the prague castle, and that of vysehrad under that of the abbot of the monastery of that name. all these and some minor communities enjoyed special privileges, greater in some, smaller in other cases. charles, however, in the last year of his life, united for a time the two royal cities on the right bank of the river. chapter ii _from the reign of charles iv. to the executions at prague in _ charles died in and was succeeded by his son wenceslas, who, at least in his earlier years, certainly does not deserve the exaggerated censure of german historians. these historical judgments are, to a great extent, founded on the opinions unfavourable to wenceslas that were expressed by strongly romanist chroniclers, who were influenced by the favour that the king, and yet more his consort, princess sophia of bavaria, for a time showed to hus and the movement in favour of church reform. wenceslas, who was only seventeen when he ascended the throne, maintained all the trusty councillors of his father in their official positions, and palacky is no doubt right in stating that, during the first years of wenceslas's reign, bohemia was as prosperous as it had been during that of his father. it was said that such perfect security prevailed in the country that one carrying a bag of gold on his head could have traversed bohemia from end to end without incurring any risk. unfortunately for wenceslas the old councillors of charles soon followed their master to the grave, while the difficulties caused by the papal schism (which will be mentioned later in connection with the church reform movement) from the first confronted the young king. in this case, as indeed in his foreign policy generally, wenceslas did not follow the example of his father, who had been a firm friend of france. he concluded an alliance with england, which was strengthened by the marriage of wenceslas's sister anne to king richard ii. of england. wenceslas followed his father's example in mainly residing at prague, and he soon became very popular with the citizens. it was said he visited the shops of bakers and butchers and inquired the prices of their goods. if these proved higher than was authorised by the regulations, wenceslas ordered the goods to be given away to the poor and the vendors to be severely punished. less praiseworthy than these mediæval methods of enforcing justice were the king's nocturnal excursions through the streets of prague, on which he was accompanied by boon companions not generally chosen from the higher ranks of the nobility. the king thus became estranged from the proud bohemian aristocracy, and civil war eventually broke out. it was, as dr tomek has shown, in consequence of his desire to mix more freely with the citizens that wenceslas abandoned the royal residence on the hradcany and took up his abode in a building close to the celetná ulice and the powder tower. the young king is said to have greatly enjoyed his comparative privacy, and even to have arranged public festivities on the neighbouring staromestské námesti. the animosity of the bohemian nobles against their sovereign, as already mentioned, eventually led to civil war. in most of the prominent bohemian nobles formed a confederacy against wenceslas, which is known in history as the 'league of the lords.' the king's own cousin, jodocuo of moravia, as well as albert iii., duke of austria, and william, margrave of meissen, joined the confederacy. on wenceslas refusing to grant the demands of the confederates, who wished to limit his power, and especially his right to choose his councillors, he was seized by the lords at his castle near beroun and conveyed as a prisoner to prague. the citizens of prague, however, with whom wenceslas was still popular, took the part of their king and besieged the castle of the hradcany, where he was confined. in june an army, led by duke john of görlitz, a brother of wenceslas, arrived before prague to attempt to liberate the imprisoned sovereign. the citizens of the new town joyfully received the duke of görlitz and joined his forces, while those of the old town, who--intimidated by the league of lords--at first attempted some resistance, were soon forced to capitulate. the lords, no longer believing their prisoner safe at prague, conveyed him first to kruman, a castle of the lords of rosenberg, one of the leaders of the league, and afterwards to wildberg. a temporary compromise was concluded soon afterwards, and, after granting most of the demands of the confederates, wenceslas regained his liberty. discord soon again broke out between the king and the nobles, who were encouraged by rupert, elector palatine, whom the germans had chosen as king after deposing wenceslas. in an army led by the margrave of meissen, an ally of the elector palatine, entered bohemia, and, after devastating a large part of the country, besieged prague. the city that had not seen a foreign enemy at its gates for more than a hundred years was terrified, while the horrible cruelties committed by the germans excited the indignation of the people. the young preacher hus here for the first time gave expression to the feelings of his countrymen when, in one of his first sermons in the bethlehem chapel, he declared that the bohemians 'were more wretched than dogs or snakes, for a dog defends the couch on which he lies, and, if another dog tries to drive him away, he fights with him, and a snake does the same; but us the germans oppress without resistance.' prague was, however, not captured by the margrave of meissen, and another of the many temporary agreements between the king and the bohemian nobles, which were so frequent in the reign of wenceslas, was concluded. in the following year wenceslas again became a prisoner. by order of his brother sigismund, king of hungary, whom he had foolishly invited to prague, wenceslas was seized in the royal residence, near the powder tower, and conveyed first to the hradcany castle and afterwards to vienna, where sigismund entrusted him to the custody of his ally the duke of austria. in the following year, however, wenceslas succeeded in making his escape from vienna. he returned to bohemia, where he was now joyfully received by the people, who had suffered greatly during the time that the rapacious sigismund had illegally ruled over bohemia. king wenceslas's nature seems to have deteriorated with increasing years; his tendency to drink became stronger; his capacity for work decreased; he became more and more incapable of controlling his always violent temper. a proof of this is the king's well-known conflict with john of pomuk or nepomuk. the size of this book--perhaps fortunately for the writer--precludes entering into controversial matters. i will therefore only remark that recent historians have thrown some doubts on the tale of john of nepomuk. palacky declared that st. john nepomucene belongs solely to legend, in no wise to bohemian history. recently even some roman catholic writers have agreed with him. i will now give the legend in its earliest form, as it appears in hajek's chronicle. hajek writes under the date of that 'king [illustration: the bridge tower of the malÁ strana] wenceslas gave himself over to much disorder, frequenting various games, plays and dances. his wife, a very noble and honourable lady, blamed him....' in consequence of such reproof the king was incensed against his wife, and conceived great hatred for her, so that he sought for some cause enabling him to deprive her of her life. the day after the feast of the holy sigismund he summoned before him the priest, john of nepomuk, a master of the university of prague, canon of the prague church, and confessor of the queen. he requested him to tell him what sins the queen had confessed to him before god. the priest answered, 'o king, my lord, i have assuredly not retained this in my memory, and if i had, it would not be beseeming for me to do this, neither is it beseeming for you to make such inquiries.' the king was incensed, and caused him to be thrown into a grievous subterranean dungeon; then, being unable to obtain anything from him, he sent for the executioner, and ordered that he should be cruelly tortured; but being unable even then to obtain any information from him, he ordered that he should be brought at night to the bridge of prague, fettered, and thrown into the waters to drown. after this had been done, on that night and on the following one many lights could be seen over the body that was floating on the stream. the king, hearing of this miracle, left for his castle of zebrák, and the prelates of the cathedral took the body out of the water and carried it solemnly to the monastery of the holy cross on the citadel of prague' (_i.e._, the hradcany), 'then they buried it in st. vitus's cathedral ... afterwards many and manifold wonders took place there, and therefore many declared that he was one of god's martyrs and a saint.' the principal event of the later years of the reign of wenceslas was the hussite movement, of which prague was the centre. as has already been mentioned, a strong feeling hostile to the corruption of the church of rome had existed during the reign of charles. subsequent events had not unnaturally strengthened this feeling. two, afterwards three, rival candidates claimed the pontificate, and employed the terrible threats usual among mediæval theologians against the adherents of their rivals. it was inevitable that the authority of the church of rome should suffer from this discord, particularly in bohemia, where waldhauser and milic had left many successors. of these, by far the greatest was hus, whose career is so closely connected with prague that i shall briefly allude to it here. [illustration: statue of st. john nepomuk on the bridge] john hus, or of husinec, was born at the village of that name about the year . the th of july was traditionally believed to be the day of his birth, and as it was also the day of his death, the day was always celebrated in the bohemian church up to the time when the battle of the white mountain re-established the church of rome in bohemia. he arrived at prague at a very early age, and in september took the degree of bachelor of arts at the university there. in the following year he became a bachelor of divinity, and in master of arts. his reputation for great learning spread very rapidly at the university. in he became dean of the faculty of arts, and in the following year, at an unusually early age, for the first time rector of the university. but it was only from the time that he began preaching in the bethlehem chapel that his name became widely known to those also who were not connected with the university. the bethlehem chapel, situated in what is still known as the bethlehem place--'betlemské námesti'--was founded in by john of milheim, one of king wenceslas's courtiers, together with 'kriz the shopkeeper,' as he is called in the contemporary records, a wealthy tradesman of prague. following the example of milic, whose foundation had been called 'jerusalem,' milheim and kriz also gave a biblical name to the new chapel. both founders were favourable to church reform and partisans of the national movement. sermons were always preached in bohemian at bethlehem, and the brilliant eloquence of hus, of which we can still judge, as some of his sermons have been preserved, attracted the general attention of the people of prague. it is noteworthy that during the first years of his priesthood--he was consecrated as a priest about the year --hus was on good terms with his ecclesiastical superiors. even after the first disputes concerning wycliffe's teaching had arisen, hus was, as he himself mentions, requested by the newly appointed archbishop of prague 'to bring all irregularities contrary to the rules of the church' to the archbishop's notice. it should here already be mentioned that the teaching of hus differed from that of rome far less than was the case with most church reformers. as dr. harnack has written,[ ] hus, like wycliffe, 'only denied the alleged right of the clergy to represent the church and administer its sacraments even when they did not fulfil god's commandments. how--he declared--can the functions of priests be valid if the presupposition of all they do in the church and for the church, namely, obedience to the law of god, is absent. the quintessence of that law is the sermon of the mount and the example of the humble life of jesus; yet the whole of scripture is the law of god.' the first disputes between hus and his ecclesiastical superiors broke out in . on may th of that year a full meeting of the members of the university, memorable as the beginning of the hussite struggle, took place at the carolinum. it was finally decided that forty-five so-called 'articles' culled from the writings of wycliffe, twenty-four of which had already been condemned by the council of blackfriars, should be declared heretical, and that all members of the university should be forbidden to circulate them. hus and his friends, who were accused of spreading the heretical opinions of wycliffe in bohemia, protested against this sentence and maintained that the 'articles' contained many statements that were not to be found in wycliffe's writings. shortly after this first debate, zbynek zajic of hasenburg became archbishop of prague, and it seemed for a time that religious peace had returned to the country. but in the clergy of prague and of the whole archbishopric of prague brought forward a protest against hus's preaching at the bethlehem chapel, [illustration: medals of hus] stating that he had, 'in opposition to the decisions of the holy church and to the opinions of the holy fathers, and to the injury, shame, detriment and scandal of the whole clergy and the people generally,' declared heretics the priests who took payment for ecclesiastical functions, and blamed the ecclesiastics who held numerous benefices. hus, indeed, defended himself eloquently, but he was none the less deprived of the office of preacher before the synod, which the archbishop had conferred on him some time before. relations between the archbishop and hus became yet more embittered when the latter addressed to his ecclesiastical superior a letter of remonstrance which dr. lechler, a protestant divine, describes as 'reaching the extreme limit of what is permissible to a priest when writing to his ecclesiastical superiors.' in this letter, written on behalf of velenovic, a priest of prague, who was accused of favouring wycliffe's views, hus admonished the archbishop 'to love the good, not to be influenced by flattery, to be a friend of the humble and not to hinder those who work steadfastly at the harvest of the lord.' at this period the racial and the religious struggle in bohemia proceeded simultaneously; those who favoured the movement for church reform were also warm friends of the bohemian nationality. it was therefore a great triumph for this party, of which hus was now the leader, when king wenceslas, in january , issued the 'decrees of kutna hora,' which secured the permanent supremacy of the bohemian nation at the university of prague. the result was the departure of the german masters and students from prague. they left the university probably in the number of five thousand, though some bohemian writers give a much higher figure. after archbishop zbynek had recognised alexander as the legitimate pope, the proceedings against hus had a much more rapid development. on july , , wycliffe's writings were solemnly burnt in the courtyard of the archiepiscopal palace that was then situated in the malá strana, near the bridge. the burning of wycliffe's works met with almost universal disapproval at prague. a contemporary chronicler writes: 'instantly a great sedition and discord began. some said that many other books besides those of wycliffe had been burnt; therefore the people began to riot, the courtiers of the king were incensed against the canons and priests; many opprobrious songs against the archbishop were sung in the streets.' hus, at a meeting of the university, energetically defended wycliffe's teaching; he also, contrary to the positive orders of the archbishop, continued his sermons in the bethlehem chapel. on march , , the sentence of excommunication which had been pronounced against hus some time previously was published in the churches of prague, while the town itself was placed under interdict. endeavours to effect a settlement indeed still continued. in may , however, the difficulties caused by the papal schism brought the reform movement in bohemia to a crisis. king ladislas of naples, who still recognised gregory the twelfth as pope, had thus incurred the enmity of john xxiii., who had succeeded alexander v. as roman pope. john, therefore, resolved to go to war with the king of naples, and--a proceeding which it must be added was not exceptional in those days--to obtain the necessary funds by the granting of indulgences. it was declared that all those who either took part in the campaign against naples, or assisted the enterprise by grants of money, should receive the same remission of sins which had formerly been promised to the crusaders who had liberated the sepulchre of christ. the bohemians, who were not long after to suffer from a 'crusade' similar to that now proclaimed against naples, received the news of the papal decision with great displeasure. when wenceslas tiem, dean of passau, arrived at prague, with the purpose of collecting, by the sale of indulgences, funds for the papal see, public excitement was naturally yet greater. boxes to receive the donations of the faithful were placed before the cathedral church of st. vitus, the tyn church, and on the vysehrad. these proceedings caused particular indignation at the university, where the party favourable to church reform now had entirely the upper hand. hus summoned the members of the university to a _disputatio_, according to the mediæval custom. it took place in the large hall of the carolinum, and the subject of the _disputatio_ was formulated in the question 'whether according to the law of jesus christ it was permissible and befitting for the honour of god, the salvation of the christian people and the welfare of the kingdom, that the faithful of christ should approve of the papal bulls which proclaimed a crusade against ladislas, king of apulia, and his accomplices?' both hus and jerome of prague violently attacked the use of indulgences for the purpose of supplying the roman see with funds for temporal purposes. the theological faculty soon after again condemned the forty-five 'articles' from wycliffe's writings, and added six more that were attributed to hus and said to contain the views on indulgences which he had expressed at the recent _disputatio_. pope john also took action against hus, and decreed the 'aggravation' of the sentence of excommunication that had already been pronounced against him. the movement had thus taken a distinctly revolutionary character, and hus fled from prague in november , after having published an 'appeal from the sentence of the roman pontiff to the supreme judge, jesus christ.' he first retired to kozi hradek, a castle belonging to one of his adherents, john of usti. shortly after his departure from prague an attempt was made there to assuage the religious discord. a diocesan synod met there in the archiepiscopal palace. hus was not present, but was represented by magister john of jesenic. little is known of the deliberations of this assembly, though the documents in which both the hussite and the romanist divines formulated their views have been preserved. this conference proved abortive, as did also a subsequent attempt of king wenceslas to bring the disputed questions before a committee, which was to consist of four members and over which albik, then archbishop of prague, was to preside. when it was decided to affirm that both parties were in accordance with the church with regard to the doctrine of the sacrament of the altar, the romanist divines immediately protested, declaring that they were not a 'party,' and demanding that the word 'church' should be defined as the holy roman church, of which pope john xxiii. is the head, and of which the cardinals are the members. the negotiations thus failed from the first, to the great indignation of king wenceslas, who, indeed, exiled from prague some of the german romanist divines. the racial struggle, as so frequently in bohemia, continued simultaneously with the religious one, and about this time, through the influence of the king, the majority of the town council of the old town, which had been german, became bohemian, and, therefore, favourable to the cause of hus. hus, who appears to have several times visited prague secretly at this time, had meanwhile left the castle of usti, and was, on the invitation of lord [illustration: medals of hus] henry of lazan, one of the king's courtiers, residing at the castle of krakovec, situated considerably nearer to prague. contrary to the papal commands he frequently visited the neighbouring towns and villages, preaching in favour of church reform. all attempts to settle the religious differences in bohemia having failed, the questions raised by hus were finally brought before a wider forum. on the suggestion of sigismund, king of hungary, and afterwards german emperor, hus proceeded to the council that met at constance in november . he had previously, according to the momentous words of professor tomek, received from sigismund a safe-conduct, according to which he was 'to come unmolested to constance, there have free audience, and return unharmed, should he not submit to the authority of the council.' none the less hus was imprisoned shortly after his arrival at constance, and was--as will be known to most readers--burnt alive on july , . the death of hus caused general indignation in prague. almost all the parish priests who ventured to praise, or even to excuse the execution of hus, were driven from their homes. the bohemian nobles who met at prague in september ( ), and who were joined by many moravian nobles, also expressed their indignation strongly. they addressed to the council a letter known as the 'protestatio bohemorum,' accusing it of having 'condemned the venerable magister (_i.e._, hus) without having convicted him of any error, merely on the strength of evil statements of treacherous enemies and traitors, and of having deprived him of his life in the most cruel fashion, to the eternal shame and offence of bohemia and moravia.' they further declared 'before the council and the whole world that magister john hus was a man of pure life and irreproachable fame, who taught the law of scripture according to the doctrine of the fathers and of the church, who loathed all errors and heresies, who, by word, writing and deed, admonished us and all the faithful to desire peace and to love our neighbours, and by his own quiet and edifying life guided us in the path of godliness.' a few days after sending to constance this declaration that caused great indignation there, the knights and nobles united in a solemn covenant for mutual defence. they pledged themselves to defend the liberty of preaching the word of god, to obey the pope and the bishops of bohemia as long as their commands were not contrary to scripture, and meanwhile to recognise the university of prague as the supreme authority in all matters of doctrine. the university thus first acquired the important position of arbiter in matters of doctrine which it held during the hussite wars, and, indeed, only entirely lost after the battle of the white mountain. the fact that the king and queen were known to favour the national movement alone prevented an immediate general outbreak. matters became yet more serious when--following the advice of his treacherous younger brother, sigismund--wenceslas endeavoured to stem the current. in the king issued a decree ordaining that all priests who had been deprived of their livings because of their disapproval of communion in the two kinds, should be reinstated. only in three churches were the utraquists, as the adherents of the new doctrine were called, to continue to hold their religious services. the utraquists, to show their strength, instituted processions through the streets of prague, during which the sacrament was carried before the faithful. one of the most zealous utraquists was the priest, john of zelivo, a former præmonstrate monk. on july , , he headed a procession which, after violently interrupting a religious service which was being held in the church of st. stephen, according to the roman rites, marched to the town hall of the nové mesto, situated in the karlovo námesti. the release of some adherents of the new faith who had been imprisoned there was demanded, but refused by the burgomaster, who was a romanist. the utraquists then, 'as an affront, called him a german and a hater of the chalice.'[ ] meanwhile the town councillors had barricaded their hall and threw stones on the crowd below, one of which struck the monstrance that zelivo was carrying. the crowd--led, it is said, by zizka, afterwards famous as a hussite leader--stormed the town hall and threw the town councillors into the market-place below, where they were killed by the people. this 'defenestration,' as it was called in bohemia, marks the beginning of the great religious struggle in bohemia, as the defenestration from the hradcany windows in marks its end; for only two years after the last-named event the battle of the white mountain established religious uniformity in bohemia. the defenestration was followed almost immediately by the death of wenceslas, who succumbed to repeated apoplectic fits on august , . his death was the signal of yet more serious riots, during which many churches and monasteries were destroyed and many valuable relics of bohemian art perished. the puritan character of the movement is proved by the fact that no plundering took place and that many houses of evil fame were destroyed. temporary quiet was established when it became known that queen sophia, who was favourable to the national movement, had assumed the regency. yet the interval of peace was but short. armed meetings of hussites were held in all parts of bohemia, and it became known that such a meeting had been planned at prague also for november . the queen and her councillors therefore considered it necessary to take precautions. the hradcany castle, the strahov monastery and the archbishop's palace received strong garrisons of german mercenaries. the defence of the vysehrad was entrusted to the former bodyguard of king wenceslas. this fortress was carried by assault by the hussites on october ; the soldiers of wenceslas, who probably sympathised with the national cause, offering but very slight resistance. the praguers, reinforced by allies from the surrounding country, now attacked the malá strana. they stormed the bridge (november ) and occupied the buildings immediately beyond it; and it seemed for a time possible that they should even obtain possession of the hradcany castle, from which queen sophia fled hastily. nightfall for a time put a stop to the fighting, but all foresaw that the battle would continue. as an ancient chronicler writes: 'this night was a dreadful and anxious one for all prague; during all night the large bells rang, summoning the citizens to remain under arms for the continued battle in the malá strana; only long after midnight there was quiet for a short time.' fighting was resumed on the following day, and the royal troops, commanded by cenek of wartenberg, who had replaced queen sophia as regent, also received reinforcements. the royal troops destroyed the town hall of the malá strana, and also burnt down the monastery of st. nicholas in the same part of the town, while the praguers entirely destroyed the archiepiscopal palace that is said to have contained [illustration: the bridge tower of the old town] many art treasures. zizka, the great leader of the taborites--as the more advanced hussites were called, from the name of the town that was their centre--here first showed his great military ability. the citizens now became desirous for peace, while the utraquist nobles who had remained faithful to the royal cause were yet reluctant to continue warfare against those whose creed they shared. a truce was concluded on november , according to which the praguers were to give up the vysehrad to the royal troops, while the utraquist nobles promised to aid their countrymen in defending the hussite creed. zizka and the more advanced church reformers, distrusting the compromise, left prague for the time, proceeding to plzen, and afterwards to tabor. meanwhile king sigismund arrived in the bohemian lands, of which he claimed the succession as heir of his brother. he first proceeded to brünn (or brno), the capital of moravia. many bohemian nobles and officials appeared at his court, and a deputation of the citizens of prague also appeared before him on december . the praguers assured the king of their loyalty, begging only 'to be allowed to remain faithful to that which they had learnt from the holy writ.' sigismund received the envoys most ungraciously, obliged them to continue kneeling longer than was customary, and overwhelmed them with reproaches and insults. he finally dismissed them with the solemn command that they should, as a proof of their obedience, cause the chains that had been placed at the corners of the prague streets for purpose of defence to be instantly removed, and the fortifications which the citizens had constructed opposite the hradcany hill to be destroyed. he also enjoined them to inflict no further injury on the monks. the magistrates of prague did not dare to disobey the royal commands. on january , , the chains that had been placed in the streets were deposited in the town hall of the staré mesto, and the fortifications that had been erected on the approaches of the hradcany were destroyed. many monks, priests and germans who had left prague during the recent disturbances returned, believing that the hour of their triumph had come. a contemporary chronicler[ ] tells us that 'the germans laughed and joyfully clapped their hands, saying, "now these heretical hussites and wycliffites will perish, and there will be an end of them."' the bohemian and hussite citizens, on the other hand, not unnaturally looked forward to the future with great apprehension. sigismund did not, as was expected, immediately proceed to prague. he for a time took up his residence at breslau, the capital of silesia, where he collected a large armed force. through his influence pope martin v. issued a bull in which he called the whole christian world to arms against 'the wycleffites, hussites, and other heretics, their furtherers, harbourers and defenders.' it is not perhaps easy for a modern reader to conceive the effect such a declaration of war produced on the bohemians, for a crusade had hitherto almost always only been preached against heathens, infidels and turks. the whole nation rose in arms against sigismund. the indignation was particularly great at prague, where the news was received that, by orders of sigismund, john krasa, one of the leading citizens, had been dragged through the streets of breslau by horses and then burnt at the stake. john of zelivo, in his sermons, denounced sigismund violently in language drawn from the apocalypse. the audience, inflamed by his eloquence, swore to sacrifice life and fortune for the cause of the chalice. those hostile to church reform not unnaturally dreaded the outbreak of hostilities, and we read that seven hundred families from the old, and seven hundred families from the new town, either sought refuge in the castles of hradcany and vysehrad, that were held by sigismund's troops, or left prague altogether. the citizens in no way hindered their departure, which, indeed, in view of the coming siege, was advantageous to the hussite cause. those who remained were yet more determined to resist sigismund to the utmost. on the suggestion of john of zelivo the citizens who remained in the town, the hussite preachers, and the members of the university, met on april ( ) at the town hall of the staré mesto. all present swore to defend, to the last drop of blood, the right of receiving communion according to the utraquist faith, and to resist all, and particularly the so-called 'crusaders,' who might endeavour to harm the utraquists. as leaders in the defence of the menaced capital they elected eight captains--four from the old and four from the new--to whom the keys of the town gates and those of the town hall were entrusted. the assembly addressed a manifesto to all the towns of bohemia, begging them to send envoys to prague to concert on the common defence. this manifesto attacked the church of rome in the most violent manner. it was stated that the roman church 'was not their mother, but their stepmother; that she had poured out her poison like the most furious serpent, and had raised up the cross, the emblem of love and peace, for the purpose of inciting to hatred and murder; that she had, by false promises of absolution, incited the germans, born enemies of bohemia and of the slav race, to begin the war of extermination which they had always contemplated.' even the regent, cenek of wartenberg, for a time sided with his countrymen. together with other great noblemen he summoned 'all bohemians and moravians who were zealous for the word of god and the welfare of the bohemian nation to join him in opposing the hungarian and roman king sigismund.' continuation of warfare was thus a certainty, and the hussites unfortunately again began to destroy the churches and monasteries belonging to adherents of rome. cenek of wartenberg and the other bohemian nobles were naturally indignant at the conduct of their new allies. they therefore lent a willing ear to the envoys of sigismund. wartenberg, abandoning the national cause, concluded a private treaty with the king, that at first remained secret. on the condition that he, his family, and the tenants on his estates, should be allowed to worship according to the utraquist creed, he consented to admit the royal troops into the castle on the hradcany. the citizens, exasperated by wartenberg's treachery, endeavoured to recover possession of the castle, but their desperate attack was repulsed by the royal troops. simultaneously, fighting also began in the new town, the royal troops that held the vysehrad making a successful sortie and defeating the citizens of the new town. the praguers now wished to negotiate with the king, while the royal troops had also suffered severe losses. an armistice of six days was concluded, and the citizens sent another deputation to the king. sigismund, who was then at kutna hora, received the envoys even more ungraciously than before. as the praguers afterwards wrote to the venetians: 'the king became harder than steel; as one stung by fury, he began to agitate his limbs as a madman.' he declared that it was his duty to destroy all heresy by fire and sword, even should he have to extirpate the whole population of bohemia and colonise the country with foreign immigrants. on the return of the envoys another meeting of the citizens took place in the town hall of the staré mesto, where great enthusiasm prevailed. it was again decided that all should risk their lives and fortunes for the cause of religious freedom, and fight to the last. an utraquist nobleman, hynek krusina of lichtenberg, was chosen as commander-in-chief. a message was also sent to zizka and the other taborite leaders, stating that 'if they wished verily to obey god's law they should march to their aid without delay, and with as many men as they could muster.' after some skirmishing with the royal troops, zizka and his men arrived at prague (may , ), where they were joyfully received by the citizens. from other parts of bohemia also many nationalists hurried to the defence of the menaced capital. hearing that the praguers had received reinforcements, sigismund did not march straight on prague, but proceeded to melnik, where he halted for some time. by his orders and those of the papal legate, ferdinand, bishop of lucca, horrible cruelties were committed against the population of the neighbouring country, and particularly the citizens of slané and litomerice.[ ] in a period of intense religious passion such cruelties inevitably led to reprisals. we read that the hussites who were besieging the hradcany burnt alive nine romanist monks in view of the royal garrison. sigismund, whose army had been reinforced by numerous 'crusaders,' now decided to march on prague. almost all countries of europe contributed to this vast army. according to a contemporary writer there were numbered among the crusaders 'hungarians, croatians, dalmatians, bulgarians, sicilians, wallachians, cumanians, jazyges, ruthenians, racians, slovacks, carniolians, styrians, austrians, bavarians, francs, swabians, switzers, frenchmen, arragonians or spaniards, englishmen, men of brabant, dutchmen, westphalians, men of saxony, thuringia, the voigtland, meissen, lusatia, and the march of brandenburg, silesians, poles, moravians and "renégate" bohemians.' a letter written by the praguers merely states that innumerable men from more than thirty kingdoms and provinces arrived before their city, while monstrelet, a contemporary, writes that 'il arriva tant de gens qu à peine se pouvaient ils nombrer.' most of the princes who ruled these countless countries had accompanied their troops. we read that all the german electors, except the elector of saxony, albert duke of austria, forty-three men of princely rank, brunorius della scala of verona, the patriarch of aquileja, many counts of the empire, knights and nobles, were with the crusading army. sigismund and his forces first entered the vysehrad fortress, and then, crossing the river, provisioned the hradcany castle, the siege of which the hussites were obliged to abandon. the vast army--according to the chroniclers it consisted of , or , men, but the latter figure is probably nearer to truth--now encircled prague in every direction. the german soldiers, who were encamped on the left bank of the vltava, opposite the staré mesto, insulted their enemies by incessant cries of 'ha, ha! hus! hus! ketzer![ ] ketzer!' the praguers and their scanty allies meanwhile fearlessly and confidently prepared to encounter the world in arms against them. with them, as afterwards [illustration: the hradcany] with the puritans, absolute confidence in scripture rendered despondency impossible; for, to borrow the words of mr. john morley, 'no criticism had then impaired the position of the bible as the direct word of god, a single book one and whole, one page as inspired as another.' a thorough knowledge of the old testament is evident in all the contemporary records of those stirring times. no man or woman of prague doubted that the lord, who had once struck down the forces of sennacherib, would now strike down those of sigismund. the th of july was fixed by sigismund for the general attack. it was decided that the royal forces that were quartered in the hradcany castle should attack the adjoining malá strana and the bridge tower on the left bank of the vltava, while the forces on the vysehrad would endeavour to storm the new town, which was at the foot of that fortress. a third army was to attack the old town from the so-called spitalské pole (hospital field), which was situated on the spot where the suburb of karlin, or karolinenthal, now stands. an attack was also to be made on the hill then known as the vitkov, but which has, after the victorious taborite leader, since that day been called the zizkov, or zizka's hill. this hill was the key of the position of the defenders, who depended on its possession for maintaining their communications with the country. the zizkov was held by zizka and his taborites, who had thrown up slight fortifications. the germans attacked the hill with a strong force, and, in spite of the heroism of zizka, who fought in the front rank, for a time drove the bohemians back. one of the small earthworks was held for a long time by only twenty-six men, two women and one girl, against several hundred germans. when the taborites were for a time forced to retreat, one of these women refused to leave her post, saying that a true christian must never give way to antichrist. she was immediately cut down by the germans. this incident is very characteristic of the indomitable religious enthusiasm that for a time rendered the bohemians invincible. the clanging of all the church bells hastily summoned the citizens, who, led by a priest carrying the monstrance, hurried to the aid of their allies. the germans were completely routed; many were killed during their flight from the hill--then much steeper than at the present day--and many perished in the vltava. as soon as victory seemed certain, the taborites and praguers knelt down on the battlefield and intoned the 'te deum laudamus,' while the whole town was filled with unspeakable joy. the other attacks on the city were also unsuccessful. sigismund had remained in the rear with part of his army, and returned to his camp as soon as he saw the defeat of his troops. according to the austrian chronicler, ebendorf of haselbach, the king 'smiled--it is said--over the fate of the brave christians who had succumbed to the heretics, who had triumphed over them.' on monday, july --the battle had been fought on a sunday--solemn processions through the streets of prague, led by the hussite clergy, took place in celebration of the great victory. zizka, however, who believed a new attack probable, hastily collected a large crowd of men and women, who, under his direction, strengthened and enlarged the fortifications on the vitkov, the scene of the victory of the day before. the supposition of the taborite leader, however, proved erroneous, for the victory on zizka's hill practically ended the siege of prague. it is as impossible to explain this as it is to account for the fact that the by no means decisive defeat of marathon should have induced the persians to abandon for a time their intention of conquering greece. it is certain that dissensions broke out in the vast camps of the crusaders. the foreign allies of sigismund distrusted all bohemians, even those who were on the side of the king, while the latter, who had, as palacky writes, learnt that 'even the largest force is insufficient to subdue a strong and resolute people,' now felt more disposed to listen to the words of those bohemian nobles who, indeed, sided with their sovereign, but did not share the german desire to extirpate the whole bohemian nation. these men suggested negotiations between the king and his hussite subjects. such negotiations were facilitated by the fact that the united hussites had, meanwhile, drawn up a summary of their demands, which is known as 'the articles of prague.'[ ] it will here be sufficient to state that the bohemians demanded freedom of preaching, the use of the chalice at communion, obligatory poverty of the clergy and severe regulations against mortal sins. it was decided that a conference should take place in the open air among the ruins of the malá strana, at which the magisters of the university, with the chiefs of the praguers and taborites, were to meet some german nobles, envoys of king sigismund, and the patriarch of aquilya, and simon, bishop of trace, who acted as representatives of the papal see. the meeting led to no result, as the representatives of the roman church declared that no decision of the church could be contested or discussed. the magisters of the prague university expressed surprise that the papal envoys attributed greater authority to the 'fallible church than to the infallible words of christ.' the failure of these negotiations no doubt confirmed sigismund in his resolution of leaving the neighbourhood of prague. the dissensions in his army became more and more envenomed; serious epidemics broke out among the troops; a great fire destroyed large parts of the encampments. before abandoning the siege, however, sigismund caused himself to be crowned king of bohemia in st. vitus's cathedral. the writers hostile to sigismund lay stress on the absence of many nobles whose court dignities rendered their presence at coronations necessary. they also mention that no representatives of the bohemian cities, none in particular of prague, 'the mother of all bohemian cities,' assisted at the ceremony. two days afterwards sigismund broke up his camp and retired to kutna hora, thus giving the signal of departure to the crusaders, who hurriedly returned to their countries. royal troops, however, continued to hold the castles of vysehrad and hradcany. the citizens now immediately began the siege of the vysehrad. after a time the defenders, who were suffering from hunger, were compelled to conclude a truce for three days, according to which they would capitulate if they had received no aid by the morning of november . sigismund meanwhile had returned to the neighbourhood of prague with an army consisting mainly of moravians, and containing many utraquist nobles from that country. on the other hand many of the bohemian nobles, such as hynek krusina of lichtenberg, who was first in command, victor of podebrad (father of the future king), and many others openly joined the national cause. the vysehrad castle was now surrounded in every direction. zavis bradaty, with the citizens of zatec and loun, and a large force of armed peasants, were encamped between the karlov[ ] and the botic stream. next to them were the troops of the utraquist nobles and of the orebite[ ] community, while the citizens of prague held the post of honour nearest to the village of pankrac, whence the attack of the relieving army was expected. at the last moment forty taborite horsemen, led by nicholas of hus,[ ] joined the praguers. the king arrived at the village of pankrac on october , and sent a message to the commander of his troops on the hradcany telling him that he would attack the citizens on the following morning, and ordering him also to attack the bridge from the malá strana. 'but'--as a contemporary chronicler writes--'god, who is ever an enemy of the haughty and a friend of the humble, caused this message to fall into the hands of the praguers.' the citizens and their allies therefore spent the whole night in preparing for battle. the former trenches had, of course, been constructed for besieging the vysehrad; but the praguers, who held the most important position, hastily threw up earthworks on a spot where the fish ponds, still frequent in that neighbourhood, rendered the attack more difficult. in the morning (november ) sigismund rode to the summit of a little hill beyond the village of pankrac, and in view of the vysehrad, and waved his sword as a signal to the garrison to attack the rear of the enemy's army. 'but, as according to god's will,' the chronicler writes, 'the hour had already passed, the garrison did not stir.' a few german soldiers who formed part of the garrison, indeed attempted to come to sigismund's aid, but were held back by their bohemian comrades. seeing that no sortie from the vysehrad was intended, several of the moravian nobles rode up to the king and advised him not to attack the praguers, otherwise both he and his people would suffer much evil. the king answered, 'i must war with these peasants to-day.' then henry of plumlov, captain of moravia, said, 'be certain that this day will have an evil end; i dread the fighting-clubs[ ] of the peasants.' the king answered, 'i know that you moravians are cowards and faithless to me.' then lord henry and the other moravian lords mounted their horses and cried, 'we will obey your order and we shall be there, where you will not be.' the nobles attacked the strong position of the praguers with great vigour, and for a moment the citizens wavered. then krusina hurried to the spot where they stood, and exclaimed with a loud voice, 'dear brethren! turn back again and be to-day brave knights in christ's battle, for it is god's, not our fight, that we are fighting to-day. you will see for sure that god will deliver all his and our enemies into our hands.' hardly had he ceased speaking when the cry, 'the enemy is flying,' was heard. the citizens speedily rallied, and, assuming the offensive, drove the moravian nobles back into the marshy ground that extended from the vysehrad to the village of pankrac. a great massacre of the nobles, whose heavy armour impeded their movements, took place, and flight soon became general. sigismund himself, who, regardless of the taunts of the moravian nobles had again remained with the rear of his army, did not halt till he had reached the town of cesky brod. a very large number of moravian nobles fell in this battle, and many also died of their wounds at the village of pankrac, after receiving communion in the two kinds, as the pious chronicler states. it is touching to note that the praguers sorrowed over the death of the moravian nobles, who, though they had fought against the city, yet belonged to the same race as the citizens. the citadel of vysehrad surrendered on the day of the battle, and on june , , the garrison of the hradcany--which had unsuccessfully attempted a diversion during the battle of the vysehrad--also capitulated. one of the most important results of the battles of the zizkov and of the vysehrad was the temporary hegemony over bohemia, or at least the greatest part of the country, which the city of prague obtained. the 'mother and head of the bohemian cities,' which had gloriously and successfully defended the religious and political liberty of the country, not unfairly claimed the leadership. the once powerful bohemian nobility had been weakened by dissension. some of its members still, though reluctantly, remained faithful to sigismund. others, perhaps also reluctantly, recognised the city of prague as their over-lord, though they never--as was the case in some italian cities--became merged in the mass of the citizens. the taborites, who had taken but little part in the 'crowning mercy' of the vysehrad, had not yet attained the height of their power. the strong attitude assumed by the predominant city appears very clearly in the manifesto[ ] which the praguers, in union with some of their allies among the nobles, issued a few days after the victory of the vysehrad. this document is a stirring appeal to the national feeling, and such an appeal has rarely remained unheeded in bohemia. after violent denunciations of sigismund, who, it was stated, had preferred to the bohemians 'the germans and hungarians, the cruellest enemies of our nation,' and who was ready to sacrifice a kingdom, were there but no bohemians in bohemia, the citizens declared that they would consider all who favoured such a king as men who desired the ruin of the country. they would, therefore, consider such men as open enemies of god and of the nation. it is interesting to give a brief outline of the [illustration: view of prague and hradcany castle] constitution of prague at the moment of her greatest power. this constitution may be defined as that of a theocratic republic, though attempts to obtain a new sovereign in succession to sigismund always continued. the principal legislative authority was at this period concentrated in the 'great assembly' (veliká obec), of which almost all citizens formed part, and which met in the open air in the market-places. the executive power was in the hands of the burgomaster and of the town councillors, who were elected by the great assembly. though the separation between the old town and the new town continued, it seems at this period to have been an almost nominal one. less easy to define, but perhaps yet greater, was the influence of the preachers, mainly founded on the almost exclusive interest in theological controversy that was then general in bohemia. john of zelivo, who has already been mentioned, for a time acquired boundless popularity among the citizens. his influence largely contributed to securing to prague the hegemony over bohemia, and after his downfall and death, to which i shall presently refer, prague soon lost its predominant position. warfare with sigismund continued in spite of his great defeat, and the citizens of prague played a prominent part in it. their party, to accentuate the hegemony of the city, is generally called 'the praguers' by the old chroniclers, in distinction both from the romanists and the taborites. the scene of the subsequent hussite warfare was, however, generally distant from prague, and therefore requires no notice here. it is only occasionally that prague again becomes the centre of events. such was the case when, on april , , 'to the surprise and horror of all christendom,' the archbishop of prague, conrad of vechta, declared that he accepted 'the articles of prague,' thus joining the national church. the news was joyfully received by the citizens of prague. the _te deum laudamus_ was sung and the bells of all the churches were rung. all swore to obey the archbishop and to defend him. only a few of the preachers who were favourable to tabor looked with displeasure on the 'healing of the anti-christian monster.' on the other hand, conrad was not unnaturally overwhelmed with abuse by the romanists. dr. tomek writes: 'archbishop conrad was neither better nor worse than the majority of the bohemian ecclesiastics of high rank at that period.' to the student of the times a certain amount of scepticism may, in an exalted bohemian ecclesiastic of the period, appear, though unpardonable, hardly inexplicable. shortly afterwards, in accordance with a decision of a meeting of the estates at caslav, a synod of the bohemian clergy assembled at the carolinum in prague. archbishop conrad was indeed not present, but he had delegated as his representatives several hussite clergymen, of whom magisters pribram and jacobellus were the most eminent. the synod resulted in a failure, mainly in consequence of the obstinacy of the delegates of tabor. internal discord broke out in prague not long after the failure of the synod. under the leadership of john of zelivo, the democratic party in the city acquired ever-increasing strength, and opposed the provisional government of comparatively moderate views, which had been established at the assembly of caslav. the more moderate party firmly believed in the possibility of securing an agreement with rome, if the bohemians but limited their demands to 'the articles of prague,' and eschewed ultra-revolutionary tendencies both in church and state. that the views of the moderate hussites were to a certain extent justified is proved by the fact that a settlement on the lines they contemplated was eventually obtained at the council of basel. but compromises are as distasteful to religious as to political fanatics, and zelivo's influence rendered all attempts at conciliation illusory. zelivo's undefined power became more and more pronounced, and it is undoubtedly through his influence--though evidence is not quite conclusive--that an utraquist noble of moderate views, john of sadlo,[ ] who had come to prague to justify himself against probably untrue accusations, was, when he appeared in the town hall, immediately arrested and decapitated without trial or judgment. reaction against the ultra-democratic, or rather anarchist, party soon increased among the citizens, and the influence of their aristocratic allies was also used to the detriment of zelivo. an eye-witness of his fall and death has left us a detailed account of the events. john was enticed to the town hall of the staré mesto, under the pretext of seeking his advice concerning a new campaign against sigismund. he was at first kindly received, but the magistrates suddenly called in their officials, who seized zelivo. he attempted to remonstrate, but the burgomaster of the old town said, 'it cannot be otherwise, priest john!' zelivo was allowed time for confession, and then decapitated. rioting almost immediately ensued, particularly after a priest had shown john's head to the people. many houses in the old town, particularly in the jewish quarter, were pillaged. the people insisted on the election of new town councillors, and several men, who were principally instrumental in plotting zelivo's death, were decapitated. his death none the less greatly diminished the power of the democratic party, particularly in the old town, as no demagogue of equal ability succeeded zelivo. order was to a certain extent re-established in prague during the short rule of prince sigismund korybut of lithuania, a nephew of the king of poland, whom the utraquist nobles wished to substitute to sigismund of hungary as their ruler. korybut arrived at prague in may , and remained there to the end of that year. he unsuccessfully attempted the siege of the karlstyn that was still held by the royal troops. this failure, as well as the influence of the king of poland, induced korybut to leave prague, though, as events proved, only temporarily. shortly afterwards dissensions, ending in civil war, arose between the praguers and the taborites. the internal dissensions were not, however, of long duration, as the news of a new 'crusade' reunited all bohemia, and the treaty of konopist ( ) for a time restored internal tranquillity. unfortunately the truce lasted but for a short time. the new crusade proved a yet greater failure than those that had preceded it. the germans and other crusaders speedily recrossed the frontier without even having encountered the hussites on the field of battle, and we find the praguers and taborites again at war in . through the intervention of korybut, who had meanwhile returned to prague, another conference took place on the so-called spitalské pole (hospital field). mainly through the eloquence of a young preacher at the tyn church, rokycan, afterwards famous as utraquist archbishop of prague, an agreement was obtained. it is a curious proof of the mutual distrust that prevailed that an agreement had been previously made, according to which the party that violated the truce should be fined a considerable sum, and that a large heap of stones should be placed in the spitalské pole for the purpose of stoning immediately all disturbers of the peace. after the meetings at konopist and on the spitalské pole, many others took place, in all of which the minutiæ of theology were discussed with that intense interest in religious controversy that was characteristic of the bohemians of that time; of such meetings we may mention that held in the hradcany in , and the somewhat later one at the carolinum. religious dissensions also caused the downfall of korybut in . the clergy of prague were then divided into two parties: the more moderate one led by magister pribram, which korybut favoured, and the advanced one, which was more in sympathy with the taborites, and which had as leaders rokycan, jacobellus, and peter payne, who, in consequence of his english origin, was known as 'magister englis.' he played a considerable part in the contest, as a contemporary song tells us that-- 'the devil sent us englis; he walks stealthily through prague, spreading doctrines from england that are not wholesome for the bohemians.'[ ] in consequence of korybut's support of the moderate party the advanced hussites resolved to depose him. on april , , he was surprised, captured without bloodshed, and conveyed to the castle of waldstein, near boleslav. in september some of the nobles of his party attempted to obtain possession of prague with the aid of korybut's partisans in the city. they succeeded in entering the town, and penetrated as far as the staromestské námesti. desperate fighting ensued, but the advanced hussites were finally victorious, and almost all the invaders were killed or made prisoners. shortly afterwards korybut was released and allowed to return to his own country. it is only quite at the end of the hussite wars that the capital again becomes the scene of strife. after the great defeat of the troops of the last crusade at tauss (or domazlice), the church of rome had for a time abandoned the idea of subduing bohemia by force of arms. a council assembled at basel, and after prolonged negotiations the bohemians consented to be represented there. their envoys, among whom were rokycan, afterwards archbishop of prague; prokop the great, leader of the taborites; nicholas of pelhrimov, surnamed biskupec; peter payne, the 'english hussite,' and many others arrived at basel on january , . the negotiations began there, and afterwards continued at prague, where the council sent envoys, and where the estates met in the carolinum on june . though these negotiations with the council as yet proved unsuccessful, the delegates of the council, before leaving prague in january , urgently exhorted the utraquist nobles to take a more active part in the politics of their country, and to use their influence in favour of an agreement with rome. these words made a great impression on the bohemian nobility, which viewed with great displeasure the almost complete extinction of its formerly overwhelming power. the struggle in bohemia now became rather one between aristocracy and democracy than between contending religious parties. in direct connection with this new phase of the bohemian struggle are the troubles that broke out at prague. ever since great antagonism, founded partly on local, partly on political differences, existed between the old and the new town. the former gradually became an ally of the utraquist, and even of the romanist nobles, while the men of the new town drew nearer and nearer to the taborites. in ales of riesenburg was elected regent of bohemia, and a league 'for the restoration of peace and order in the country' was formed. it was joined by almost the entire nobility of bohemia and by the citizens of plzen, melnik, and the staré mesto of prague. the citizens of the nové mesto refused to join the confederacy; guided by the taborite general, prokop the great, they began to prepare for war, and barricaded their streets that were nearest to the old town. called in by the citizens of the old town, the nobles marched to their aid. unable to arrive there directly, they crossed the vltava to the malá strana, that was then under the rule of the old town. joining the citizens here they together attacked the new town, which was subdued after some fighting. the men of the new town, who defended their town hall, resisted for some time, but capitulated after receiving permission to leave the city. a large part of the new town was pillaged by the army of the nobles, and their allies, the victorious citizens of the staré mesto, henceforth claimed supremacy over the new town. prokop hurriedly left prague and wrote to prokupek, the commander of the taborite forces before plzen, that 'by god's permission the false barons with the citizens of the old town have attacked our dear brethren, the citizens of the new town; they killed some and conquered the town.' a few months later the great battle of lipan resulted in the victory of the aristocratic party, and the 'fall of tabor,' to use the words of the great bohemian historian palacky. the defeat of the democratic party paved the way to the recognition of sigismund as king. after prolonged negotiations at the council of basel and meetings of the estates at brno and jihlava,[ ] the bohemians recognised sigismund as their king, while he promised to obtain for them certain religious concessions, of which the permission to receive communion in the two kinds was the most important. a document known as the 'compacts' enumerated these concessions. on august , , sigismund arrived at the gates of prague, where he was met by the magistrates of the three cities.[ ] amidst great rejoicings of the people, he proceeded to the tyn church, where mass was celebrated by archbishop rokycan according to the utraquist rites. on the following sunday, august , the magistrates of the three towns, in the market-place of the old town, appeared before sigismund, who was sitting on a throne in his imperial robes, but wearing the bohemian crown. they brought to him the keys of the town gates, which sigismund immediately returned to them in proof of his entire reliance on their fidelity. he also confirmed all the ancient privileges of prague, and again granted the men of the nové mesto independence from the old town. the short period during which sigismund was destined to reign over bohemia was yet sufficiently prolonged to witness the destruction of the short-lived friendship between the king and his bohemian subjects. sigismund, who was during his whole life a fervent adherent of the church of rome, had accepted the compacts as reluctantly as they had been granted [illustration: the town hall and market-place] by the church of rome. he had also promised to use his influence with the papal see to obtain the recognition of rokycan as archbishop of prague. the estates had elected him to that office at a meeting which they held in september , but rome now, and indeed always, refused to recognise him as archbishop of prague. the attitude of sigismund in this matter was undoubtedly propitious. as dr tomek writes: 'publicly sigismund wrote to the council recommending it to confirm rokycan's nomination as archbishop; secretly he advised the contrary.' bishop philibert of contances, who had taken part in the previous negotiations between the council of basel and the bohemians, had accompanied sigismund to prague. though without any recognised position in the country, philibert endeavoured to exercise archiepiscopal functions at prague, thus encroaching on the rights of rokycan. discord between the two ecclesiastics very soon began, and philibert, who had assisted at a religious service held by rokycan in the tyn church, noted with great displeasure that the sermon was preached in bohemian, and that several hymns were also sung in that language. while sigismund in these disputes favoured the roman church, to the great displeasure of the bohemians, other causes also contributed to his increasing unpopularity. sigismund had awarded all the state offices either to romanists or to such utraquists as were nearest to rome, thus excluding the enormous majority of the bohemians. the king's cruelty to the taborite lord, john rohác of duba, was also viewed with great displeasure by the people. rohác had remained in arms even after the general pacification. his castle, to which he had given the biblical name of zion, long resisted the royal arms. he was finally obliged to capitulate, and was by sigismund's orders executed on the staromestské námesti at prague. this caused renewed warfare, as john kolda, lord of zampach, who with rohác was one of the few nobles who was to the last faithful to tabor, rose in arms against sigismund. though there was thus no real concord, the short reign of sigismund was marked by a ceremony that formally concluded the hussite wars. papal legates brought the sanction of the compacts to prague. on april , , a decree was read out in corpus christi chapel, in the presence of sigismund, his consort and the papal legates, stating 'that no one should revile the bohemians and moravians for receiving communion in the two kinds, or for availing themselves of the other right granted by the compacts, but that they should be considered true and faithful sons of the church.' tablets containing this statement were placed in the corpus christi chapel.[ ] this ceremony hardly even for a time interrupted the religious struggle. the animosity of the papal legate and the more veiled hostility of sigismund induced rokycan, who had been deprived of his living at the tyn church, to leave prague and seek refuge at the castle of one of the utraquist nobles. partly in consequence of incessant political and ecclesiastical troubles, sigismund's already weak health now became seriously impaired. he resolved to return to hungary, but died on the journey at znaym (december , ). though most of sigismund's undertakings proved failures, he was successful in his principal dynastic ambition, which was to secure the succession to the bohemian throne--sigismund had no male heirs--to his son-in-law albert, archduke of austria. the [illustration: south porch of tyn church] bohemian estates, though somewhat reluctantly, elected albert as their sovereign, and he was crowned king of bohemia at prague on july , . during his short reign albert obtained but little popularity in bohemia. a thorough german and a fervent roman catholic, his views, both as regards racial and religious matters, were in opposition to those of the majority of his new subjects. though he had governed moravia as representative of his father-in-law, sigismund, for a considerable period, he had always declined to learn the bohemian language, a point on which the bohemians have, perhaps not unnaturally, been very susceptible at all times. albert, who was also king of hungary, was soon obliged to return to that country. sultan murad the second had invaded servia and the adjoining districts of southern hungary. during the campaign against the turks albert was seized with sickness, and died (october , ) after having only reigned two years over bohemia. a very tumultuous, almost anarchical, period in bohemia followed the death of albert. the national or utraquist party, headed by ptacek, and afterwards by george of podebrad, was in constant conflict with the austrian or romanist nobles, whose leader was ulrich of rosenberg. on february , , albert's widow gave birth to a son, known in history as ladislas posthumus; but as the question whether the bohemian crown was hereditary or elective then was still in dispute, this did not contribute as largely to the stability of the common-wealth as might otherwise have been the case. religious strife also continued. in a new papal envoy, cardinal john of carvajal, arrived at prague, and was at first joyfully received by the people. public opinion, however, soon changed. carvajal declared that the pope would never recognise rokycan as archbishop, and expressed great disapproval when informed that in a convent he visited communion was administered in the two kinds. his conduct generally did not tend to give the puritan praguers a favourable opinion of the dignitaries of the roman church. when negotiating with george of podebrad, the head of the national party, who referred to the compacts, the cardinal denied all knowledge of them. podebrad therefore sent him the original of that valuable document. shortly afterwards, carvajal, frightened by the hostility of the citizens who threatened him with the fate of hus, precipitately left prague. it was immediately discovered that the compacts had disappeared. rokycan and magister pribram appealed to the magistrates, and the cardinal was pursued by armed forces. when arrested he was unable to deny the theft, but he begged to be allowed, to avoid public disgrace, only to open his luggage on his arrival at benesov. this was granted to him, and he was escorted to that town. here the compacts were found hidden away among his luggage, and were brought back to prague. the mission of the cardinal thus proved an entire failure, and, indeed, only envenomed the religious struggle. civil war was inevitable; it was only doubtful which party would begin hostilities. it is probable that george of podebrad and the other national leaders had arrived at the conclusion that the differences between their party and the austrian one could only be settled by the force of arms, ever since the failure of the negotiations which had taken place at the great meetings of the estates at prague in . podebrad appears to have had evidence proving that the attempts at a reconciliation which the bohemians had made through frequent embassies to rome had been frustrated by the secret machinations of rosenberg, the leader of the austrian and romanist party. still no warlike steps were taken till after the failure of carvajal's mission to prague. but immediately afterwards podebrad assembled an army of about men near kutna hora and marched on prague. municipal authority in the city was then in the hands of those utraquists whose views were nearest to those of rome, but the large majority of the citizens of prague favoured the national party. to pacify the people the magistrates had, immediately after carvajal's departure, assembled the masters and priests at the carolinum, and enjoined on all present not to speak in a derogatory manner of the utraquist communion and the articles of prague. this decision was made known to the citizens from the town hall, but it did not lessen the distrust of the nationalists. after a vain attempt at negotiations, and after having declared feud to the town, podebrad obtained possession of the vysehrad by surprise and almost without loss of life (september ). continuing their march before daybreak, podebrad's troops then took possession of the adjoining nové mesto, and afterwards of the old town. here also podebrad's men met with little opposition. their war cry, 'kunstat hr,'[ ] terrified their enemies, while it rejoiced the large majority of the citizens who sympathised with podebrad. the march of the national army from the new town to the town hall of the old city, where podebrad and his principal generals took up their residence, became a triumphal procession. the town-captain, hanus of kolowrat, and several of the town councillors succeeded in making their escapes, but the burgrave, menhard of hradec, was captured and imprisoned by order of podebrad. the capture of prague by podebrad caused great internal changes in the capital. rokycan returned to prague, and was reinstated in all his former dignities. on the other hand, the romanist canons of st. vitus's cathedral mostly fled to plzen. podebrad's rule did not however remain uncontested. the lords and cities that were opposed to him formed a league against him, which, from the town where his opponents met, was called 'the confederacy of strakonic.' a record of the desultory warfare that ensued, in which podebrad and the national party were generally victorious, is beyond the purpose of this little book. podebrad continued to rule the country, and up to the time that ladislas was able to exercise, at least nominally, the royal power, he governed prague under the title of 'gubernator et rector civitatum pragensium,' the same designation that korybut had formerly assumed. [illustration: clock tower in town hall of starÉ mesto] in the estates of bohemia met at prague and recognised ladislas as their king, and in the following year he was, on october , crowned as king of bohemia in st. vitus's cathedral. the ceremony was performed by the bishop of olmütz, as king ladislas, then only fourteen years old, yet refused to be crowned by rokycan, the utraquist archbishop of prague. in consequence of the youth of the king, podebrad continued to rule bohemia, not without much difficulty, as the young king's open sympathy with rome and marked hostility to rokycan embittered the enormous utraquist majority of the bohemian population. ladislas, who had proceeded to hungary in , returned in the following year to prague. shortly after his return the young king, who was on the point of being betrothed to magdalen, daughter of charles vii., king of france, was attacked by a mysterious illness that was similar to the asiatic plague, if not identical with it. that terrible illness had, since the turkish invasion, spread widely in hungary, from which country ladislas had just returned. the king summoned podebrad to his bedside, took leave of him in touching words, and then died on the third day of his illness (november , ). the body of ladislas was conveyed to st. vitus's cathedral on november . the romanist chronicler, eschenloer, who was then at prague, writes: 'the sorrow and wailing of the people was very great. rokycan walked nearest to the bier with his sacrilegious clergy, carrying the sacrament and lighted candles. then the good' (_i.e._, romanist) 'clergy in small number followed.' the premature death of ladislas again brought the difficult question of the succession to the throne before the nobles and citizens of bohemia. foreign candidates, such as william, duke of saxony, charles vii. of france, who endeavoured to obtain the crown for his son charles, and casimir, king of poland, were represented by envoys when the estates met in the town hall of the staré mesto on march . the utraquist members of the assembly had, indeed, from the first decided to choose one of their number, podebrad, whom they considered most worthy of the crown, but the votes of the romanist envoys were uncertain. prolonged debates took place, which on the following day were continued 'with great seriousness and conscientiousness.' finally the high burgrave, sternberg, declared for podebrad, and kneeling before his old friend, exclaimed: 'long live george, our gracious king and lord.' all the other nobles and knights followed his example, and the unanimous election[ ] was enthusiastically received by the crowd that had assembled outside the town hall. george was then conducted to the neighbouring tyn church, where he was received by archbishop rokycan. though george had been chosen unanimously, difficulties arose almost immediately with regard to his coronation, a ceremony to which the bohemians have always attached the utmost importance. finally, through the intervention of king matthias corvinus of hungary, two hungarian bishops undertook to crown the king, and the ceremony was performed with much splendour in st. vitus's cathedral on may , . the chroniclers state that when the crown was placed on the king's head one of the largest jewels fell to the ground. this was afterwards interpreted as signifying that breslau, which as capital of silesia was one of the greatest towns in the lands of the bohemian crown, would never be in podebrad's power. during his [illustration: chapel of town hall] eventful reign ( - ) king george was engaged in constant warfare with the rebellious catholic nobles and with king matthias of hungary. that prince had indeed been an ally of george at the beginning of his reign, but his views changed when it became certain that an agreement between the papal see and podebrad was impossible. the king of hungary now declared war against bohemia, and attempted to supplant george as ruler of that country. in the king assembled the estates at prague; the bohemian envoys, who had just returned from rome, the papal legate and the romanist bishops of breslau and olmütz were also present. the king presided, sitting under a baldachin with his consort, queen johanna, at his right and his sons at his left. podebrad spoke strongly of the treachery of the roman court, and ended by declaring 'that the pope should know that he would not sell his faith for a kingdom, that he, his wife and his children were ready to risk their kingdom and their lives for the blessed blood' (_i.e._, communion in the two kinds). this speech greatly affected all present, few of whom could refrain from tears. the campaigns that occupied the last years of podebrad hardly belong to a history of prague. on february , , archbishop rokycan died, only a few weeks before his old ally king george, who died of dropsy on march of the same year. it had, no doubt, originally been a favourite design of podebrad to found a national dynasty in bohemia, but the necessities of his frequent wars had obliged him to favour the succession of prince vladislav of poland, thus securing the valuable help of poland for his country. it had indeed been tacitly settled during george's lifetime, but the estates maintained their traditional right of choosing their king, and met for that purpose at kutna hora. besides vladislav, several other candidates strove to obtain the bohemian crown. the most important were albert, duke of saxony, and king matthias of hungary. the whole influence of rome was used in favour of the last-named candidate. the letter which the papal legate, rudolph, bishop of breslau, addressed to the bohemians, and praguers in particular, is interesting as formulating the argument against hussitism, founded on the decline of prague, that has been, before and since that time, constantly repeated. after stating that christ on leaving the world had appointed st. peter his representative, and that the roman bishops, whom all faithful christians should obey, were his successors, the legate admonishes the praguers to remember the former glory of their city, which, while it was faithful to rome, had surpassed all other towns, even nuremberg, cöln and vienna, in wealth, power and wisdom; even florence, venice and rome had scarcely equalled her.[ ] the citizens should therefore abandon their hussite errors and recognise matthias as their king. this appeal does not appear to have impressed the praguers or the other bohemians much, for vladislav was elected king with but little opposition. he arrived at prague on august , , and was met outside the town by the clergy and the people, who conducted him to the royal residence. he was there presented with a bible by the magisters of the university, 'that reading it he might learn to rule both himself and his people according to the will of god.' vladislav, as palacky has noted, was the first bohemian sovereign who was almost constantly absent from the country, while his consort, anna de foix, was the only queen of bohemia who never set her foot on the national soil. vladislav, as was inevitable in consequence of his education, favoured the romanists as far as it was in his power to do so. through his influence the principal municipal offices at prague were entrusted to men who, though nominally utraquists, favoured the cause of rome in every way. during the absence of the king riots broke out at prague in . the more ardent hussite preachers violently attacked the government both of the king and of the town magistrates. the magistrates of prague therefore resolved to seize these preachers, and it was rumoured that they had, in union with the magistrates of the malá strana and some romanist lords, resolved a general massacre of the utraquists in the city. one of the magistrates of the old town, tomasek, surnamed 'of the golden star,' was reported to have told a neighbour, a fervent hussite, that on the sunday before st. wenceslas (september ) 'they would give the utraquists bloody cakes to eat.' the menace was of course understood. both parties began arming, and on september civic warfare began. the great bells of the tyn church were rung, and the people stormed the neighbouring town hall. the burgomaster was, according to what may almost be called a national custom, thrown from the windows of the town hall, and several of the councillors were wounded or imprisoned. far more sanguinary were the events in the new town. here, also, the town hall was stormed, many of the town councillors were killed, and a general massacre of romanists, particularly priests and monks, ensued. finally, in the new and in the old town, as well as in the malá strana--where the revolution appears to have been far less violent--new magistrates were elected, and the magistrates of the three towns concluded an alliance for mutual defence. king vladislav, who had approved of the plans of the former magistrates--it is impossible to state to what extent--was powerless. the citizens of prague, indeed, for a time obtained almost complete autonomy, which they preserved up to the reign of ferdinand i., and to a certain extent up to . vladislav died in hungary in , and was succeeded by his son louis, who had already been crowned as king of bohemia when a child of three years. louis, like his father, was king of hungary also, and spent a great part of his life in that country. as his representative in bohemia, he appointed leo of rozmital, but afterwards replaced him by duke charles of münsterberg, a grandson of king george, who assumed the title of regent. though the latter attempted somewhat to curb the turbulent citizens, yet prague enjoyed almost complete independence, and feuds not dissimilar from those of ancient italian cities broke out. personal ambitions and animosities masqueraded in the garb of religious differences. we possess a precious contemporary account of these struggles in the chronicles of bartos, surnamed 'the writer.' two demagogues, pasek and hlavsa,[ ] contended for the supremacy over the citizens of prague; both belonged to the utraquist church, but while the views of hlavsa, who was largely influenced by gallus cahera, rector of the tyn church and a personal friend of luther, were more advanced, pasek belonged to that shade of utraquism that was nearest to rome. bartos has eloquently described the conflicts that arose. i can here only allude briefly to the _coup d'état_ of , by which the reactionary party for a time obtained the upper hand. on august a crowd of pasek's partisans invaded the town hall of the staré mesto and arrested all councillors who were of the lutheran creed. pasek henceforth ruled over prague as a dictator, and issued severe decrees against all who 'favoured foreign heresies.' king louis, who was then residing in hungary, received the news of the success of the reactionary party with great joy, but the ever-increasing danger from turkey did not admit of his interfering actively in the affairs of bohemia. two years later king louis perished at the battle of mohác, in hungary, and the bohemian throne was again vacant. the death of king louis found the lands of the bohemian crown in a state of almost complete anarchy, as both vladislav and louis had given their attention mainly to the other countries over which they ruled. yet the question as to the hereditary character of the throne still being undecided, as soon as the news of the death of the king reached prague, september , , it was rumoured that many princes, undeterred by the precarious condition of the country, aspired to the bohemian throne. these were, besides archduke ferdinand of austria, brother-in-law of the late king, two bavarian and two saxon princes, sigismund, king of poland, and two great bohemian nobles, leo of rozmital and charles of münsterberg. the estates met at prague on october , and the deliberations were somewhat prolonged. it was finally decided that each estate should choose four electors from their number. the twelve electors met on october in the wenceslas chapel of st. vitus's cathedral. when they had finished their deliberations, they stated that they had chosen a king, but that the choice would only be made public on the following day. on october leo of rozmital announced to the estates assembled in the hradcany castle that archduke ferdinand of austria had been elected king. all present then sang the national song 'svaty václave.' on february of the following year ferdinand was crowned in st. vitus's cathedral. the following days were spent in great rejoicings, tournaments and balls in the hradcany castle. it was noted that--the queen only excepted--the new king danced with no lady but the wife of leo of rozmital, whose exertions had largely aided him in obtaining the bohemian crown. the life of ferdinand, who was also king of hungary, frequently ruler of germany, and roman emperor during the last years of his life, has only occasional connection with prague. the fact that he caused the beautiful renaissance building known as the belvedere to be erected at prague proves, however, that he was not devoid of interest in his bohemian capital. ferdinand strenuously endeavoured to strengthen the royal power in bohemia. he rescinded the decree of the demagogue pasek, which had united the old and the new town in one community; and pasek, though he vainly attempted to curry favour with the king, was struck off the list of the magistrates. gallus cahera, preacher of the tyn church, who had now joined the reactionary party, was exiled from all the habsburg dominions, and in pasek himself was for a short time expelled from prague. on the other hand, hlavsa and some of his lutheran partisans, who had been exiled by pasek, were permitted to return to the bohemian capital. [illustration: wenceslas chapel, st. vitus's cathedral] though ferdinand, as these facts prove, showed more moderation--at least at the beginning of his reign--than the bohemians had expected, he was yet unable to establish religious tranquillity in the country. he was more successful in his endeavours to strengthen the royal prerogative and limit the power of the estates. that power was to a great extent founded on their right of electing the sovereign. it was, therefore, a great success for the royalist cause when the king, skilfully using the circumstance that a great fire in prague ( ) destroyed all the ancient state documents, succeeded in persuading the estates to recognise a new charter, which declared that ferdinand had been accepted as king in consequence of the hereditary rights of his wife, queen anna, who was a sister of king louis. it must, however, be mentioned that this curtailing of the privileges of the bohemian estates contributed to the revolutionary movement of . in that year troubles broke out in bohemia in connection with the war that charles v. and his brother ferdinand were waging against the leaders of the german protestants, john frederick, elector of saxony, and philip, landgrave of hessé. ferdinand claimed military aid from his bohemian subjects, which the then almost entirely protestant population of the country was not unnaturally unwilling to grant. sixt of ottersdorf, who, as clerk, and afterwards chancellor of the old town, played a considerable part in these events, has left us an interesting account of these troubles.[ ] in ferdinand assembled the estates and urged them to equip an armed force against the turks. they consented, but when it appeared that their levies were to attack, not the turks, but saxony, the largest part of the bohemian army refused to cross the saxon frontier. on january , , sixt of ottersdorf presented to king ferdinand--who, during the then customary interruption of hostilities in winter, had returned to prague--the usual new-year gifts on the part of the citizens, 'expressing in a latin speech hopes that the coming year would end all disturbances and wars in the christian world; for they were caused only by some unquiet men.' in reply to this ambiguous speech the king stated that he accepted their gifts and good wishes, and that he hoped that with the aid of the praguers and his other subjects he would shortly be able to restore peace to the empire. on the following day the king ordered the citizens of the old and new towns to equip armed men each. this, as the contemporary writers state, caused great displeasure, as the citizens had no doubt that they were ordered to arm against the men of their own faith. a few days later he decreed a general arming of the people, reminding the bohemians of an ancient decree, according to which those who did not give their aid when bohemia was in danger should lose their lives and their estates. he therefore summoned all to join him in arms at litomerice, but a few romanist lords alone obeyed the royal command. the feeling was general that the diet's sanction was necessary for such a general armament. the praguers took the lead in the opposition to ferdinand, and the movement in their city had a strongly democratic character.[ ] mistrusting the energy of their magistrates, the citizens, both of the old and of the new town, at a general meeting on january , , resolved that in future all matters of great importance should be decided at general meetings of the citizens, who were to be called together by the town bells. they further declared that a general arming of the people, without the consent of the diet, was contrary to the law of the land. many bohemian towns, such as kolin, kourim, caslav, cesky brod, made common cause with prague, which they recognised as the 'head of the estate of the citizens.' many knights and nobles, particularly those who belonged to the 'unity' of the bohemian brethren, were in sympathy with the towns, and, indeed, agreed to their suggestion that a meeting of the estates should take place. this was distinctly unconstitutional, as the king alone had the right of summoning the estates. on february a private meeting of the nobles took place at the house of lord bohus kostka, in the celetná ulice. all present agreed to act in accord with the citizens, and after a prolonged conference 'proceeded to the staromestské námesti singing "true christians, let us strongly hope"; they then lifted their hats, berets and caps when passing the tyn church, and retired to their abodes.' a more formal meeting of the estates took place in the following month. king ferdinand had, indeed, written from dresden to the high officials of prague, ordering them to do everything in their power to prevent this meeting of the estates, who had not been summoned by their king. they, none the less, met on march at the carolinum, where nobles, knights and representatives of the bohemian towns (except plzen and budejovice) were present. they formed a confederacy and formulated their demands in forty-five articles, which mainly tended to curtailing the royal prerogative, securing religious freedom, and affirming the elective character of the bohemian throne. it was resolved to bring these demands before king ferdinand by a deputation chosen from among the members of the diet, and the estates also entered into negotiations with the protestant princes of germany, and resolved to equip an army. shortly afterwards the news of the great protestant defeat at mühlberg (april , ) reached prague. the citizens at first discredited the truth of the reports, but when the evil news was confirmed they, as well as the other bohemians, found themselves obliged to confront the difficult position to which a policy, which was at once venturesome and timid, had led them; for they had acted in a manner that would necessarily irritate their sovereign, while they had done little or nothing to aid the protestant cause. it was finally decided to disband their army--this was one of ferdinand's principal demands--to congratulate ferdinand on his victory, to alter the instructions that had been given to the envoys who were to bring their claims before the king, while still maintaining the grievances of the bohemians. the envoys--among them was sixt, the historian--joined the king, with whom was his brother, charles v., in the camp before wittenberg, which they were then besieging. they were received both by the emperor and by ferdinand, who told them that they would later signify their pleasure with regard to bohemia. the estates should meanwhile renounce all alliances that were hostile to their king. ferdinand had already decided to avail himself of the momentary position for the purpose of strengthening the royal power. acute politician as he was, he clearly saw that nothing would so greatly further his purpose as causing dissension among the bohemian estates. he resolved to deal more severely with the towns than with the knights and nobles. he marched to litomerice with a large force, and here issued a proclamation, stating that he would receive graciously [illustration: the east gate of the hradcany] all knights and nobles, who had been merely misled by others; of the townsmen no mention was made. on july ferdinand arrived at prague, and first occupied the hradcany castle without resistance. his army, consisting principally of spaniards and walloons, then surrounded the old and new towns, committing great depredations in the outskirts of prague. some fighting took place, and the lower order of the praguers began to arm, and decided to defend the bridge. the counsels of the wealthier and wiser citizens, who knew that resistance was hopeless, however, soon prevailed, and the cities surrendered. ferdinand summoned the more important citizens to appear before him at the hradcany castle. on july he received the deputies, about in number, in the hall of vladislav. with the king were the great dignitaries of bohemia and moravia, the bishops of olmütz and breslau, and prince augustus, brother of maurice of saxony. it is a proof of the importance of the town of prague that it was customary that the bohemian king should give his hand to the magistrates of the city when they appeared before him. on this occasion, however, ferdinand omitted to do this, and, indeed, turned his back on the citizens as a mark of displeasure. some time elapsed before he ordered a paper that contained the grievances against the citizens of prague, who were accused of being the principal instigators of the recent disturbances, to be read to the deputies. the townsmen attempted no defence, and, in their name, sixt of ottersdorf declared that the citizens surrendered unconditionally to their sovereign. the king ordered ludanic, captain of moravia, to inform the citizens that he would shortly convey his decision to them. he had meanwhile ordered jacob fikar, burgomaster of the old town, and one of the town councillors, who had both not appeared before him, to be arrested. then only were the citizens informed of the conditions under which they would be pardoned. they were to abandon all confederacies, even those between the prague cities, to surrender all papers dealing with their negotiations with the elector of saxony, to submit for revision all the papers containing the ancient privileges of the prague cities, to give up all arms, and to return to the crown all landed estates that belonged to it, but had been temporarily granted to the citizens. the last paragraph, in a somewhat veiled manner, stipulated the confiscation of considerable estates that had long belonged to the prague cities. the citizens were, however, obliged to accept all the king's demands. the king then convoked the estates for august , but he resolved that, as a deterrent example, the execution of the four most prominent national leaders should immediately precede this meeting of the diet, which has ever since been known as the krvavy snem (_i.e._, bloody diet). on august two knights and two citizens, one of whom was fikar, were decapitated on the market-place before the hradcany castle. other less severe punishments were inflicted on some of the members of the nationalist leaders, particularly on those who were members of the community of the bohemian brethren, who were suspected of having strongly favoured an alliance with the german protestants. the head of that community, john augusta, was arrested at litomysl, imprisoned in the 'white tower' on the hradcany, and cruelly tortured there. the 'bloody diet' accepted all the king's proposals, though they largely limited its powers, and comparative quiet continued in prague during the remaining years of ferdinand's rule. ferdinand died in , and the news of his death reached prague on july . his eldest son, maximilian, who had already been crowned king of bohemia, succeeded his father without any opposition. his well-known inclination to protestantism rendered the utraquist majority of the estates favourable to him, while the romanists were traditionally partisans of the house of habsburg. little need in this sketch of the story of prague be said of the twelve years ( - ) during which maximilian reigned over bohemia. he visited prague and held diets there in , and . on these occasions the proceedings were similar and, it may be added, monotonous. maximilian invariably demanded grants of money to enable him to carry on war against the turks, and the estates, with equal regularity, claimed that further concessions should be made to the utraquists, or rather protestants as they should now be called. at the diet of the lutherans and bohemian brethren jointly drew up a profession of faith which is known as the 'confessio bohemica.' the king did not indeed recognise it, but he granted the protestants, now the great majority of the population, independence from the old utraquist consistory. they were allowed to choose fifteen 'defenders,' five from each estate, to whom the government of the protestant church was to be entrusted. no doubt, largely in consequence of this concession, the estates accepted maximilian's eldest son, rudolph, as heir to the throne, and consented to his coronation during the lifetime of his father. some objections were raised with regard to rudolph's ignorance of the bohemian language, and it was stipulated that he should, in the absence of his father, reside in prague, that he might thoroughly learn the language and the laws of the country over which he was once to rule. the estates deputed seven nobles and seven knights, who proceeded to the karlstyn on september , for the purpose of fetching the royal insignia of bohemia that were preserved there. on their return the coronation took place, with the same ceremonial as that of maximilian, who had also been crowned during the lifetime of his father. according to the custom rudolph was crowned in st. vitus's cathedral. he first proceeded to the chapel of st. wenceslas, where the romanist archbishop and his clergy received him. he then entered the main church, and the burgrave, william of rosenberg, then asked the assembled estates whether they consented to the coronation of rudolph as king. they all, with loud voices, [illustration: rudolph ii.] expressed their consent. rudolph was then crowned by the romanist archbishop, with the assistance of william of rosenberg. the accession of rudolph to the bohemian throne followed very closely on his coronation. maximilian died in , and his son immediately proceeded to prague, where he resided almost continually during his reign. his life is therefore in closer connection with prague than that of almost any other bohemian ruler, charles iv. only excepted. rudolph's character was a very singular one, and it is certain that he occasionally suffered from melancholia. with a thorough knowledge and a great love of art, he combined an intense dislike of the affairs of the state. no king did more for the embellishment of prague. according to a contemporary epigram, prague, that had been of wood at the time of libussa, afterwards became marble, but golden under rudolph. rudolph was a great collector of paintings, sculpture, and even mere 'curiosities.' his agents travelled all over europe; thus albrecht dürer's 'madonna,' one of the few picture's from rudolph's collection that is still at prague, was purchased at venice and carried 'by four stout men' across the alps to prague. among the artists who, on rudolph's invitation, visited prague, was the engraver sadeler, a native of the netherlands. his engravings of prague--three of which are reproduced in this volume--are among the most interesting ancient records of the city. more questionable was rudolph's taste for chemistry and astronomy, or rather for alchemy and astrology. the astronomers keppler, tycho brahe, and his assistant tennagel, who afterwards fell in disgrace, were rudolph's guests on the hradcany. his taste for alchemy attracted many to prague who were supposed to be adepts in that science. it must, however, be stated in defence of rudolph that alchemy was by no means, in his day, an utterly discredited science. even a century later spinoza considered it as worthy of consideration. rudolph by no means hesitated to punish those alchemists whom he considered as impostors. it is interesting to note that among these alchemists there were two english adventurers--dr. john dee and edward kelley.[ ] [illustration: tombstone of tycho brahe in tyn church] the earlier years of rudolph's reign were a period of peace and prosperity in bohemia. his latter years were embittered by the treachery and perfidy of his ambitious younger brother matthias. the real cause of the conflict was that rudolph, who had no legitimate offspring, refused to make any arrangements as to the succession to the thrones of bohemia and hungary. it was as a mere pretext that matthias brought forward the grievance that rudolph had refused to sanction a treaty with turkey that he had concluded in his brother's name. matthias occupied moravia, and took possession of that country almost without resistance. he then entered bohemia and advanced as far as caslav. rudolph, though reluctantly, summoned the bohemian estates to prague on may , . though the usual ecclesiastical grievances were brought forward, it soon became evident that the bohemians did not wish to abandon rudolph in favour of his brother. the latter had meanwhile advanced as far as liben,[ ] where peace negotiations took place. a treaty was finally signed there by which rudolph ceded upper and lower austria and moravia to his brother, but retained bohemia for his lifetime. in the evening matthias gave a large banquet in his camp; there were two tables, at each of which a hundred guests were seated. many healths were drank, and a somewhat scandalous contemporary writer tells us that many of rudolph's envoys 'only returned to prague about midnight, and very intoxicated.' even the cession of almost all his possessions did not ensure rudolph's tranquillity during the remaining years of his life. many nobles who had sided with him against his brother now again brought their demand of religious freedom before him. the leader of the protestants was now wenceslas of budova, whose pious and somewhat puritan character renders him one of the most interesting figures of the last years of bohemian independence. when rudolph had prorogued the diet of the estates continued their meetings in the town hall of the nové mesto. budova, who presided, always began the deliberations by calling on all present to pray. all then knelt down and sang a hymn. for a moment civil war seemed inevitable. rudolph's attitude, indeed, had at first been conciliatory. he has been credited by various historians with a religious fanaticism that was absolutely alien to his nature. yet the spanish ambassador, zuniga, and archduke leopold, a kinsman of rudolph's and a brother of archduke ferdinand, afterwards king of bohemia, succeeded in persuading the apathetic sovereign to send a message to the estates, in which he promised the protestants the same amount of toleration which they had enjoyed under ferdinand i.; he thus withdrew even the concessions that had been made to the protestants by the more liberal-minded maximilian. the protestant estates considered this message as a declaration of war; they decided to arm, and chose thirty 'directors'--ten from each order--who established themselves at the town hall of the staré mesto, forming, as the historian gindely says, a provisional government. rudolph, however, finally gave way, and on july , , signed the famed 'letter of majesty.' he recognised the 'confessio bohemica,'[ ] granted the protestants the administration of the university, and empowered them to elect thirty 'defenders' from their number who were to act as guardians of the rights of the protestants. there is no doubt that rudolph granted these extensive concessions reluctantly, and that he sought an opportunity for retracting them. he entered into negotiations with archduke leopold, who was then bishop of passau. under the pretence of interfering in the religious troubles that had broken out in germany, leopold collected a considerable armed force, which in invaded bohemia. leopold, no doubt, wished to free rudolph from the control of the protestants, and probably hoped to obtain the bohemian crown as a reward, to the exclusion of matthias and of his own brother ferdinand. the men of passau soon occupied a large part of southern bohemia, marched rapidly on prague, and encamped on the white mountain, immediately outside the city walls. after scaling the walls of the malá strana they attacked the neighbouring hradcany castle, where leopold was then residing as a guest of rudolph. desperate fighting in the malá strana took place between the men of passau and a small force that the bohemian estates had hurriedly raised, and which was commanded by count thurn. the invaders succeeded in driving the bohemians from the malá strana, but their attempt to obtain possession of the bridge, and thus to secure access to the old town, failed. leopold, who thought victory certain, now assumed the command of his troops, and summoned the old and new towns to surrender. this was declined, and as the army of the estates received constant reinforcements, leopold and his troops were obliged to leave prague secretly on the night of march . matthias had meanwhile arrived at prague, and rudolph was forced to abdicate in his favour. he did not long survive his deposition, but died on january , . during the brief reign of matthias ( - ) the religious troubles in bohemia continued and reached their climax in the famous defenestration of prague. matthias, like his brother, was childless, and the question of the succession to the bohemian throne was therefore urgent. the estates met at prague in , and through the influence of the government officials, archduke ferdinand of styria was accepted as heir to the throne. only one of the officials, count thurn, burgrave of the karlstyn, opposed the acceptation, and was therefore deprived of his office. the decision which assured the bohemian crown to ferdinand, a determined persecutor of the protestants, necessarily hastened the progress of events. the protestants knew that war to the knife awaited them; the only question was when hostilities should begin. the initiative finally, however, came from the catholics. in direct violation of the agreements of [ ] the romanist archbishop of prague caused the protestant church at hrob (or klostergrab) to be destroyed, while the abbot of broumov (braunau) ordered the protestant church in the town of that name, which was under his jurisdiction, to be closed. the protestant 'defenders' took immediate action. they summoned their protestant estates to a consultation, which began on march , , in the carolinum. though king matthias had forbidden the meeting, a large number of nobles and knights and a few townsmen were present. count thurn now became the leader of the protestant estates, and there is little doubt that he from the first considered war inevitable. he spoke eloquently of the grievances of the protestants, alluding particularly to the recent occurrences at hrob and broumov, and suggested that a remonstrance should be addressed to the government officials at prague. the protestants agreed to this, and also resolved, should this step prove ineffective, to address their complaints directly to king matthias, who then resided in vienna. as an answer could not be immediately expected, it was decided that the protestants should meet again on may . before that date, however, the leaders of the movement issued a manifesto, that was read in all the utraquist and protestant churches of prague, in which, though the sovereign was not attacked, the royal councillors, particularly the chief judge slavata, and martinic, the new burgrave of the karlstyn, who had replaced thurn, were directly accused of using their influence over the sovereign in a manner hostile to the bohemian people. on may , the estates, as had been agreed, met again at the carolinum. they were immediately summoned to the hradcany palace, where a royal message prohibiting their meetings was read to them. they none the less met again on the nd, when thurn suggested that the estates should, on the following day, proceed to the hradcany in a body and in full armour. he threw out dark hints that a small deputation would not be safe in the vast precincts of the hradcany; if the gates were closed after their arrival, they would be separated from the town, and a general massacre of the envoys might ensue. a more secret meeting took place late in the evening, at the smiricky palace.[ ] besides thurn, a few other leaders, colonna of fels, budova, ruppa, two nobles of the kinsky and two of the rican family were present. ulrich of kinsky proposed that the royal councillors should be poniarded in the council chamber, but thurn's suggestion that they should be thrown from the windows of the hradcany palace prevailed. this was, in bohemia, the traditional death penalty for traitors. as the estates afterwards quaintly stated, 'they followed the example of that which was done to jezebel, the tormentor of the israelite people, and also that of the romans and other famed nations, who were in the habit of throwing from rocks and other elevated places those who disturbed the peace of the common-wealth.' early on the morning of the memorable rd of may the representatives of protestantism in bohemia proceeded to the hradcany; all were in full armour, and most of them were followed by one or more retainers. they first proceeded to the hall, where the estates usually met. the address to the king which the defenders had prepared was here read to them. all then entered the hall of the royal councillors, where a very stormy discussion arose. count slik, thurn, kinsky and others violently accused martinic and slavata, the two principal councillors, of being traitors. slik particularly accused martinic of having deprived 'that noble bohemian hero, count thurn,' of his office of burgrave of the karlstyn. he added that, 'as long as old men, honest and wise, had governed bohemia the country had prospered, but since they (_i.e._, martinic and slavata), worthless disciples of the jesuits, had pushed themselves forward, the ruin of the country had began.' what now happened can be best given in the words of the contemporary historian, skála ze zhore:--'no mercy was granted them, and first the lord of smecno (_i.e._, martinic) was dragged to the window near which the secretaries generally worked; for kinsky was quicker and had more aid than count thurn, who had seized slavata. then they were [illustration: the royal officials are thrown from the windows on may , ] both thrown, dressed in their cloaks and with their rapiers and decorations, just as they had been found in the councillors' office, one after the other, head foremost out of the western window into a moat beneath the palace, which by a wall was separated from the other deeper moat. they loudly screamed, "ach, ach, ouvé!" and attempted to hold on to the window-frame, but were at last obliged to let go, as they were struck on their hands.' it remains to add that neither of the nobles nor fabricius, their secretary, who was also thrown from the window, perished; a circumstance that the catholics afterwards attributed to a miracle. immediately after the defenestration the estates elected thirty 'directors'--chosen in equal number from the three estates--who were to constitute a provisional government. ruppa, one of the most gifted of the bohemian nobles, became head of this government, while thurn assumed command of the army which the estates hurriedly raised. on march , , matthias died, and though the estates had recognised ferdinand as his successor, the throne became practically vacant; for it was very unlikely that the protestants who had risen in arms against matthias would now accept a far more intransigent romanist as their ruler. on july a general diet, that is to say one consisting of deputies of moravia and silesia as well as bohemia, met at prague. on august this assembly pronounced the deposition of ferdinand as king of the bohemian lands, and on the th the crown was offered to frederick, count palatine. there were other candidates, but an eloquent speech of ruppa decided in frederick's favour. he assured the bohemians that they would obtain powerful allies if they elected frederick, and specially referred to [illustration: inscription on picture. the bohemian leaders--anhalt the elder, hohenlohe, thurn the elder and the younger, anhalt the younger, john of bubna, henry slik (of the moravian allies), stubenvoll (of the german allies), the duke of weimar. the imperialist leaders--maximilian of bavaria, buguoy, tieffenbach (of the german league), tilly, pappenheim, des fours, caralli and others.] [illustration: battle of the white mountain, november , ] james i. of england, the father-in-law of their new sovereign. after some hesitation, frederick accepted the crown and proceeded to bohemia accompanied by his consort. they arrived at the 'star' palace, immediately outside prague, early in the morning of october , and on the same day made their solemn entry into the town. many bohemian nobles who had awaited their new sovereign at the 'star' joined the procession to the hradcany castle. at the strahov gate they were met by the guilds of prague carrying their banners, and by numerous peasants 'all clad in the old bohemian dress and bearing arms that had been used during the hussite wars.' on november frederick was crowned king of bohemia in st. vitus's cathedral, and the coronation of queen elizabeth took place there three days later. the winning manners of frederick at first obtained for him considerable popularity, and when queen elizabeth gave birth to a son--prince rupert--on december the citizens of prague greatly rejoiced. difficulties, however, soon arose. the king was ignorant of the national language, and seems to have made no attempt to acquire it. when frederick's calvinist divines persuaded him to have the altars and paintings removed from st. vitus's cathedral, lutherans, utraquists and romanists were equally indignant. queen elizabeth never secured even that limited amount of popularity that her consort obtained. she was accompanied principally by english ladies, and was believed to have spoken to them in an unfavourable manner of her new country. she had hardly any intercourse with the bohemian ladies, few of whom knew french, and none english. they strongly disapproved of their new queen, who, they said, 'had no settled hours either for her meals or for her prayers,' and even of the low dresses which she and her english ladies wore. frederick remained at prague up to september , , and then only joined his army in southern bohemia that was opposing the advance of the austrians. he found his soldiers already entirely disorganised, and was forced to retreat on prague. his forces reached the white mountain, immediately outside the town, on the evening of november . the enemies, who were in close pursuit, attacked the bohemians on the following day. frederick had meanwhile returned to prague to join his consort. neither this proof of conjugal affection, nor the fact that an immediate attack of the catholic forces may not have appeared probable, can in any way excuse what was practically desertion. it is certain that the catholic commanders were not at first unanimous as to the policy of attacking the bohemians at a moment when the catholic army was exhausted by prolonged marches. buguoy i., who commanded the austrian forces, advised delay, but the opinion of the duke of bavaria and tilly, who insisted on an immediate attack, prevailed. the numerous jesuits and other friars who accompanied the army also declared that no delay should be granted to the heretics. it was also taken into consideration that christian of anhalt, commander-in-chief of the protestant forces, was hastily throwing up earthworks on the plateau of the white mountain, and endeavouring to re-establish discipline among his troops, which had been demoralised by their continuous retreat. a deferred attack might therefore be more hazardous than an immediate one. even before the council of war had decided on an immediate attack, a small bavarian force--not yet supported by the mass of the catholic army--attacked the right flank of the bohemians. the younger count slik, who commanded some of the moravian troops, hurriedly rode up to christian of anhalt, begging his permission to attack the bavarians on their march. 'it was a weighty and fateful moment in the history of the bohemian people.'[ ] anhalt at first favoured the suggestion, but on the advice of hohenlohe, who was second in command, he finally refused his consent. the whole catholic army soon united, and advanced on the whole line. though the younger count thurn's infantry successfully beat back an attack of the austrian infantry, and the son of christian of anhalt made a successful cavalry charge, the catholics were soon victorious, and the earthworks were, after a short defence, carried by the troops of austria, bavaria and spain. of the protestant forces the hungarian horsemen, whom gabriel bethlen, prince of transsylvania, had sent to bohemia, first took to flight. they attempted to cross the vltava by a ford near the present suburb of smichov, and many perished in the river. flight soon became general, and the conduct of the bohemians and their allies was most unworthy of the ancient glory of the country. there were some exceptions to the well-nigh general cowardice. a small moravian force under count slik retreated to the wall of the 'star' park, where they defended themselves with desperate courage.[ ] when almost all had been killed, those who remained surrendered. the battle, and with it the fate of bohemia, was then decided. as proof of the heroism of the moravians, contemporary writers tell us that along the 'star' walls[ ] the dead at some places lay ten or twelve high. [illustration: inscription above central picture. 'true representation of the executions at prague. how by the most gracious order and command of his roman imperial majesty the former bohemian directors, counts, lords, knights and men of the estate of the citizens were, on saturday, the th of june of this year , condemned in the royal castle of the hradcany, and then, on monday, june , punished and executed on the market-place of the old town.'] [illustration: inscription under central picture. 'this design shows clearly how the men were decapitated one after the other, and how three others were then hanged.'] [illustration: inscription under upper engraving right side. 'here you see the twelve heads exposed on the bridge tower of prague.'] [illustration: inscription under lower engraving right side. 'how three men are whipped with rods, while the tongue of one is nailed to the gallows.'] [illustration: the executions on the market-place of the old town of prague on the st of june ] the news that the battle had begun reached frederick in the banqueting hall of the hradcany castle, where he was entertaining the english ambassadors, whom his father-in-law james i. had sent to prague. he mounted his horse and rode to the strahov gate, only arriving there in time to witness the rout and flight of his army. the sight of the battlefield and even, as an eye-witness tells us, the terrible wailing of the women,[ ] greatly impressed frederick, and he hurriedly returned to the hradcany. from here he proceeded with queen elizabeth to the old town, and the defeated army also crossed to the right bank of the river. a council of war was held late in the evening, at which most of frederick's generals spoke in favour of instant retreat. the king himself made some pretence of resolution. but when, on the following morning, elizabeth left prague, the king--a modern antony, without antony's bravery--'hastily mounted his horse, thus giving the signal for a general flight.' the battle of the white mountain is one of the greatest landmarks in the history of bohemia, and of prague in particular. i will not here refer to the complete change in the condition of bohemia which it caused, the complete suppression of protestantism, the complete annihilation of the ancient constitution of the land, the almost complete, though but temporary, extinction of the national language. but before ending my account of prague as the capital of an independent country, i must briefly refer to the executions on june , . immediately after the suppression of the national movement it appeared probable that the austrian policy would be a lenient one. but sterner councils soon prevailed at vienna. in february slik, budova, divis cernin, kaplir, as well as jessenius, the rector of the university, and some of the leading townsmen, were arrested. there was no pretence of conducting the trial according to the ancient legal institutions of the country, which granted great privileges to nobles. a special tribunal was constituted, and its members were instructed to judge with the greatest severity. the judges arrived from vienna on march , , and the court sat for the first time at the hradcany castle on the th of that month. the judges did not fail to act according to their instructions. their decision, which ferdinand confirmed on may , the anniversary of the defenestration, pronounced the confiscation of the estates of all the accused. there were twenty-seven death sentences; of the condemned men twenty-four were to be decapitated, three hanged. in some cases torture was added to the death penalty. thus divis cernin, captain of the hradcany castle, who had opened the gates of that castle to the protestants, count slik, bohuslav michalovic and others were to have a hand cut off before execution, while the tongue of jessenius, rector of the prague university, whom the bohemians had employed in their negotiations with transsylvania, and whose eloquence the imperialists dreaded, was to be cut out. not many of these additional punishments were, however, actually carried out. besides these death sentences many bohemians were condemned to prison for lengthy periods, while others were expelled from prague, and it was ordered that they should be whipped with rods till they reached the city gates. [illustration: the dungeon in the town hall] on june the prisoners were informed of their fate, and on the following day their wives and children, as well as three lutheran clergymen, were admitted to visit them. it is on the narrative of these clergymen that the great historian skála has based his account of the last movements of the prisoners and their execution.[ ] the day fixed for the executions was june , and on the previous day all prisoners who were not already confined in the dungeons of the town hall of staré mesto were conveyed there, as the executions were to take place in the immediately adjacent market-place. they met their fate with great fortitude, and spent their time mainly in singing hymns. they conversed freely with the lutheran clergymen. budova said, 'i am weary of my days. may god deign to receive my soul, that i may not behold the disaster that, as i know, has overcome my country.' count slik said, 'i am before the tribunal of the world, and expect immediate death. but those who have judged me will have to appear before the awful tribunal of him who will judge more justly.' early on the morning of june a cannon-shot was fired as a signal that the executioners were to begin. one by one the prisoners were conducted to the market-place, 'that mournful stage and slaughter-house of antichrist,' as skála calls it. each man when proceeding to his death took leave of his comrades in a pleasant manner, as if he were going to a banquet or some pastime. 'i go before you,' he said, 'that i may first see the glory of god, the glory of our beloved redeemer; but i await you directly after me; in this hour grief already vanishes, and a new heartfelt and eternal happiness begins.' full preparations had been made by the imperial authorities to prevent disturbances. the whole market-place was lined with troops, and orders had been given that the drums should beat during the whole time that the executions lasted. a tribune had been erected, from which the austrian authorities watched the executions. slik was first led forth, and after him twenty-three others were decapitated. the tongue of jessenius was cut out before his execution, and a hand of michalovic was cut off. three citizens of prague then suffered death on the gallows. to further accentuate the reign of terror that had begun, the heads of twelve of the nobles who had been decapitated were exposed on the towers of the bridge of prague, six on the bridge tower of the malá strana, six on that of the old town. [illustration: bethlehem chapel] chapter iii _prague in modern times_ after the battle of the white mountain, the interest of the story of prague declines for a time. a period of strenuous reaction in church and state, during which the government endeavours to efface the memorials of past national glory, cannot be picturesque. as it was necessary to replace by new architectural monuments the ancient buildings that recalled events that it was now thought desirable to forget, prague was in the seventeenth and eighteenth century covered with buildings in the rococo and 'jesuite' styles, which often unfavourably impress the passing traveller who is unable to discern that they are by no means connected with the period of bohemia's greatness. during the thirty years' war prague several times again plays a considerable part. after gustavus adolphus's great victory at breitenfeld in , his saxon allies occupied prague in november of that year. they were accompanied by many bohemian exiles, who caused the heads of the twelve patriots that were still exposed on the bridge towers to be removed and buried with great solemnity in the tyn church. preparations were even made to re-establish protestantism, but in may of the following year wallenstein's army stormed the malá strana and the hradcany castle, and the saxons shortly afterwards entirely evacuated bohemia, though not before amassing [illustration: the old synagogue] a large amount of plunder. many of the treasures of rudolph's collections in the hradcany castle thus found their way to dresden. in prague was the scene of the last struggles of the war that had begun there thirty years before. a swedish force, under general königsmark, entered bohemia in that year and advanced rapidly on prague. negotiations for peace had begun in the previous year, and it has been often wondered why this last swedish incursion took place. bohemian writers have surmised that the desire for plunder, and particularly the attraction of rudolph's far-famed collections, were partly the motive. the swedes obtained possession of the part of prague that lies on the left bank of the river through the treachery of otowalsky, an imperial officer who had been dismissed from the service. he informed the swedes that the walls of the malá strana were under repair, and that there was therefore a temporary gap in them. in the night of july the swedish troops entered the town by this gap, opened the strahov gate and seized the malá strana and the hradcany. the swedes were, however, unable to obtain possession of the part of the town on the right bank of the vltava, even after a second swedish army had joined them in october. the citizens, now mostly catholics, headed by jesuit monks, bravely defended the bridge of prague, and the jewish colony, always a considerable one at prague, also bravely took part in the defence. on november , the news of the conclusion of the treaty of westphalia reached prague and put a stop to hostilities. there is little to note of prague in the following years; it was not the scene of warlike events, and the former municipal struggles ceased under a severely absolutist government. prague is now an austrian provincial town, though bohemia has always officially been described as a kingdom, not as a province. it was only during the austrian war of succession ( - ) that the annals of prague again became of some interest. the male line of the house of habsburg became extinct after the death of charles vi., and a european coalition was formed for the purpose of excluding his daughter maria theresa from the throne. the elector of bavaria, who claimed the bohemian crown, entered the country with an army of frenchmen and bavarians, while a saxon army also invaded bohemia. these armies met before prague, and carried the town by assault on november , . the elector of bavaria immediately assumed the title of king of bohemia, and was crowned in st. vitus's cathedral by the archbishop of prague. more than knights and nobles did homage to the new king, and a german writer has noted, somewhat maliciously, that among them were representatives of many of the old bohemian families, such as cernin, kolowrat, kinsky, lützow, lazansky, waldstein and many others. the elector left bohemia immediately after his coronation, but a french army under marshal belleisle remained at prague. the town was now besieged by the austrian forces, and the french, after a brave defence, succeeded in evacuating the town and retreating safely to eger, where they joined another french army that had been sent to their relief. prague was now occupied by the troops of maria theresa, who was crowned there in . an event of great importance in the municipal annals of prague took place during the reign of maria theresa. the communities of the old town, the new town and the 'small quarter' were united into one municipal corporation. this change had not, of course, the importance which it would have had in earlier and freer days; for the burgomaster was then a government official, appointed by the authorities of vienna. it is only since that the citizens of prague have recovered the right of electing the head of their community. the first years of the reign of maria theresa were very stormy ones for prague. [illustration: secret seal of the malÁ strana] in frederick the great entered bohemia, and stormed prague on september , after a terrible bombardment, during which houses in the new town and a large part of the city walls were destroyed. frederick did not remain long at prague; the arrival of a large austrian army under charles of lorraine obliged him to retire into silesia. prague was not destined long to enjoy the blessings of peace. in , the second year of the seven years' war, frederick the great arrived before prague with a large army on may and encamped on the white mountain. he crossed the vltava on the th to unite his army with the prussian forces on the right bank of the river, and on the following day a great battle took place between the prussians and austrians between the village of sterbohol, four and a half miles from prague, and the city itself. carlyle has given us a very spirited, though somewhat inaccurate, description of this great battle, which he calls 'the famed battle of prag; which sounded through all the world--and used to deafen us in drawing-rooms within man's memory.' the battle ended with a complete defeat of the imperialists, and the austrian army had--as carlyle words it--'to roll pell-mell into prague and hastily close the door behind it.' the town was again so fiercely bombarded that whole streets were in ruins, and st. vitus's cathedral and other historical buildings greatly suffered. the austrian victory at kolin obliged the prussians to raise the siege of prague. the battle of is the last warlike event with which prague is connected, if we except the civil tumult in . the town played no part in the later events of the seven years' war, nor in the long struggle between austria and france that, with short intervals, lasted from to . in the peaceful years that followed the congress of vienna ( ) the bohemian nation strove--as far as the jealousy of a strictly absolutist government permitted--to recover some of its ancient rights and privileges, and particularly to revive the national language. prague was the centre of this movement, particularly after the foundation of the bohemian museum. a visitor to prague who enters at all into communications with the inhabitants will hear so much of this movement that i do not think i should here pass it over altogether in silence. the bohemian language that, during the period of independence, had gradually taken the place of latin as the recognised language of the state, declined after the battle of the white mountain. during the reign of maria theresa, and to a far greater extent during that of the emperor joseph ii., the austrian authorities used even more energy in their endeavours to substitute german in bohemia for the native language than had been done immediately after the great defeat. among other measures tending to this purpose, it was decreed that german should exclusively be used in the bohemian schools. the stern determination--enemies, no doubt, would call it obstinacy--of the bohemian nation defeated these attempts, though the native language was for a time almost relegated to the villages and outlying districts of bohemia. the renascence of the national language in bohemia, in the early years of the nineteenth century, is almost unique. it was, however, based on a great historic past, and thus differs greatly from the recent attempts to revive the irish and welsh languages, though the comparison has often been made. it is not my purpose to analyse here the tangled and involved causes which resulted in the great fact that a buried nationality burst its grave-clothes and reappeared radiant in the world. it may, however, be briefly noted that the bohemian national movement was undoubtedly an offspring of the romantic movement, the influence of which was felt all over europe at the beginning of the last century. the revival of the bohemian language is due to a small group of learned men, of whom jungmann, kolar, safarik and palacky were the most prominent. these men, few in number, showed that enthusiasm touching, though it may appear absurd to some, which champions of apparently hopeless causes often display. many anecdotes to this purpose are still circulated in prague. thus it was said that a few of the 'patriots,' as the adherents of the national cause were called, feasted almost to excess as a token of joy when they noticed on the graben 'two well-dressed men who were talking bohemian.' on the other hand, they were deeply depressed when two young girls of the citizen class, who had been talking bohemian, suddenly dropped into german on their approach, saying, 'take care they hear us talking bohemian; they will take us for peasants.' as was natural in the case of so musical a nation as bohemia, the patriotic movement found expression in music also. early in the nineteenth century 'slavic balls' were instituted at prague. at these balls the hall was entirely decorated in the bohemian national colours (red and white), and conversation in bohemian was alone allowed. it was the intention of the originators of these gatherings to send out the invitations in the bohemian language, but the austrian police officials, with the inquisitiveness characteristic of the metternich period soon became acquainted with this intention, and raised objections. it was finally decided that the invitations should be both in german and in bohemian. the old national songs were again sung as far as the police authorities permitted. new songs, celebrating the glory of bohemia, also were composed. such were the one beginning with the words 'já jsem cech a kdo je vic?' _i.e._, 'i am a bohemian, and who is more?' that was composed by rubes. yet better known is the famed 'kde je domov muy?' (where is my country?) which the traveller will constantly hear at prague, as the present government, wiser than its predecessor, raises no objection to its being sung. the song has indeed become the national air of bohemia. it was composed by joseph tyl ( - ), one of the best modern bohemian dramatists, and by him introduced into one of his plays. when mr. kohl visited prague in the song, which he curiously enough believed to be of ancient origin, was already sung everywhere in the city. he translated some lines of the song, and though his translation by no means does justice to the beauty of the original, i will transcribe it here, as giving the traveller some idea of the contents of a song to which he will hear constant allusions-- 'where is my house? where is my home? streams among the meadows creeping, brooks from rock to rock are leaping, everywhere bloom spring and flowers within this paradise of ours; there, 'tis there, the beauteous land! bohemia, my fatherland! where is my house? where is my home? knowst thou the country loved of god, where noble souls in well-shaped forms reside, where the free glance crushes the foeman's pride? there wilt thou find of cechs, the honoured race, among the cechs be aye my dwelling-place.' the patriots themselves do not at first appear to have felt certain of the victory of the cause. thus we are told that when jungmann received the visit of two other patriots in his modest lodgings in the street which now bears his name, he said, in a fit of depression, 'it needs only that the ceiling of this room should fall in, and there would be an end of bohemian literature.' he was, of course, alluding to the small number of the 'patriots.' in disturbances broke out at prague. a slavic congress, comprising representatives of all branches of that race, met there under the presidency of palacky, the great bohemian statesman and historian, whose name has already been mentioned. its deliberations were soon interrupted by the turbulence of the extreme nationalists. stormy public meetings were held, and on june mass was read on the václavské námesti in the presence of a large crowd. students returning from the service in the celetná ulice came into conflict with the soldiers, who fired on the people. immediately numerous barricades were thrown up, and street-fighting continued up to the th, when the city surrendered unconditionally to prince windischgrätz, the austrian commander. absolutist and military government now again prevailed at prague. since the year attempts were again made to establish representative institutions in austria. the bohemian diet again assembled, though no longer in the hradcany castle, but in a palace at the foot of that hill near the malostranské námesti. in , during the austro-prussian war, prague was occupied by the prussians without resistance on july . they remained there for some time, and here too (at the 'blue star' hotel) the treaty that concluded the war was signed on august . in the year it seemed probable that the bohemians would obtain the restitution of their ancient constitution, of course modified to suit modern ideas, and prague began to prepare for the coronation of the sovereign. unfortunately the negotiations between count hohenwart, then head of the austrian government, and the bohemian leader, prince george lobkovic--whose great talents are far too little known beyond the bohemian borders--failed at the last moment. count hohenwart's cabinet was succeeded by ministers whose tendencies were german, and it is only since that concessions have been made to the bohemians. since that time the bohemian cause has made vast progress. the foundation of the bohemian university, and of a bohemian academy, which was richly endowed by the patriotic architect hlarka, have greatly contributed to restore to prague its former bohemian character. [illustration: the oldest great seal of the old town] chapter iv _palaces_ prague, the winter residence of the wealthy and powerful bohemian nobility, is a city of palaces, but it will here be sufficient to mention those only that have considerable historical or artistic interest. as has already been mentioned, many of the palaces of prague were built in the last years of the thirty years' war, or in the immediately subsequent period. such are the nostic palace in the graben or prikapy, the great waldstein palace, the palace of count clam-gallas, which will be mentioned presently, the cernin palace on the hradcany, now converted into barracks, and many others. of the palaces that are situated on the right bank of the vltava, the most interesting is the kinsky palace, which was built in the eighteenth century according to the plans of the architect luragho. it contains an extensive library, particularly rich in works concerning the french revolutionary period--of these there are , --a valuable collection of engravings, and the archives of the family of the princes kinsky. the celebrated bohemian poet, celakovsky, for some time held the post of librarian here. the only other palace on the right bank of the vltava which i shall mention is that of the count clam-gallas, a handsome building that also dates from the eighteenth century. it originally belonged to count gallas, a descendant of one of wallenstein's generals. by one of history's little ironies the palace was, in , for a time the residence of the prussian prince charles, while the count clam-gallas, to whom the palace then belonged, was one of the austrian leaders in the disastrous campaign of that year. [illustration: gate of the clam-gallas palace] far more numerous are the palaces on the left bank of the vltava in the malá strana and hradcany districts, which constitutes what may be called the faubourg st. germain of prague. in some of the short and narrow streets in this part of the town there were--as in mediæval italy--sometimes several palaces of one family from which the street took its name. we still meet with names such as the thun street and the waldstein street. but of all these palaces the one that deserves fullest notice is the royal castle on the hradcany. according to the chronicler cosmos, there was, in the eleventh century, already a castle (in bohemian, 'hrad') on the spot where the present palace stands. this earliest building was soon destroyed, and that which succeeded it was burnt down in . when charles iv. first arrived at prague he found the royal castle, as he himself noted, 'deserted, ruined, almost levelled to the ground.' he was indeed at first obliged to accept the hospitality of a citizen of the old town. charles, who delighted in building, and particularly in adorning his favourite city, prague, immediately decided to rebuild the castle. he is said to have resolved to imitate the louvres palace, as he had seen it in paris. in consequence of the many civil wars, hardly any traces of charles's castle, of which the old writers have given a most striking description, can now be found. charles strongly fortified his castle in the direction of the malá strana. the steep access to the hradcany in that direction is a remnant of these fortifications. during the hussite wars the castle was used as a fortress, and it suffered greatly during those wars. the castle was greatly injured during the two sieges ( and ), when sigismund's troops were here besieged by the praguers, but its fate was far worse after sigismund's troops had been forced to capitulate. the citizens rushed into the castle resolved to entirely demolish the stronghold of the hated king sigismund. the town magistrates and the nobles, allied with the praguers, succeeded indeed in averting the complete destruction of the time-honoured castle, but it was greatly damaged. after the end of the hussite war, sigismund, during his short reign, undertook some repairs, but the castle remained uninhabited. the bohemian kings, since the time of wenceslas, resided in the old town on the right bank of the vltava. this continued up to the reign of vladislav ii. that king, who resided in the buildings known as the kraluv dvur, near the powder tower, intimidated by the menaces of his turbulent neighbours, the citizens of the old town, resolved to transfer his residence to the left bank of the vltava. he crossed the river in a boat at night-time, and sought refuge behind the strong walls of the dilapidated hradcany, and began to build there a new royal residence. some of the oldest parts of the existent building date from his time. large additions were made by ferdinand i., matthias and rudolph. rudolph, like charles iv., chose prague as his permanent residence, and he is the last king of bohemia who lived continuously in his capital. his artistic and scientific tastes, to which reference has already been made, caused him to feel a great desire for solitude. he generally lived in the north wing of the castle, where he established an observatory and vast laboratories for chemical research. on the other hand, he appears to have neglected the portion of the castle that had been built by vladislav ii. he even allowed the far-famed hall of vladislav to be turned into a 'bazaar where various tradesmen exhibited their wares and met to discuss their business.' sadeler's engraving--reproduced in this volume--gives a good idea of the appearance of vladislav's hall at this period. rudolph accumulated in the hradcany castle vast collections, which have long since been dispersed. though they were plundered by the saxons in , and again by the swedes in , many works of art seem still to have remained, for a sale was held as late as in , when joseph ii. intended to turn the hradcany castle into barracks. since rudolph's time the rulers of bohemia have but rarely inhabited the hradcany for any considerable time, though maria theresa caused it to be largely rebuilt after the buildings had suffered very much from the prussian bombardment. her son joseph ii., as already mentioned, proposed turning the vast agglomeration of buildings on the hradcany hill into barracks, but the plan was never carried out. from his abdication in to the year of his death, the emperor ferdinand inhabited the hradcany palace, and the gifted crown prince rudolph resided here for some time. more recently the reigning emperor has, in and , received the nobility of bohemia in the hradcany castle. the vast and imposing hradcany palace has the greatest historical interest, and well deserves the attention of the visitor. we enter the first of the three courtyards from the hradcany square, famous as the site of the executions that preceded the meeting of the 'bloody diet.' the first courtyard is divided by a railing from the square, and is entered by a gateway embellished by four colossal mythological statues by platzer. the buildings surrounding this first court are modernised dwelling-rooms, sometimes inhabited by members of the imperial family. passing through a portal, built by king matthias in , we enter the second court. it is considerably larger than the first one. immediately opposite the portal is the chapel of the holy cross, which dates from the seventeenth century, but has been frequently altered. it was thoroughly restored and modernised ( - ) during the time that the late emperor ferdinand resided in the castle. in the north wing of this court [illustration: the hall of vladislav in the hradcany castle] are the so-called german and spanish halls. they were built during the reign of the emperor ferdinand i. the former for a time contained the famed collections of rudolph; the latter has, since the time of the empress maria theresa, occasionally been used for court functions. balls were given here during the stay of the crown prince rudolph, and the reigning emperor has several times here received the representatives of bohemia. we now enter the third court, where we see, to our left, st. vitus's cathedral, while to the right is the most interesting part of the palace--that which dates from the time of king vladislav. it was built between and by the celebrated architect benes, of loun, in what is known in bohemia as the vladislav style, a transition between gothic and the style of the renaissance. benes was, with matthew reysek, the originator of this style of architecture, to which many of the most interesting buildings in prague belong. here is the 'hall of vladislav,' where the bohemian nobles did homage to their sovereign after his coronation, and where the coronation banquet was held. when finished--in --the hall of vladislav excited general admiration. a contemporary chronicler writes that 'there was no building like it in all europe, none that was longer, higher and broader, and yet had no pillars.' historically very interesting is the chamber where the bohemian estates met up to . it clearly indicates their relative position. while the nobles and the clergy (who only after the battle of the white mountain became one of the estates) occupied benches to the left and right of the throne, the few town representatives were placed on an isolated platform surrounded by a wooden railing. in this part of the hradcany, also, is the old council chamber, the scene of the famous defenestration of . of the other palaces in this part of prague, the waldstein palace--in the square of that name--first deserves notice. the building dates from the time of the great wallenstein, who began its construction shortly after the battle of the white mountain. to make room for the foundations of the vast edifice [ ] houses were demolished. the building was finished in , and, after the death of the duke of friedland, it was given by the emperor to his chamberlain, maximilian of waldstein. it has ever since continued in the possession of that branch of the waldstein family. it has a very fine renaissance hall, a chapel with paintings attributed to divers italian painters, and extensive gardens that are the finest at prague. in the thun street is the palace of count oswald thun, which contains some good pictures and some very fine porcelain. in the steep ostruhova ulice are the palaces of count francis thun, the morzin palace, which has a very fine façade, and many others. on the hradcany place, opposite the royal residence, is the vast schwarzenberg--formerly rosenberg--palace. the fürstenberg and lobkovic palaces also deserve mention. [illustration: the most ancient shield of the old town] chapter v _churches and monasteries_ the churches of prague are, and always have been, very numerous. we read that at the funeral of king ottokar, in , the bells of nearly a hundred churches pealed. the oldest ecclesiastical buildings in prague were small round chapels of a romanesque character, three of which are still in existence, though they were formerly far more numerous. many churches were destroyed during the hussite wars, and many were restored, in deplorably bad taste, during the catholic re-action that followed the battle of the white mountain. i shall in this chapter refer only to the most important churches and monasteries, though i may allude to a few others when writing of walks in and near prague. the cathedral church of st. vitus, near the royal castle of the hradcany, deserves first mention. it has already been noted that the gift of a relic of st. vitus induced prince wenceslas to erect a church in honour of that saint. this small church, built in the romanesque style,[ ] was not finished when wenceslas was cruelly murdered by his treacherous younger brother boleslav. when wenceslas's body was transported here the church became known as the church of st. vitus and st. wenceslas, and after the second bishop of prague, the martyred adalbert, had been also buried here, it was for a time known as 'the church of st. vitus, st. wenceslas and st. adalbert.'[ ] [illustration: view of strahov] this first church, which was probably of very modest dimensions, soon became too small for the pious visitors who wished to venerate there the relics of wenceslas and the martyred bishop of prague. the church which, to use the words of monsignore lehner, had become 'the metropolitan church of the whole bohemian empire'--then extending further than at almost any other period--remained insufficient even when a smaller church or chapel adjoining it had been erected. prince spytihnev ii., therefore, resolved to build a larger church on the hradcany hill, and, space being very restricted, he demolished the old building of wenceslas to make room for the new church, which, like the previous one, was in the romanesque style. the new church was destroyed during the frequent civic tumults of prague. shortly after the foundation of the archbishopric of prague and during the reign of king john, it was decided to build a new cathedral on the hradcany hill. charles, through whose influence the impecunious king john had given his consent to the building, took the greatest interest in it, both during the lifetime of his father and after he had succeeded him as king. as architect he chose matthew of arras, whom he had met during one of his visits to avignon. after some years, the building was continued by peter parler and his son john. the records of the cathedral tell us that in master peter, generally known as petrlik, was architect. the great buildings erected in the gothic style, which by this time was generally adopted in bohemia, progressed very slowly. the hussite troubles caused a complete interruption of the work. during the reign of vladislav ii. attempts were made to continue the building, and it is probably rightly conjectured that the king entrusted this task also to his favourite architect, benes of loun. the thirty years' war again stopped all endeavours to finish the building of the cathedral, and in the following century the bombardment by frederick the great greatly damaged the cathedral. within recent years patriotic efforts have been made to finish at last this building, of which every bohemian, independently of his religious views and his political opinions, is necessarily proud. a society was formed for this purpose in , and the restoration and rebuilding has, it must be admitted, very slowly proceeded ever since that date. the work was at first entrusted to the architect, joseph mocker, who had very successfully restored the bridge towers and the powder-tower at prague. since his death (in ) the work has been entrusted to mr. charles hilbert. i shall now briefly refer to the cathedral as it now is, and i may mention, as it is impossible to give here a full account of the treasures which it contains, that an excellent guide book, published in german as well as in the language of the country, can be obtained in the church. entering the church, we first see at our left the famous wenceslas chapel, the most magnificent of all. we enter it through bronze gates, on which is a brass ring, to which the saint is said to have clung when murderously attacked by his brother. the walls of the chapel are inlaid with bohemian precious stones; above are curious frescoes of the time of charles iv. the chapel also contains a candelabrum with a statue of the saint, said to be the work of peter fischer; a painting of the school of lucas cranach, representing the murder of wenceslas; and the armour and helmet of the saint. from this chapel a secret passage leads to the room where the bohemian crown jewels are preserved. we next come to the martinic chapel, that of st. simon and juda, and then that of the waldstein family; opposite the last-named chapel is a wood-carving representing the devastation of the church by frederick of the palatinate, which has already been mentioned in these pages. between the waldstein and the vlasim chapels is the royal oratory or pew, which is connected by a covered passage with the hradcany castle. the oratory was built during the reign of vladislav ii. by benes of loun. opposite the vlasim chapel--built by ocko of vlasim, archbishop of prague, who died in --is the shrine of st. john nepomuk, which greatly attracts the attention of the visitors to the cathedral, though it has more barbaric splendour than artistic value. in [illustration: st. vitus from the 'stag's ditch'] the nave of the church is the monument to the bohemian kings, erected under rudolph's reign by colin of malines. charles iv. and his four wives, ladislas, posthumus, george of podebrad, ferdinand i., maximilian, as well as rudolph himself, are buried here. next to st. vitus in importance is the tyn church in the market-place of the old town. it has great historical interest as having been the stronghold of the hussite movement during its whole duration, as has been already mentioned. waldhauser and milic, the precursors of hus, preached here, and here, also, archbishop rokycan delivered his fiery sermons. of the many later preachers at this church, gallus cahera deserves notice. a personal friend of luther, he strove to transform the ancient utraquism of bohemia into the lutheranism that was then just beginning to dawn on the world. george of podebrad proceeded to this church with the bohemian nobles immediately after they had elected him as their king, and was joyfully received by rokycan and the utraquist clergy. the tyn church was of very modest origin. it was originally a chapel attached to the building known as the 'tyn,' which german merchants who traded with bohemia erected to exhibit their wares. the present building, begun in the fourteenth century, was finished in the fifteenth, during the reign of king george. it has suffered less from barbarous 'restorers' than most of the prague churches. the fine façade built by podebrad remains, but the statue of that king, which represented him as pointing upward with his sword to a chalice, of which he was so valiant a defender, was removed by the jesuits in as being an 'utraquist emblem.' they, at the same time, caused the two great bells of the tyn church that had been known as 'hus' and 'hieronymus' to be removed and recast; but when they had been refounded and the jesuits had again placed them in their former position, it was found, to the great delight of those who still secretly sympathised with the ancient faith, that the sound was unaltered.[ ] the interior of the church contains some paintings by skreta, a handsome--though renovated--pulpit from which rokycan is said to have preached, and the tomb of tycho brahe. one of the finest churches in prague is that of st. nicholas, on the malostranské námesti, built in the seventeenth century in the style of the italian renaissance. of the many monasteries of prague, i shall first mention the premonstratension monastery of mount sion or strahov. it is situated at the extremity of the malá strana, and the name of strahov is derived from the bohemian word 'straz,' guard, as a guard was formerly established here to secure the safety of travellers arriving at prague by the strahov gate. the monastery was founded in by bishop zdik of olmütz, during the reign of king vladislav i. the first building was of very modest dimensions, and both the monastery and the church that belongs to it were rebuilt several times before the present structure was erected by italian architects at the end of the seventeenth century. considerable changes have also recently been made in the monastery. the church belonging to the monastery contains the tomb of pappenheim, the great general of the thirty years' war, and other monuments. a very handsome railing divides the choir from the rest of the church. in the small picture gallery is the much-repainted [illustration: the tyn church] madonna by albrecht dürer, that once belonged to rudolph, and a good tiepolo. but the most interesting part of the building is the library. it occupies several halls, in one of which are the very handsome bookshelves that were brought here from the suppressed monastery of klosterbruck. in one hall we see over the doors small shelves with wire grating, in which the books condemned by the index, but which the monks read by special permission, were formerly contained. the library is very rich in oriental mss., incunables and early printed bibles; among these is the priceless utraquist bohemian bible, printed at venice, the first edition of the celebrated bible of kralice, and a rare copy of the _biblia pollyglotta briani waltoni_ in latin, hebrew, samaritan, greek, chaldæan, syrian, arabic, Æthiopian and persian. though printed in london in , it is dedicated to king charles ii. the view from the gardens of the strahov monastery is one of the finest in prague. on the left bank of the river also is the capuchin monastery on the loretto place and the church dedicated to st. mary, which adjoins it. the buildings occupy the spot where the town residences of several protestant nobles stood who were exiled after the battle of the white mountain. princess catherine of lobkovic purchased the ground in and built here a chapel in imitation of the santo casa, and a treasury[ ] which is the most valuable in bohemia, and is far more interesting than the better known treasury of st. vitus's cathedral. it consists mainly of donations of the seventeenth century, and most of the contents are in the rococo style. 'the treasury was first founded by catherine of lobkovic, and was enriched by gifts of members of almost all the great bohemian families. a crucifix, the gift of cardinal harrach, and a monstrance--said to contain diamonds--a foundation of countess kolovrat, are amongst the most interesting objects. the treasury contains also a very fine picture of the madonna and child, attributed in the catalogue to albrecht dürer, and said to have formed part of rudolph collection.[ ] it is more probably a work of adrian of utrecht.' the monastery was founded somewhat later, and the church of st. mary was built in , and greatly enlarged by countess margaret of waldstein in . on the right bank of the vltava in the vysehrad street is the emaus monastery and church of the benedictines. it was founded in by charles iv. to take the place of the ancient slavic monastery of st. prokop on the sazava,[ ] where the greek or slavic ritual, which in bohemia is more ancient than that of rome, had been used. charles had obtained the consent of pope clement vi. for his new foundation principally by stating that there were in bohemia many dissidents and unbelieving men who, when the gospel was expounded and preached to them in latin, did not heed it, but who might be guided to the christian faith by men of their own race. this foundation, as palacky tells us, was, next to the university, the one that interested king charles most. on his summons many slavic monks from croatia, dalmatia and bosnia assembled in the new monastery. charles obtained for them the right of using the slavonic language for their ecclesiastical functions, and employing the cyrillic alphabet. the monastery possessed a valuable collection of mss. [illustration: the library, strahov] that has been long dispersed. its greatest treasure was an ancient slavic ms. containing the evangel, which had once belonged to st. prokop, the first abbot of the sazava monastery, and was traditionally reported to have been written by him. this valuable ms. was brought to france and--by one of history's little ironies--became the _texte du sacre_ used at the coronations of the kings of france.[ ] during the hussite wars the church and monastery were in the hands of the utraquists, but it was restored to the roman catholics towards the end of the sixteenth century. we read that in riots near this church occurred, because the abbot had allowed his labourers to work on the th of july, which was then still a day sacred to the memory of john hus. the monastery still shows some traces of its antiquity. it contains two pictures that date from the time of charles, and a royal chapel, divided by a railing from the rest of the church. over the entrance of the chapel is a portrait of ferdinand iii., who presented the monastery to the benedictines of mont serrat. in the cloisters are some frescoes that also date from the time of charles iv. emaus was purchased in by german benedictines, who have restored it with much care and good taste. [illustration: most ancient arms of the malÁ strana] chapter vi _the bohemian museum_ the bohemian museum (museum kralovstvi ceskéhö) has a great and twofold interest, both as containing most valuable relics of the past of bohemia and as constituting the most important monument of the 'resurrection' of bohemia in the nineteenth century. i have already briefly referred to that movement, of which the bohemian museum is, with the national theatre, the most prominent architectural expression. the society of the bohemian museum was founded on april , , mainly through the exertions of counts kolowrat, sternberg and klebelsberg. almost the whole bohemian nobility favoured the new enterprise, and among its earliest patrons were members of the auersberg, kinsky, schwarzenberg, thun, trautmannsdorf, waldstein, wratislaw families. i shall not, i hope, be accused of undue pride if i mention that i find the names of counts rudolph and jerome lützow in one of the earliest lists of members. it is of more general interest to note that the list of members for the year contains as 'ehrermietglied' the name of 'von göthe, sachsen-weimar-eisenachser, staatsminister and geheimer rath.' this fact is noteworthy as proving how entirely the great mind of göthe was exempt from the narrow-minded racial prejudice, which generally renders the germans hostile to the development of the bohemian people. the collections of the museum were first housed in a modest building on the hradcany, and then transferred to a larger building in the prikopy or graben. this also became insufficient, and the bohemian diet resolved in to erect the present building at the upper end of the václavske námesti--on the spot where the horse gate (konska brána) of the new town stood. it was completed in , and the museum was opened by the archduke charles louis on the th of may of that year. the exterior of the building is decorated with statues. entering the building, we first reach the fine vestibule, which is decorated with great splendour. the ground floor, besides this large hall, contains (at the left angle) the archives, the rich library--the use of which is liberally granted to foreign visitors--the valuable print-room, and several halls used by patriotic associations. ascending the fine marble staircase, we first reach the so-called 'pantheon,' a large, handsome hall in which the meetings of the society of the museum and of the bohemian academy are held. walking through the rooms according to their numbering, we find in hall i. a very interesting collection of mss. and early printed works from the library and archives that are exhibited here. here are the mss. of many ancient bohemian books that have been recently reprinted, among them the famed ms. of kralové dvur, the genuineness of which has raised so great a controversy in bohemia. it has been placed next to an undoubtedly genuine early bohemian ms., and to those that are not experts in palæography the two appear absolutely identical. the collection of early printed works is also very interesting; among them is the first book printed in bohemian, the _kronyka trojanská_, printed at plzen in . on the walls hang ancient engravings, mostly by sadeler, representing views of prague in the seventeenth century; two of these are reproduced in this volume. it would be interesting to deal more fully with this hall that contains an epitome of the history and literature of bohemia, but want of space renders this impossible. i may add that an excellent catalogue is sold in the museum. hall ii. contains a valuable collection of coins, medals and seals. the collection of bohemian coins is complete. after hall iii., used for offices, we arrive at halls iv., v. and vi., which contain prehistoric remains discovered in various parts of bohemia. hall vii. requires little notice, but hall viii. is one of the most interesting. it contains a noteworthy collection of arms and armoury. here are several specimens of the famed "cep" or battle-club of the hussites, very curious painted hussite shields, some of which bear the arms of prague, the sword with which the bohemian leaders were decapitated on the memorable st of june , and the sword of gustavus adolphus. here, too, the tablets commemorating the compacts are preserved. the other halls on this and on the second floor contain most valuable mineralogical, zoological and botanical collections, which, being almost entirely confined to bohemia, are most instructive to those who wish to study these features of the country. on the second floor there is also a very curious collection of figures representing the--now partly extinct--national costumes of the various parts of bohemia. chapter vii _walks in prague_ almost all the best hotels of prague are situated near the state railway station, in the hybernská ulice and the adjoining angle of the graben. this will therefore be the usual starting-place for those who have sufficient time to walk leisurely through the streets of prague. as the former divisions of the town have great historical importance, i shall refer separately--firstly to the old town, then to the new town and vysehrad, lastly to the malá strana and hradcany. for the last-named walk the traveller will start from the bridge. immediately opposite the hybernská ulice is the powder tower. the original building on this spot, as already mentioned, formed part of the ancient fortifications of the old town, which king wenceslas i. erected in the thirteenth century. the present building was built in by king vladislav ii. it is in what is known in bohemia as the vladislav style, and is the work of matthew reysek, one of the originators of that style of architecture. the building was used as a powder magazine during the reign of leopold i., and then acquired the designation that it still bears. the powder tower was skilfully restored in by the talented architect joseph mocker. walking down the celetná ulice we pass on our right the spot where a royal residence, known as the king's court, kraluv dvur, which was inhabited by several bohemian kings, once stood. we soon reach the market-place of the old town. both the celetná ulice and the market-place contain many ancient houses--the family residences of citizens of the old town--that well deserve notice. the recent demolitions have not as yet much changed the character of the market-place, while the celetná ulice is happily, as yet, untouched. the market-place, the forum of prague, plays a great part in the story of the town. during the days of independence the burghers assembled here, and the meetings were often very stormy, particularly when the citizens were displeased with the decisions of the town council that met at the radnice. it was on the market-place too that the memorable executions on june , , took place. in the centre of the market-place a statue of the madonna, erected by ferdinand iii., commemorates the successful repulse of the swedish attack on prague in . the tyn church and the kinsky palace, which have already been mentioned, are also situated in the market-place. but we must now visit the town hall (radnice) that has so often been referred to in these pages. the very curious ancient clock will attract the attention of the visitor. it was constructed in by magister hanus. besides the hours, it indicates the time of the rising and setting of the moon and sun. above the clock is a small window, at which figures, representing christ and the apostles, appear whenever the clock strikes a new hour. there are almost always spectators in the market-place opposite the clock-tower, who await the appearance of these figures. the town hall has been built and rebuilt at various periods. it is certain that a building in which the councillors of the old town met was erected on the ground where the present town hall stands in , but the building has been frequently enlarged by the purchase of adjoining houses. the oldest existent portions of the building [illustration: the powder tower] [illustration: door of old synagogue] are the tower and the chapel of st. lawrence, which date from the year . to the left of the tower is the main entrance to the town hall, and on the first floor we enter the ancient council chamber, which adjoins the chapel of st. lawrence. it was built during the reign of vladislav ii., and contains a ceiling with very fine carvings. the walls are adorned with carvings that represent the armorial bearings of the prague guilds. one of the halls that the traveller should also visit is that of the primator or burgomaster. it contains portraits of all the burgomasters of the old town--afterwards of the whole community of prague--since the sixteenth century. recently a modern large council chamber has been erected. it contains two paintings by brozik representing hus before the council of constance, and the election of george of podebrad as king, an event which took place within this building. the town hall has, however, been so much changed since that period that it is not exactly known in what part of the building this momentous event occurred. of historical interest are the dungeons of the town hall, which have remained exactly as they were when the bohemian patriots were confined here in on the eve of their decapitation. immediately behind the town hall is the renaissance church of st. nicholas,[ ] which, by permission of the city, is now used for the services of the russian community. turning to the right we reach the joseph street, which marks the boundary of the jewish town, now called joseph's town, the ancient ghetto of prague, that still preserves its mediæval character. entering the rabbi street, we see at our left the jewish town hall, perhaps one of the most picturesque buildings in prague. immediately opposite is the far-famed old synagogue, built in the early gothic style about the beginning of the thirteenth century. over the vaulting is a large flag given to the jews by the emperor ferdinand iii. for their bravery during the siege of . it was 'the highest honour that could then be conferred on a jew,' as the guide rather pathetically states. adjoining the synagogue is the jewish cemetery, one of the best-known spots in prague. it is very extensive, and contains countless monuments, on many of which we see the emblems of the tribes of israel, and the quaint devices--such as a hare, stag or fish--which with the jews did duty as _armes parlantes_. the somewhat gloomy outlook is enlivened in spring by the gleam of the numerous elder trees that have been planted here. immediately outside the precincts of the jewish town, on the banks of the vltava, stands the rudolphinum, a modern institution named after the late crown prince. it contains a concert room and a small picture gallery, which is worthy of notice as containing paintings by little-known bohemian artists. perhaps one of the most interesting pictures is a holy family by master detrich of prague, a votive offering of archbishop ocko of vlasim, who is represented as kneeling before his patron saint. in one of the rooms is an interesting collection of engravings by wenceslas hollar, a native of prague, who principally worked in england. turning to the left, and following the course of the vltava, we reach the famed charles bridge (karluv most). at the eastern end is the monument of king charles, erected in in commemoration of the th anniversary of the foundation of the university by that sovereign. quite close to the bridge--which i shall mention later--is the vast agglomeration of buildings known as the clementinum, a jesuit college founded in by ferdinand i. the building was constantly enlarged up to , and became one of the most important centres of the jesuit order. the former utraquist university of the carolinum was in joined to the jesuit college. the building is still used for the lectures of the philosophic faculty of the university, the valuable library of which is also housed here. it contains over , printed works, and many interesting mss. of the period of the hussite war. of special interest is the 'malostransky kancional' (liturgy), dating from . it contains on the page dealing with the martyrdom of hus (july ) three miniatures, in which we see superposed wycliffe striking the fire, hus lighting the coals, and luther holding the already flaming torch. the clementinum also contains two churches, an observatory, the archbishop's printing office, and a seminary. in one of the courtyards we see a statue (by j. max) representing a student. it was erected in in commemoration of the second centenary of the siege of prague. the students, then all catholics, greatly distinguished themselves in the defence of the bridge against the swedes. continuing to follow the vltava, we soon reach the equestrian statue of the emperor francis i., which stands in the middle of a small garden. near here, in the karolina svetla street, is the interesting romanesque chapel of the holy cross, one of the three earliest ecclesiastical edifices of prague. it is one of the three romanesque chapels which still exist at prague. its date can only be conjectured, as though it is first mentioned in the fourteenth century as a parish church, it is undoubtedly of much greater antiquity. in the seventeenth century it ceased to be an ecclesiastical building, and might have continued unknown if the 'umelecká beseda' (artistic society) had not acquired the building and ( - ) caused it to be very skilfully restored. it was re-consecrated by archbishop prince schwarzenberg in . continuing from the karolina svetla street to the bethlehem street we soon reach the square of the same name. it is on this spot, for ever connected with the memory of hus, that it is proposed to erect a monument to the great church-reformer. here once stood the bethlehem chapel, the cradle of church reform, and the modest dwelling of hus. a tablet on the door still reminds the traveller of the spot. on the bethlehem square also is the very ancient house known as 'u halanku,' a fine specimen of the ancient civic architecture of prague. it belonged for a considerable time to the family of krocin z drahobejlu, whose arms can still be seen in the courtyard. wenceslas krocin was for some time 'primator' (_i.e._, burgomaster) of the old town of prague. this house now contains an industrial museum, with reading-rooms erected by the late mr. naprstek. mr. naprstek resided for a considerable time in america, [illustration: jewish town hall and old synagogue] and his library--access to which is liberally granted to visitors--is very rich in english books. mrs. naprstek still resides here, and is well-known for her charity, patriotism and kindness to foreign visitors to prague. returning to the quay, on the border of the river, we soon reach the ferdinand street, and see at its left angle the bohemian national theatre, an important memorial of the national revival. the building was begun in and completed in . almost immediately afterwards it was greatly injured by a fire that broke out, and it was only in that it was opened amidst great rejoicings of the bohemian people. travellers in prague are strongly recommended to pay a visit, even if but a short one, to this fine building, particularly should a translation of an english play be given. i have seen the _school for scandal_ admirably given in bohemian at the national theatre. immediately opposite is the new francis bridge, opened by the emperor in the present year ( ). it connects one of the islands of the vltava, and its left bank with the old and new towns. near here too is the 'sophia's island.' it contains a park and restaurant where concerts are frequently given. it is historically interesting as having been the meeting-place of the slavic congress of that ended so disastrously. the ferdinand street with its continuations, the ovocná ulice (fruit street), and the prikopy or graben constitute the main thoroughfare of the modern town of prague. at the angle of the ferdinand street and the ovocná ulice--in the jungmann square--stands the monument of joseph jungmann, one of the great leaders of the national movement, who lived in the jungmann street close by. continuing on the left side of the prikopy, we reach the havirska ulice (miners street). turning to the left here, and passing the german theatre, we arrive in a few minutes at the carolinum, which bears the name of charles iv., the founder of the university of prague. though the building has been modernised, and only the chapel of ss. cosmas and damianus and the gothic projection retain the ancient character, it is one of the most historically interesting buildings at prague, as--next to bethlehem chapel--it is the one most intimately connected with the career of hus. it was here that he and his friends defended the teaching of wycliffe (july ), and here, too, that the great _disputatio_ took place (june ), in which he eloquently denounced the abuse of indulgences. in later days, too, the carolinum was a stronghold of utraquism. many of the stormy meetings of the bohemian nobles that preceded the defenestration of were held here. the place, indeed, became so noted as a meeting-place of heretics, that after the battle of the white mountain some catholic generals suggested that it should be destroyed. the carolinum now contains the lecture rooms of the juridical and medical faculties of both the bohemian and the german universities of prague. from the carolinum we can either take the zelezna ulice (iron street), which leads us back to the town hall, or through the ovocni trh (fruit market), reach the celetná ulice, or return to the graben, at the end of which we reach the powder tower. the new town and the vysehrad are not equal in interest to the old town and its sub-division, the jewish quarter, yet here, too, there are more objects of interest than limited space will allow me to mention. starting again from the powder tower, we arrive, through the josefské námesti, at the angle of the poric street, the site of one of the oldest settlements of prague. walking through this street to its end we find--opposite the north-western railway station--the new civic museum that is far too little known to visitors. this building is quite a modern creation, and in its present state has only been opened to the public since . the first hall on the ground floor contains prehistoric remains, numerous objects in glass and majolica that belonged to old prague. the second hall contains works in metal; particularly interesting are the gothic doors of a house in the václavské námesti, with the arms of the old and the new towns. the third hall, devoted to ecclesiastical art, contains many objects of great interest from various churches; a gothic predella, and a gothic altar from the castle rabi deserve particular notice. in this hall also are many valuable memorials of hus; in all these portraits, as, indeed, in all very ancient ones, he is represented as beardless. hall four contains many memorials of old prague. on the second floor we find in halls five and six a large collection of engravings that are of immense value to the student of history. besides a large number of views of prague at different periods, there is a valuable collection referring to the thirty years' war. we see representations of the defenestration, the entry of frederick of the palatinate into prague, the battle of the white mountain, and the executions on the market-place, as well as an almost complete collection of the portraits of the generals and statesmen of the thirty years' war. also on the second floor is the armoury, which well deserves the attention of the visitor. in hall nine on this floor are flags, shields and coats of arms that belonged to the ancient guilds of prague. an underground part of the museum contains the mucirna or torture-chamber, which gives a vivid impression of the ways of mediæval justice. the gothic vaulting of this chamber is mediæval, and was transported here from a house on the market-place of the old town. we are here at the extreme limit of the new town. eastward lie the modern suburbs karlin (or karolmenthal) and zizkov. the former contains a fine romanesque cathedral, built between and , which is dedicated to st. cyrillus and st. methodius, the apostles of the slavs. zizkov, which stands on the spot where zizka won his famous victory, was entirely built in the nineteenth century. it has increased very rapidly, and with its population of , inhabitants is now, next to prague, the most populous town in bohemia. returning to the poric, and then turning to the left, the traveller passes the state railway station, and after crossing the hybernská ulice and pursuing his way through the senovazná ulice (hay-balance street), finds himself at the church of st. henry, at the corner of the street of that name, and of the jerusalemská ulice. a parish church has existed here since very early times, but a new building in the gothic style was erected here in by charles iv. since that day the church has again been rebuilt several times, so that it does not retain much of its ancient character. it contains pictures by skreta, the bohemian painter, and others. close to the church is the gothic campanile, which dates from the beginning of the reign of vladislav ii. following the jerusalemská ulice, we reach the extensive town park, which is built on the site of the old fortifications of the nové mesto, and divides it from the suburb of vinohrady (vineyards). at its eastern extremity is the bohemian museum that has already been mentioned. from here the wide václavské námesti leads to the graben. turning from the václavské námesti to the left by the stephens street we reach the church of that name, which was built by charles iv., but has, like so many others at prague, been greatly altered by restoration. it contains, however, some works of very ancient bohemian painters that are very worthy of notice. close to st. stephen's church is the very ancient romanesque chapel of st. longinus. similar to the chapel of the holy cross and that of st. martin on the vysehrad--which will be mentioned presently--it is, as monsignor lehner writes, 'smaller and plainer and, therefore, probably even more ancient than the sister chapels.' retracing our steps as far as the angle of the zitná ulice, and proceeding down that street, we soon reach the extensive karlovo námesti, which has been laid out as a park, in which a monument to the bohemian poet halek has been erected. opposite this monument, at the north-eastern extremity of this square, is a building, now the site of the law courts, which was once the town hall of the nové mesto. from the windows of this building the town councillors were thrown in , an event to which reference has been already made. this town hall, built under charles iv., and a subsequent building in the renaissance style that was afterwards erected here have long disappeared. the last-named building was demolished in by order of the emperor francis i., and the present uninteresting structure was erected. of the old building a tower, formerly, probably, a campanile similar to that of the town hall of the old town, remains. it contains a chapel dedicated to st. wenceslas, which is still in the same condition as it was in the fifteenth century. from the karlovo námesti, following the vysehrad [illustration: chapel of st. martin] street, and passing near the emaus monastery, that has already been mentioned, we arrive at the vysehrad. the vysehrad, formerly an independent community, but now one of the districts of prague, has at the present day little interest for the mere sightseer. but its mythical and historical associations render it very precious to those who have some knowledge of bohemia's past. the traditions connected with the spot have been the subject of many bohemian poems. recently zeyer published his _vysehrad_, which will interest those who wish to penetrate somewhat deeper into the past of prague.[ ] of the old semi-mythical residence of libussa no trace remains, and the mediæval citadel that played so important a part in the hussite wars has also disappeared. the existent fortifications are of modern date. of the many former churches on the vysehrad two only now require notice. one is the romanesque chapel of st. martin, said to have been founded by st. adalbert on the site of a pagan temple. it is one of the three round chapels that are the oldest religious edifices in prague. it is, as monsignor lehner writes, 'the only remaining relic of the splendour of the vysehrad during the period of romanesque architecture.' another interesting church is that of st. peter and st. paul, built originally as a romanesque basilica, but altered considerably after the hussite wars. an interesting legend connected with the church is, or rather was, related to the visitors of st. peter's church. mr. kohl, who visited prague in , writes:[ ] 'a memorable tale was told me by my conductress. "once upon a time a poor man went into the forest. there he met a smart, jovial-looking huntsman, at least so he supposed, but in truth it was no huntsman, but the devil in disguise. now the huntsman spoke to the sorrowful man and said, 'art poor, old boy?' 'ay, miserably poor, sir, and full of care,' replied the other. 'how many children hast thou?' 'six, noble sir,' answered the poor man. 'give me for ever that child of thine that thou hast never seen and i'll give thee thy fill of money.' 'willingly, sir,' was the silly father's reply. 'then come, and we'll sign and seal the bargain.' the old man did so, and received countless heaps of money. when he got home, however, to his own house, to his surprise he found that he had seven children, for his wife had in the meantime brought the seventh into the world. thereupon the father began to feel very uncomfortable, and to suspect that the devil had talked him out of his child. in his anxiety he called his new-born son peter, and dedicated him to the apostle, praying st. peter to take the boy under his protection and shield him against the devil's arts. peter, who appeared to the old man in a dream, promised to do what he was asked provided the boy was brought up to the church; so, of course, the lad was given to god's service, that he might be a priest when he grew up. peter turned out a good, pious and learned young man. when he was twenty-four years old and had been installed as a priest at the church of the vysehrad, the devil came one day to put in his claim to his reverence, but the holy apostle st. peter interfered and declared that the deed which the devil produced was a forgery. the devil and the saint came to high words at this, while the poor priest, frightened out of his wits, ran into the church and betook himself to reading mass. now, as they could in no way come to an understanding, st. peter, by way of a compromise, proposed a new bargain. 'do you fly to rome!' said he to the devil, 'and bring me one of the columns of st. peter's church, and if you're back with it before my priest has read to the end of the mass, he shall be yours; but else mine.' the devil, who thought he should have plenty of time, accepted the proposal with pleasure, and in a few seconds peter saw him flying up full speed with one of the columns. the devil would have won, there's no doubt, if st. peter had not quickly gone to meet him and begun to belabour him with a horsewhip. the devil in his fright dropped the huge pillar, which fell plump to the bottom of the mediterranean sea. he lost but little time in diving for it and bringing it up again; but he lost quite enough, for when he arrived at the church the priest had just said his 'ite missa est,' and so his mass was at an end. st. peter laughed heartily; and the devil was so vexed that in his rage he flung down the big column, which went through the roof of the church and fell upon the floor, where it was broken into three pieces. many attempts were made to repair the hole in the roof, but they could never make the work hold, for it always fell in, and so at last they gave it up; and there the hole remained for many hundred years, leaving a free way for rain and wind. the emperor joseph, however, insisted upon having the roof repaired, so they carved the two keys of st. peter in the centre stone of the vault, and since then the work has held." besides some paintings by skreta, it contains a curious madonna of the thirteenth century, said to have been once the property of charles iv. the church is surrounded by a cemetery, in which many of bohemia's patriots are buried. we find here the tombs of the writers halek, neruda, benes trebizky, hanka, mrs. nemcova, those of the ministers iirecek and kaizl, and many others. quite recently a fine monument has been placed over the grave of zeyer, the poet of the vysehrad. when leaving the vysehrad the traveller can either descend to the banks of the vltava, follow the podskal street, and then the palacky quay--from which a bridge, also named after the great historian, leads to the suburb of smichov--and finally reach the bohemian theatre; or passing through the 'na slupi' street he may, turning to the right into the horská ulice, reach the karlov church, which is at the corner of the horská and karlova streets. this very fine gothic edifice, one of the most interesting churches in prague, was built by charles iv. in , and its octagon dome is said to be an imitation of the burial place of charles the great at aachen. the church has some very fine stained-glass windows, which date from the time of vladislav ii., and some good pictures. the karlov or church of the ascension of the virgin mary--to give it its correct designation--has, however, like so many others, suffered severely from the restorer. following the karlova ulice, and then turning to the left, at the corner of the st. apolinar street, we reach the interesting gothic church of that name. from here we retrace our steps to the na slupi and then the vysehrad street, and soon arrive again at the karlovo námesti. thence we soon reach through the jungmann street the jungmann monument, in the ovocná ulice, and the limits of the new town. [illustration: karlov] for his wanderings through the parts of prague that are on the left bank of the river the traveller will start from the far-famed bridge of prague, for so it is still called, though its official designation is the charles bridge, and there are now many other bridges at prague. as already mentioned, there has been a bridge on or near the spot where the present edifice stands from very early times. ancient chroniclers write that when, in , the body of st. wenceslas was conveyed from stará boleslav, where he was murdered, to st. vitus's church at prague, those who carried the body, 'hurrying to the river vltava, found the bridge partly destroyed by the floods. they gave themselves up to prayer, and having raised the body on their arms they passed, as if they were carrying no burden, gladly and without hindrance over the half-ruined bridge.' the fact that the body of st. wenceslas was conveyed across the vltava on march , at a time when the spring flood often damaged the bridge of prague, confirms, as mr. svátek writes, the correctness of this narrative, which contains the earliest mention of the bridge of prague. the account of the state in which the bridge was found also renders mr. svátek's conjecture that it was then already very ancient very plausible. as the suburbium praguese--as i have already mentioned--extended on both banks of the river, wooden bridges, such as the earliest ones undoubtedly were, soon became insufficient. when, in , the floods had entirely destroyed the wooden bridge of prague, queen judith, consort of king vladislav i., caused a new stone bridge to be erected at her own expense. it was said that she undertook this work because, being a german by birth, and having twice used her influence to place her german relations on the episcopal throne of prague, she had incurred the hostility of the bohemians. she hoped to regain the love of the praguers by thus becoming a [illustration: from the bridge looking towards the old town] benefactress of their city. judith's bridge was begun in and finished in three years, an almost inconceivably short space of time. the completion of the bridge was greeted with great rejoicement by the bohemians, who said that, excepting the bridge over the danube at regensburg, no such bridge had been built since the days of the romans. in the winter of the bridge of judith was destroyed by the floods, and for a time a temporary wooden bridge, partly founded on the remaining pillars of the stone bridge, alone connected the two parts of prague. this bridge naturally proved insufficient, particularly after charles iv. had founded the new town of prague. in that king undertook the building of the present bridge. the building was erected under the direction of matthew of arras, and afterwards of peter parler and his son john. the work was often interrupted by storms and inundations, to which the vltava, the outlet of all the rivers of central and southern bohemia, is particularly liable. it was, therefore, only completed in . we first pass under the bridge tower of the old town, which is decorated with statues of the bohemian patron saints and with the coats of arms of the countries that were formerly connected with bohemia as well as that of the old town itself. the statues that now ornament the bridge formed no part of the original structure. as can be seen in ancient engravings, a crucifix only stood on the bridge at first. rudolph erected statues of the madonna and of st. john, and the others were gradually added, principally during the period of catholic re-action in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. there are now thirty statues of unequal value, fifteen on each side of the bridge. it may be of interest to give a list of these statues, beginning with those that are to the right of the visitor who crosses the bridge from the old town into the malá strana:-- . st. bernard ( ), by jäckel. . st. dominicus and thomas aquinas ( ), by jäckel. . a bronze-gilt statue of the crucifixion, with statues of the virgin mary and st. john. . st. john the baptist ( ), by j. max. . st. ignacius of loyola ( ), by ferdinand prokov; a foundation of the jesuit college of prague. . the holy trinity ( ), also by prokov. between this group and the next one, a cross and tablet mark the spot where st. nepomuk was thrown into the river. . ss. norbert, wenceslas and sigismund ( ), by j. max. . st. john of nepomuk, cast in bronze at nüremberg in , after a model of j. prokov. . st. anthony of padua ( ), by ulrich mayer. . st. judas taddæus ( ), also by ulrich mayer. . st augustine ( ), by jerome kohl. . st. gactanus ( ), by ferdinand prokov. . st. philip binitius ( ), by mendel of salzburg. . st. vitus ( ), by ferdinand prokov. . ss. cosmas and damianus ( ), by ulrich mayer. on the left side of the bridge are the following statues:-- . st. ivo ( ), by matthew braun. . ss. barbara, margaret and elizabeth ( ), by the brothers prokov. . the mater dolorosa ( ), by em. max. . st. joseph ( ), by jos. max; a gift of the countess prîchovská. . st. francis haverius ( ), by ferdinand prokov; a gift of the theological and philosophical 'faculties' of the university of prague. . st. christopher ( ), by em. max. . st. francis borgia ( ), by the brothers prokov. . st. ludmilla ( ), by an unknown artist. . st. francis seraphicus ( ), by em. max. . ss. vincent and prokov ( ), by ferdinand prokov. . st. nicholas of tolentino ( ), by j. kohl. [illustration: view of the bridge from the mills of the old town] . st. ludgardis ( ), by m. braun. . st. adalbert ( ), by the brothers prokov. . ss. john of matha, ivo and philipp ( ), by ferdinand prokov. . st. wenceslas ( ), by camillas böhn, after a sketch by the painter führich. in inundations again greatly injured the bridge of prague. a portion of the work was entirely destroyed, and the statues of st. ignacius of loyola and of st. francis sank in the floods. these injuries have now been entirely repaired. the view of the hradcany from the bridge is one of the most striking ones in prague. passing by the second bridge tower we reach the malá strana, near which once stood the ancient residence of the bishops, and afterwards archbishops, of prague, a building often mentioned in the records of the struggles of the hussite wars, or market-place of the 'small quarter,' on which is a statue of radecky, erected in . as materials, piedmontese cannon captured in and were used. here also is the nicholas church that has already been mentioned, and near here are the palace of the governor of bohemia and the palace where the bohemian diet assembles, since it no longer meets on the hradcany. a steep path leads to the summit of the hradcany hill. the two most important buildings on this height, the royal palace and st. vitus's cathedral, have already been mentioned. between these buildings stands the very fine equestrian statue of st. george, cast in by order of charles iv. this fine statue, a work of the brothers george and martin of clussenburk, is excessively interesting as giving a faithful representation of the armour worn by the knights of the fourteenth century. behind the cathedral is the church of st. george, occupying the spot where one of the earliest christian churches in bohemia, built by prince vratislav i. about the year , once stood. princess mlada, sister of boleslav ii., in here built a benedictine convent, of which she became abbess, and which became very famous in bohemia. charles iv. granted to the abbess of this convent the right of crowning the queens of bohemia. they retained this right up to the suppression of the convent by the emperor joseph ii. it was then transferred to the superior of the chapter of noble ladies, which the empress maria theresa had founded. the first church of st. george was destroyed in , during the troubles that followed the death of sobeslav.[ ] a romanesque building was then erected, which is the finest building in that style of architecture in bohemia. though here also restorations have taken place, the church has, on the whole, retained its ancient character, and it is well worth the attention of the traveller. it contains the graves of several of the most ancient rulers of bohemia and of their wives. the ancient frescoes in this church and the chapels of st. ludmilla--where that saint and princess mlada, the first abbess of st. george's convent, are buried--and of st. anne require particular notice. during the recent restorations the stucco ornaments that concealed the old romanesque doors and windows have been removed. of great interest are the four very ancient towers on the hradcany hill, which date from the time of ottokar ii. and have already been mentioned. they overlook the jeleni prikop (stag's ditch), and are reached by the jiriska ulice, passing through buildings that are used as government offices. these towers were used as prisons, and the white tower in particular, which has been compared to the bastille and the tower of london, was the principal state prison of prague. the leaders of the protestant movement against ferdinand i., bishop augusta, the head of the bohemian brethren, the bohemian leaders who were decapitated in , the partisans of charles of bavaria ( ), and many others were imprisoned here. the daliborka tower is very famous in popular legends. it is said to have received its present name from dalibor of kozojed, a knight who was imprisoned here during the reign of vladislav ii. the serfs of a neighbouring knight, adam of ploskov, had been driven to revolt by the cruelty of their lord, and dalibor availed himself of this opportunity for seizing ploskov's estates. he was, therefore, imprisoned in the tower to which he has given his name, and afterwards decapitated. this somewhat sordid event became the nucleus of legends created by the imaginative bohemian people. it was said that dalibor, after spending some years in foreign lands, had returned to bohemia, and there witnessed the cruelties from which the bohemian peasants, formerly free men, suffered; for bondage, entirely alien to the ancient customs of bohemia, was only established there in . under the influence of rozvod, an old man who remembered the days of zizka, dalibor incited the peasants to rise against their lords. the revolt was rapidly suppressed, and dalibor imprisoned in the tower on the hradcany hill. it was said that while imprisoned he learnt to play the violin to solace his solitude, and that his music attracted crowds to the tower. the great bohemian musician smetana has given the name of 'dalibor' to one of his operas, and dalibor is also the hero of one of the books of the talented bohemian novelist wenceslas vlcek. among the later prisoners in the daliborka were several alchemists whom rudolph ii. called to his court, but who failed to fulfil the promises they had made. the astronomer francis tennagel, an assistant of tycho brahe, was also a prisoner in the daliborka during rudolph's reign. we obtain the best view of the four towers, and indeed of the hradcany generally, if we cross the stag's ditch and proceed to the royal gardens, in which is the belvedere villa. ferdinand i. caused it to be built for his wife anna. it is a fine specimen of the italian renaissance, ferdinand's favourite form of architecture, and was built by the italian, john de spatio. in the interior of the building there are some frescoes of the earlier part of the nineteenth century representing scenes from bohemian history. it is characteristic of the period that the hussite wars, the period of bohemia's greatness, are entirely excluded. as a proof that the present emperor of austria from his earliest youth possessed the sagacity and clearness of mind which is now recognised by the whole world, it may be mentioned that when, as a young archduke, he visited these frescoes, he is reported to have said: 'it is impossible even to conceive a history of bohemia from which the hussite wars are excluded.' close to the belvedere is a fountain, which has rightly been called 'one of the finest renaissance fountains north of the alps.' the design is by tertio of bergamo, and the work was carried out by jarus, an artist of prague. from the belvedere we descend the hradcany hill, and passing through the chotek park reach the bruska street and the suspension bridge. crossing this bridge, we reach the old town and the rudolphinum, and soon find our way back to the powder tower. chapter viii _walks and excursions near prague_ to those visitors to prague who have acquired some interest in the history of the country no excursion will appeal more than that to the white mountain, 'the chacronaea of bohemia,' as it has been aptly called. leaving the malá strana by the now-demolished strahov gate (near the monastery of that name), we soon reach the white mountain. factories built in modern times have considerably altered the aspect of the ground. the plateau, which the bohemian army occupied on the evening of november , , and where earthworks were hastily thrown up, and the battle-field of the following day can, however, still be clearly distinguished. the bohemian lines extended from the village of repy to the 'star' park and the village of liboc. the last and fiercest lighting took place immediately outside the park. dr. krebs[ ] writes: 'the south-eastern angle of the "star" park became the grave of the national independence of bohemia. every bohemian who passes this spot should remember, "it is holy ground on which i tread."' the star park is now a favourite summer resort of the citizens of prague, who, perhaps wisely, appear to be intent rather on present pleasure than on gloomy memories of the past. 'little they think of those stout limbs that moulder deep below.' after the battle the bohemian troops that still occupied the royal hunting lodge at the 'star' capitulated, and the victorious duke of bavaria spent there the night that followed the battle. somewhat to the south of the 'star' is the church of st. mary, built in in commemoration of the great defeat of the bohemians. it is said that when the emperor joseph ii. visited this church he expressed his displeasure, and he is said to have characteristically remarked 'that he wished to reign over men, not over brutes,[ ] who celebrated their own defeat.' it must be added that the pilgrimages to this church on november have now entirely ceased. from the village of liboc the traveller can by rail reach in half an hour the romantic valley of the sarka. of the many walks in the immediate neighbourhood of prague we may mention that to the petrin hill, which has already been referred to. an outlook tower has recently been built here. favourite summer resorts of the citizens of prague are the crown prince rudolph park and the adjoining belvedere gardens, and the stromovka or baumgarten. those who wish to visit the village of sterbohol, where the battle of prague (in ) principally raged, should start from the francis joseph station and leave the train at hostivár, the second station. the spot where general schwerin fell is marked by a monument erected in ; a second monument was erected in by king frederick william iii. of prussia. from the state railway station the traveller can in half an hour reach the station of roztok, a place much frequented by the praguers in summer because of the beautiful scenery. close to here is levy hradec, historically interesting as the site of the most ancient christian church in bohemia; it was built by borivoj in . no traces of the original building now remain.[ ] [illustration: the 'star' hunting lodge] a somewhat more distant excursion, but perhaps the most interesting, is that to the karlstyn castle. it is reached in little more than an hour from the smichov station of the western railway. the karlstyn was built by charles iv. as a refuge for the royal family in time of war, and also as a safe spot where the crown jewels and the treasury could be deposited. it was built in a manner that rendered it for the time almost impregnable, and it successfully resisted the attacks of sigismund korybut during the hussite wars. in consequence of the importance of the treasures the castle contained, the custodian (burgrave) of the karlstyn became one of the great dignitaries of bohemia. among the last to hold this office was count thurn, afterwards celebrated as the originator of the defenestration. his immediate successor, martinic, one of the victims of the defenestration, was the last to hold the office of burgrave of the karlstyn. with the autonomy of bohemia the title was naturally in abeyance after the battle of the white mountain. the castle was built with great splendour, but many of the treasures it contained were either dispersed or transported to vienna. the present emperor of austria--always a true friend of bohemia--has lately ( ) given the order that several of the pictures that formerly were in the karlstyn should be sent back there. the most valuable part of the building is the chapel of the cross, that contains some interesting early bohemian paintings. quite recently the karlstyn has to a great extent been restored in a manner that has not on the whole pleased the critics. [illustration: the oldest great seal of the malÁ strana, thirteenth century] note as the names of the streets, squares, etc., at prague are now only written in the national language, i have thought that a short list of the most necessary bohemian words would be welcome. it will be very useful when using the plan of prague that accompanies this book. it is scarcely necessary to say that english is spoken in the principal hotels of prague. those who feel inclined to learn the bohemian language which, though difficult, is philologically of the highest interest, will find an able guide in professor morfill's _grammar of the bohemian or cech language_. divadlo = theatre. hora = mountain; thus bilá hora, the white mountain. chram or kostel = church. na levo = to the left. na pravo = to the right. nábrezi = quay. nádrazi = railway station. námesti = square, market-place (the french 'place'). nové mesto = the new town. malá strana = the small 'side' or quarter of prague. most = bridge. ostrov = island; thus zofinsky ostrov, sophia's island. radnice--town hall. staré mesto = the old town. trh = market. trida = street. ulice = street. it may be useful to the traveller to know that the different districts of prague are numbered, and that since vysehrad in , holesovic-bubna in , and liben in have become parts of prague the numbers run thus-- i. staré mesto. ii. nové mesto. iii. malá strana. iv. hradcany. v. josefské mesto (joseph's, formerly the jews' town). vi. vysehrad. vii. holesovic-bubna. viii. liben. the suburbs karlin, smichov and vinohrady ('the vineyards') do not as yet form part of the city of prague. appendix the history of prague is to so great an extent that of bohemia, that if i attempted to give a full list of my authorities, i should be obliged to enumerate the works of the principal modern bohemian historians, as well as those of many older chroniclers and writers of history. in a work where compression has been necessary on every page i could attempt no such bibliographic study. of historical writings, i mention only dr. tomek's monumental work. i give the names only of a few books that deal with the city of prague and its architectural monuments. i have left unnoticed the numerous monographs referring to prague and the publications of the bohemian museum, the bohemian scientific society and the bohemian academy. it is hardly necessary to state that i have also used my own previous works on bohemia. authorities _branis dejing umeni stredovekcho v cechách_ (history of mediæval art in bohemia). vols. - . _dolensky's praha._ i have only been able to use the first parts of this publication, which has just begun to appear. _herold and oliva malebné cesty po praze_ (picturesque walks through prague). vols. - . _lebner, monsignor._ dejini umeni naroda ceského (history of the art of the bohemian nation); begun , not yet completed. _neuwirth, dr._ geschichte der christlichen kunst in böhmen. vol. . _redel, dr._ das sehenswürdige prag. vol. . _svátek._ culturhistorische bilder aus böhmen. vol. . _svátek._ ze staré prahy (of ancient prague), vol. _tomek, dr._ dejepis mesta prahy (history of the town of prague) - . the twelve volumes that have already appeared contain the history of prague up to . princes of bohemia. krok. premysl and libusa. nezamysl. mnata. vojen. unislav. kresomysl. neklan. hostivit. borivoj i. spitihnev i. vratislav i. wenceslas i. - boleslav i. - boleslav ii. - boleslav iii. - vladivoj - jaromir - ulrich - bretislav i. - spytihnev ii. - vratislav ii. (king) - bretislav ii. - borivoj ii. - vladislav i. - sobeslav i. - vladislav ii. (as king i.) - sobeslav ii. - frederick - conrad otho - wenceslas ii. - premysl ottokar - kings of bohemia wenceslas i. - premysl ottokar ii. - wenceslas ii. - wenceslas iii. - rudolph of habsburg - henry of carinthia - john - charles i. (iv.) - wenceslas iv. - sigismund - albert of habsburg - ladislas posthumus - george of podebrad - vladislav ii. - louis i. - ferdinand i. - maximilian - rudolph ii. - matthias - frederick of the palatinate - ferdinand ii. - ferdinand iii. - leopold i. - joseph i. - charles ii. (vi.) - maria theresa - charles of bavaria - joseph ii. - leopold ii. - francis - ferdinand iv. (i.) - francis joseph i have continued the list of the rulers of bohemia (many of whom were roman, and more recently austrian emperors) up to the present day, as the title of king of bohemia has always been retained by these princes. [illustration: prague.] [illustration: section i. view of prague during the reign of rudolph ii. (in sections). _after sadeler's famous engraving,_ the inscription on it states that in , ag. sadeler, engraver to his sacred majesty, dedicated it to the noble, most worthy, and most prudent primators, consuls and senators of the metropolitan threefold town of prague.] [illustration: section ii. view of prague. the bridge contains as yet only a crucifix but no statues.] [illustration: section iii. view of prague.] index a albert, archduke of austria, crowned king, ; short reign and death, . albik, archbishop of prague, . albrecht dürer, his 'madonna,' , - . " 'madonna and child,' attributed to, . ales of riesenburg, regent of bohemia, . archduke ferdinand of styria, succession of, to throne opposed by protestants, . archduke leopold, bishop of passau, invades bohemia, . archiepiscopal palace destroyed by praguers, . _articles of prague_, the, , . artists, confraternity or guild of, founded by charles, . austrian war of succession, . b bartos, 'the writer,' quoted, - . belvedere, erected by ferdinand i., . benatky, ill-famed buildings known as, destroyed by milic, . benes of weitmil, old chronicler, quoted, - , . bethlehem chapel, , . bezalel, rabbi löwi, mysterious interview with rudolph ii., . bishopric of prague, foundation of, . " countries forming part of, - . bohemia, national language of, temporary extinction of, ; its revival, - . bohemia, national songs of, , . " ancient constitution of, negotiations with austria for restitution of, . " queens of, right of crowning, . bohemian brethren, . " museum, , - . " nation, permanent supremacy of, at university secured by decree of wenceslas iv., . bohemians resent favour shown to germans, - . boleslav i., prince of bohemia, . boleslav ii., prince of bohemia, - . borivoj, first christian ruler of bohemia, ; dedicates church to virgin, . broumov, protestant church of, closed, . c campanile, . carolinum, becomes centre of university, . " meeting at, beginning of hussite struggle, . " _disputatio_ at, concerning crusade against king of naples, . " synod of bohemian clergy at, . " truce meeting at, ; its connection with career of hus, and present condition of, . chapel of st. martin, romanesque, - . chapel of the holy cross, romanesque, . charles iv. (i. as king), ff.; founds new city of prague, ; speech concerning the founding of the university, ; rebuilds st. vitus's cathedral, . charles bridge, or bridge of prague, , , - ; statues on, - . christianity, introduction of into bohemia, . churches--st. george, . " st. nicholas, . " st. peter and st. paul, legend in connection with, - . " st. vitus, - . " tyn church, the, - . " karlov, or church of the ascension, - . cities, the three, , ; united into one municipal corporation, - . civic museum, - . clock, ancient, at town hall, . clementinum, jesuit college, . _compacts_, the, ; sanction of, brought to prague, ; stolen and recovered, . confederacy of strakonic, the, . _confessio bohemia_, , . conrad of vechta, archbishop of prague, joins national church, . conrad waldhauser, forerunner of hus, effect of preaching of, - . cosmas of prague, quoted, , . council of basel, , , . council of constance, . count thurn, leader of protestant estates, ff. _crusaders_, , , , . _crusade_, the new, failure of, . d dalibor, . daliborka and mikulka (white and black towers), , . dalimil, old chronicler, quoted, - . dee, dr. john, at prague, defenestration (traditional death for traitors), , - . e ebendorf of haselbach, quoted, . elizabeth, queen of bohemia, ; her unpopularity, - . ernest of pardubic, first archbishop of prague, and first chancellor of the university, . eschenloer, chronicler, quoted, . estates, meeting of, at prague, , , , , , ; meeting of, summoned without consent of king, ; bloody diet convoked, ; diets under maximilian, , ; under rudolph, ; presided over by budova, . " accept archduke ferdinand of styria as heir to the throne, . " protestant, meeting of, , . " summoned to hradcany palace, . " secret meeting of, at smiricky palace, . " decide to throw royal councillors from windows of hradcany palace, - . " carry out resolution, - . " institute provisional government, . " meeting of general diet, ; crown offered to count palatine, . " assembly of bohemian diet, . excursions round prague, - . f ferdinand of austria, archduke, elected king, ; coronation and festivities, ; strengthens royal prerogative, ; his bohemian subjects refuse to arm, - ; his punishment of town, - ; death, . ferdinand street, fruit street, and graben, main thoroughfare of prague, . foges, mr., quoted, , . fountain, designed by tertio of bergamo, . francis joseph, king of bohemia, his descent from premysl, . frederick, count palatine, accepts crown of bohemia, ; reception and coronation, ; his short-lived popularity, ; deserts his army, ; his behaviour on receiving news of battle of white mountain, . frederick the great storms prague, ; encamps on white mountain, ; battle of prague, . g gallus cahera, preacher of the tyn church, . german character of old town of prague, - . german immigrants in prague favoured by the sovereigns, , - . german masters and students leave prague, . graben, the, origin of name, . h hajek of libocan, chronicler, quoted, , - . harnack, dr., quoted, . henry of plumlov, captain of moravia, - . hollar, wenceslas, engravings by, . hradcany castle, held by royal troops, ff; truce meeting at, ; stormed by wallenstein, ; seized by general königsmark, . hradcany hill, site of old foundation of prague, ; old castle on, , ; later buildings, ; early christian church built on, , ; fortifications of, . hrob, protestant church at, destroyed, . hus, john, ff.; forerunners of, ; sermon as a young preacher, - ; begins preaching at bethlehem chapel, ; his teaching, ; protest against his preaching, - ; his letter to the archbishop, ; excommunicated, ; attacks the use of indulgences, ; flees from prague, ; attempts made during his absence to assuage religious differences, ; proceeds to council of constance, ; imprisonment and death, ; indignation among bohemian nobles caused by, - . hus and hieronymus, bells known as, - . hynek krusina, utraquist nobleman, , , . j jerusalem, building erected on site of benatky, . jewish colony of prague, - . jewish quarter, joseph's town, . john augusta, head of bohemian brethren, arrest and torture of, . john kolda of zampach, rises against sigismund, . john of carvajal, papal envoy, - ; carries off the compacts, . john of luxemburg, becomes king, ; his campaigns, invitation to knights of europe, and death at crecy, . john of pomuk, or nepomuk, conflict of, with wenceslas, - ; death, . john of sadlo, utraquist noble, . john rohác of duba, cruelty of sigismund to, - . joseph tyl, composer, . k karlov, the, built by charles, . kelley, edward, at prague, . keppler, astronomer, guest of king rudolph, . konopist, treaty of, . korybut, prince sigismund, chosen as ruler by utraquist nobles, ; his downfall, ; returns to his own country, . kraluv dvor, king's court, . krok, or crocus, sovereign of bohemia, . kunstat hr, war-cry, . kutna hora, decrees of, . l ladislas, king of naples, crusade against, - . ladislas posthumus, crowned king, ; premature death, . _league of the lords_, . lechler, dr., quoted, . _letter of majesty_, . levy hradec, earliest building devoted to christian worship, . libussa, youngest daughter of krok, description of by cosmas of prague, ; her powers as a soothsayer, , ; her choice of husband, ; foundation of town ascribed to, . lipan, great battle of, - . louis, succeeds vladislav as king, ; killed in battle, . m magister pribram, leader of moderate party, . malá strana, , ; fortified, ; attacked by hussites, ; town hall of, destroyed by royalists, ; stormed by wallenstein, ; seized by general königsmark, . manifesto of praguers after battle of vysehrad, . maria theresa crowned at prague, . market-place, . martini, royal councillor, thrown from window, - . matthias, his perfidy towards king rudolph, - ; succeeds rudolph, ; death, . maximilian, succeeds ferdinand i. as king, ; his concessions to the protestants, ; death, . milic, forerunner of hus, his preaching, etc., - . mlada, princess, convent built by, . monasteries--mount sion or strahov, - . " capuchin, - . " emaus, - . monstrelet, quoted, . morley, mr. john, quoted, . mühlberg, defeat of protestants at, . n nicholas of pelhrimov, bohemian envoy, . o orebites, . ottokar ii., king, - ; his departure on last campaign, - ; news of his death, . p palaces--nostic, . " kinsky, . " count clam gallas, - . " royal castle of hradcany hill, history of, - ; description of, as it stands, - . " waldstem, . " morzin, . " schwarzenberg, . " counts oswald and francis thurn, . palacky, quoted, , , , , , , , . papal schism, reform movement brought to a crisis by, - . pappenheim, general, tomb of, . pasek and hlavsa dispute supremacy at prague, - , . peter payne, leader of advanced party, - . podebrad, george, head of national party, , ; takes possession of town, ; governor of prague, ; crowned king, ; reign and death, . poric street, houses formerly on site of, . prague, origin of name, ; ancient record of foundation, ; uncertain date of same, ; bishopric of, ; becomes an archbishopric, , ; elements composing population of, , ; new town founded, ; old town enclosed, ; fortifications, ; new city founded, ; special privileges enjoyed by, ; university founded, ; division of town in time of charles i., ; besieged, ; constitution of after the battle of vysehrad, ; besieged during war of austrian succession, ; stormed by frederick the great, ; battle of prague, ; occupied by prussians, . praguers, as distinguished from romanists and taborites, ; civil war with taborites, . prasná brana (powder tower), , . premysl, husband of lubissa, , . premyslide dynasty, extinction of, - . prokop the great, leader of taborites, . _protestatio bohemorum_, - . ptacek, head of national party, . r rokycan, afterward utraquist archbishop of prague, preaches at the tyn church, ; leader of advanced party, ; at council of basel, ; elected archbishop, ; dispute with bishop philibert of constance, ; leaves prague, ; returns, ; hostility of ladislas to, ; death, . rubes, composer, . rudolph, son of maximilian, coronation of, - ; his embellishment of prague and collection of art treasures, , , - ; perfidy of his brother matthias, - ; signs _letter of majesty_, ; forced to abdicate, ; death, . rudolphinum, . ruppa, head of provisional government, . s sadeler, engravings of prague by, . st. george, statue of, . st. nicholas, monastery of, destroyed by royal troops, . st. vitus, arm of, sent to wenceslas, . " cathedral of, first buildings on site of, . " style of early church, . " remains of wenceslas conveyed to, ; rebuilt and enlarged, ; altar and paintings of, removed by frederick, ; history of, - ; description of, as it stands, - . sigismund, king of hungary, arrives in bohemia, ; his reception of praguers, ; incites pope to issue bull calling to arms against the heretics, ; nation rises against him, ; his reception of envoys, - ; marches on prague, - ; attack on town and defeat, - ; crowned king of bohemia, ; breaks up camp and retires, ; returns to prague, ; is defeated and flees, ; recognised as king by the bohemians, ; entry into prague, ; dies on return journey to hungary, . sixt of ottersdorf, historian, . skála ze zhore, his description of the defenestration, - ; of last moments of prisoners, executed after battle of white mountain, - . slavata, royal councillor, thrown from window, - . slavic congress, - , . slavic balls at prague, . smiricky palace, . sophia, queen, as regent, - . sophia's island, . spitalské pole (hospital field), meeting at, - . staré mesto (old town), and nové mesto (new town), , ; antagonism between, . star palace, arrival of frederick at, . star park, . _suburbium pragense_, . t taborites, . tauss, defeat of royal troops at, . thietmas, first bishop of prague, . tomek, professor, quoted, , , , , , , . towers, ancient, on hradcany hill, - . town hall, - . treaty of westphalia, . tycho brahe and tennagel, king rudolph's guests, ; latter a prisoner, . tyn church, the, rectors of, , . u u halanko, ancient house known as, - . university of prague, founded, , ; modelled on that of paris, ; lectures at, - ; recognised as supreme authority in matters of doctrine, . utraquists, - , ; truce of, with praguers, . v velica obec, great assembly of prague, . victor of podebrad, . vladislav ii., elected king, ; riots at prague during his absence, ; death, . vojtech, bishop of prague, . vratislav ii., prince, . vysehrad, earliest inhabited spot, , ; church built on, ; fortress of, carried by assault by hussites, ; siege of, by citizens, - ; porm of, by zeyer, . w wenceslas i., prince of bohemia, ; receives tonsure, ; churches built by, ; murdered, . wenceslas i., king of bohemia, . wenceslas iv., king of bohemia, successor to charles i., ff.; his favour towards hus, and foreign policy, - ; his popularity with the citizens, ; animosity to, of bohemian nobles, ; made prisoner and released, ; again imprisoned and escapes, ; his conflict with john of pomuk, - ; his decrees of kutna hora, ; his support of reform party, ; his decree reinstating priests deprived of their livings, ; death, . wenceslas of budova, , . wenceslas chapel, . white mountain, battle of, , , ; leaders on either side, ; account of, - ; complete change in condition of bohemia caused by, ; arrest and executions after defeat of protestants at, - . wycliffe, works of, burnt, . z zbynek zajic of hasenburg, archbishop of prague, ; letter of hus to, . zelivo, john of, leader of utraquists, ; denounces sigismund, ; suggests meeting of defenders of utraquist cause, ; his popularity and influence, ; heads democratic party, , ; sudden arrest of, and decapitation, . zeyer, poet, ; monument to, . zizka, , ; arrives with his men at prague, ; his heroism, . zizka's hill, victory of, , . zizkov, . _colston & coy. limited, printers, edinburgh._ footnotes: [ ] the hill near prague still known as the petrin, or in german 'laurenziberg.' [ ] in bohemian 'prah.' [ ] these will be found at the end of this volume. [ ] _see_ chapter viii. [ ] it may not be unnecessary to caution english readers against confusing the name of this prince with that of the town of stará boleslav; in german, alt bunzlau. [ ] in his _alterthümer der prager josefstadt_ (_i.e._, jewish town). this very curious little book, dedicated to the late sir moses montefiore, who visited prague on his way to palestine, contains a great deal of little-known information concerning the jewish colony at prague. [ ] _see_ note, p. . the petrin was the place where the executions generally took place. [ ] the yet more ancient author of the alexandreis also expressed fear that 'soon no bohemian would any longer be seen on the bridge of prague.' hus also refers to the bridge when he states 'that it would be easier to find a stag with golden antlers on the bridge of prague than a worthy priest.' [ ] his disciple, matthew of janov, writes: 'ipse milicius, filius et imago domini jesu christi, apostolorumque ipsius similitudo prope expressa et ostensa.' [ ] _dogmengeschichte_, vol. iii., pp. - . [ ] dubravius, _historia bohemiæ_. [ ] laurence of brezov. [ ] the german names are schlan and leitmeritz. [ ] _i.e._, heretic. [ ] their contents will be found in my _bohemia: an historical sketch_, p. . [ ] _see_ chapter vii. [ ] the orebites were a military community similar to that of tabor. their centre was a hill near kralové hradec (koniggratz), to which they had given the biblical name of oreb. [ ] contrary to what has often been written, he was no relation of john hus. [ ] in bohemian, 'cep.' specimens of this formidable weapon can be seen in the bohemian museum. [ ] printed in palacky's _history of bohemia_. [ ] laurence of brezov writes of him that 'veritatem communionis utriusque specici fideliter promovendo omnes deordinationes in lege domini non fundatas quantum valuit persequebatur.' [ ] o zajeti sigmunda korybuta.--_vybor z literatury ceské_, i. [ ] in german 'brünn' and 'jglau.' [ ] _i.e._, the old town, new town, and 'small quarter.' [ ] the corpus christi chapel was destroyed in . the tablets are now preserved in the bohemian museum. [ ] george was lord of kunstat as well as of podebrad. [ ] a painting by the great bohemian artist brozik, representing this event, can be seen in the town hall. [ ] it is of interest to quote in the original the bishop's words: 'recogitate providi viri qualis vestra praga fuit olim inclita civitas quando sub hoc pontificatu fideliter stetit; quales habuit cives et incolas ditissimos utriusque status ditissimos; nec fuit pragae similis urbs in multis nationibus non norberga, non vienna, non wratislawia neque inclita colonia illi aliquando poterant comparari; nescimus an roma, venetia aut florentia aut alia quaecunque sub coelo civitas pragae tunc similis fuit.' [ ] i have referred to bartos in my _history of bohemian literature_, pp. - . mr. denis has given a good account of the antagonism between pasek and hlavsa in his brilliant _fin de l'indépendance bohême_. [ ] for sixt of ottersdorf _see_ my _history of bohemian literature_, pp. - . [ ] it appears that the conduct of charles v., ferdinand's brother, who had in deprived the city of ghent of all its ancient privileges, contributed largely to rendering the citizens of prague suspicious. [ ] the adventures of these two english alchemists in bohemia are fully described in mr. svátek's (german) _culturhistorische bilder aus böhmen_. [ ] a village on the outskirts of prague that has in the present year-- --been incorporated with the town. [ ] _see_ p. . [ ] the size of this book obviously excludes all controversial matter. i have entered fully into the question in my _bohemia: a historical sketch_, pp. - . [ ] this palace is traditionally identified with the house known as 'u montagu,' between the malostranské námesti and the nerudova ulice. a tablet stating that the defenestration had been planned here was placed on this house, but almost immediately removed. [ ] dr krebs, _die schlacht am weissen berge_. [ ] _see_ chapter viii. [ ] _see_ chapter viii. [ ] 'clamore mulierum horrendo rex perterritus arcem repetebat.'--andreas ab habernfeld bellum bohemicum. [ ] i have translated a small portion of this account in my _history of bohemian literature_, pp. - . the account above is also abridged from skála. [ ] not , as stated in murray's guide book. [ ] 'ecclesiam sancti viti quam sanctus wenceslaus construxerat ad similitudinem romanae ecclesiae rotundam.'--_cosmas pragensis._ [ ] the old chronicler cosmas always calls it 'sanctorum martyrum viti, wenceslai atque adalberti ecclesia.' [ ] this legend forms the subject of a very fine poem by the gifted bohemian poet, svatopluk cech. it has been admirably translated into german by the late professor albrecht. [ ] dr. podlaha and mr. sittler have in the present year ( ) published a beautifully illustrated notice of the loretto treasury. [ ] rudolph was a great collector of albrecht dürer's pictures; this perhaps accounts for this picture being--undoubtedly wrongly--attributed to dürer. [ ] _see_ my _history of bohemian literature_, p. . [ ] _see_ professor léger's _l'evangile de rheims_. [ ] there are two churches of st. nicholas at prague; the one mentioned above, and another in the malá strana. [ ] as a writer on prague must almost assume ignorance of the national language on the part of his readers, i may mention that an excellent german translation of this poem by mrs. malybrok-stieler has recently been published by mr. rivnác at prague. [ ] in his _hundert tage in oesterreich_. i quote from the english translation, published by messrs. chapman & hall in . [ ] _see_ my _bohemia: a historical sketch_. [ ] in his _die schlacht am weissen berge_. [ ] in german 'bestien.' [ ] some remains of the ancient structure appear to have existed in comparatively recent times. in his _phosphorus septicornus_ pesina ( - ) writes of the 'castellum hradec uno atque medio infra pragam milieri' that 'castelli hujus rudera hodique spectantur in quorum medio templum ... adhuc integrum.' * * * * * typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: vaclavské namesti=> vaclavské námesti {pg xviii} mala strana (small quarter)=> malá strana (small quarter) {pg } ovocna ulice=> ovocná ulice {pg } staromestske námesti=> staromestské námesti {pg } celetná ulice=> celetna ulice {pg } the wyclefites=> the wycleffites {pg } celetna ulice=> celetná ulice {pg } to re-establish protestanism=> to re-establish protestantism {pg } the matternich period=> the metternich period {pg } was orginally a chapel=> was originally a chapel {pg } the seventeeth century=> the seventeenth century {pg } 'ehrermietglied' the name of 'von göthe, sachsen-weimar-eisenachser, staatsminister and geheimer rath. this was not corrected to=> 'ehrenmitglied' the name of 'von göthe, sachsen-weimar-eisenacher, staatsminister und geheimer rath. {pg } jerome lutzow=> jerome lützow {pg } mr. svatek writes=> mr. svátek writes {pg } renders mr. svatek's=> renders mr. svátek's {pg } _redel, dr._ das schenswürdige prag. vol. . this was not corrected to=> _redel, dr._ das sehenswürdige prag. vol. . {pg } skala ze zhore=> skála ze zhore {pg } none note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). our little czecho-slovak cousin * * * * * * the little cousin series (trade mark) each volume illustrated with six or more full page plates in tint. cloth, mo, with decorative cover per volume, cents list of titles by col. f. a. postnikov, isaac taylor headland, edward c. butler, and others our little african cousin our little alaskan cousin our little arabian cousin our little argentine cousin our little armenian cousin our little australian cousin our little austrian cousin our little belgian cousin our little bohemian cousin our little boer cousin our little brazilian cousin our little bulgarian cousin our little canadian cousin of the maritime provinces our little chinese cousin our little cossack cousin our little cuban cousin our little czecho-slovac cousin our little danish cousin our little dutch cousin our little egyptian cousin our little english cousin our little eskimo cousin our little finnish cousin our little french cousin our little german cousin our little grecian cousin our little hawaiian cousin our little hindu cousin our little hungarian cousin our little indian cousin our little irish cousin our little italian cousin our little japanese cousin our little jewish cousin our little korean cousin our little malayan (brown) cousin our little mexican cousin our little norwegian cousin our little panama cousin our little persian cousin our little philippine cousin our little polish cousin our little porto rican cousin our little portuguese cousin our little quebec cousin our little roumanian cousin our little russian cousin our little scotch cousin our little servian cousin our little siamese cousin our little spanish cousin our little swedish cousin our little swiss cousin our little turkish cousin the page company beacon street boston, mass. * * * * * * [illustration: "the next day, ruzena drove the geese to pasture" (_see page _)] our little czecho-slovak cousin by clara vostrovsky winlow author of "our little roumanian cousin," "our little bohemian cousin," "our little bulgarian cousin," "our little servian cousin," "our little finnish cousin" illustrated by charles e. meister [illustration] boston the page company mdccccxx copyright, by the page company all rights reserved first impression, march, the colonial press c. h. simonds co., boston, u. s. a. preface the gallant exploits of the czecho-slovak army in siberia won the attention and sympathy of the world to and for their hopes and sacrifices in the cause of freedom. fighting the germanic powers was not a new thing to them. bohemia, the chief of the czecho-slovak states, has always been the battlefield between slav and teuton. all that of which bohemia is proud to-day was won inch by inch through incessant struggle, through bringing to bear every force of civilization possible, on the german rulers. bohemia's leaders emphasized the need of education; and so effectually, that bohemia, to-day, ranks as one of the most literate states of europe. they emphasized idealism, that not by brute force but by being better fit should they eventually win. they kept alive their faith in a renewal of bohemia's wonderful, romantic history, that the people might not sink into despair from dwelling on what their proud spirits held to be the degradation of their position. they urged the development of economic strength, and bohemia to-day is self-sustaining. through ceaseless battling for their rights, through pride in their great accomplishment in the face of great obstruction, the czechs held their heads as high as the inhabitants of independent lands. it is an interesting fact that every poet, every musician, every artist felt it his duty to devote his art to his native land. and here it might be well to state that the czech of bohemia, although often called bohemian, has absolutely nothing in common with the bohemian meaning gypsy. this term was once applied to some gypsies in france, through a misapprehension that they came from bohemia. it clung even after the error was corrected. these particular gypsies really came from hungary, which however does not mean that hungarians or magyars and gypsies are one and the same. the gypsies, like the jews, do not belong to any one country. besides bohemia, the czecho-slovak states comprise moravia, a rich farming country, the birthplace of the great educator, john amos comenius; a part of silesia, famous for its mines; and slovakia, also rich in mineral wealth which is largely undeveloped. of these, slovakia suffered perhaps the most under the scorn, oppression, and exploitation of the magyar oligarchy. taxes in all the states were high. bohemia, especially, because of its wealth, not only paid for itself, but helped support unproductive austrian german lands. the language in all of these states is so closely allied that the citizen of one can easily understand the citizens of any of the others. it is thought by some that czecho-slovakia will be a small country. this is not exactly true, for it will rank eighth in size among all the european states. one thing that the czecho-slovaks have particularly shown during the war, and which argues well for their future, is their capacity for self-government. not only did they show splendid organization in their efforts to secure recognition, but when the time came to proclaim the republic, it was found that their machinery was in perfect working order; and, although great reforms have been inaugurated, so far things have progressed with a smoothness not to be found in any of the other newly-formed states. c. v. w. contents chapter page preface v i land of persecution ii mushroom gathering iii a slovak folk tale iv the voice of the wood v summer vi village incidents vii an adventure viii a visit to "matthew's land" ix jozef goes to school x school days in bohemia xi war xii uncle jozef's story xiii uncle jozef's story continued xiv the czecho-slovak republic list of illustrations page "the next day, ruzena drove the geese to pasture" (_see page _) _frontispiece_ "'will a time never come when we shall be free?'" "the girls huddled together, too much frightened to move" "he used to wander ... to the fortifications" "the villagers never tired of hearing it" "he ... dropped his treasure at ruzena's bedside" our little czecho-slovak cousin chapter i land of persecution there was mourning in the little village high up in the tatras, as the carpathian mountains are called by the slovaks. nine men and women lay dead and four lay wounded behind carefully closed doors of the little homes. scarcely a person except magyar gendarmes was to be seen on the one main street. now and then the curious, frightened face of a child peeped out from behind the shaded windows, and again quickly disappeared. the day before, magyar officers and priests had come to consecrate the little square church that had just been erected. it had cost the villagers many sacrifices, but they were proud of it. they had come dressed in their best and full of gayety to the services, never dreaming but that their beloved slovak pastor would be allowed to assist. when they found, however, that he had been ignored, they pressed closely around those in charge and begged that he be allowed to take part, that they might feel that the church was actually their own. did they beg too hard? was it because they were loyal to a leader who loved and sympathized with his own people? was that why magyar guns suddenly boomed, and why the ground lay covered with blood? the news of the happening spread even to the little village in the more fertile plains, where jozef lived. the twelve-year-old boy heard it discussed the very next day as he accompanied the haymakers to the fields. in order to hear, he found it necessary to keep close to the men and women, for they spoke only in half whispers, fearing spies sent out by the notary, chief officer of the commune, who seemed to count it among his duties to keep tab on their very thoughts. they knew that they could do nothing, and it gave them a cowed, dejected air. never had a haying been so dismal. the killing, dangerous as the topic was, drew the men to the tavern at night. they sat at the plain deal tables in small groups and drank and smoked their long pipes. now and then one had something to say. perhaps it concerned the fate of some woman who had resisted the officers during the mad effort at slovak denationalization in , when forcible transportation of children to purely magyar districts had been undertaken. or it may have dealt with the imprisonment of some editor who had had the courage to denounce some new injustice or atrocity. [illustration: "'will a time never come when we shall be free?'"] a tall athletic-looking man with a broad smooth-shaven face, and hair worn rather long, seemed to be listened to with greatest attention. he was plainly from some other district, for his attire was different from that of his companions. it consisted of felt trousers, the seams piped with red, a linen shirt and a sheepskin waistcoat with the wool inside, heavily embroidered on the leather side. his shoes were of soft leather, laced with rawhide thongs across the ankle, and he wore a low, black hat decorated with a red ribbon band. "i was living in turciansky sv. martin, our one national center, when the effort was made to establish a cellulose factory there," he was saying. "it was one of the many efforts on the part of slovaks to be more prosperous and progressive. like other citizens, i invested considerable money in it. the building was erected and the machinery installed and we were awaiting our license from the government, when word came that it could not be given to the present management. we were dumbfounded, although we understood. we were not to be allowed to run our own factory because we did not help oppress our fellow citizens; because we were loyal to our slovak traditions and to our slovak land. "we did not give in without making an effort to secure justice. but, after several months, we knew that we were defeated. during all this time we had not been allowed to do any work in the factory. one thing, finally, the authorities permitted, and that was to run the costly machinery once a week, so that it should not grow rusty. of course we had to sell, and at a heavy loss to people eagerly awaiting to develop what we had started." the peasants near nodded their appreciation of the conditions. one more excitable than his fellows jumped up. "will a time never come when we shall be free? will a time never come when the world recognizes the crime of using force to make people false to their own traditions?" he exclaimed. "to outsiders the magyars boast of their liberal constitution, of the freedom granted to other nations in the kingdom. we who have no opportunities, who are not allowed a single higher school of our own, nor even a single magyar higher school where our language is taught, know what a lie this is. and what advantage is the magyar language to our children outside of hungary? go even to vienna or anywhere else in the monarchy, and try to make yourself understood with it! you'll see! and we were here before the magyars; we helped them to know the glorious religion of jesus christ; we fought and bled as well as they for our native land." here his voice changed curiously and a sort of exaltation lit up his face as he said softly: "we must have faith." then he began to repeat some lines taken from the great slovak poet kollar's "slavy dcera" (the daughter of slava). "stop! it is holy ground on which you tread. son of the tatra, raise your head toward heaven, or rather guide your steps towards that oak tree, which yet defies destructive time. but worse than time is man who has placed his iron scepter on thy neck, o slava. worse than wild war, more fearful than thunder, than fire, is the man who, blinded by hate, rages against his own race." then again: "he who is worthy of liberty, respects the liberty of all. he who forges irons to enslave others, is himself a slave. be it that he fetters the language or the hands of others, it is the same, he proves himself unable to respect the rights of others." and once more: "slavia, slavia! thou name of sweet sound but of bitter memory; hundred times divided and destroyed, but yet more honored than ever. "much hast thou suffered, but ever hast thou survived the evil deeds of thy enemies, the evil ingratitude also of thy sons. "while others have built on soft ground, thou hast established thy throne on the ruins of many centuries." here in a rich bass voice he broke forth into the slovak national song: "nad tatrou sa bliska": above tatra the lightnings flash, the thunder wildly roars; but fear not, brothers, the skies will clear, and the slovak's time will come. at the conclusion, a peculiar silence brooded in the room. suddenly, little anxious twitchings might have been noticed. the singer turned. in the doorway stood the notary with a wicked, sneering smile on his supercilious face. chapter ii mushroom gathering jozef's home was one of the high-roofed houses whose gable ends faced the broad, whitish main street. it was made of unburnt bricks, plastered outside, with hand-made shingles on the roof. each window was outlined in pale green and the entrance porch was quite ornamental, having a pretty conventional design, also in green, painted around the door. this, as well as the lines around the window, was the work of jozef's mother, who enjoyed a certain reputation in the village because she had once been asked to paint some borders around the walls of the rooms of a girls' school in the city of brno, the capital of moravia. behind the house were the stalls for the cattle and pigs, and, back of all, a small vegetable garden, edged with sweet smelling herbs and brightly colored flowers. this garden ended in an alley way by a brook, surrounded by green meadows in which geese usually pastured. in the center of the main street was the church, a small whitewashed building with a square tower. next to it were a cross and a statue of the village saint. through the middle of the street were rows of underground cellars, one belonging to each family, in which it was possible to keep food and milk ice cold. vehicles made their way on each side of these cellars. around the village were meadows dotted with red poppies and blue corn flowers. some distance further were fields of potatoes, a few vineyards, and a large, privately owned wood. it was helena, jozef's cousin, who planned the day in the wood for a mushroom hunt, and secured the necessary permission from the forester in charge. she invited jozef, his ten-year-old sister ruzena, and two of ruzena's girl friends to go with her. "goody!" the little girls shouted, and ran for the permission which was readily granted on the one condition that they do not spend all the time in play but really bring home mushrooms, which are highly valued as food. first each little girl took her herd of geese to the meadow by the brook, and left her flock in charge of an old woman who had nothing else to do but tend geese. then they met jozef, who had finished his chores of feeding the cattle and pigs, and helena, who was older and helped her mother at home. all were dressed in old but bright colored clothes, and all were barefoot and bareheaded, the girls' corn-colored hair hanging in long braids down their backs. all carried baskets in which now lay a little lunch. when they started, jozef did not walk beside the others, but ran on ahead or lagged behind. he was afraid, since this was a girls' party, that some of his boy friends might call him a "sissy." he wouldn't have been left out, however, for the world. it was still early in the morning, but there was already a heavy warmth in the air, so that the coolness they found underneath the tall trees when they reached them, was very welcome. the road had been dusty, but here the moss and grass were still wet with dew and gave forth a fragrant, pungent odor. the owner did not live in the wood, the only buildings in it being the picturesque log cabin of the forester or caretaker, and a beautiful hunting lodge. soon the fun began. "hurrah!" shouted jozef, discovering two mushrooms, or champignons, showing a brown and a red head above the moss. such a scampering as there was among the trees until every basket was filled to overflowing. here etelka, the youngest of the party, found one that she thought the prize of all. it was red with white raised spots. "come here!" she cried. "i have found a new kind. shall i taste it?" helena took two rapid leaps toward her. "drop it! drop it!" she exclaimed. "that's a poison muchomurka. never, never taste anything of which you are not certain if you don't wish to die." "i thought it prettier than the red ones you found," said etelka, somewhat abashed. "it is entirely different," and then helena showed her how it differed and again impressed on all to confine themselves to those they knew. then the baskets were put down in a circle and the children played hide-and-seek among brown trunked firs with long gray mosses festooned from branch to branch, knotted larch trees, and pines dripping with balsam. at last, tired, they sank down on some netted roots and ate their lunch of thick slices of rye bread spread with goose fat. "i found some sweet-root here once," jozef volunteered when they had eaten every morsel. "where?" the girls asked eagerly. jozef had very vague notions as to where. "let's agree," suggested helena, "each to give a nice mushroom to the one who finds some sweet-root first." all were willing, and with shouting, laughter and song the search began. several times jozef was quite certain that the prize was his, but it was little etelka who actually found some underneath some blackberry leaves. "i'm going exploring," jozef now announced, somewhat nettled that a girl should have been the discoverer. leaving the pathways, he made his way down a long incline. not wishing to have the party separated, helena led the others as best she could after him. it was a merry chase jozef gave them, now to the right, now to the left, then back in a crazy circle. so intent were they in making their way through some underbrush that they were unprepared when, at a sudden turn, they found themselves on the brink of the river that they knew flowed through an edge of the wood. out of breath, they seated themselves in a row on the bank and watched the waters glide past. then they threw in twigs, which they called boats, and grew quite excited when some of these became entangled in water washed grasses. "oh, helena," at last etelka begged, as she nibbled at her portion of the sweet-root, "please tell us a story." "a really truly slovak fairy story," seconded ruzena. "have it exciting," demanded jozef. "and true," put in quiet, blue-eyed marouska. helena laughed. "very well," she said, "it'll be truly slovak, and exciting, and as true as any fairy tale can be." chapter iii a slovak folk tale there was once an old king who, knowing that his end was nearing, called his son to him and begged him to take a wife. "i would fain see you settled before i die," he said. the son knew not what to do, for of all the maidens in his father's court there was none that had especial charm for him. he was thinking this over in the castle garden when an old woman suddenly stood before him. wherever she came from, she was certainly there. "pluck the three lemons on the glass mountain and you will gain a wife such as next to none possesses," she said. as she appeared, so she disappeared. her words, however, sank into the youth's heart, and leaving good-by for his father, he set out at once to find the glass mountain and the magic lemons. far over wooded hill and dale he journeyed but saw nothing even resembling a glass mountain. at last, tired out, he threw himself under a tree. as he did so, some ravens, croaking loudly, flew out of its top branches. "ah," thought the prince, "these may direct me to where at least refreshment and rest may be obtained." and starting again, he followed in the direction that they had flown. after three days and three nights he saw a castle before him, and full of rejoicing, approached it. it was entirely of lead and in the door stood jezibaba leaning on a leaden staff. "haste from here, good youth," she said, "for nothing grows here, and when my son comes home he will devour you." "nay, old woman," said the prince, "that must not be, for i come with respect for his power and knowledge, to seek his advice as to how i am to reach the glass mountain on which grows a wonderful lemon tree." "then i will help you," said jezibaba, and hid the prince behind a big broom. as she did so the castle shook, and peeping, the young man saw an awful being come up brandishing a leaden club. "yo, ho!" growled the ogre. "i smell human flesh on which to feast." "nay, my son," cajoled jezibaba, "a youth is here, in truth, but only because he values your advice." "in that case," responded the giant, "let him appear and i shall not hurt him." the prince came out, trembling, for he reached only to the giant's knees; but being brave of heart he courteously asked his question. "ah, ah!" returned the giant, looking around as if searching for him. "i don't know where it is, but if you go to my brother in the silver castle, he may direct you. here, mother, give him some dumplings to last him on his journey." the prince bit into a dumpling placed before him and two of his teeth cracked, for the giant's food was of pure lead. "i shall eat them later," he said, and placing three of them in his pockets, he thanked his hosts and bade them good-by. again over hill and dale he traveled, until wearied he sank as before under a thickly branched tree. from the top of this tree twelve ravens flew, and, remembering his former good fortune, he followed in the direction of their flight. for three days and three nights he had journeyed when he saw before him a castle whose walls glistened in the sun. it was of the finest silver and at the gateway stood jezibaba, leaning on a silver staff. he greeted her, saying, "i come from the leaden castle and bear a message for the owner here." "in that case you are welcome, but that harm may not come to you before my son knows, let me hide you." soon after an ogre, more terrible than the first, appeared brandishing a silver club. and as he appeared the castle and ground were shaken. "yo-ho!" said the giant, "i smell human flesh for my meal to-day." "not so," spoke jezibaba. "a youth is here, in truth, but not to be harmed. he bears a message to you from your brother of the leaden castle." so the prince was invited to come out of his hiding-place, which he did trembling, he seemed so insignificant beside the ogre. he showed the leaden dumplings in token that he spoke the truth and the ogre's face grew quite mild. "i can't tell you where the glass mountain is," he answered to the query, "but my brother of the golden castle will surely know. take him my greeting. before you go, sit down with us to our dinner." but the dinner consisted of silver dumplings, and excusing himself, the prince placed three in his pocket and went on his way. over wooded hill, through valleys he journeyed, until weariness overcame him and he sank down under a tree. twelve ravens flew from its top as he did so. the sight of them revived his strength and he followed in the direction they had taken. after three days and three nights, before him shone a castle of gold so bright as to rival the sun's rays. here jezibaba, leaning on a golden staff, received him, and here he saw her son the ogre. "if my brother of the silver castle has not harmed you, neither shall i harm you. what do you wish of me? ah, the glass mountain! i know it well. travel straight to the north and you will come to it. on its top you'll find the lemon tree with fruit so fragrant that it scents the air for miles around. if this fruit is meant for you, it'll drop into your hands of its own accord. if you need food or drink on your homeward trip, cut open a lemon and all of your needs will be satisfied. now come and eat with us before you leave." but the meal was all of dumplings of gold and, when the prince saw them, he urged his haste and would only accept some for his journey. he traveled straight to the north, and, after three days and three nights, he came to a barren spot in the center of which stood a hill of glass and on it a tree with lemons whose fragrance reached him long before he was near. he tried to climb the slippery surface, but with every step he slid back a step. possibly were he lighter, he thought, he might finally succeed. so taking out a leaden dumpling he threw it away. to his delight, it stuck in the glass, making a step. he threw out another higher up and then the third, up to which he climbed. the silver dumplings followed, and then the gold, and, with their aid, he reached the mountain's top. sinking down on his knees under the lemon tree, he held out his hands and the lemons dropped into them one by one. as the last fell, the tree and glass mountain vanished, and how it happened he could not say, but he found himself well started toward home. he had still a long distance to go, and hunger and thirst overcame him. remembering the gold ogre's words, he took a lemon from his pocket and cut it open. as he did so, a maiden so beautiful his eyes were dazzled, leaped out and making a courtesy inquired: "have you food for me? have you drink for me? have you fine dresses for me to wear?" "alas," answered the prince sadly, "i have none of these." the maiden courtesied again and instantly vanished. "ah, i know now what manner of fruit this is!" thought the prince. he could not bring the maiden back, so he sipped the lemon and found it satisfied his hunger and thirst marvelously. he was able to walk a long way now, which was good, for he saw neither food nor drink that day. but toward evening of the next day his throat felt so dry and his stomach so empty that he reluctantly cut open the second lemon. a maiden more dazzlingly beautiful than the first jumped out of it, and, making a courtesy, inquired as the first had done: "have you food for me? have you drink for me? have you fine clothes for me to wear?" "alas," the youth sadly answered, "i have none of these." the maiden courtesied and vanished as completely as the other had done. he satisfied his hunger and thirst, but resolved that come what might, even though he had to crawl home for weakness, he would not cut the third lemon until he reached there. nor did he, for his strength lasted him until next day when he saw the walls of his city before him. already outside he was recognized; the news spread, and the aged king sent out an escort to meet him and conduct him into his presence. when the two had embraced, the prince told his wondrous story. a banquet was prepared for the following day, to which many guests were invited. costly raiment, too, was made, and brought into the palace walls. when the guests had assembled conscious that some surprise was in store for them, the prince cut the third and last lemon. a maiden of beauty so great that it surpassed the dazzling beauty of both of the others, leaped lightly out of it and, courtesying to the prince, inquired: "have you food for me? have you drink for me? have you fine clothing for me to wear?" "i have all of these," said the prince happily, presenting her with the costly gowns. she put on the most elegant of these, and, so much did it still further enhance her beauty, that the prince could not take his eyes from her as he led her into the banquet hall. "will you marry me?" he whispered. and when she smilingly nodded consent, he announced the betrothal amid congratulations and cheering. shortly after the wedding feast followed. the young people were very happy until the old king died and the prince, having taken his place, had to lead an army to war. before they parted, that harm might not come to his queen, a platform for her was erected high in the air. no one could get on it unless the queen let down a silken cord. now, an ambitious gypsy maid begged the queen so hard to let her come up to comb and braid her hair, that the queen consented. the gypsy talked and flattered as she combed, until the queen fell asleep, and then the girl killed her by plunging a sharp pin into her head. as the pin sank in, a snow-white dove flew out. nothing remained of the queen except her beautiful clothes, which the gypsy donned and sat down on the throne. when the king returned, he thought his wife terribly changed and would have nothing to do with her. he mourned incessantly for what she once had been. one day, as he walked sorrowing in the garden, a snow-white dove lit on his hand. he stroked its pretty feathers and as he did so, felt a pin head on the top of its head. "what is this!" he exclaimed, and drew it forth. no sooner had he done so, than his wife of old stood before him just as he had first seen her in her wondrous charm and beauty. she told him all that had occurred. the wicked gypsy was put to death and nothing further ever came to mar the happiness of the heaven married pair. chapter iv the voice of the wood it was getting dusky in the woods when the little party started reluctantly for home. the birds were already chattering their good nights before preparing for sleep and a belated squirrel or two looked inquisitively down at them. now and then one of the children found berries that tempted even helena to linger. "i did not know there were so many yet," she remarked. "i must ask father to beg the forester to let me come soon again for them alone. of course i shall take you all." as the trees grew a little more scattered, ruzena, who had been walking lost in thought, now raised her head. "old susanna," she said, "told me once that the trees talk, but i don't believe it." "it's not the trees," said jozef quickly, "but the spirit of the woods who answers when you call to him." putting his hand to his mouth, he shouted: "o-ho! o-ho!" and from somewhere came the answer "o-ho! o-ho!" all the children looked back. "let me try," said helena, smiling. then she shouted: "_dobrou noc!_ _dobrou noc!_ good night! good night!" "_dobrou noc!_ good night!" came back as before. "it's a mocking spirit," said marouska, walking as close to helena as she could. "it's only the echo spirit," returned helena, laughing. "ha! ha! ha!" was returned from the woods so clearly that marouska seized helena by the hand. they had reached the edge of the forest. it was still day outside and marouska soon forgot that she had almost been really afraid. she remembered it, however, the next day when a heavy summer shower came with lightning and thunder. "i wonder what the spirit does when it rains," she said to herself. she thought of the birds and squirrels that she had seen. would the storm hurt them? she asked her father when he came home after it was all over. he smiled and said: "i have to see zerzan, the forester, about something. you can go with me to see if any birds are left." how beautiful the wood looked when they reached it! every leaf sparkled, while the birds sang far more than on the day before, marouska thought. "you see," said her father, "that all nature sometimes likes a bath." "and the spirit of the wood, did he also like it?" inquired marouska with some timidity. then she told her father about the voice that had answered their call. "that's the echo," said her father, and whether it was because he could not explain it, or whether it was because the forester just then met them, he made no further explanations. thus it came about that marouska kept her bewildered first impressions for many a day after. chapter v summer "we're off! good-by!" cheerily called out four sturdy, red-cheeked girls, early one morning. they were walking in pairs, with bundles in their hands and their shoes slung over their backs. they belonged to some of the poor families of the village, and intended tramping it to the richer plains to work on two of the farms there, where their help would be very welcome and well paid. each had taken food for the journey; rye bread, bacon, and a cheese called _brindza_, made from sheeps' milk by slovaks in the mountains. everybody waved to the girls or had a pleasant word for them as they passed by. when the last house had been reached, their voices rang out sweetly in song. in vain is not thy toil, in vain is not thy faith; the lord god in the heavens gathers all of labor's sweat. and again: songs, songs, whence come ye? descended from the heavens or grown in the woods? not down from the heavens nor grown in the woods, but born in the hearts of maidens and youths. then the more melancholy strain: my lips are singing, my eyes are smiling, but tears stream from my heart. ruzena half envied them as she listened. everybody at her house, except her baby brother and herself, had left for the hay-field to help with the mowing. she had not yet taken the geese to pasture, and as she started off, brother tried to toddle after her. "come, you may go with me to-day," she said good-naturedly, lifting him up in her strong arms and carrying him to the alleyway. but it is not easy herding geese that try to stray and carrying a heavy baby at the same time. although the distance was not great, ruzena found that it was more than she could do. "i must leave you here," she said, panting, and put baby down by the roadside. "now be good and play and sister will hurry back." juraj was always good, and although he looked a little wistful, made no complaint. perhaps he was used to being left in that fashion. he had nothing on his little body except a short shirt; but on his head, according to custom, he had a most elaborately embroidered cap or rather hood. he sat patiently still for a while; then a big black beetle made him struggle to his feet. he reached forward to get it, turned a summersault, and by the time he had straightened himself up, the beetle had disappeared in the grass. juraj looked around for it and then catching sight of the brook near by, half walked, half crawled to it. there were all sorts of things to interest him here, and, without a moment's hesitation, he walked right into the middle and sat down with something of a thump on the stony bottom. even then he did not cry, but tried to reach the funny little water insects that scurried so fast everywhere about him. "juraj, juraj, why, you're all wet!" exclaimed ruzena, snatching him up when she returned. then juraj for the first time cried, just a plaintive little cry that seemed to ask why he must give up so innocent a pleasure. he was tight asleep in his own little cradle, that had served two generations of children, when ruzena heated some food that her mother had prepared, put it into a pail, filled a jug with fresh water, and started with these for the hay-field. some of the mowers were still being followed by barefoot women and girls in bright-colored skirts, who tossed the hay over their heads and shoulders. others were already sitting and lunching in the shade of the lumbrous wagons. large cream-colored oxen, with very long horns, stood unyoked near by. ruzena's mother returned home with her daughter, for neighbors had come over to help, and although she had baked all the day before, she felt anxious lest something should be lacking on the supper table. it was just getting dusk when the sound of singing, not boisterous, but low and sweet, came from the road and announced the hay-makers. with their heads crowned with grain, they walked beside or stood in the clumsy wagons drawn by sleepy-looking oxen with poppies and corn flowers wound around their horns. how good the things did taste after the hard work! ruzena helped her mother wait on the guests, and as a treat, was allowed to go with them to the tavern where they danced their own national dances until the church bell rang out midnight. chapter vi village incidents "r-r-r-rub-rub-rub!" went the little drum beaten by the bailiff as he stalked through the village. every one hurried to door or window to learn what the news might be. it would not have created much stir in a city, but it did create quite a stir in the double row of houses. "beran's cow, in your very next village," announced the bailiff, "stepped into a hole and broke her leg at noon to-day, so that she had to be killed. if you want fresh meat, here's your chance." when the bailiff had gone from end to end of the street and back again shouting the news, he was surrounded by people anxious to know the particulars: just where the accident had occurred; how the cow happened to step into the hole; who first found it out; who killed her; and many other things. almost every one wanted some of the meat, and several of the men set out that very evening to secure a share. the next day ruzena drove the geese to pasture in the hay stubble where they were always taken that no grain might be wasted, when the hay was already in the barn waiting to be threshed. when she returned, she found that a wandering tinker with mousetraps, rolls of wire and mending material slung over his back, was making his yearly visit. the tinker's native place, like that of many another slovak tinker, was kysuca, near the silesian border. it was not from there, however, that he had just come, but from nytra, a place of twelve thousand inhabitants, once the capital of the great moravian kingdom under svatopluk, of which slovakia was an important part. there was scarcely a door at which he did not stop, not merely to do some tinkering but to deliver messages from distant friends or relatives, or to relate what was going on in the greater world. he had been as far as bohemia in his year's travels, and had much to say of that prosperous and progressive country. his opinions, though sometimes crude, were listened to with respect. "when i first started making my rounds twenty years ago," he said, "i used to stop for a day or two with my wife's cousin in praha (prague). then the germans had succeeded in getting all the business into their hands; but now the czechs have got it all back again. the banks, too, are almost all czech. there is hardly a german sign to be seen anywhere. every street has its own czech name; but how the czechs had to fight for this, and how sore the germans are over it! the czech believes in fighting for the right, he believes in educating his children, he is willing to make any sacrifice that will make bohemia his own again. we're a different people; we are too ignorant to know how to go about things, and when we do know we're so mild we don't do it." "much good fighting would do us!" remarked stefan the blacksmith. the other men laughed. "come and show us how," they said. "i don't mean fist fighting," the tinker returned half angrily. "i mean fighting with brains. why can't we--" "that's all right," interrupted a young man, his face all aflame, as he stepped into the ring. "but what chance have we to develop our brains when we haven't a single higher school where the slovak language is taught? when every opportunity is cut off from one if he somehow manages to educate himself, unless he turns traitor to his mother tongue and swears that he is a magyar? don't i know? didn't i hope to work myself up into a position where i could serve my nation? and you know my record. imprisonment and imprisonment and imprisonment. the czechs are helping themselves, but no progress will come for us until the world at large will awaken to its duty of preventing tyranny and exploitation." "true!" muttered many of the men; and then slipped away one by one as some one pointed out the notary approaching in the distance. an old woman now engrossed the tinker's attention. she was quite a character in the village and some of the people would have agreed that she was the chief character. no one called her by her name. she was "aunty" to everybody for miles around. in sickness and death, in birth and rejoicings, her advice was sought, even sometimes before that of the village priest. she generally carried a basket of herbs on her arm, for she was always hunting for some or ready to distribute some to others. she knew their virtues as no one else did. ruzena chose that moment to bring out an earthen pot to be wired. she hoped the tinker would be so busy talking to "aunty" that he would forget to indulge in his favorite pastime of teasing. but no sooner did she come up than he looked at her seriously to ask: "have you caught any birds this year by sprinkling something on their tails?" and when ruzena smilingly shook her head and said shyly, "none," he wanted to know where a dog goes when he follows his nose. when at last he handed back her pot so skillfully mended that it was, as he claimed, as good as new, he said more seriously than before: "his lordship in the next village has commanded me to bring him a new kind of strap, and i think that one of your braids of hair will be just the thing for it. stand still just a moment while i find my shears." but instead of standing ruzena was running home, half afraid that the funny tinker might really cut off the hair. and as she ran she heard him sing the first part of a folk song that he had just learned from some peasants in the neighboring brother land of moravia: "m--m, m--m, two mosquitoes married to-day; m--m, m--m, not a drop of wine have they." "does the tinker go all over the world?" ruzena asked her mother, humming the tune that her quick ear had caught. "m-mm, yes," her mother answered rather absent-mindedly. she was busy preparing the supper which the tinker was to eat with them. "he does his wiring well," she said as she put down the pot he had fixed. "he's somewhat rattle-brained, i think sometimes, but he learns a lot more going around than if he stayed here. he hasn't come from any distant country to us. only from nytra. you might ask him about that place. if we don't get him started on something else he will bring up the czechs again and what they're doing and what we're not. since we can't do anything, it's no use repeating all that." ruzena remembered when all were seated at the table, and asked the tinker if he would tell them something about nytra. "i learned in school," she concluded proudly, "that it was the capital of the great moravian kingdom." the tinker looked pleased. "yes, under svatopluk," he said. "then we had nothing of which to be ashamed. but do you know anything about that svatopluk?" ruzena shook her head. "never mind," said the tinker kindly. "there's some grown people in this village that don't know any more. do you know?" and he turned to jozef. jozef hurried to swallow the food in his mouth. "i know the kingdom all went to smash after he died," he shouted more loudly than he intended. his father and mother exchanged pleased looks. "do you know why?" asked the tinker. "you don't? well, i'll tell you as i heard a priest tell it to some boys. "when svatopluk knew he must die, he called his three sons to him. he selected the eldest to rule after him. the two younger to whom he left large estates, he bade be loyal to their brother. "at his orders, a servant brought in three stout twigs fastened tightly together. 'break this,' he said, handing the twigs to his oldest son. but the prince found it impossible. then he handed it to the second son and then to the third, but the twigs remained unbroken. "'cut the cord,' he ordered the servant. "this was done and svatopluk handed a twig apiece to each of the princes. "'now break it,' he commanded. this each one easily did. "'here you see,' he said, 'that when three stick closely together nothing can injure them, but when they fall apart it is easy to destroy them entirely. so will it be with you. remain united, working in harmony and forgiving one another, and your enemies will find it impossible to overcome you. but live divided, and you will not only fight among yourselves but your neighbors will master each of you.' "alas, what he foretold would come with dissensions, did come. foolish, selfish ambition destroyed the foundations of this mighty kingdom which included moravia, slovakia, poland, silesia, northern bohemia, and a large part of northern germany." chapter vii an adventure it was saturday and ruzena had just returned to the village from some distance outside of it. she brought back some of the red sand that was prized highly for sprinkling over the hard earthen floors of the house. she spread it carefully and then went into the kitchen to help her mother with the baking for the morrow. sunday was a blessed day in more ways than one for the villagers. no matter how hard the work of the week had been, the sabbath afforded relaxation. everybody who could went to church, and exceedingly attractive did they look when they trooped out in twos and threes after the service. the women especially looked like a bevy of bright flowers in their gay attire. there is no one national costume in slovakia. it varies from district to district. here the women wore a snowy chemise with short puffed sleeves ending in a wide ruffle. above this ruffle was a pretty band of hand embroidery in orange-colored silk. over this chemise was a bodice. the heavily starched skirt was full of tiny carefully arranged pleats with another skirt of transparent flowery material, also pleated, worn over, each pleat in this upper skirt being fitted into that of the skirt beneath. the men were quite as picturesque in high boots, and close-fitting trousers of black cloth embroidered in black and yellow. over the shirt, a short sleeveless waistcoat was worn, fastened with one button. the two rooster feathers at the back of the men's hats gave them something of a dashing air. the young men and boys always took their seats near the door. the older men sat at the right of the aisle, the older women at the left. the finery of the young married women and of the girls did not allow them to be seated. the former stood in the aisle, the latter in rows near the altar. when they knelt down their skirts stood out so far on every side that no one could come near. in the afternoon the young people paired for a dance at the pavilion in the tavern grounds; the children wandered off for play, while the older folks visited at one another's houses or met in the tavern to talk over the little happenings of the week. wherever ruzena was, etelka and marouska were also apt to be. on this particular sunday the three had an adventure that gave them all, but especially etelka, who was the most imaginative, quite a little thrill. it was all because jozef and one of his friends, janik, had insisted on following the little girls about, twitching their long hair and playing all sorts of tricks on them. when something called the boys away for awhile, ruzena exclaimed: "i wish we could hide from them!" "i'll tell you a good place," suggested etelka; "let's go into our storeroom. father put a lantern down there and we can light it and wait until the boys give us up." marouska and ruzena thought this just the thing, and away the three hurried to the underground cellars. every one was busy with his own affairs, so no attention was paid to them, and they climbed down the ladder into the dugout belonging to etelka's parents, without being seen. etelka lit the lantern and then propped up the door slightly as she had seen her mother do. the girls stood waiting and listening. at last they heard boys' voices. "it's jozef and janik," whispered ruzena. whether it was or not, the voices grew fainter and soon could not be heard. "they've passed, but if we go out they'll find us," said marouska in her quiet, sad little voice. her two friends agreed. "but," asked ruzena, "what can we do here?" etelka's eyes sparkled. a bold plan had occurred to her. "let's explore the secret passages," she exclaimed. "let's!" echoed her companions delightedly yet fearfully. "we won't go far," continued etelka, knowing that such explorations were considered dangerous and forbidden. "just a little ways." "just a little ways!" ruzena and marouska again echoed breathlessly. these so-called secret passages were very old and no one seemed to know for certain why they had been built. the story generally accepted was that they belonged to the time immediately following the hussite wars, when many czechs were forced to emigrate to slovakia. while they were allowed to come, meetings to study the bible had to be held in secret. these passages, connected with several of the cellars, made such meetings possible. although the slovaks in the village were now catholics, they had not forgotten stories of martyrdom and courage handed down from those times. they told how a pastor had traveled from village to village hidden in a load of hay; of how a bible was once saved by being thrown down into a well, and many other tales. taking the lantern, etelka led the way into a little opening. it did not go far, for the earth had fallen down from the side walls, partially blocking it. the girls looked at one another. "i know what we can do," suggested ruzena. "i saw an old board in the cellar. we can dig some of the earth away with that," and she ran to get it. she also brought back a big wooden ladle, and with these unusual implements, marouska and ruzena dug, while etelka held the lantern, until the obstruction could be passed. there was comparative freedom after that for quite a distance. at one point the passage divided into three parts. the girls chose to go into the broadest, but scarcely had they gone twenty steps when the light in the lantern went suddenly out. [illustration: "the girls huddled together, too much frightened to move"] "oh, dear, now we're in for it," burst from ruzena, as she felt marouska catch tight hold of her sleeve. "let's keep hold of one another and go back," suggested etelka, her voice trembling slightly. it was not easy, for they had to feel their way along the wall. they became conscious, too, that the air was bad. once quite a bit of earth fell down before them, but, fortunately, not enough to hurt or stop them. it seemed to them that they had been walking very, very long, when ruzena broke the silence that had fallen, by volunteering: "we must have come to where the passage divides." "yes, and i wonder--" etelka did not finish, for marouska clutched her wildly by the arm. "oh, look back," she whispered fearfully. the girls turned. coming behind them but from another direction were two red lights evidently carried by some person or persons. the girls huddled together, too much frightened to move. suddenly ruzena gave a funny, relieved, nervous laugh. "why, if it isn't jozef and janik!" she exclaimed aloud and then ran forward and threw her arms about the astonished boys. "oh, you dears, how did you know that we were lost?" jozef and janik were surprised. they had had no idea that the girls were in the cellar. they had gone into janik's storeroom for some raw sour-kraut, and janik had related how his big brother had ventured quite a distance into one of the passage-ways the week before. "let's go, too," had suggested jozef. both boys had run home for some lanterns, never dreaming that they should meet the girls. "huh," grunted jozef, after ruzena's embrace, not yet comprehending. and when the boys did comprehend, well--it was rather nice to be treated like heroes! they listened to the girls, but although they glanced sideways now and then at each other, offered no explanations. then jozef and janik quarreled and while waiting to make up, jozef had an inspiration. "the girls won't try this again," he communed with himself, "and sometime i'll give janik a scare by going through our passage to his. perhaps i'd better store a little food in it, for i might ask some of the other boys to come in with me, and it'd be nicer to have some food and play we're those old hussites." so, little by little, jozef smuggled in food of all kinds; some sugar, more wheat than several boys could eat, sunflower and pumpkin seeds,--the latter considered a particular delicacy,--a small bag of raisins and nuts, a handful of dried mixed fruit in a preserve jar, and various other things. chapter viii a visit to "matthew's land" other things occurred so unexpectedly and rapidly that boylike, jozef forgot all about his store of hidden food. late in the fall, most of the children under twelve were back in school. their home chores now had to be done on wednesdays, which, instead of saturdays, were their holidays, or before or after school hours. ruzena's favorite studies were embroidery, drawing and painting, for, like most of the peasants, she had inherited a decided art instinct. even her mother, who had never had any lessons, had painted without patterns pretty borders around the guest and living rooms; while her father, also untaught, had made and carved the two pretty chairs in the latter, and also the long shelf on which stood a fine array of village pottery. besides the work at school, ruzena also had crocheting, knitting, and embroidery at home. it was mostly for herself, for her mother had her follow the local custom of beginning in childhood to work on her trousseau. there were other holidays from school work besides the sundays and wednesdays, such as dusickovy vecer, which comes in november, the slovak memorial day. it was frosty and cold on this particular memorial day; there were even some icicles hanging from trees and bushes. a few flowers, from indoor window gardens, and hundreds of candles, had been placed and lit on the rude graves. in their dim light, figures could be seen kneeling and praying. here the light fell on an old man with a patient, gentle face, and there on a young girl, her red skirts adding color to the scene. children were about, too, most of them in fur coats, and none of them quiet for long. in the middle of the cemetery a group of men and women were gathered around a cross, while some one prayed. it was an impressive occasion, and as the villagers strolled homeward there was no loud singing nor even talking. after dusickovy vecer, jozef and ruzena were taken by jozef's godfather to a little village far up in the beautiful tatras, where life was much more primitive and much harder than in their own little rude village, the magyar government showing no concern whatever in the people's welfare. on the way to this village, they crossed a part of what the people around call "matthew's land," because over it once ruled one of the great figures of their history, matthew csak, lord of the vah and tatras, as he called himself. there are many castles in the mountains, but the most interesting was that actually inhabited by matthew in the early part of the fourteenth century. matthew's career was brief but remarkable. he was a palatine, holding the highest office in the power of the king to bestow. he ruled over what is now the greater part of slovakia, possessing enormous wealth, of which thirty fortified castles were a small part. in these castles he held court on a scale that rivaled that of the king himself. when the male line of the arpad kings of hungary became extinct, it was largely through his influence that a czech king, vaclav ii, was called to the throne. unfortunately, instead of coming himself, vaclav sent his son, then a lad of thirteen. to this the pope, who had much to say in politics in those days, objected, and the king of anjou, taking advantage of being preferred, seized the throne. powerful nobles rose up in arms against him, but the one he feared most was matthew. he tried his best to gain his favor, but in vain. then the pope excommunicated matthew, who retaliated by burning a bishop's stronghold. from everywhere nobles, zemans, and peasants flocked to his standards. the anjou king now made peace with all the other nobles, and resolved to direct his efforts to crushing the chief rebel. near the little river torysa, the armies of the two met. the king's was enormous, and although the slovaks under matthew fought bravely, they were so greatly outnumbered that they were defeated. although matthew was defeated, he was not reduced in rank. he retired for a time to one of his castles, and then gradually assumed his old powers, which he exercised to the day of his death. "had matthew succeeded in this rebellion," jozef's godfather concluded in telling the story, "he might have laid the foundations of a successful slovak state, for the slovaks at that time still had in mind the part they had played in the big moravian kingdom of svatopluk." chapter ix jozef goes to school a wonderful opportunity now came for jozef. he was only twelve and had just completed the course in the primary school. "jozef is bright. he is above the average in his studies," the teacher told his parents. "he ought to continue school work." "i'd let him go on if we had schools of our own, but i won't have him go to a magyar school to forget his language and learn to despise his own kin like shlachta's boy," his father declared with emphasis. "better have him ignorant than false to his birthright," his mother agreed. the teacher nodded. he understood. "if you could only send him to bohemia," he suggested. "if," repeated the father grimly. "what is this about bohemia?" asked jozef's godfather, who had just come up. he was a tall, thin, muscular man, whose hair hung down his back in two tiny braids. he was known for his liberal and somewhat "heretical" opinions. "i am going there after the holidays. do you want to send some message?" the teacher explained to him how things stood. "if we don't educate our children," he pleaded, "the magyars will take greater and greater advantage of our ignorance." jozef's godfather stood a few moments in thought. then he nodded good-by and left. the teacher was not put out. he was glad that he was going to think it over. the next morning the godfather was over at jozef's house bright and early. "i've decided," he said, "that the teacher is right. in bohemia, jozef will learn more about his own country than we can ever teach him here and he'll learn to fight. i'll take him with me and somehow we'll find means to pay for his schooling there." so, one day, jozef found himself whirled away on a train over the fertile farm lands of moravia, in parts of which there are many slovak villages, through nivnitz, where the great moravian educator, john amos comenius was born, through towns and hamlets until they came to brno, moravia's capital. they changed trains here, and jozef had time to see the spielberg, crowned by a citadel long used as a government prison, with its horrible torture cells, which throw some light on the conception of humanity of the hapsburg monarchy. and then away again but not to praha, bohemia's capital. instead, jozef's godfather was bound for tabor, one of the most interesting towns of bohemia, having been founded by one of the great religious reform parties at the outbreak of the hussite wars. this was the town of jan zizka, the redoubtable military hero of the times. jozef was full of questions regarding this patriot and military genius--the greatest one of his age. he learned that he is regarded by many as the inventor of modern tactics, that he organized peasants and mechanics so wonderfully that they beat back and drove into despair the best trained arm-clad knights of europe; that he never lost a battle; and that he probably was the composer of a splendid hymn, "all ye warriors of god," which seemed to inspire his men with wonderful power as they sang it marching to battle. at the battle of domazlice (taus), which took place after zizka's death, , crusaders entered bohemia, proclaiming that they would not let a single heretic live. they proceeded with plunder and slaughter until they reached domazlice, where they pitched their camp. some days after, the report spread among them that the hussites, now under the command of zizka's splendid successor, prokop the great, were on their way and that a battle was imminent. while the hussites were still four miles distant, the crusaders heard the rattle of their famous wagons and the mighty tones of the hymn sung by the whole hussite army. it made such a terrible impression that the fanatical soldiers fled before the song, even the curses of the cardinal failing to stop them. not knowing the passages of the gray bohemian mountain forest they were overtaken by the hussite vanguards; many thousands were killed and many more taken prisoners. their camp with all the ammunition and provisions fell into the hands of their captors. thus a song proved more mighty than the sword. "fear not those, the lord hath said, who would your body harm. for love of your fellowmen, he hath ordered you to die, hence take courage manfully." this great victory for a time put an end to all efforts to make bohemia betray her conscience. before jozef's godfather left for home, he told the boy another and beautiful story about prokop. "not only did prokop repulse the enemy when they invaded bohemia, but he himself made incursions into neighboring lands. once he led his army to the walls of naumburg, in german saxony. the inhabitants were seized with great terror for all counted on the town being entirely destroyed. "in the midst of the dismay, some one advised the townspeople to send the children of the town to the enemy's camp. 'it is possible,' he said, 'that they may soften the leader's heart.' "the people took the advice and the next day four hundred and fifty children, gowned in white, assembled before the town hall. two hundred armed citizens accompanied them to the gate. "when the children reached prokop's camp, they fell down on their knees before him and begged him to spare the town. "prokop was deeply affected. he detained the children until evening, treating them to all the peas and cherries that they could eat. when it began to grow dark he sent them home. 'tell your parents,' he said to them, 'that i will spare the town. but see that when you reach the gate you shout: "victory to the hussites!"' "the next day the hussites left the vicinity without having harmed a single living thing. "in memory of the event, the people of naumburg hold an annual festival in which the children march to the spot where once stood the hussite camp. here they are treated to peas and cherries. the occasion is called the hussite cherry festival." chapter x school days in bohemia after arrangements had been made for jozef to live with some distant relatives, his godfather bade him good-by. [illustration: "he used to wander ... to the fortifications"] "learn all you can, the better to help your native land," he said to him in parting. it was not long before jozef felt quite at home. the boys at first teased him about his dialect, but it was such good-natured teasing that he did not mind it. once when the teacher overheard them, he said: "do not care. your language may not be as literary as ours, but it is softer and more musical, and hence much more pleasing." jozef became very fond of the city. with a "heretic" friend, he used to wander over the curiously arranged, toothed old streets, to the fortifications that still stand, or to the river that surrounds the city on three sides. or they would stand and stare and discuss the statues of jan hus, the religious martyr, of his marvelously eloquent friend, jerome of prague, of jan zizka, and of prokop the great. these and many historic relics were in the odd, triple-gabled town hall, finished in , in the big market square. the statue of zizka had an especial fascination for them. they could see him walking right there in the square, surrounded by armed warriors, looking just as here represented, with expressive bent head, long mustache, and heavy fur coat over his shirt of mail. in one hand he held a sword, in the other, that terrible weapon that they knew was once called by the fanciful name of the morning star. besides the town hall there were other interesting irregularly built buildings, with peculiar ornamentation, in the square. before one of them still stood one of the stone tables on which the taborites took communion in the open air. how very different bohemia seemed to him from slovakia! here every one was proud of his nationality, which despite heavy taxes and many other oppressions, the people had retained through the efforts of great unselfish leaders who ceaselessly battled for their rights. he forgot the humility that he used to feel when meeting a contemptuous magyar. soon he held his head as high as the czech boys did when they came face to face with germans who through wrong training, in their wicked conceit, looked upon every nationality not their own, as far below them. in tabor this was not at all hard with all the voiceless eloquent teachers around that reminded of past greatness and resistance to injustice. jozef soon felt one of the family in the excellent home in which he boarded. nothing pleased the good-hearted house mother more than his usually hearty appetite, and she seldom failed to applaud it by some quaint folk saying, as "a hearty eater is a hearty worker." she had no patience with fussiness about selection of food, and if she saw any would exclaim: "he who is fussy about his food, may learn to think any cheese would be good." in the first days of his stay, jozef accompanied her once to a market day in the square. the farmers seemed to him to have brought a little of every kind of food that one could wish for. there was sweet home-churned butter, cottage and other cheese, eggs, poultry, vegetables, fruit, honey, mushrooms, poppy seed for cakes, and grain of all kinds. in school jozef was now in what was called the lower gymnasium. he had to be in the school building, which was not far from his boarding place, at a quarter to eight in the morning. sundays and thursdays were holidays. the school exercises began by all the pupils repeating the lord's prayer and ave maria. after that the time was devoted to the regular studies. the classes were named by latin numerals, prima, secunda, etc. to octava. at ten o'clock came a short recess, in which the children of the lower gymnasium played ball; those of the upper thought it below their dignity to do so. sometimes instead, the pupils indulged in a little lunch by buying buttered bread, cheese, or fruit from the janitor. whenever a professor entered the room or left it, all the children stood up as a sign of respect. jozef soon came to share the devotion of the children to the teacher, a man of delicate health but great spiritual vision, who constantly called the attention of the pupils to the idealism found in bohemian (czech) history. through him the pupils learned, too, that austria was largely parasite, living on czech wealth; that the czechs paid sixty-two per cent of all the taxes in austria to support passive non-slav lands; that eighty-three per cent of austrian coal was mined in bohemia; that sixty per cent of the iron was found there; that ninety per cent of beet sugar factories were located there; that textile and other industries were important. they also learned that the renowned bohemian glass employs over fifty thousand workers; that there are excellent highways, extending to ten thousand miles, and several important railroad lines; that one-third of all the gold and silver mined in hungary is mined in neglected slovakia. jozef was particularly impressed by the fact that despite all the discrimination of the government against the czech schools, the czechs were by far the most literate people of the monarchy. history came to be jozef's favorite study. he devoted much time particularly to the glorious reign of charles i, known also as emperor charles iv, who probably did more for bohemia than any other monarch. one of the teacher's favorites was king george (jiri) of podebrad, sometimes called the "heretic king of bohemia." jozef did not appreciate his full significance and was more interested in the stories told of his jester, whose name was palecek. palecek was no ordinary jester. he was an educated man of noble birth, who by playing the fool could often tell truths other courtiers dared not utter. because he addressed every one, even the king with his permission, as "brother," he himself came to be known as "brother palecek." one thing brother palecek felt as a particular duty was to keep the king in lively humor, for the cares of state were very heavy at the time. once the king gave a large dinner. at his table sat the queen, princes and princesses, and the highest nobles of the realm. the younger nobles and others who served the king sat at a table apart. when brother palecek arrived, he was not very well pleased at being placed at this lower table. soon he had another grievance; big fish were being passed to the king and those around him, while only little fish with many bones, came to the table at which he sat. gaining the attention of those about him, he took up one of the fish and held it to his ear and asked it: "little fish, do you know anything about my brother?" and then placed it down again. then he took a second fish and asked: "little fish, do you know anything about my brother?" again he laid it down and took up a third. the young people about him burst into laughter, so funny did palecek look while doing this. the king asked what was amusing them. "if it please your majesty," one of them answered, "brother palecek is conversing with the fish." "brother palecek," said the king, "what are you doing?" "brother king," replied palecek, "i'll tell you. i had a brother fisherman who was drowned in the river. so i am asking these little fish if they know anything about him." "and what do they tell you?" asked the king. "they tell me," returned palecek, "that they're still too young and small to know anything about it, but that i'd better ask those bigger, older fish that are on your table." the king laughed and ordered the largest fish of all to be placed on a dish and given to palecek. these the jester accepted gracefully and shared, amid general good cheer, with all at his table. there were various boys' associations, which jozef was soon invited to attend or was asked to join. one was a boys' orchestra. in this land of music, it was very natural that all who formed a part of it should have been enthusiasts. as an encouragement to its members, the orchestra received free tickets to all the purely national concerts given in the city. thus jozef came to know better the works of the great czech composers, antonin dvorak, bedrich smetana, and zdenko fibich. he thus also had an opportunity to hear jan kubelik, the renowned violinist, and emmy destinn, the prima donna. now and then the school children were taken to a national art exhibit. one of vaclav brozik, whose "columbus at the court of queen isabella" is known to all american children, and one of alfons mucha, known also in america for his poster work, but renowned in his own country in other lines as well, were followed by one of joza uprka, the moravian slovak, whose paintings of his beloved country folks, with their riot of color, and his passionate portrayal of the action and joy of life, made jozef for a time quite homesick for the simpler, more picturesque life of his mother's home. chapter xi war the world rang with the assassination of the austrian archduke, francis ferdinand, and his wife, at sarajevo, in a province of austria-hungary, but quite outside the czech and slovak lands. it was a terrible deed with which no law-loving people were in sympathy. but when austria, backed by germany, seized the killing as a pretext for declaring war on little serbia, both czechs and slovaks felt the grave injustice, and despite all efforts made by the government, very few of them could be induced to make any demonstration in favor of the action. when germany mobilized, there was no doubt in the minds of any but that the war was simply one against all the slavs, who opposed german possession of middle europe and german and magyar ideas of superiority and power. it was a hard time through which all the slavic people of austria-hungary had to pass. it was hardest on those who, like the czechs and slovaks, were forced to fight on a side that they detested, against their own interests. in the face of the terrorist methods employed, their resistance and sacrifices are remarkable. the government feared them. no sooner was war declared than czech and slovak troops were sent from their home lands into the austro-hungarian province farthest from them, transylvania, and foreign soldiers took their places. german soldiers are said to have patrolled bohemia's borders. it was during the first days that prof. t. g. masaryk, on the advice of his colleagues who understood how the war menaced the czech and slovak lands, was fortunate enough to escape from the country with one of his daughters. from then on until czecho-slovakia was recognized, he worked incessantly for czecho-slovak independence. when austria declared war, it did what no other country taking part in the war did: it declared war without first gaining the consent of parliament. it was a high-handed act which the czechs, in particular, resented. great gloom prevailed. in sympathy with the principles of the allies, knowing intimately the world menace of germany as few outsiders knew it, the leaders were seeking means of protest when one after another was thrown into prison. newspaper and magazine editors followed in quick succession. but the people, like the hussites of old, stood firm in their faith and determination to sacrifice all for the right and to quietly resist in every way that promised to be effectual. jozef saw the soldiers march off from tabor with a look of peculiar resolve in their eyes, and heard mothers and fathers whisper with their good-bys: "you know your duty to your native land." when later he heard of patriotic soldiers shot because refusing to go forward; of czech and slovak soldiers branded as traitors because they deserted to the allies and, reforming in their ranks, fought their real enemies, the germans of germany, the germans of austria, and the magyars of hungary, he understood better what a big and splendid thing this duty was. for a while, work in the school continued, but everything seemed different. patriotic songs with their beautiful melodies were no longer allowed to be sung; the old school books with their brilliant, romantic, yet true recitals of bohemia's wonderful, heroic past, were replaced entirely by newly written books full of praise of the hapsburg rulers and of germany. jozef and the other pupils rejoiced in one thing: they still had the same teacher. but this rejoicing did not continue long. one day they found the school doors closed and learned that the teacher had been taken to prison accused of disloyalty because he had allowed a ten-year-old pupil to walk home humming the national air, "kde domov muj" (where is my home?). "where is my home, where is my home? waters through its meads are streaming, mounts with rustling woods are teeming, vales are bright with flow'rets rare, oh, earth's eden, thou art fair! thou art my home, my fatherland, thou art my home, my fatherland!" news of still more imprisonments and executions followed daily. the older daughter of prof. masaryk was imprisoned, mainly as a punishment to her father, who was working so hard against the central powers abroad. machar, one of the greatest poets of bohemia, shared the same fate because of a poem published in the united states, without the poet's consent--a poem passed many years before by the austrian censor! strange rumors spread. once jozef and his particular friend, jaroslav, walked out of the city in the direction of blanik, a mountain around which are clustered many traditions. they were overtaken and offered a ride by a very old man. "who are you and where are you going?" he asked. "we're students in the lower gymnasium," jaroslav answered. "we're only out for a walk, for there is no school. we're going toward blanik, but don't expect to get so far." "better not," said the old man sternly. "who knows but the old tale may be true that the taborites never died but are hidden, as is said, in a cave there. they were to reappear at the time of bohemia's greatest peril, you know. this may be it. there're lights in that mountain, i tell you; don't breathe a word of it; but also don't go there." here he let the boys alight, and they walked on speculating on the tradition and as to just what the man meant by his last words. "do you think that some of the czechs go there to discuss things?" asked jozef. jaroslav did not know what to think. both boys wondered and wondered whether some great help might not come to bohemia from the mountain. school did not reopen, and food became very scarce. it seemed best that jozef be sent back to his home in slovakia in any makeshift way possible. this was done, and after a week's hard and varied travel, he reached home, almost starved. in slovakia he found the same persecution of all suspected of lack of sympathy with the plans and purposes of the central powers. four of his relatives had been taken to fight; of these two cousins had been killed, and one was reported to have been shot with an entire company that refused to advance against the serbians. no one knew where the fourth relative, an uncle after whom jozef had been named, was to be found, until austria-hungary was broken up and he returned home wounded. he had a story full of exciting incidents to tell and the villagers never tired of hearing it. [illustration: "the villagers never tired of hearing it"] one day a load of miserable looking prisoners passed in cars through the village. it was terrible to see them as they lay listlessly against each other. it was plain that it had been long since they had had anything to eat or drink. the villagers were forbidden to give them food or to satisfy their thirst, but the kind-hearted slovak maidens found a way to help nevertheless. how the idea spread not many of the girls knew, but there was a sudden interchange of knitting material. it must have contained a message, for the girls, far thinner than they had been before the war, met before the church and proceeded past the cars in a body, as if to view the horrible sight. but most of them raised their eyes only for a moment. it was when each threw some crusts of bread soaked in wine in to the famishing prisoners--bread that each had denied herself from her own scanty allowance. the prettiest girl of all blocked the way as long as she could to a magyar officer, while the prisoners, weak as they were, fell like beasts on the unexpected treat. "we want to see bad men. we show them we think them bad," the girl said to the officer in broken hungarian, smiling sweetly. he smiled in return and, nodding his approval of the sentiment, let the girls stay long enough for all evidences of what they had done, except the brighter looks of the prisoners, to have vanished. even harder to bear than the thought of what their loved ones might be suffering in battle, was to see the younger children sicken because of lack of proper food. ruzena was one of these. she became so ill that the family were seriously alarmed. she refused to eat the coarse food which was the village's daily ration and piteously begged for something different. there was nothing else to offer. "do go to janik's," the mother one day bade jozef, quite in despair, "and see if they haven't some little bit of a thing they could let us have to tempt her." janik's mother was full of sympathy but vainly searched her cupboards. at last she sent janik with jozef to see if there might not be some winter vegetable rolled in some corner of the cellar. the boys searched but found nothing. as they were leaving there suddenly flashed upon jozef a recollection of how he had hidden a private store some distance in the secret passages. hastily leaving janik without any explanation, he ran excitedly to his mother. "give me the key to our cellar quick, quick, mother!" he panted. his mother stared. "what has happened?" but jozef grasped the key without answering and ran. trembling, he lit the lantern and made his way into the passage opening, to find that the earth had fallen, barring the way. running out again, he leaped into the courtyard, and seized a shovel, not glancing at his mother, although conscious that she stood close to the window gazing out, her face full of alarm. again he went into the cellar. little by little the hardened earth was shoveled away under his feeble grasp, until he was able to crawl into the opening. the air smelled close and moldy. "one--two--three--" jozef counted the ten steps which he remembered having taken and looked around. no food was to be seen. he searched for the shelves--but they also had vanished. [illustration: "he dropped his treasure at ruzena's bedside"] dumbfounded and sadly disappointed, he retraced his steps. but instead of getting back to the opening, he unexpectedly found himself in another passage, and there, oh, joy! his food! loading his arms, he staggered out. without locking the cellar door, he made his way dizzily across the street. "thanks be to the blessed virgin!" exclaimed his mother in the midst of her amazement as he sank on his knees and dropped his treasure at ruzena's bedside. chapter xii uncle jozef's story i was drafted in july, , and sent with others to a hungarian training camp. we were not there long before we heard that we were to go to the front. on the day of departure, anka, to whom i am engaged, came to the station with my mother. there were, of course, many other women, all with flowers in their arms and all with eyes red from weeping. for they did not want us to go to fight those who had done us no harm. my father, who had always been a great patriot, could not come, but he sent me these words which he had painstakingly copied from our greatest poet: "it is shameful when in misery to moan over our fate; he who by his deeds appeases the wrath of heaven, acts better. not from a tearful eye but from a diligent hand fresh hope will blossom. thus even evil may yet be changed to good." later this fell into the hands of a german, but he did not understand it. i did. it was hard to part. my mother, in the midst of her uncontrollable sobs, whispered: "jozef, when the time comes, you know what you must do." it was hard to part. at the end, anka gave me some red and white ribbon, the czech and slovak colors, which i tied around my rifle. it did not remain there long, for when the magyar captain in charge of our battalion saw it, he swore savagely, and taking his saber, cut it off and stamped it under his heels. not satisfied, he deliberately hit me a blow from which i suffered for many days. at the same time he muttered: "take care what you are about, you slovak dog!" my companions were as indignant as myself at the insult to our colors to which we have every right. "if a time comes when we can revenge ourselves, we'll not forget," we promised one another. by this time we had all heard, somehow, of czechs and slovaks who refused to fight against the allies, declaring that they had not voted for the war, and ought not to be compelled to fight; and of many czech and slovak desertions. just before we left, there was fiendish rejoicing among the austrian germans and magyars, because a czech regiment, intending to desert to the russians, had been trapped, and all the officers and every tenth private shot. the story did not frighten us or make us less determined to surrender if opportunity offered. better to be shot, we told ourselves, than to serve those who in victory would treat our people still worse than they had already done. we got to the front at rovno and all that day were kept working without a morsel to eat. we had just finished entrenching ourselves, when russian shrapnel blew over us. towards morning, i heard shouting. soon after i saw a bearded russian with a long bayonet, standing over me. i tried to tell him i was a friend, but he had no time to listen, for austrian machine gun shot began to come from the rear, and, with others, i was taken to a wood not far away. it was already full of prisoners. as soon as we came, the austrian and magyar prisoners pitched into us, claiming that what had happened was the fault of those "czech and slovak cowards." even here, the germans and austrians blustered and tried to order us about. we were very hungry, but nothing was given us to eat until we reached rovno. here we received a little, several of us sharing one bowl. after that we were marched to kiev, a distance between two hundred and three hundred miles. we still had very little to eat, for magyars and austrian germans had not yet got over their notion of being superior people and so entitled to more than we. when we complained, they even beat us. one poor fellow who had grabbed a loaf of bread from a magyar who had two, was found next morning with his throat cut. our prison camp was at darnica, near the city. it was just a big field with some trees, surrounded by barb wire. i remained here about two weeks when, because workmen were needed and because of czecho-slovak efforts in petrograd, we were allowed to volunteer for work on farms or in ammunition factories. i chose the latter and came to kiev. i had not been in the city long, before i heard that czech and slovak prisoners were being organized to join a so-called hussite legion which was made up of czech and slovak residents of russia, who had already rendered valuable assistance to the russians as scouts. the russian authorities had been opposed to the plan at first, not caring to encourage revolutionaries, even though not russian revolutionaries. however, in the end, a grudging consent was given. i wished to join, but was not permitted to leave my work. then the revolution came, and, as the prisoners were freed, the czechs and slovaks flocked to their own colors, and i with them. if i live forever i shall never forget how i felt when i found myself among my own people, our red and white flag waving over us, and heard the band play our "kde domov muj." when we had to swear our oath of loyalty to francis joseph before leaving austria-hungary, all czech and slovak soldiers mumbled the words. when we swore the oath of obedience to prof. masaryk, "the little father," as we called him, who had come to russia, we shouted it so joyously and loudly that the people from around came to see what all the noise was about. chapter xiii uncle jozef's story continued i was so happy now. every morning i awakened with a smile on my lips and a song in my heart. for were we not going to free our dear, our native land, of the usurper? we again sang our native songs, which we had not been allowed to sing in the land of our birth; sang them so often that we came to be known as "the singing czecho-slovaks." whatever state we came from, bohemia, moravia, silesia, or slovakia, we were quite united now, and had only one word for each other and that word was "brother." and in the spirit in which we sang, we also fought. no longer did the germans and magyars call us cowards. they now called us "red and white devils," because of the colors on our hats. at the famous charge at zborov, there was almost a religious exaltation as we marched to the field singing the glorious hymn of the hussites: "all ye warriors of god." here we captured sixty-two officers, and three thousand one hundred and fifty soldiers, fifteen guns and many machine guns, turning most of the latter against the enemy. but our bravery did little good, the russians were deserting the army so fast. in , i was slightly wounded. this prevented my taking part in the terrible battle at tarnapol, in galicia, where our men were entirely abandoned by the russian troops. it was a wonderful charge they made, the men rushing in where danger was thickest and resisting to the last, and the officers blowing out their brains rather than surrender. when the germans invaded bessarabia, before preparing to resist them, we bound ourselves by a most sacred oath: "in the name of our national honor, in the name of all that is most dear to us as men and as czecho-slovaks, with full realization of this step, we swear to fight alongside of our allies to the last drop of our blood, against all of our enemies, until we have obtained complete liberation of our czecho-slovak nation, until the czech and slovak lands are reunited into a free and independent czecho-slovak state, until our nation is absolutely mistress of her destinies. "we solemnly promise, whatever may be the danger and whatever may be the circumstances, without fear and hesitation, never to abandon the sacred goal of our fight. "as faithful and honorable soldiers, heirs of our noble history, cherishing the heroic deeds of our immortal chiefs and martyrs, jan hus and jan zizka of trocnov, we promise to remain worthy of them, never to flee from battle, to shirk no danger, to obey the orders of our officers, to venerate our flags and standards, never and under no circumstances beg for our lives from our enemy and never to surrender with weapons in our hands, to love our companions as brothers and to give them aid in danger, to have no fear of death, to sacrifice all, even our lives, for the freedom of our fatherland. "so freely, without pressure of any sort, we pledge ourselves to act, and so shall we act. such is the duty imposed upon us by honor and fidelity toward our people and our country." after the bolsheviks gained complete control of the government, the czecho-slovak army numbered sixty thousand. we waited hoping that things would change for the better, until the disgusting peace of brest-litovsk, in february, . then we could not but see that our only chance of continuing the fight for freedom was to get to france. through professor masaryk, free passage to vladivostok was granted us by the bolsheviks. it was no little thing that we undertook to do. it would have been a big enough enterprise, even under the most favorable conditions. there was a journey of over five thousand miles across eastern russia and asia, and then across the pacific, across canada or the united states, and finally across the atlantic. in other words, we were willing to undertake a trip around the world in order to fight for freedom. in the russian part, we had to procure our trains and provisions, and negotiate with practically independent soviets in every district. since concentration at stations was prohibited, we started for the pacific in small detachments. everywhere we were urged to join the red guard with promises of high pay and good living. but although we had little to eat, we refused the bribe. we were in demand, for afterwards, gen. kornilov, and kaledines, the cossack hetman, each tried to gain our help. again we refused, unwilling to interfere in russian internal affairs. when we reached penza, we had a disagreeable surprise. being the last to leave the front, we were well armed and had many cannon, machine guns and other equipment worth hundreds of millions of dollars, that would otherwise have fallen into the hands of the germans. these we were asked to surrender on orders from headquarters, retaining only a few rifles and a few hand grenades to each train. so anxious were we to leave russia without a fight, that we obeyed the order. later we heard that about this same time in irkutsk, a train division of our men was surrounded by three thousand of the red guard, mainly former german and magyar prisoners, and under german officers, all well armed and with many machine guns. our men had only one gun to every ten men, but when the german officer gave the command to shoot, the czechs rushed barehanded at them, captured their guns, and in half an hour had control of the station. even then the moscow authorities were begged by masaryk, and by the french, british, and american consuls that our troops be allowed to proceed in peace. instead, trotsky ordered every czecho-slovak soldier caught with arms to be shot at sight. at vertunovka we had a long wait. we employed it in decorating the box cars in which we traveled, in ways to remind us of the old brave days of jan hus and jan zizka, when the czechs of bohemia held all of astonished europe at bay for almost a quarter of a century. as we worked, we each resolved to prove ourselves worthy of these ancestors. some of the boys added inscriptions to the decorations, such as, "long live little father masaryk and the allies," and put czech and slovak flags about so that our cars really looked very nice, each platoon striving to have theirs the best. as we made our way, by fair means when we could, by force when necessary, we found magyar and germans in control everywhere. our very own first conflict came when a magyar in a train of prisoners hit one of our men with a piece of iron, injuring him very seriously. we thought him killed and rushed to the train and demanded the surrender of the murderer. this led to more trouble. we had few arms, but took up rocks and followed the train into the city, singing as we marched. the soviet buildings were deserted when we reached them, and evidently in a hurry, for we found some rifles which we seized with thanksgiving. after this delay we resolved to pay no more attention to delays ordered by the bolsheviki, but to push on as quickly as possible to vladivostok. fighting now began in earnest. everywhere success was with us. our spirit would allow of no defeat. when we were menaced, we took the enemy by surprise; we had set out to get to france and we intended getting to france, no matter what difficulties we had to meet and conquer. we seized trains; we took city after city. while the bolshevik propaganda failed to appeal to us, it was not it so much we fought as the objection of its supporters to, and lack of comprehension of our love of country. we knew that the magyars and the germans who were with the russian bolsheviks, fought us not so much because of our lack of sympathy with the doctrines they professed, as because of our nationality. in the meantime, our forces constantly grew by means of new recruits. our fame grew also as we advanced. sometimes the mere rumor that the czecho-slovaks were coming, caused the enemy to flee. and all through siberia, we were welcomed by the real inhabitants as deliverers. by the end of two weeks, three thousand miles of railroad were in our hands. then, when finally we reached vladivostok, on the pacific, we found that we were not to go to france after all, that the allies thought we had a more important work to do where we were, especially in keeping the railroad, and hence the wealth of siberian grain and mineral, from reaching the central powers. this was also fighting for liberty, and, without a murmur, we accepted our new duty. chapter xiv the czecho-slovak republic it was october, and jozef's godfather had gone again to bohemia, this time as a delegate representing the slovak national council. the czecho-slovak national alliance and its army had been recognized formally some time before as an ally by the great powers and greater events were scheduled to follow. when he reached beautiful "hundred-towered" praha, the capital, he found the streets and coffee houses jammed with people. every face had an expectant look in which anxiety and confidence were blended. toward the end of the month their expectations were realized. the national council took over the government of the czecho-slovak countries, bohemia, moravia, silesia, and slovakia, all of them formerly belonging to the austro-hungarian monarchy. it was a bloodless revolution, for the austrian government realized the hopelessness of its position. all the great sufferings through which they had passed--the hunger, the fear, the grief--were forgotten by the people in the great joy of their liberation. old men embraced each other; old women wept in each other's arms with happiness that they had lived to see the day. people from all the states, with their slight variations of dialect, were there; czechs, moravians, czecho-silesians, and slovaks. the ties of close kinship were felt as never before. crowds stood on the big st. vaclav square listening to the proclamation of independence from the steps of the splendid national museum. when the reading came to an end, the people, with one voice, sang the ancient czech choral to st. vaclav, bohemia's patron saint. almost every hour a new report came: now that the emperor's governor had fled; now that the magyar soldiers, who had been stationed in the city, cared for nothing except to be allowed to return to hungary; now that the commanders of the local garrison had put themselves at the disposal of the czecho-slovak government. similar scenes took place in the historical old town square, around the splendid monument of john hus, that three years before had had to be unveiled by stealth. men, women, and children felt that the noble past of which czechs have always been so proud, was come again. pride swelled their hearts, too, that all that they were gaining had come to them through efforts and sacrifices of their own, so great that the world had been forced to recognize and admire. on the following day the slovak delegates were received officially, thus uniting the two branches of the czecho-slovak nation. the first act of the new state was to declare a republican form of government with thomas garigue masaryk as president. president masaryk was to take up his official residence in the immense royal palace so long deserted. carpenters and others were busy modernizing it. this palace had lived through unusual vicissitudes of fortune. already in the tenth century, a stone fortified palace stood there, but it was not until the reign of bohemia's beloved king charles i that it assumed something of its present form, being modeled by him after the louvre of paris. it was enlarged by king vladislav, the principal hall being named after him. in rudolph's time other halls were added. after the defeat of the white mountain, when bohemia lost her independence, it no longer served as a royal residence, and was practically deserted. in , it was bombarded, to be rebuilt and enlarged by empress maria theresa. and now the greatest change of all: it was to be the home of the president of a thoroughly democratic state. many days following were festal days. people flocked to the churches, particularly to the cathedral of st. vitus, which is one of the great works of king charles. while the young people looked forward to the future, the old recalled the past. "ah, how king charles in his heavenly home will rejoice," one bent old woman, supported on crutches, murmured. "and saintly vaclav, too," scarcely breathed another so emaciated that she looked like a moving shadow. "he'll be proud now that bohemia is called after him the realm of st. vaclav. ah, i must see once more those precious relics we have kept of him." with difficulty she made her way to the cathedral where st. vaclav's helmet, sword, and coat of mail have been religiously preserved. jozef's godfather sent him several picture postcards reminding him of jozef's hero, king charles. one represented the historic stone bridge, which charles had had built with such care that he did not live to see it finished. on this card he wrote: "all the statues on the bridge have a dazed expression. i wonder what they think of the change." another card was of the old walls of praha, working on which through the king's care saved a thousand men from starving in a time of famine. "i walked past these fortifications early one morning," was the message, "and hundreds of birds were among the ruins, all singing the news of our glorious resurrection." the third card showed karluv tyn, built by charles for the protection of the crown jewels and the charters of bohemia. this beautiful castle stands not far from praha, on a rock of jasper a thousand feet above the river mze. to it the king-emperor sometimes retired for the meditative devotion which he found so helpful. on this card the message was the longest: "charles did more than build beautiful castles and splendid cathedrals. he welcomed men of learning and made higher education possible even for the poor by founding the university of praha, the first university in all of central europe. he freed the land of robbers; he secured justice to the peasants by making it possible for them to appeal to the king from the decision of their own feudal lords. his name has come down to us revered and beloved, because of the many evidences of his unselfish, constant thought for the people's welfare." by a strange coincidence, on the very day that the last postcard came to jozef in slovakia, another reached him from his friend, jaroslav. it was dated from the famous watering place, carlsbad, in northern bohemia, where jaroslav had accompanied his father, who had some business there. "the germans here, who have largely control of things," it stated, "are angry at the turn affairs have taken. they clamor about the rights of the minority, they who never considered the rights of the slavic majority. but i think they are calming down, for they see that they're going to get justice. the czechs are not revengeful. if we treated them as they treated us--whew!" he said no more of the germans, but humorously described some of the patients he had seen; some very fat, some very thin, all expecting cure from digestive disturbances. a few days before he left, jozef's godfather took one more walk across the sixteen-arched statue decorated charles bridge (karluv most), through the picturesque little side, with its quaint old-time palaces of nobles, up a steep and winding street to the hradcany, as the group of buildings around the royal palace together with it, is called. from these heights, praha is seen in all its wondrous beauty lying on both sides of the river vltava (moldau). it seems an endless succession of parks, gardens, queer roofs that are the delight of every artist that sees them, and innumerable towers and steeples. across the river he could see the rocky vysehrad, the seat of the early rulers. it was there that libusa, the reputed founder of praha, made her famous prophecy: "lo, before me i see a city whose glory reaches to the skies!" he mused at the great richness not only in bohemia's real historic past but in her legendary lore; how everything about the city has its story. on the hills towards which he was turned, vlasta, the leader of an amazon band, made her stand in the early days against prince premysl; near him was the tower of daliborka, where a noble was once imprisoned and said to have found solace in a violin. since then ghostly music is said to haunt the place. of the alchemists who lived near by in the street of gold, a street of the tiniest, most brightly-hued houses imaginable, he recalled the strange tales told. in the very courts of the palace, legends mingled with history. a peculiar feeling that he had never experienced before came over him. to live in praha, he felt, was not the prosaic, everyday life he had always known; it was living a brightly colored romance too disturbing for him to get used to now. his own dear slovakia, with its quiet, simple life, was better for him. the next day the new president arrived from abroad, and was installed in office. that was the greatest day of all in praha. the feeling of the multitude was expressed by one old man who said, "i shall weep no more for my dead, since they helped make the fairy tale come true that brutal force no longer rules, that a proud, deserving nation is freed at last from a bondage to which so long the world was indifferent." the end selections from the page company's books for young people the blue bonnet series _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =a texas blue bonnet= by caroline e. jacobs. 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"the story is full of spirited action and contains much valuable historical information."--_boston herald._ the hadley hall series by louise m. breitenbach _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =alma at hadley hall= "the author is to be congratulated on having written such an appealing book for girls."--_detroit free press._ =alma's sophomore year= "it cannot fail to appeal to the lovers of good things in girls' books."--_boston herald._ =alma's junior year= "the diverse characters in the boarding-school are strongly drawn, the incidents are well developed and the action is never dull."--_the boston herald._ =alma's senior year= "incident abounds in all of miss breitenbach's stories and a healthy, natural atmosphere breathes from every chapter."--_boston transcript._ the girl's of friendly terrace series by harriet lummis smith _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =the girls of friendly terrace= "a book sure to please girl readers, for the author seems to understand perfectly the girl character."--_boston globe._ =peggy raymond's vacation= "it is a wholesome, hearty story."--_utica observer._ =peggy raymond's school days= the bode is delightfully written, and contains lots of exciting incidents. famous leaders series by charles h. l. johnston _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =famous cavalry leaders= "more of such books should be written, books that acquaint young readers with historical personages in a pleasant, informal way."--_new york sun._ "it is a book that will stir the heart of every boy and will prove interesting as well to the adults."--_lawrence daily world._ =famous indian chiefs= "mr. johnston has done faithful work in this volume, and his relation of battles, sieges and struggles of these famous indians with the whites for the possession of america is a worthy addition to united states history."--_new york marine journal._ =famous scouts= "it is the kind of a book that will have a great fascination for boys and young men, and while it entertains them it will also present valuable information in regard to those who have left their impress upon the history of the country."--_the new london day._ =famous privateersmen and adventurers of the sea= "the tales are more than merely interesting; they are entrancing, stirring the blood with thrilling force and bringing new zest to the never-ending interest in the dramas of the sea."--_the pittsburgh post._ =famous frontiersmen and heroes of the border= "the accounts are not only authentic, but distinctly readable, making a book of wide appeal to all who love the history of actual adventure."--_cleveland leader._ =famous discoverers and explorers of america= "the book is an epitome of some of the wildest and bravest adventures of which the world has known and of discoveries which have changed the face of the old world as well as of the new."--_brooklyn daily eagle._ hildegarde-margaret series by laura e. richards eleven volumes the hildegarde-margaret series, beginning with "queen hildegarde" and ending with "the merryweathers," make one of the best and most popular series of books for girls ever written. _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . _the eleven volumes boxed as a set_ $ . list of titles =queen hildegarde= =hildegarde's holiday= =hildegarde's home= =hildegarde's neighbors= =hildegarde's harvest= =three margarets= =margaret montfort= =peggy= =rita= =fernley house= =the merryweathers= the captain january series by laura e. richards _each one volume, mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ cents =captain january= a charming idyl of new england coast life, whose success has been very remarkable. same. _illustrated holiday edition_ $ . =melody:= the story of a child. =marie= a companion to "melody" and "captain january." =rosin the beau= a sequel to "melody" and "marie." =snow-white;= or, the house in the wood. =jim of hellas;= or, in durance vile, and a companion story, bethesda pool. =narcissa= and a companion story, in verona, being two delightful short stories of new england life. ="some say"= and a companion story, neighbors in cyrus. =nautilus= "'nautilus' is by far the best product of the author's powers, and is certain to achieve the wide success it so richly merits." =isla heron= this interesting story is written in the author's usual charming manner. =the little master= "a well told, interesting tale of a high character."--_california gateway gazette._ delightful books for little folks by laura e. richards =three minute stories= cloth decorative, mo, with eight plates in full color and many text illustrations $ . 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"the contents of this splendid volume are evidently intended to demonstrate the fact that work is as good a glad game as play if gone about the right way. there are clever little drawings any one could imitate, and in imitating learn something. there are adventurous tales, fairy tales, scientific tales, comic stories and serious stories in verse and prose."--_montreal herald and star._ the boys' story of the railroad series by burton e. stevenson _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =the young section-hand;= or, the adventures of allan west. "the whole range of section railroading is covered in the story."--_chicago post._ =the young train dispatcher= "a vivacious account of the varied and often hazardous nature of railroad life."--_congregationalist._ =the young train master= "it is a book that can be unreservedly commended to anyone who loves a good, wholesome, thrilling, informing yarn."--_passaic news._ =the young apprentice;= or, allan west's chum. "the story is intensely interesting."--_baltimore sun._ stories by brewer corcoran _each, one volume, mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =the boy scouts of kendallville= _published with the approval of "the boy scouts of america."_ the story of a bright young factory worker who cannot enlist because he has three dependents, but his knowledge of woodcraft and wig-wagging gained through scout practice enables him to foil a german plot to blow up the munitions factory. =the barbarian;= or, will bradford's school days at st. jo's. "this is a splendid story of friendship, study and sport, winding up with a perfectly corking double play."--_springfield union._ * * * * * transcriber's note: page vi, "gyspies" changed to "gypsies" (the gypsies, like the) [transcriber's note: bold text is surrounded by =equal signs= and italic text is surrounded by _underscores_.] our little austrian cousin the little cousin series (trade mark) each volume illustrated with six or more full page plates in tint. cloth, mo, with decorative cover per volume, cents list of titles by mary hazelton wade, mary f. nixon-roulet, blanche mcmanus, clara v. winlow, florence e. mendel and others =our little african cousin= =our little alaskan cousin= =our little arabian cousin= =our little argentine cousin= =our little armenian cousin= =our little australian cousin= =our little austrian cousin= =our little belgian cousin= =our little bohemian cousin= =our little brazilian cousin= =our little bulgarian cousin= =our little canadian cousin= =our little chinese cousin= =our little cuban cousin= =our little danish cousin= =our little dutch cousin= =our little egyptian cousin= =our little english cousin= =our little eskimo cousin= =our little french cousin= =our little german cousin= =our little grecian cousin= =our little hawaiian cousin= =our little hindu cousin= =our little hungarian cousin= =our little indian cousin= =our little irish cousin= =our little italian cousin= =our little japanese cousin= =our little jewish cousin= =our little korean cousin= =our little malayan (brown) cousin= =our little mexican cousin= =our little norwegian cousin= =our little panama cousin= =our little persian cousin= =our little philippine cousin= =our little polish cousin= =our little porto rican cousin= =our little portuguese cousin= =our little russian cousin= =our little scotch cousin= =our little servian cousin= =our little siamese cousin= =our little spanish cousin= =our little swedish cousin= =our little swiss cousin= =our little turkish cousin= l. c. page & company beacon street, boston, mass. [illustration: "ferdinand and leopold ... would help with the cattle." (_see page ._)] our little austrian cousin by florence e. mendel author of "our little polish cousin," etc. illustrated by diantha horne marlowe [illustration: spe labor levis] boston l. c. page & company _mdccccxiii_ _copyright, _, by l. c. page & company (incorporated) _all rights reserved_ first impression, june, the colonial press c. h. simonds & co., boston, u. s. a. preface in this volume i have endeavored to give my young readers a clearer and a more intimate knowledge than is usually possessed of the vast territory known as the austro-hungarian empire, which is a collection of provinces united under one ruler, and which is, strange to say, the only country of importance in the world that has not a distinctive language of its own, since the various races--german, slav, magyar and others--each speak their own tongue. the northeastern provinces, galicia and bukowina, have not been considered in this book, owing to the fact that they are included in our little polish cousin; and, for a similar reason, hungary and bohemia have been omitted, as each is the subject of an earlier volume in the little cousin series. the book consequently is chiefly devoted to austria proper and tyrol, but the other provinces, including dalmatia and bosnia, are not neglected. the publication of =our little austrian cousin= is most timely, since the balkan war, now drawing to a close, has occupied the attention of the world. the balkan states lie just to the south of the austrian empire, and austria has taken a leading part in defining the terms of peace which the great powers of europe insist shall be granted by the balkan allies to the defeated turks. =our little austrian cousin= can well be read in connection with our little bulgarian cousin and our little servian cousin, describing two of the principal balkan states, which volumes have just been added to the little cousin series. among others, i am especially indebted to fr. h. e. palmer, for much information concerning country customs in upper austria. contents chapter page i. a visit to old vienna ii. der stock im eisen iii. the farm in upper austria iv. the peasants' dance v. some tyrolese legends vi. more legends vii. a night with the senner viii. through the tyrolese mountains ix. the habicht-burg ravens x. through dalmatia and the border-lands xi. vienna list of illustrations page "ferdinand and leopold ... would help with the cattle" (_see page _) _frontispiece_ st. stephan's church emperor franz-joseph "'cheer up, my lad,' said the stranger" "it towered high above her head" statue of andreas hofer, near innsbruck "tramp thus, in vagabond fashion, over the mountains!" the rosengarten our little austrian cousin chapter i a visit to old vienna "hurrah!" shouted ferdinand, as he burst into the living-room, just as his mother was having afternoon coffee. "and what makes my son so joyful?" asked frau müller, as she looked up at the rosy cheeks of her young son. "hurrah, mother! don't you know? this is the end of school." "so it is," replied the mother. "but i had other things in my head." "and, do you know," the child continued, as he drew up to the table where the hot coffee emitted refreshing odors, "you haven't told me yet where we are to go." "no, ferdinand, we've wanted to surprise you. but help yourself to the cakes," and the mother placed a heaping dish of fancy kuchen before the lad. ferdinand did not require a second invitation; like all normal boys, he was always hungry; but i doubt very much if he knew what real american-boy-hunger was, because the austrian eats more frequently than we, having at least five meals a day, three of which are composed of coffee and delicious cakes, so that one seldom has time to become ravenous. "but, mother," persisted the child, his mouth half filled with kuchen, "i _wish_ i knew. tell me when we start; will you tell me that?" "yes," answered his mother, smiling. "to-day is wednesday; saturday morning we shall leave." "oh, i just can't wait! i _wish_ i knew." "perhaps father will tell you when he comes," suggested the mother. "do you think you could possibly wait that long?" "i don't believe i can," answered the lad, frankly; "but i suppose i shall have to." that evening, when herr müller returned from his shop, ferdinand plied him with questions in an effort to win from him, if possible, the long-withheld secret. "well, son, there's no use trying to keep you in the dark any longer. where do you guess we are going?" "to see cousin leopold in tyrol." "well, that's a very good guess, and not all wrong, either; but guess again." "oh, i can't. it must be splendid, if it's better than visiting cousin leopold." "well, it _is_ better," continued herr müller; "for not only are we going to pass a few days with your tyrolese relations, but we are going to a farm." the boy's face fell visibly. "to a farm!" he exclaimed. "why, uncle hofer has a splendid farm in tyrol; that won't be very new to me, then." "it won't!" ejaculated his father, a trifle amused. "you wait and see, my boy. this is not to be a tiny farm of a few acres, creeping up the mountain on one side and jumping off into a ravine on the other. we sha'n't have to tie _this_ farm to boulders to keep it from slipping away from us." and herr müller chuckled. "then it isn't in the mountains?" "no, it isn't in the mountains; that is, not in any mountains that are like the tyrolese mountains. but there will be acres and acres of this farm, and you will be miles away from any one. you will see corn growing, too; you've never seen that in tyrol, my son." "no," answered the child. after a few moments' silence, he added: "will there be any young folks, father?" "don't let that trouble you, ferdinand; where there's an austrian farm there are many children." "hurrah for the farm, then!" shouted ferdinand, much to the astonishment and amusement of his parents, who were unused to such impulsive outbursts. but ferdinand müller was a typical boy, even though he had been reared in the heart of the city of vienna, where the apartment houses stand shoulder to shoulder, and back to back, with no room for play-yards or gardens, even; the outside windows serving the latter duty, while the school building on week-days, and the public parks on holidays, serve the former. austrian children are never allowed to play on the street; but, as if to make up to their children for the loss of play-space, the austrian parents take them, upon every available occasion, to the splendid parks where are provided all sorts of amusements and refreshments at a modest sum. "father," asked the lad, after a few moments' silence, during which he had sat thinking quietly, "when shall we start?" "saturday morning, my son. i believe your mother has everything in readiness, _nicht war, meine liebe frau_?" he asked, as he glanced over his paper at his wife. "oh, mother, _do_ say you are ready," pleaded the child, who, for all his twelve years, and his finely developed body, was yet a boy, and impulsive. "yes, i'm all ready," she replied. and, for the rest of the evening, silence descended upon the boy, his small brain being filled with visions of the coming pleasure. when herr müller returned to his home the following evening, he found a letter, postmarked "linz," awaiting him. "hello," he said, half aloud, "here's word from our friend herr runkel. wonder if there's anything happened to upset our plans?" "oh, father, please don't say it," pleaded the boy; "i shall be so disappointed." "well, cheer up," replied his father, "there's better news than you thought for. we shall leave on saturday morning as planned; but to-morrow herr runkel's sister from the convent will come to us. he asks us to take charge of her, as the sisters find it very inconvenient this year to send an escort with her; and, as we are coming up in a day or two, perhaps we would not mind the extra trouble." "oh, father, won't it be fine! how old is she?" "i believe about your age." friday morning frau müller and ferdinand jumped into a fiaker and drove to the railroad station to meet teresa runkel. she was a fine-looking child, with round, rosy cheeks; quite tall, with the fair complexion, sunny hair, and soft, austrian blue eyes that makes the women of that land famed for their beauty. she was overjoyed at this unexpected pleasure of spending a day or two in the city of vienna, which she had never seen, although she had passed through several times on her way to and from the convent. she enjoyed the brisk drive to the tall apartment house in the schwanengasse, and she fairly bubbled with chatter. "after luncheon, my dear," observed frau müller, "we shall have herr müller take you about our city; for vienna is vastly different from linz." herr müller joined the party at luncheon at eleven o'clock, which was really the breakfast hour, because austrian families take only coffee and cakes or rolls in the early morning, eating their hearty breakfast toward the middle of the day, after which they rest for an hour or two, before beginning their afternoon duties. at two o'clock the three were ready for the walk, for frau müller was not to accompany them. joseph, the portier, an important personage in viennese life, nodded "a-b-e-n-d" to them, as they passed out the front door of the building, over which he presided as a sort of turnkey. no one may pass in or out without encountering the wary eye of joseph, who must answer to the police for the inmates of the building, as also for the visitors. and this is a curious custom, not only in vienna, but other european cities, that immediately upon one's arrival at an hotel, or even a private home, the police are notified, unawares to the visitor, of his movements and his object in being in the city, which reduces chances of crime to a minimum; burglary being almost unknown, picking pockets on the open streets taking its place in most part. "of course you know, children," said herr müller, as they passed along the broad kärtnerstrasse, where are the finest shops of vienna, "you've been taught in school the history of our city, so i need not tell you that." "oh, but please do, father," said ferdinand. "teresa may not know it as well as i do,"--he hesitated, for he noticed the hurt look in the girl's eyes, and added--"although she may know a lot more about other things." "well," began the father, "away back in the times before christ, a body of rough men came from the northern part of france and the surrounding countries. they were called celts. they were constantly roving; and so it chanced they came to this very spot where we now are, and founded a village which they called vindobona. but about fourteen years after christ, the romans worked their way northward; they saw the village of the celts and captured it. they built a great wall about it, placed a moat outside of these fortifications and settled down to retain their conquest. they built a forum, which was a public square where all the business of the city was transacted; and, on one side, they placed their camp or praetorium. to-day, we call the roman forum the hohermarkt, just here where we stand now," continued herr müller, "and here, where the greek banker sina has built this fine palace, stood the roman praetorium; while here, you see the street is named for marcus aurelius, the roman emperor who was born in spain and died in this city so many hundreds of years ago." "i've heard that ever so many times, father," said ferdinand, "but i never realized it before; somehow it seems as if i could almost see the celts driven out and the great wall and moat of the romans." meanwhile they had walked on, down the bauermarkt and reached the st. stephanienplatz, with st. stephan's church in the middle. "there," said herr müller, pointing to the beautiful edifice, "is the oldest monument we have in vienna, begun in . duke heinrich jasomirgott founded it." [illustration: st. stephan's church.] "oh, he was our first duke," spoke up teresa, who also wished to prove that she knew _her_ austrian history as well as her friend. "yes, teresa," answered herr müller. "but it's a long jump from the romans to duke heinrich. several hundred years after the expulsion of the celts from vindobona, charlemagne, the undaunted conqueror of the age, absorbed it into the german empire; he distinguished it from the rest of the german empire by giving it the name of the eastmark or border of the empire (oesterreich), hence austria. he placed a lord or margrave over it; and when conrad iii of germany became emperor, he appointed heinrich jasomirgott ruler over the eastmark, giving him, at the same time, the adjoining territory of bavaria. but he had no right to dispose of these bavarian lands as he chose, just because he was angry with the bavarians; and when his son, frederick redbeard (barbarossa) came to the throne, he gave it back to the bavarians. but frederick redbeard was a politic ruler; he did not wish to offend any of his subjects; in order to make up to henry jasomirgott for the loss of bavaria, he raised him to the rank of duke, and thus oesterreich or the eastmark became a duchy. this was about ; then, being such an important personage, duke heinrich determined to make his home in vienna. he built himself a strong castle, surrounded it with a high stone wall and a moat, as was the custom at that time, and included within it the confines of the city, so that he and his people might not be molested by neighboring princes. "here," continued herr müller, as they passed to the end of the platz, "is the graben. to-day it is our most fashionable shopping district; but in the time of duke heinrich it was a moat filled with water; and here, where these rows of modern houses stand, were the ancient walls which protected the city." "isn't it great!" cried teresa, who, girl though she was, could appreciate the ancient struggles of her ancestors for liberty and defence. "oh, father, there is der stock im eisen!" said ferdinand. "tell teresa about that, please; she doesn't know." "der stock im eisen?" repeated teresa. "what is it?" "that old tree with the iron hoop around it, at the corner of the graben," replied her companion. "we will reserve that tale for the evening," answered herr müller; "it is getting toward coffee hour, and we want to visit many places yet." as he spoke, they walked slowly along the graben, which means moat in german, and, at the end of several minutes, they reached a large open square called platz am hof. "here is what remains of the palace of the house of babenberg, which duke heinrich built," said herr müller; "and here before it you see the tiefe-graben, or deep moat, which amply protected the stronghold from attack. and there," he continued, moving as he spoke toward the building, "stands the schottenhof." "the schottenhof?" exclaimed teresa, astonished. "why is it called a scottish palace in austria?" "because it was originally built and occupied by some monks from scotland in the year , whom duke heinrich had asked to come and instruct the citizens, not only in religion, but in the educational arts, there being no schools in those days; all the teaching was done by the holy fathers. but later on, the scottish monks were dispossessed by a german order of monks; yet the hof still bears the name of its founders. and even to-day the church owns all this most valuable property, right in the very heart of our city, which was given to them so many years ago." "that's the first time i thought about the hof being scottish," admitted ferdinand, between whom and teresa there was much rivalry and jealousy as to the amount of knowledge possessed by each; but the lad was generous enough to admit his ignorance, because he did not wish to assume too superior airs before his guest. "here runs the tiny lane, the schotten-gasse, which separates the schottenhof from the smaller molkerhof just across the land; and here are the ancient bastions which protected them; to-day, you notice, these same names are retained; the bastions are no longer required, but history preserves their memory in preserving their names, the schotten-bastei and the molker-bastei, now streets of the city of vienna instead of bastions. but we have had quite enough of history," continued herr müller, "i am quite certain our little convent friend is tired." "oh, no indeed," spoke up teresa. "at the convent we take long walks every day; and in the country at linz, we do much walking, too; it does not tire me at all." "but walking about city streets is quite different from country lanes, my girl," observed herr müller. "yes, but we do not have the interesting places to visit, nor the tales to hear, in the lanes," wisely answered the child. "well, then, if you are quite certain you are not too tired, we will walk home. we will go by the way of the ring, here behind the schottenhof; and we will walk over the old walls, which were erected in later years as the original city of duke heinrich grew. of course, we have no use for these fortifications in these days, so we have changed them into a magnificent boulevard." no one, not knowing the original use of the ring, would ever have suspected the mission it had fulfilled; so broad and handsome was the avenue encircling what is called the inner-stadt (inner city), planted with magnificent trees, and bubbling over with life, color and gayety. teresa would like to have stopped at every fine building and park, but herr müller promised to ask her brother to allow her a few days with them in vienna before returning to the convent in the fall, that she might see all there was not time now to show her. for the present must suffice a cursory glance at the burghof or imperial residence, the royal theatre, the hofgarten and the volksgarten, gay with the scarlet skirts and gold cloth caps of hundreds of nurse-maids watching over their youthful cares. "wouldn't it be splendid to be an emperor," remarked teresa to her companion, "and live in such a fine palace?" "oh, that isn't much of a palace," remarked ferdinand, somewhat contemptuously, "that's just like a prison to me; you ought to see schönbrunn, the summer home of the emperor." "oh, i've been to schönbrunn," returned the girl with disdain in her voice. "the sisters took us all there once; they showed us the room where the duke of reichstadt died, and where his father, napoleon, lived when he took vienna." "well, i'll bet you haven't seen the celebration on maundy thursday, when the emperor sends his twenty-four gorgeous gala coaches with their magnificent horses and mounted escorts in uniform to bring the four and twenty poor men and women to his palace, that he might humble himself to wash their feet?" "no, i haven't seen that," admitted teresa. "tell me about it. have _you_ seen it?" "i've heard father tell about it a number of times," continued the lad. "the emperor sends his wonderful holiday coaches with the escorts in gorgeous uniforms; they bring the poor men and women to the palace and set a splendid banquet before them; then they go to the royal chapel and hear mass, at which the emperor and the royal family, and the entire court are present; after that, the poor folks are led to the banquet hall and here they are served from silver platters which the emperor and his royal family present to them. after that, the emperor kneels before them and wipes their feet with a wet cloth." "he does that himself?" asked teresa, who had listened spellbound, that her beloved emperor should conduct such a ceremony. "indeed he does! and, furthermore," added the boy, with ineffable pride, "he is the only monarch, so father tells me, who preserves the ancient custom. but that isn't all; the emperor sends these astonished poor people home again in the gorgeous coaches; he gives them each a purse in which is about fifteen dollars; he sends a great basket filled with the remains of the banquet which they have left untouched, together with a bottle of wine and a fine bouquet of flowers;--and, what do you think, teresa?" "i'm sure i couldn't guess," admitted the child. "he gives them the silver platters from which he served them." "what a splendid emperor!" cried teresa. then she added, "i've seen the emperor." "oh, that's nothing," most ungallantly replied the boy. "franz-joseph walks about our streets like haroun-al-raschid used to in the arabian nights. _any_ one can see the emperor; he allows even the poorest to come and see him in his palace every week; and he talks to them just as if he was a plain, ordinary man and not an emperor at all." [illustration: emperor franz-joseph.] "well, i've had him speak to me," answered teresa. "at the convent he praised my work." there was a dead silence. herr müller walked along, not a muscle in his face betraying the fact that he had overheard this juvenile conversation, for fear of interrupting a most entertaining dialogue. "has he ever spoken _directly_ to you?" demanded the girl, seeing that ferdinand did not reply. "no." again a dead silence. "the emperor needs our love and sympathy," said herr müller, after waiting in vain for the children to renew their talk; "his beloved empress elizabeth has been taken from him by an assassin's hand; his favorite brother maximilian went to his doom in the city of mexico, the victim of the ambition of a napoleon; even his heir, the crown-prince is dead; and when our beloved king shall be no more, the very name of habsburg will have passed away." "he is a very kind man," replied teresa. "he comes often to the convent; and he makes us feel that he is not an emperor but one of us." herr müller touched his hat in respect. "long live our beloved emperor, our most sympathetic friend," he said. by this time they had gained the entrance of their home; joseph opened the public door to admit them to the corridor, and they ascended to the third floor to the apartment of herr müller. chapter ii der stock im eisen that evening, after a hearty dinner, the children called for the story of der stock im eisen. and so herr müller began: "many hundreds of years ago, in the old square known as the horsemarket, lived vienna's most skilful master-locksmith, herr erhanrd marbacher. next door to him, stood a baker-shop owned by the widow mux. the widow and herr marbacher were good neighbors, and were fond of chatting together outside the doors of their homes, as the evening came on; herr marbacher smoking his long, quaintly-painted pipe, and the widow mux relating the sprightly anecdotes of the day. "but, one evening, herr marbacher found the widow in great distress; as she usually wore a merry smile upon her jolly face this change in temperament greatly affected the spirits of the locksmith, and he demanded the cause of her unhappiness. with tears in her eyes, the widow confided to her neighbor the dreadful fact that her younger son, martin, a worthless, idle fellow, had refused to do any work about the shop, and had even used harsh words. "'sometimes it happens,' suggested the master-locksmith, 'that a lad does not take to his forced employment; it may be that martin is not cut out for a baker; let me have a hand with him; perhaps he will make a first-rate locksmith.' "'a locksmith!' exclaimed the widow in astonishment. 'how can he become a locksmith, with its attendant hard work, when he will not even run errands for the baker-shop! no, herr marbacher, you are very kind to suggest it, and try to help me out of my trouble, but martin would never consent to become a locksmith's apprentice. he is downright lazy.' "'well, you might let me have a trial with him,' said the locksmith; 'i am loved by all my workmen, yet they fear me, too; they do good work under my direction, and i am proud of my apprentices. martin, i am certain, would also obey me.' "'well, have your way, good neighbor,' replied the widow, 'i can only hope for the best.' "evidently herr marbacher knew human nature better than the widow, for martin was delighted with the prospect of becoming an apprentice-locksmith, with the hope of earning the degree of master-locksmith, like herr marbacher, and he worked hard and long to please his master. his mother was overjoyed at the change in the lad, and herr marbacher himself was very well pleased. "now, it chanced that some little time after martin's apprenticeship, herr marbacher handed him a tin pail and directed him to a certain spot on the edge of the forest, without the city walls, where he should gather clay with which to mould a certain form, for which he had had an order. as the commission was a particular one, and somewhat out of the ordinary, it required a peculiar sort of clay which was only to be found in this particular spot. "with light heart, and whistling a merry tune, martin, swinging his tin pail, set out upon his errand. the day was perfect; spring was just beginning; the trees were clothed in their fresh greenness, light clouds flitted across a marvelously blue sky, the birds twittered noisily in the treetops and martin caught the spring fever; he fairly bounded over the green fields, and reached the forest in a wonderfully short time. "having filled his pail, he started homewards. but, instead of keeping to the path by which he had come, he crossed through the meadows, his heart as light as ever. suddenly he espied through the trees figures of men or boys; then voices came to his ears; he stopped and listened. boy-like, he was unable to resist the temptation--the lure of the spring--so he changed his course and made toward the bowlers, his old-time cronies, who were engaged in their old-time sport. slower moved his feet,--his conscience prompted him in vain--he forgot the admonition of his master not to loiter on the way, for fear the city gates would be shut at the ringing of the curfew; he forgot all about the time of day, and that it was now well on toward evening. the fever of the spring had gotten into his veins; martin paused, set down his bucket of clay, and, picking up a bowl, joined in the sport of his comrades. [illustration: "'cheer up, my lad,' said the stranger."] "suddenly the curfew bell reached his ears; he recalled his errand, the warning of his master, and his heart stopped still in fright. he dropped the bowl in his hands, grasped his bucket of clay, and ran with beating heart toward the city gate, but he was too late; the gate was closed and the gate-keeper either would not or could not hear his call. "fear now seized martin, in very truth. the woods about the city were infested with robbers and dangerous men; there was no way in which to protect himself; yet he had nothing about him which any one would care to have, and that thought gave him some comfort. as he was planning how he might get within the walls, a tall man dressed in scarlet feathered cap and a long black velvet cloak upon his shoulders, stood before him. "'cheer up, my lad,' said the stranger. 'what is the use of crying?' "'but i am locked out for the night,' replied martin. "'that is nothing to fret about,' answered the tall man. 'here is some gold. take it, it will open the gate for you.' "'oh, thank you,' said martin, overjoyed. then he hesitated. 'but i shall never be able to repay you,' he added. 'i have never seen so much gold.' "'oh, do not fret yourself about repaying me,' answered the stranger. 'i have plenty of gold, and do not need the little i have given you. still, if you are really anxious to repay me, you might give me your soul when you have finished with it.' "'my soul?' cried the boy aghast. 'i can't give it to you. one cannot sell his soul?' "'oh, yes,' replied the malicious stranger, smiling grimly, 'many people do sell their souls; but you need not give it me until you are dead.' "'much good would it do you then,' replied martin; 'i cannot see what you would want with it after i am dead?' "'that is the bargain,' retorted the tall man. and he made as if to move away and leave martin to his fate. "'oh, very well,' said martin, fearing to throw away this chance for deliverance. 'i will take your gold, and you may have my soul when i have finished with it; the bargain is made.' "'and i shall be lenient with you,' continued the stranger. 'i will give you a chance to redeem your soul.' "'you will?' exclaimed martin in delight. 'and how?' "'only this, if you forget to attend divine service even once, during all the rest of your days, then shall i claim my bargain. now, am i not fair?' "martin was very glad to be released, even with this proviso, and laughed as he moved away, for martin had been brought up religiously by a pious mother, and he knew he should not forget his sabbath duty. "as the stranger had said, the gold gained entrance for martin mux through the closed city gate, and he straightway made his way to his room and to bed before his master should discover his absence. * * * * * "some days later, as the apprentices were hard at work in the shop under the scrutinizing eye of herr marbacher, a tall man in a black velvet cloak and a red plumed cap, stood in the doorway. martin recognized his erstwhile friend and feared he knew not what. but the stranger had come to order an iron hoop with padlock so intricate that it could not be unlocked. "herr marbacher hesitated; the order was certainly unusual, and even he, the master-locksmith of vienna, was uncertain whether he could accomplish such a commission. but, seeing marbacher's hesitation, the stranger cast his glance about the shop full of young apprentices, and fixing his regard upon martin, he said, in a loud voice: "'among all these workmen, is there not one who can make the lock?' "whether impelled by fear, or feeling that having assisted him once, the devil would assist him yet a second time, martin spoke out, "'i will do it.' "all eyes turned toward the young apprentice. "'you?' cried marbacher, and he laughed very loud and very long, so excellent did he consider the joke. 'you? you are my very youngest apprentice.' "'let him try,' suggested the stranger warily, fearing the master would deny martin the privilege. 'who knows what he may be able to accomplish?' "and so it was agreed. "martin worked all that day until the evening shadows compelled him to quit his work. he racked his brain; he thought and thought; yet no lock could he imagine which could not be unlocked. he carried his paper and pencil to his room with him, thinking that in the stillness of the night he might think of some design. but, although he worked conscientiously, no ideas came to him, and he fell asleep. with visions of locks and bolts and bars in his head, it was no wonder that martin dreamed of robbers' castles and dungeons and locks and bolts. he dreamed about a mighty robber in a fortress-castle; he was a prisoner there, he, martin; but what his crime he did not know. he rushed toward the door to make his escape; it was locked; he tried to undo it, but in vain; then he looked about him, and the room seemed filled with padlocks, some small, some large, some handsomely wrought, some very simple; but among them he found one that looked like a huge spider. it interested him so much that he took out his pencil and mechanically reproduced it; then he felt himself sinking, sinking, down, down. with a start he awoke, he had tossed himself out of bed and lay sprawling upon the floor of his room. rather piqued, martin picked himself up and jumped into bed. but there upon his pillow lay a drawing. he examined it by the feeble rays of the candle, which was still burning; it was the design of the spider lock he had seen in the robber's castle in his dream. "impatient for the morning, martin was at his bench early working upon the design of the lock; and when the end of the sixth day arrived, the time appointed by the stranger for the delivery of the work, martin had the lock completed. evidently it proved entirely satisfactory to the stranger, for he paid marbacher the money agreed upon, and left the shop. "at the corner of the square he stopped before the larch-tree, bound the iron hoop about the tree, locked it, put the key in his pocket and disappeared. * * * * * "time passed. martin, for some inexplicable reason, had left vienna and gone to the city of nuremburg where he continued in his profession. but, one day, he heard that the burgomaster of vienna had offered the title of master-locksmith to the one who would make a key which would unlock the iron hoop about the larch-tree. it was a small task for martin to make a duplicate of the key he had once made, and with it in his pocket he travelled to vienna and presented it to the burgomaster. "it was a great holiday when the hoop was to be unbound. dressed in robes of state, glistening all over with gold thread and medals, the burgomaster and the city fathers gathered in the horsemarket, where stood the stock im eisen; the lock was unfastened and martin was created a master-locksmith, much to the joy of his mother and to the overwhelming pride of his former master, herr marbacher. "but, although martin mux had now acquired fortune and fame, he was far from being happy. his bargain with the devil haunted him; day and night it was with him, for he feared sunday morning might come and he would forget to attend mass. and then he would be irretrievably lost. what would he not give to be able to recall his bargain. he enjoyed no peace of mind; at his bench he thought ever of the dreaded day when he must pay; he could no longer work; he must not think; he joined his old-time idle companions; hour after hour was spent in gambling; night after night he frittered his wealth away; the more he lost the more desperate he became; poor martin mux was paying dearly for his game of bowls and his disobedience to his master. "one saturday evening martin joined his comrades quite early, but luck had deserted him; he lost and lost. one by one the other habitués of the place had gone until there was no one left but martin and his few friends at the table with him. he paid no heed to time; all he thought of was to regain some of his lost money. suddenly, as had happened some years before, out on the bowling green, martin heard the deep tones of a bell. but this was not the curfew; it was the church bell calling to mass. "martin looked up from his cards and saw the sun shining brightly through the curtained windows. his heart stood still with fright, for his bargain flashed through his mind; he threw down the cards and fled into the street, like a mad man. "on and on he ran. he brushed past a tall man, but heeding him not, martin rushed on. "'hurry, my friend,' called out the stranger, whom he had jostled. 'hurry, the church bell has rung; the bargain is paid.' "a malicious laugh rang in martin's ear. he turned and saw the evil-eyed stranger, him of the black velvet cloak and red-plumed cap. "mad with fear, martin bounded up the church steps. he entered the house of worship; but the stranger had said truly it was too late; the bargain was due for the service was ending. martin mux turned to leave the church, but at the threshold he fell dead; the stranger had claimed his soul. "since that time it has been the custom for every locksmith apprentice, whether he comes into vienna to seek his fortunes, or whether he goes out from vienna to other parts, to drive a nail into the stump of the larch-tree and offer up a prayer for the peace of martin mux's soul. that is why the old tree is so studded with nails." "what a dreadful bargain for martin to make!" said teresa fearfully. "how could he have given his soul away?" "he chose the easier way out of a small difficulty, and he paid dearly for it," replied herr müller. "it is not always the easiest way which is the wisest, after all." chapter iii the farm in upper austria the following morning the müller family and teresa runkel boarded the boat in the canal which should take them up current to linz. it was most exciting for ferdinand, who had never been on the danube before, but to teresa it was quite usual, for she always made the journey to and from her home by way of the river. there was a great deal of excitement upon the quay--the fish boats had come in with their supply for the day, and fishermen were shouting themselves hoarse in their endeavors to over-shout their competitors. the children seated themselves in the bow of the boat that they might miss nothing of the scenery which is so delightful near vienna, with its green banks, its thick forests and its distant mountains. "do you know what that grim castle is, over there on the left?" asked herr müller. "oh, yes," replied teresa quickly. "that is the castle of griefenstein." "then you know its history?" asked herr müller. "yes, indeed," answered the child. "sometimes the sister who takes me home tells me, and sometimes father; but doesn't ferdinand know it?" "no," answered the boy. "i haven't been on the river before." as if it required some explanation for his seeming ignorance. "then tell it to him, please," said teresa, "for it is a splendid tale." "long ages ago, this castle belonged to a lord who was, like all noblemen of that time, very fond of adventure. whenever the least opportunity offered to follow his king, he would take up his sword and his shield and his coat-of-mail, and hie him off to the wars. "now, the lord of the castle had a young and beautiful wife whose wonderful golden locks were a never-ending delight to him. having a great deal of time upon her hands, and neighbors being few and far between, the lady of the castle passed her time in arranging her magnificent hair in all sorts of fashions, some very simple, while others were most intricate and effective. "it chanced that one day, after an absence of several months, the lord of the castle returned. hastening to his wife's boudoir, he found her before her mirror dressing her hair in most bewitching fashion. "after greeting her, he remarked about her elaborate head-dress, and laughingly the young wife asked her husband how he liked it. "'it is much too handsome,' he replied, 'for a young woman whose husband is away to the wars. it is not well for a woman to be so handsome.' "and without further word, he seized the sword which hung at his side, removed it from its scabbard, and with one stroke cut off the beautiful golden locks of his young wife. but no sooner had he done so than he was angry with himself, for his display of temper. he rushed from the room to cool his anger, when, whom did he run into, in the corridor, but the castle chaplain. the poor young lord was so ashamed of himself for his ungovernable temper, that, with even less reason than before, he seized the frightened and astonished chaplain by the two shoulders, dragged him down the castle steps and threw him into the dungeon. "'now,' said he, after bolting the door securely, 'pray, my good man, that the day may be hastened when the balustrade of my castle steps may become so worn by the hands of visitors that it may hold the hair of my wife, which i have cut off in my folly.' "there is nothing so unreasonable as a man in anger; i presume had the cook of the castle chanced to come in the way of milord's anger, he, too, would have been thrown into the dungeon, and all would have starved, just to appease the temper of the impossible lord. fortunately, the cook, or the hostler or any of the knights or attendants of the castle did not appear, and thus was averted a great calamity. "when the lord had had time to calm down a bit, he realized how unjust had been his actions. it was impossible to restore his wife's hair, but at least he might release the chaplain. a castle without a priest is indeed a sorry place; in his haste to descend the steps to the dungeon the lord caught his foot; perhaps his own sword, which had been the means of his folly, tripped him; in any event, he fell down the entire flight and was picked up quite dead." "it served him quite right," interrupted ferdinand. "oh, but that wasn't the end of the lord, by any means," continued herr müller, smiling. "he is doomed to wander about his castle until the balustrade has been worn so deep that it will hold two heads of hair like those he cut from his wife. the penitent lord has roamed about the castle for many a year crying out to all who pass, 'grief den stein! grief den stein!' (grasp the stone). long ago he realized how foolish had been his actions, but although he has heartily repented, yet may he never know the rest of his grave until the balustrade has been worn hollow." "and does he yet wander there?" asked ferdinand. "so they say; but one cannot see him except at night. there are many who claim to have heard him calling out, 'grief den stein,' but although i have been up and down the river many times, sometimes in the daytime and sometimes at night, i, myself, have never heard the ghostly voice." "i've always felt sorrier for the poor lady without her beautiful golden hair," observed teresa, after a moment's silence, "and i always felt glad to think the lord had to be punished for his wickedness; but, somehow, hearing you tell the story, herr müller, i wish his punishment might not last much longer. for he was truly sorry, wasn't he?" herr müller looked quizzically at his wife, and they both turned their heads from the earnest faces of the children. "do you find the old legends of the danube interesting, teresa?" asked herr müller, as the boat sped along, and the children maintained silence. "oh, i love all sorts of tales," the child replied. "father tells us some occasionally, but i am home so little of the time now i do not hear as many as i used to. in the summer-days we are always so busy at the farm we do not have the time for story-telling as we do in the winter-days." "austria is full of tales about lords and ladies, ghosts and towers, but the danube legends are not as well known as those of the rhine. have you ever heard that story concerning the knight of rauheneck near baaden?" "no, herr müller," replied teresa. "well, it isn't much of a tale when you compare it with the habsburg legends and the griefenstein, and stock im eisen, but then it is worth telling." "begin," commanded the young son, in playful mood. "well, near baaden there stands a formidable fortress called rauheneck where lived a knight in former years. as he was about to go to war, and might return after many years and perhaps never, he decided to hide the treasures of the castle and place a spell upon them so that none might touch them but those for whom they were intended. so, in secrecy, he mounted to the summit of the great tower of the castle and on the battlement he planted a cherry stone, saying, as he did so: "'from this stone shall spring forth a tree; a mighty cherry-tree; from the trunk of the tree shall be fashioned a cradle; and in that cradle shall be rocked a young baby, who, in later years, shall become a priest. to this priest shall my treasure belong. but even he may not be able to find the treasure until another cherry-tree shall have grown upon the tower, from a stone dropped by a bird of passage. when all these conditions have been complied with, then shall the priest find the treasure at the foot of my tree, and not until then.' "then the careful knight, fearing for the safety of his treasure, even after such precautions, called upon a ghost to come and watch over the castle tower, that peradventure, daring robbers who might presume to thrust aside the spells which bound the treasure, would fear to cope with a ghost." "and did the priest ever come?" queried teresa. "not yet, child; the cherry-tree at the top of the tower is but yet a sapling; there are long years yet to wait." "but we don't believe in ghosts, father," interrupted ferdinand. "why could not some one go and dig at the root of the tree and see if the treasure were really there?" "one could if he chose, no doubt," answered herr müller, "but no one has." "would you, ferdinand?" asked teresa. "oh, i might, if i were a grown man and had a lot of soldiers with me." "do you know another legend, herr müller?" asked teresa, shortly. "well, there is the legend of endersdorf in moravia. "a shepherd once lived in the neighborhood, and although he had always been exceedingly poor, often almost to the verge of starvation, yet, one morning, his neighbors found that he had suddenly become exceedingly rich. every one made conjectures concerning the source of his wealth, but none of them became the confidante of the shepherd, so that none were ever the wiser. the erstwhile poor shepherd left his humble cot and built himself a magnificent estate and palace upon the spot; he surrounded himself with retainers and sportsmen and gave himself up quite naturally to a life of ease and indolence. most of his time was spent in following the hounds; but with all his newly-acquired wealth, and notwithstanding the memory of days when a few pence meant a fortune to him, the shepherd lost all sense of pity, and none about the country-side were quite so penurious and selfish as he. to such poor wayfarers as accosted him, in mercy's name, to befriend them, he turned a deaf ear, until his name was the synonym for all that was miserable and hard-hearted. "now, it happened, that one day a poor beggar came to the gate of the rich shepherd, asking for alms. the shepherd was about to leave the gate in company with a noisy crowd of hunters and followers, on his way to the chase. taking no pity on the poor man's condition, he suddenly conceived the idea of making the beggar his prey. "'here is sport for us, good men,' he cried. 'let us drive the beggar before us with our whips, and see him scamper lively.' "whereupon, following the action of their host, the entire company raised their whips, set spurs to their horses, and drove the trembling, frightened, outraged man from before them. "'now has your hour come,' cried out the old man, as he turned and defied his assailants. 'may all the curses of heaven fall upon your heads, ye hard-hearted lot of roysterers!' "at the word, the sky, which had before been cloudless, grew suddenly black; the lightning flashed; the thunder rolled; the very ground under their feet, shook, cracked and opened, swallowing the shepherd, his followers, their horses, dogs, and every vestige of the estate vanished. in its place arose a lake whose dark waters tossed and moaned in strange fashion. "on stormy days, even to this present day, when the waters of the lake are lashing themselves in fury, the shepherd of the hard heart can be seen passing across the waves, his whip raised to strike some unseen object, a black hunting dog behind him. how long his punishment may last, no one knows, but he can always be seen just as he was when the earthquake swallowed him up." "isn't it strange," observed teresa, "but every one of the tales end in the punishment of the wicked knight." "of course," remarked ferdinand. "they wouldn't be tales at all if the wrong-doer was allowed to go free. would they, father?" "indeed not; but now it's time for breakfast. would you like to eat on deck? it is so perfect a day, it is a pity to go indoors." this suggestion appealed wonderfully to the children, and herr müller left them to order the meal served upon the deck. as night fell, the boat docked at linz. herr runkel was waiting on the quay with a heavy wagon and a team of horses to drive them to the farm. it was a beautiful drive in the bright moonlight, and the lights of linz twinkled below them, while the danube sparkled in the distance, just like a fairy world. it was very late when they reached the farm-house; frau runkel greeted them cordially, and immediately after helping them off with their wraps, poured out steaming hot coffee to warm them up, the night air having been a trifle chilly. ferdinand went directly to his room after coffee was served. it was on the opposite side of the house, on the ground floor; the farm-house was but one story high, with a lofty attic above. in one corner of the large bedroom stood a canopied bed of dark wood, elaborately painted in bright colors, on head and foot board, with designs of flowers and birds. there were two small, stiff-backed wooden chairs, a night-table, upon which stood a brass candlestick, and an enormous wardrobe or chest for his clothes. all the furnishings of the room, even to the rug by the bed, were the handiwork of the occupants of the farm-house, for no true austrian peasant would condescend to purchase these household necessities from a shop. between two voluminous feather beds ferdinand slept soundly, nor did he stir until he heard voices in the garden. hastily dressing, he made his way into the living-room, where breakfast had already been partaken of by the others. "i'm so sorry to be late," he apologized, shamefacedly. "why didn't you call me, mother?" he asked, as he turned to the one who must naturally share the responsibility of her children's shortcomings. "we thought to let you have your rest," answered frau müller. "your day will be very full. you evidently enjoyed your downy bed." "oh, it was great; let _us_ get one, mother." "i used to sleep under one when i was a girl," replied frau müller, "but no one in the city uses them any more; the woolly blankets have quite superceded them." "you may take yours home with you, if you like," said frau runkel, "we have geese enough to make more." "now," said herr runkel, "if you are all ready, we'll go over and pay our respects to father and mother." "then your parents do not live with you?" asked herr müller, a little astonished. "no, that is not the custom among us. you see, when i got married, father made over the farm and all its appurtenances to me, being the eldest son; then he built himself another home, just over in the field, there," and herr runkel pointed to a tiny, cosy cottage some few hundred paces away. "what a splendid thing to be the eldest son," remarked herr müller. "perhaps it is," replied his host, "but it entails a great responsibility, as well. you see, after the ceremony of deeding the farm away to me, _i_ am called upon to settle an allowance upon my parents during their lifetime." "that's but right," assented herr müller, "seeing that they have given you everything they possess, and which they have acquired with such toil and privation." "yes, but father received the farm from his father, in just the same manner; although he has enlarged it, so that it is bigger and better. but, in addition to father and mother," continued the farmer, "i have all my brothers and sisters to look after. there is teresa at the convent in vienna; there is frederick at the gymnasium in linz; and there is max an apprentice in zara; these must all be cared for; and, i can tell you, müller, it's a responsible position, that of being the eldest son." "but you weren't called upon, franz," replied his friend, "to provide so bountifully for each." "no, but what would you have?" he replied. "i have tried to be a dutiful son; and," he added, his eyes twinkling as he glanced at his wife, "i've been sort of lenient towards father and the children, because father let me off so lightly when he boxed my ears for the last time." "boxed your ears?" exclaimed herr müller, in astonishment. "what _had_ you done to deserve such disgrace?" "well, that was part of the ceremony. when the farm was made over to me, it's the custom, before signing the deed, for the owner to make the rounds of his estate with his family; when he comes to each of the four corner-posts, he boxes the ears of the new owner. now, father might have boxed mine roundly, had he chosen, for i was somewhat of a rollicker in my youth," and the genial farmer chuckled softly, "but father was sparing of my feelings. don't you believe he deserved a recompense?" "he certainly did," answered his friend, and they all laughed heartily over the matter. meanwhile they had gained the entrance to the dower-house, as the home of the aged couple was called. as herr müller had not seen the parents of his friend since childhood there were many years of acquaintanceship to bridge over; and ferdinand, fascinated, listened to the conversation, for this old couple were most interesting persons to talk with. after returning from church the family gathered on the wide verandah under the eaves, the women with their knitting, which is not considered improper even on sundays among austrian women. this verandah in the peasant home in upper austria is a most important part of the house. it is protected from the elements by the enormous overhanging eaves above, running the entire side of the house; heavy timbers support it, green with growing vines which climb from the porch boxes filled with gayly blossoming flowers. it is a tiny garden brought to one's sitting-room; the birds twitter in the sunlight, as they fly in and out of their nests under the eaves; and here the neighbors gossip and drink coffee and munch delicious cakes. in fact, it is the sole sitting-room of the family during warm days, for no peasant woman would think of shutting herself in a room to do her work. one can always work to better advantage in the sunlight and open air. the children rambled about the farm and outbuildings. the farm-house was very long and deep and low, with a long, slanting roof. the front door was of heavy timbers upon which was a design of st. martin outlined in nails, the work of the farmer, while small crosses at either side of the door were considered sufficient protection from the evil spirits who might wish to attack the family within. the interior of the farm-house was very simple; a large vestibule called the laube or bower served as a means of communication between the different parts of the house; the sleeping-rooms were ranged on one side, while the dining and living-room occupied the other, with the kitchen just beyond. the gesindestube, or living-room, was very plain, with its bare floors and darkened walls; a tile stove in one corner, benches about the walls and chests, some plain, some elaborately decorated and carved, occupied whatever space was left. here were kept the household linens and the wardrobes for the family, as no austrian peasant home is built with closets as we have in america. that evening, herr runkel said to ferdinand: "to-morrow, my boy, we work. would you like to help?" "oh, it would be jolly," replied the lad. after a moment's hesitation, he added: "what kind of work? hoeing potatoes or weeding the garden?" these two tasks were the only ones the lad was familiar with upon his uncle's farm in tyrol. the farmer laughed. "no, we won't do that," he said. "we'll leave that to the servants; but we'll make shoes." "make shoes!" exclaimed the child, incredulously. "really make them yourself? i've never made shoes," he added, doubting whether he might be allowed now to assist. "why not?" answered herr runkel. "you know we are very old-fashioned here; and, as we have so far to go to the shops, why we don't go; we let the workmen come to us. this is an off-time of the season; so we have the tailors and the shoemakers and all sorts of folk come and help us with such things as we can't do ourselves, for, you know, we make everything we use on the farm, and everything we wear." "oh, how fine," said ferdinand. "yes, and we have jolly times, too," continued the farmer, "for when work is over we play. isn't that right?" ferdinand went to bed that night with visions of tailors and shoemakers and harnessmakers and whatnot, in his head, until he fell asleep. chapter iv the peasants' dance ferdinand needed no call to arouse him in the morning. he was awake and up long before any of his family, but he did not catch herr runkel nor his buxom wife, napping. "come along, ferdinand, and help me get the leather ready for the men," said the farmer, and he led the way across the garden to a great timber building, two stories in height. he opened the door, and they entered a very large room, with a decided smoky smell about it. "what is this?" asked ferdinand. "this is our feld-kasten (field-box) where we keep all our supplies. here are the seeds for planting when the time comes; here are the hams and bacons and dried meat for use during the winter; here is the lard for the year;" and herr runkel took off the lids of the great casks and showed the white lard to the child, astonished beyond expression, at this collection of supplies. "and what's in the loft?" asked the boy, seeing the substantial ladder leading thereto. "oh, that's for the women-folks," he replied. "we keep all sorts of things there. let's go up." and they ascended. the loft was a room full of shelves; in most delightful order were ranged bundles of white cotton cloth, bundles of flax for spinning, bundles of woolen goods for making up into apparel, some dyed and some in the natural wool; there were rows and rows of yarn for embroidering the garments of the peasants, and upon the floor in one corner was a great heap of leather, with all sorts of machinery, and harness, and ferdinand never _could_ learn what there was not here, so overwhelmed was he. "here we are," said herr runkel, as he tugged at the pile of leather. "we must get this out, for the shoemakers start after breakfast. give us a lift, child," and he half dragged, half lifted the leather to the trap-door and let it slide down the ladder. for days afterwards ferdinand was in a fever of excitement. first he would help cut out the leather for the heavy farm shoes, working the best he could with his inexperience; the main thing being to keep busy, and he certainly accomplished it. then he helped the tailors, for every one who could be spared about the farm joined in the tasks of the journeymen, that they might finish their work and move on to another farm, before the busy season should begin for the farmers. it is customary in addition to the low wages of about twelve cents a day for servants to receive their clothing, as part payment, so that upon a large farm, of the extent of herr runkel's, there were many to be provided for. frau müller assisted frau runkel in the kitchen, where teresa, too, was kept busy; even ferdinand not disdaining to make himself useful in that department. at length the journeymen were finished, and herr müller spoke about leaving in a few days for tyrol. "we shall have a merrymaking, then, before you go," said his host. "but i presume parties are not a novelty to you; are they, ferdinand? city folks, especially viennese, are very gay." "oh, we never have parties in vienna," replied the lad. "that is, private parties; they cost too much. but we have our masked balls and ice festivals. of course i can't go to those; they are only for grown folks." herr müller took up the thread of conversation at this point. "vienna, with all its glitter, is but a poor city, after all," he said. "living is very costly; the rich and the aristocracy have impoverished themselves by their extravagant ways of living. they dwell in fine homes, wear gorgeous uniforms and gowns, but cannot pay for these extravagances. they have shooting-lodges in the mountains, country villas for the summer, besides their town homes, but they have the fear constantly over their heads that these will be taken from them, to redeem the mortgages upon them." "i am more than ever thankful," replied the farmer, "that i have my farm and my family, and owe no man." "you are certainly right," answered his friend. "it is to such men as you that austria must look in the future." "but about the party, herr runkel," interrupted ferdinand, who feared that his host might forget his suggestion. "oh, yes. well, we'll have that saturday night; so run along and help the women-folks get ready for it, for you never saw such feasts as we do have at our parties, child." ferdinand, being just a boy, rushed off to the kitchen to provide for the "spread" that was to come, and he and teresa chattered like two magpies over the splendid prospect. although ferdinand müller did not quite believe that saturday afternoon would ever come, it eventually did come; and a perfect day, too. teresa was dressed in her most shining silver buckles and her whitest of homespun stockings, while frau runkel outshone every one in the room with her gayly embroidered apron over her dark skirt, and her overwhelming display of hand-made silver ornaments in her ears, upon her arms, about her neck, and on her fingers. and her head-dress was a marvel to behold, glistening with gold thread and shining with tiny beads of various colors. the table was set in the gesindestube; there were roast ducks, and geese and chickens, roast meats and stewed meats, and wienerschnitzel (veal cutlet), without which no austrian home is complete. there were sausage and cheese and black bread and noodles; there were cakes with white frosting and pink frosting, and some were decorated with tiny colored seeds like caraway-seeds. never had ferdinand beheld such a sight before; but truly the austrian peasant knows how to enjoy life. the reception over, the host and hostess led the way to the dining-table, the men placing themselves on the bench on one side while the women sat opposite them on the other. with bowed heads, the host said the grace; then began the gayety. there was no constraint; each helped himself and his neighbor bountifully. meanwhile, the two young children, at the foot of the board, were not neglected, but kept up a lively conversation of their own, utterly oblivious of their elders. "wait until the dessert comes," said teresa. "did you ever see one of these nettle-cakes?" [illustration: "it towered high above her head."] "nettle-cakes?" repeated the lad. "what is that?" "oh, you will see," replied the young lady, looking wise. "but be careful, i warn you, not to prick your fingers. perhaps, though," she added, "mother may not allow us to join in, for this is a special feast-day, in honor of you and your parents." ferdinand was not kept long in suspense. the viands having been disposed of to the satisfaction of every one, the maid brought in the "pièce de resistance." it towered high above her head, and had she not been brought up in the open air of the country she certainly never would have had the strength to manage such a burden. upon a huge wooden dish was piled high fresh fruits from the orchard, cakes with delicious frosting, nuts and bright flowers. it was a medley of color, set off by great streamers of gay ribbons and bows; quite like a bridal cake, but vastly more interesting. tongues wagged fast, you may be sure; all wished to get a chance at the gorgeous centrepiece, nevertheless, they all waited for their host's approval, and, waiting his opportunity, when many were not on the alert, he raised his hand, and then such a scramble you never saw in all your days. the men rose out of their seats and grabbed for one particular sweetmeat, which might appeal to the palate of his fair partner; but for all their precautions, knowing the hidden secrets of the dessert, many emerged from the battle with scratched hands or bleeding fingers, for these delicious cakes and luscious fruits covered prickly nettles, a trap for the unskilful. but what mattered these trifles to the happy-hearted peasant folk. they chatted and laughed and dived for fruit and decked the hair of their favorites with gay flowers, or cracked nuts with their knife handles and fed them to their lady loves. with the coffee, the feast ended. carrying the benches to the sides of the room, where they ordinarily reposed, the table was cleared as if by magic. now the dance was on. zithers and violins appeared, and the darkened rafters of the gesindestube rang with the clatter of many feet. by ten o'clock all was quiet at the farm-house; the guests had complimented their host and hostess upon the success of the evening, and the elaborateness of the table; they bade farewell to the müller family, and saying good night to all, made their way over the fields, singing with hearty voices, their tuneful folk-songs; and thus ferdinand heard the last of them ere he fell asleep. chapter v some tyrolese legends the following morning herr and frau müller and ferdinand bade their kind host and hostess good-by and they set out for linz, where they would take the train to innsbruck, the capital of upper tyrol. ferdinand was very loth to leave the farm, he had had such a splendid time there, and felt that he had not seen half of the farm-life; but herr runkel promised that he should come again the following summer and spend the entire vacation with them, to which his parents consented, so the child was content. however, he was to visit his cousin leopold, and that was always a treat, for tyrol is so charming and so different from other spots in austria, it would be a difficult child, indeed, to please, who would not be content with a trip to tyrol. herr hofer and his son leopold met them at the station in innsbruck, with a heavy wagon and two strong horses; the hofers lived in volders in the unter-innthal or valley of the lower inn river, some distance in the mountains; all the country to the north of the inn being designated as the upper and that to the south, as the lower valley. "have you had your luncheon?" asked herr hofer, as soon as the greetings were over. "oh, yes, we lunched on board the train," replied herr müller. "then, let's get off," said herr hofer, "for we have a long drive before us." he pulled his horses' reins and the beasts started off at a good pace. leaving the station, they turned down the margareth-platz with its fountain of dragons and griffins, where young women were filling their pitchers, for innsbruck is very primitive in many of its customs. down the broad and splendid maria-theresa strasse the carriage turned, and stopped before a most gorgeous palace, whose roof shone in the bright sunshine like molten metal. "oh, uncle, who can live in such a beautiful house?" asked ferdinand. "that is the goldne dachl, or the house with the golden roof," replied his uncle. "it was built ever so many years ago by our beloved count frederick of tyrol. you've heard of him?" he queried. "oh, yes," replied the lad. "but i don't know about this house of his." "well, count frederick was a most generous man; he would lend to all his friends who were not always very prompt in repaying him, and sometimes forget they owed him anything at all. at length, his enemies began to call him the count of the empty pockets. this was very unjust, for poor friedl (that's what we call him, who love him, you know) had had a very hard time of it, indeed. his own brother had driven him from his throne and usurped it himself, and made it a crime for any one to even shelter poor friedl, who wandered about from place to place like the veriest vagabond. but, at length, he discovered that he had many friends who longed to show their devotion to him; he made a stand for his rights and secured his throne. but still, the nickname did not leave him. so, just to prove to his people that he was unjustly called the count of the empty pockets, he ordered this wonderful roof of gold to be put on his palace. they say it cost him $ , , which certainly was a great sum for a man with empty pockets." turning the horses' heads in the opposite direction, herr hofer conducted them through the triumphal arch and gained the country road. "i thought to show the boys the abbey of wilten," explained herr hofer, as they trotted along, "and perhaps stop at schloss amras, as we may not have an opportunity soon again." "oh, uncle," cried ferdinand, "i love to see old ruins and castles. we have a lot of fine ones about vienna, but they are all alike." "well, these will be quite different, i can assure you," replied his uncle. the two boys occupied the rear seat with frau müller, while the fathers sat upon the front. and verily the little tongues wagged as only boys' tongues can do. in the midst of their spirited conversation, the carriage stopped before a splendid old church. "oh, father," exclaimed ferdinand, "what queer looking men!" herr müller looked about, but saw no one. "where?" he asked. "why, there, by the sides of the church door." both men laughed. "they _are_ queer looking, aren't they?" said uncle hofer. "but you would think it a lot queerer did you know how they came to be here." "oh, tell us," the boy exclaimed. "well, once upon a time, way back in the middle ages, there were two giants who lived in different parts of the earth. each of them was twelve feet or more tall; one was called haymo and the other tirsus. now, in those times, giants did not remain quietly in their strongholds; they set out on adventures; so it chanced that, in the course of their travels, these two mighty giants encountered each other, right on this spot where this abbey stands. but of course, there was no abbey here then; the ancient roman town of veldidena was hereabouts. "now, when the two giants met, they stopped, looked one at the other and measured his strength. well, it naturally fell about that they decided to prove their strength; in the struggle, sad to tell, haymo killed tirsus. poor giant haymo. big as he was, he wept, for he had not meant to harm his giant comrade. at length, to ease his mind, he determined to build an abbey on the spot, as that seemed to be the solace for all evils, in those days. and then haymo would become a monk, and for eighteen whole years he would weep and weep as penance for the deed. "but poor haymo had more than he bargained for. he did not know that the devil had claimed this same spot; no sooner did haymo bring the stones for the foundation of his church than the devil came and pulled them down. but haymo persisted, for he really must keep his vow; and evidently he conquered the devil himself, for the abbey stands, as you see, and these are the two statues of the giants guarding the portal of the church, so that the devil may not come, i suppose." [illustration: statue of andreas hofer, near innsbruck.] "poor haymo," said ferdinand. "what a hardship to weep for eighteen years, _nicht wahr_, leopold?" "_yawohl_," came the stolid reply, while the two men chuckled softly. it is a peculiarity of tyrol that, not until one attains middle age at least, does he begin to appreciate humor the least bit. children are always too serious to admit of "fun" in their prosaic lives, so that, were it not for the elderly people, humor might eventually die out altogether in tyrol, so serious a nation are they. "shall we go inside, father?" asked leopold. "we have not time; night will overtake us, and we must go on to schloss amras yet. there really is little to see, however." and while the lads strained their necks and eyes to catch a glimpse of the beautiful paintings upon the outside walls of the abbey, the wonderful gilding and stucco, the horses disappeared around a bend in the road, and it was lost to sight. now they commenced to climb, for the road is always up and up in tyrol. below them lay the wonderful view of innsbruck, with the inn running gayly along; there, too, was the fair abbey with its two giants carved in stone, watching ever at the portal. "have you boys any idea where we are?" asked herr hofer. both shook their heads negatively. "all this country hereabouts is alive with interest attaching to andreas hofer, our patriot," replied he. "here, at this very gasthaus (inn) was where he made his last effort against the enemy. we shall learn more of it as we go along," he continued, "but there is not much use to stop here now. we go a few steps further to the schloss." truly it was a delightful old place, this castle of amras, one of the few feudal castles left. there was an old courtyard paved with great stones, there were battlements and towers and relics of roman invasions. the guide led them through the castle, room after room, filled with most interesting articles of every description pertaining to ancient times and wars, all of which intensely absorbed the boys' attention. "oh, what an immense bowl!" cried ferdinand. "and of glass. what is it for?" "that is the welcome bowl," replied the attendant. "we call it, nowadays, the loving cup. in every castle there were many like this; there was a gold one for ladies, a silver one for princes and a glass one for knights, which latter was the largest of all. when guests came to the castle, the welcome bowl was brought out, filled to the brim and handed to the guest, who was supposed to drink it off at a draught, if he was at all of a hazardous or knightly disposition. to his undoing, it sometimes happened he did not survive the ordeal; but that mattered not at all to him; he had displayed his bravery and that was worth life itself. after the bowl was drained, a great book was brought out, in which the guest was requested to write his name, no doubt as a test as to his real station, for no one but the highest and noblest were able to write or read in those times, and it often chanced even they were unable to do so." "why, that is what they do in hotels!" said ferdinand. "yes," replied the guide, "and probably that is where the custom originated, for the manager of a hotel but preserves the ancient custom of registering the names of his guests." all too soon the visit came to an end; the party made its way to the near-by inn to spend the night. chapter vi more legends the inn-keeper, herr schmidt, was a big, raw-boned man with a red face and a jolly air. he was a genuine wirthe or inn-keeper of the old-time; and after supper, as they all sat in the great sitz-saal together, he told them wonderful tales of the country round about, which so abounded in legends and folk-lore. as the position of wirthe descends from father to son, for generations back, as long as there remains any sons to occupy that honored position, naturally, too, the legends are passed from one to the other, so that no one is quite so well able to recite these as our hearty friend herr schmidt. "if it were not so late," remarked herr hofer, while the men sat and smoked their long, curious pipes, "i should continue on to volders, for it looks as if to-morrow might be stormy." "oh, you need have no fear as to that," replied the host. "i noticed frau hütte did not have her night-cap on." ferdinand looked at his little cousin with his face so puckered up with glee and merriment, that leopold laughed outright. "do tell ferdinand about frau hütte, father!" said the child. "no, i think herr wirthe better able to do that. bitte," and he saluted the inn-keeper in deference. "and have you never heard of frau hütte, my boy?" asked the host. "no, sir," replied the boy. "you know i live in vienna." "well, everybody knows her," replied the inn-keeper; "but then, you are a little young yet, so i will tell you." "very long ago, in the time of giants and fairies,-- but then you don't believe in fairies, do you?" and the fellow's eyes sparkled keenly. "oh, yes, i do," exclaimed the boy hastily, for fear if he denied the existence of such beings, he should miss a good story. "well, then, there was a queen over the giants who was called frau hütte." "oh," interrupted the lad, "then she isn't a real person?" "oh, yes, she was; but that was long ago," continued the story teller. "well, frau hütte had a young son who was very much like any other little child; he wanted whatever he wanted, and he wanted it badly. one day, this giant child took a notion he should like to have a hobby horse. without saying a word to any one, he ran off to the edge of the forest and chopped himself a fine large tree. but evidently the child did not know much about felling trees, for this one fell over and knocked him into the mud. with loud cries, he ran home to his mother. instead of punishing him, she bade the nurse wipe off the mud with a piece of white bread. no one but the very richest could afford the luxury of white bread, black bread being considered quite good enough for ordinary consumption, so no wonder the mountain began to shake and the lightning to flash, just as soon as the maid started to obey her mistress' command. "frau hütte was so frightened at this unexpected storm that she picked up her son in her arms and made for the mountain peak some distance from her palace. no sooner had she left the palace than it disappeared from view, even to the garden, and nothing was ever seen of it again. but even in her retreat the wasteful queen was not secure. when she had seated herself upon the rock, she became a stone image, holding her child in her arms. and there she sits to this day. when the clouds hover about her head then we know there will be a storm, but when frau hütte does not wear her night-cap," and the wirthe's eyes sparkled, "then we are certain of clear weather." "ever since then, the tyrolese have made frau hütte the theme of a proverb 'spart eure brosamen fur die armen, damit es euch nicht ergehe wie der frau hütte,' which really means 'spare your crumbs for the poor, so that you do not fare like frau hütte,' a lesson to the extravagant." there were endless more stories, all of which delighted the boys immensely, but we could not begin to relate them all, for tyrol is so overladen with the spirit of the past, and with the charm of legend, that the very air itself breathes of fairies and giants, and days of yore, so that in invading its territory one feels he is no longer in this work-a-day world, but in some enchanted spot. early the next morning, up with the sun, all were ready for the drive home. as herr wirthe had predicted, the day was fair; as they drove away from the inn, they caught a glimpse of frau hütte in the distance beyond innsbruck, and, sure enough, there she sat on her mountain peak, with her great son safely sheltered in her arms. "shall we go to the salt mines, father?" asked leopold, as they made their way along the mountain road. "no, we cannot take the time; mother will be waiting for us and the women folks are impatient to visit, i know." "they have wonderful salt mines at salzburg," said ferdinand. "perhaps we may go there some time to visit them." "perhaps," replied his father. "but, while we are on the subject, did it ever occur to you that salzburg means the 'town or castle of salt?'--for, in the old times, all towns were within castle-walls, to protect them from depredations of the enemy." "isn't it curious?" meditated ferdinand. the inn river crossed, they continued to climb. herr hofer stopped to rest the horses; he glanced about him at the panorama below, and chuckled mirthfully. "what's the matter, uncle?" asked ferdinand. "oh, nothing much; but every time i see the towns of hall and thaur, just over there," and he pointed with the handle of his whip, "i think of the bauernkrieg." "but there isn't anything very funny about a war, is there, uncle?" asked the serious little fellow. "well," rambled on his uncle, "there was about _this_ one. you see, in early times, when tyrol was not quite so peaceful as it is to-day, these two cities were most jealous of each other, and were always at feud. a watchman stood on the tower, day and night, to prevent any surprise from his neighbor. one night, in midsummer,--and a very hot night it was, too,--the people of hall were roused from their slumbers, if they had been able to sleep at all in such heat, by the voice of the watchman calling them to arms. "'what is the trouble, watchman?' cried one and all, as they appeared at their windows. "'oh,' exclaimed the frightened fellow, 'hasten, friends, hasten! the whole town of thaur is at our gates; and not only are they advancing toward us, but each man boldly carries a lantern.' "such audacity was never heard of before. in utmost consternation the people gathered in the village square and held a consultation. it was finally arranged that herr zott, the steward of the salt mine, and therefore a most important personage in the village, should meet the enemy with a flag of truce and demand the reason for this unexpected attack. the inhabitants of hall, in fear and trembling, awaited herr zott's return. "the truce-bearer left the city gates and proceeded into the plain, which separated their village from the enemy's. on and on he went; but not one soul did he meet. the great army of men, each carrying a lantern, had disappeared as if by magic. finally he reached the walls of thaur, where all was as quiet as it should be at that time of the night. "he turned his horse's head homeward. the night was very still, and over the plain flashed the lights of thousands of fireflies, reveling in the warm summer breeze. it was not until he had reached the very gates of his own town that herr zott realized what had caused all the excitement. the watchman had mistaken the fireflies for lanterns; and naturally, as some one must carry the lanterns, who more probable than their enemy, the people of thaur? "the townsfolks betook themselves to their beds again, laughing heartily over the mistake; and even to this day we laugh over the incident which has become a by-word in tyrol; bauernkrieg, or the peasant's war." "but i don't see how peasant's war can mean anything now," said ferdinand. "well, when one becomes excited over nothing," returned his uncle, "they exclaim 'bauernkrieg.' some day you will hear it, and then you will recollect the origin of it." not long after this tale, the carriage stopped in front of a most charming home on the mountainside. the first story was stuccoed, while across the entire front and two sides of the second and third stories ran a wide wooden balcony. boxes of red and white geraniums decked the top of the fancy balustrade, while vines trailed themselves far over, giving the house a most "homey" appearance. the lower story receded far behind the overhanging second story, which formed a convenient space for sheltering the cattle. there is little available space in tyrol for outbuildings, the mountains rising so precipitously that there is but little level. but, as stone floors separate the house from the stable, odors do not penetrate as much as one would imagine. at the front of the house stood a woman of middle age, her hair carefully drawn back under an immense head-dress, so tall it seemed as if she would be unable to enter the doorway. she wore a black skirt, so very full it had the appearance of being a hoop-skirt; but this effect was produced by her ten extremely full petticoats. the reputation of a tyrolese woman depends, in a great degree, to the number of petticoats she wears; sometimes young girls, who value modesty highly, wear as many as fifteen or more. over the black skirt, which showed to advantage the white stockings and low shoes with their shining buckles of silver, was a most elaborately embroidered black apron, the work of many hours of tedious labor for the housewife. about her waist was twined a bright yellow sash which brightened up the dark bodice, with its short sleeves tied fantastically with bright yellow ribbons. the woman nodded to the travelers; herr hofer pulled up his horses and descended from the carriage. "well, _meine liebe frau_, here we are," said he, as he greeted his wife. such hugging as followed! ferdinand was clasped time and again against the ample bosom of frau hofer, and even herr müller came in for a goodly share, while as for the greeting that frau müller received, no words may convey its warmth. the party made its way up the narrow stairway with carved balustrade, which led from the ground floor to the second story, upon the outside of the house. this is the most convenient manner of building staircases in tyrol, because it does not track mud and dirt through the corridors, and saves much interior space. the guest-room was certainly restful looking. its dark polished floor of pine had been newly polished until it fairly radiated; the big bed of wood, painted a vivid color of green, also had received scrupulous polishing; two small home-made rugs, one at the bedside, the other at the washstand, had been scrubbed and beaten until it seemed as if there would be nothing left of them. at the side of the canopied bed stood a tiny foot-stool: the tyrolese beds being extremely high make the use of a stool necessary. no doubt the object of this is to avoid draughts, as none of the floors are carpeted, many being of cement. immaculate white curtains hung at the casement windows, those dear little windows, unlike anything we have in america, which open into the room and give such a cosy character to the home. a basin of holy water was hung in its accustomed place, and the image of the virgin hung over the table; for, you must know, the tyrolese are devout roman catholics, as, in fact, are nearly all the natives of the austro-hungarian empire. chapter vii a night with the senner merry days followed; there were excursions almost every day. ferdinand and leopold would spend part of the time picking flowers on the mountain-sides, or would help with the cattle and in the garden, so that their elders might be able to devote more time to recreation with their guests. one morning the two men and boys set out with rücksacks on their shoulders, and long alpenstocks in their hands, to climb the mountain and visit an "alp" in the pasture lands, for in the summertime the cows of the neighboring villagers are driven to pasture in charge of a few attendants, sometimes men, called senner, sometimes women, called sennerin, where they remain during the entire season. "have you never seen the senner_ei_, ferdinand?" asked his cousin. "oh, yes. don't you remember the last time i was here," replied ferdinand, "we saw them drive the cattle away?" "but i said the senner_ei_ (dairy)," repeated the child. "no, but i should love to see the cheeses made; the alps look so picturesque." "well, they aren't quite so nice when you reach them," admitted his cousin; "however, we are not going specially to see the dairy but the dance which the sennern have on saturday night. oh, it's great." "do they have one every saturday night?" "very near, as long as the season lasts; it's wonderful, ferdinand. i've seen some of the fellows do the most astonishing tricks." of course, such conversation stimulated the city lad's desire to a great pitch; and it was with the keenest joy he tramped over the rocky mountains, which was difficult for him. but he said nothing; he kept before his mind the delights of the dance he should witness, and plodded on. at length they reached the first "alp," or chalet, as the huts which serve for sleeping-room and dairy for the sennern are called. these chalets are built at different heights up the mountain; when the cattle have eaten all the green grass available at one level they are driven to the next higher pasture and so on until, towards the beginning of november, they return to the village for the winter. picturesque as the "alp" may look from the distance, it is scarce one of grandeur upon closer view. it consists of a low wooden hut, usually of one room, and a sort of adjoining alcove. in the main room is a bunk built against the wall; nothing but straw serves for the mattress; there are no coverlets except the blanket the senner always carries with him, and in which he wraps himself. in another part of this uninviting room is a hollowed space where the fire is built, over which hangs a great crane and an iron pot for use in making the cheeses so famous throughout tyrol. the alcove serves as a store-room for the cheeses, and for the dairy, while off to one end is sometimes a room for such cattle as are ill or young cattle who must be protected from the chill night air of the mountain. as evening advanced from all directions came merry voices, ringing the clear notes of yodels from over the mountainsides. each sennerin knows the peculiar yodel of her swain; and you may be sure her heart beats light when she hears, miles and miles away, the beautiful, clear notes of his call. this is the only method the mountaineers have of communicating with each other. the peculiar notes carry across ravines and hillsides as distinctly as if one were close at hand. "oh, father," said ferdinand, as he touched him upon the elbow, "what queer-looking men these are! i have not seen such costumes about here. do they belong to tyrol?" "yes, but these men are from the south, from meran. when a man is married he must distinguish himself by placing a green cord about his hat, so that he may not allow folks to think him single; we other austrians wear the wedding-ring, the same as the women; but in the different provinces, customs vary." ferdinand watched the different costumes of the men, as they poured in from all directions. there were some in brown jackets trimmed with red, and wide brown suspenders; all tyrolese men wear these wide suspenders, sometimes of one color, sometimes of another, but usually green, of which color they are passionately fond, no doubt because their country is so wonderfully green. most of the men wore knee trousers of leather, while some were of homespun, but that was an extravagance. the stockings, usually grey and home-knitted, reached from the ankle to just below the knee leaving the latter bare. without exception, all wore the tyrolese cap of rough green cloth, at the back of which was the black-cock's tail, while one or two isolated fellows were fortunate enough to deck their hats with the gamsbart or beard of the chamois, as it is called; but this is not the correct name for it, as it is not the beard of the chamois but the long tuft which grows upon his back in the winter. on the green of the mountainside, in a spot selected for its advantage of being as near level as possible, the dance took place. the senner and sennerin went through manoeuvers that did them credit; they swung each other in giddy fashion until one almost believed they would spin themselves down the mountainside, and thus dance to their deaths; but after whirling at great speed for many minutes, they would suddenly pull up with a jerk and seem none the worse for the whirling. it was no unusual sight for ferdinand to see the tyrolese dances; but here on the pasture lands, on their native heath, he saw them perform many which were most unfamiliar to him. he always smiled when he saw the women place their arms about their partners' necks and waltz in that fashion; and then, when the couples separated, the women to dance round and round, holding out their full skirts to their greatest width, while the men indulged in all sorts of fantastic gymnastics, was truly bewildering. at length the evening drew to a close; the company dispersed as quickly as it had assembled, and all was quiet upon the mountainside. one might have imagined himself back to the days of old rip van winkle, so mysterious did the entire proceeding seem. in the morning, the party descended the mountain. the air was very clear, although the day was cloudy, the sun steadfastly refusing to appear; but this made walking agreeable for which all were thankful. "did you ever hear so many bells in your life?" observed the city cousin. "oh, those are the cow-bells," replied leopold. "each herd has its own peculiar tone, so that the cattle won't get mixed up, where there are so many together. and then the senner can tell right away to which owner they belong." "but there is such a constant tinkling, and so many different tones, i don't see how one can ever tell which is his own," replied the lad. "that is because you are not used to it," answered his uncle. "after you have been on the mountain awhile, you, too, would be able to distinguish your own bell as well as the senner in charge." and to the tinkling of the bells, the party descended until they were well out of reach of the bewitching sounds. chapter viii through the tyrolese mountains when the pedestrians reached home in the early afternoon, a letter was awaiting herr müller. it was from herr runkel, stating he was obliged to make a visit to dalmatia to see his younger brother max on business, and if herr müller would care to make the trip with him, he would meet him at villach in carinthia the following tuesday. of course, there was new excitement now for the boys; the one wished to go with his father, while the other was urgent in his demands that the cousin remain with him. finally it was arranged that both boys should accompany herr müller, while frau müller should remain with her relatives and join her husband and son at gratz in styria, on their return. [illustration: "tramp thus, in vagabond fashion, over the mountains!"] leopold had never made a journey from home before, except the one time he had been to innsbruck, quite recently, to meet his müller relations; so you may be certain there was one little heart which beat faster than normal. "we shall leave to-morrow, then," decided herr müller, "if you think you can be ready in that time," he added, addressing the tyrolese youngster. "because we shall want to visit some of the mountain towns; and if you boys want to see anything of tyrol we had better walk than take the train." "oh, i could be ready to-night," ventured the child, delighted beyond measure. but his uncle assured him the morning would be ample time, and the two lads skipped away to talk over the plans. as the sun was just beginning to peep above the mountaintop, the party of three set off, with many admonitions from frau hofer to her child, and many also from frau müller that ferdinand should not allow his cousin to be too adventuresome. but to this leopold smiled. "i am used to the mountains, auntie," he said. "ferdinand will tire long before i do, you'll see." how glorious it was to tramp thus, in vagabond fashion, over the mountains! they stopped wherever night overtook them, passed through brixen, the wine center of much importance in tyrol, and on through narrow defiles through which there seemed no exit. a bracing walk of six miles from brixen brought them to klausen, or the pass, so completely hidden among mountains there was but room for one long, narrow street. "well, i had no idea klausen was quite so narrow," herr müller remarked. "i can well believe the tale of the barber, now." "what barber, uncle?" asked leopold. "the barber of klausen. you've never heard it? well, there once lived a barber in this town who was old and full of rheumatism; he had a client whom he must shave every morning; but the poor barber found it very difficult to descend three flights of steps from his dwelling and ascend three more on the opposite side of the street, in order to shave his customer. he could not afford to lose this fee, yet it was exceedingly painful for him to attempt the climb. "one morning he opened his window and called to his neighbor. upon hearing the barber's voice, the man in the opposite house opened his window and asked what was wanted. "'allow me,' said the ingenious barber. 'i am unable to descend the stairs this morning; my rheumatism is getting the better of me. but, in order that you may not lose your shave, if you will lean a little way out of your window, i shall be able to accomplish the duty quite as well as though you were sitting in your chair in your room.' "for a moment the man hesitated; but, as the village was small, and there was but one barber, it was either a question of going unshaved, or of following the fellow's advice. accordingly, he consented; he stretched his neck far out of the window, the barber placed the towel beneath his chin, and, with all the dexterity in his power, he proceeded to shave his client; and thenceforth the barber performed this operation in a similar manner, quite to the satisfaction of them both." they passed on through the village of waidbruck, the very center of romanticism; for here, right at the mouth of the grodener-thal, rises the fascinating castle of trostburg, the home of the counts of wolkenstein; and here was born count oswald, the last of all the long line of minnesingers or troubadours, who found employment and enjoyment in wandering from castle to castle, their harps or zithers under their arms, singing love-songs or reciting war-stories that stirred the young blood to action. they climbed to the magnificent castle of hauerstein, so hidden among the mountain-peaks and dense woods that one might imagine it to be the palace of the sleeping beauty; and then they diverged a few miles up the ravine in order to visit santa claus' shops, for such might be called the village of st. ulrich with its countless numbers of toy shops. in every cottage men, women and young children busy themselves from morning until night, from one year's end to the other, in making toys; carved animals for noah's arks, dolls and wagons, to supply the world's demand of the children. here, too, the very language is different from any other spoken roundabout; for the inhabitants, primitive in language as in everything else, still cling to the tongue of the romans, which is to-day known as the ladin or romansch tongue. they passed the night at botzen, and, as the sun sunk behind the lofty mountains just beyond, a gorgeous glow overspread their entire summit. "isn't it beautiful!" remarked the two lads almost at the same moment. "and it looks just like a rose-garden, too," added leopold. "it is a rose-garden, child," answered herr müller. "it is called the rosengarten or gardl (little garden)." "but is it possible, father," asked ferdinand, "that roses will bloom on such lofty heights?" "well, this is the legend about it. once upon a time, there lived an ugly dwarf who was king over all the underground sprites and elves in the mountains of tyrol. he was in the habit of going forth from his palace, wrapped in a magic cloak which rendered him invisible. now, it chanced that during one of these expeditions, laurin went into the country of styria, which lies right over there to the east. we shall pass that way on our return to vienna. he saw a most beautiful maiden who was playing in a meadow with her attendants. suddenly she disappeared from before the very eyes of her companions; they shouted, but no answer came back to them; in great dismay they fled back to the castle to report the news to the princess' brother dietlieb. "dietlieb had heard of laurin and his propensity for carrying off fair maidens; dietlieb was a brave knight and had traveled far, so, as soon as he heard the news, he suspicioned at once that laurin had done the deed. immediately he set out for the city of bern, where the king held his court, to demand that the dwarf be punished for his insolence. but the king was powerless against laurin's magic; however, he warned dietlieb not to attempt to approach too near the dwarf's domains, for it was guarded by four magnificent pillars of shining gold, and a fence of silken thread stretched between. "'remember,' said the king, 'should you happen to break so much as one strand of laurin's fence, he will demand the forfeit of a foot and a hand.' "in hot rage dietlieb left the king's palace; what mattered to him laurin's magic powers, if only he could recover his dear sister, the princess kunhild? "with a few faithful companions he set out over the mountains until he reached the rose-garden before the dwarf's underground abode, the very sight of which so enraged the worthy knight that he tore away the silken threads and destroyed the four gorgeous pillars. "within his subterranean palace, laurin heard the destruction without; he mounted his war-horse, and putting on his magic belt, which endowed him with supernatural strength, he appeared at the door of the cave covered with sparkling jewels from head to foot. "'who has dared to enter my domains?' he shouted. 'and to destroy my garden? let him who has done the deed stand forth that i may exact the punishment!' "'be not so hasty, sir laurin,' replied one of the knights, 'we will gladly repay you three, four-fold, if you wish, what you demand. the season is early and your roses will bloom again.' "'i care not for your gold,' replied the indignant king; 'i have gold and to spare. i demand satisfaction, and satisfaction i shall have.' "so saying, he spurred on his horse. there was a hotly contested battle; in the end, he was overpowered by dietlieb, who had torn from him his magic belt, and thus robbed him of his strength. "'come,' said laurin, 'let us not harbor ill feelings against one another. come into my palace, sir knights, and drink to the health of the fair kunhild.' "he led them through the door of the cave, down several long corridors at the end of each of which was a stout door, one of bronze, another of steel and a third of gold, and entered the banquet hall, where the table was gorgeously decorated with gold and silver and most rare flowers. "as the dinner drew to a close--at which kunhild had presided, dazzling with jewels--the knights fell into a sound doze; when they awoke each was locked securely in a separate cell with no means of communicating one with the other. but, when all was still, kunhild entered her brother's dungeon and released him by the aid of her magic arts, which she had learned while captive. "'take this ring,' she said, 'gather up your weapons and flee for your life.' "'but will you go with me?' he said. [illustration: the rosengarten.] "'i will come later,' she replied. 'but make your escape now before laurin discovers us.' "dietlieb did not require a second bidding. the magic of laurin had penetrated through the stone walls of the cell, however, and he followed the knight to the outer earth and there they fought a terrible battle. when laurin found himself yielding to the superior strength of the knight, he blew a shrill blast upon his golden horn, and five enormous giants appeared. meanwhile kunhild had not been idle; she had released the companions of her brother, who now rushed to the scene of the fray, and in spite of his magic arts, and his reinforcement of the five giants, laurin was made prisoner and carried off into styria. the garden was left uncared for, and little by little it died; but on just such evenings as this, one can see the gorgeous roses, which will bloom only as the sun descends." "do you think, father," said ferdinand, "that there is really an underground palace in those mountains?" "well, that's what they say; many have tried to find the entrance, but the key has been lost; some day, one may be fortunate enough to find it, and then great riches will be his. it is my private opinion that within those mountains lie metals unknown to exist, and when one has opened the door to them, he will discover great riches in them." "i should like to gather just _one_ rose, uncle," said leopold. "i think mother would like to have one, for she has never seen the rosengarten." "you cannot do that, my boy, because they are not real roses; the rocks of the mountain are composed of magnesia and chalk, which take on these beautiful colors when the rays of the setting sun fall upon them; and it is only the sharp, jagged points of those rocks which simulate roses, that you see." another night would see them out of tyrol, much to the regret of ferdinand, for he had never imagined such an interesting land to exist. "how did tyrol come to belong to our country, father?" asked ferdinand. "well, in the olden times," answered herr müller, "tyrol was governed by counts who ruled like kings; but in a princess was the ruler; she was a woman with a very hasty temper and was nicknamed pocket-mouthed meg. some say she received this nickname because her mouth was so extraordinarily large; but others tell a tale of her bavarian cousin, who lived in the adjoining territory, who struck her on the mouth during a quarrel. it certainly was not a very gentlemanly thing for the bavarian cousin to do, but children were not brought up so carefully as they are to-day, and you must not think too harshly of this little bavarian, which sounds quite like barbarian. but queen margaret could never forgive nor forget that blow; in after years, when her own son was dead, and her kingdom must be left to some one, she preferred to give it to her habsburg cousins, who were austrians, so that ever since, with the exception of a few years in which several nations struggled for possession of it, it has belonged to the austrian empire. "you know emperor maximilian i, who was one of our greatest rulers, loved tyrol best of all his provinces," continued herr müller. "i don't blame him," replied ferdinand, "i think he was quite right." chapter ix the habicht-burg ravens from botzen, the train took them through the puster-thal, which is on the north boundary of italy, and on to villach in carinthia, where they were to meet herr runkel. there were great demonstrations when he saw the two young lads. "have you never been to dalmatia?" he asked them. both shook their heads negatively. "what a splendid thing, then, that business called me to zara," he replied, "for dalmatia is one of the provinces of our empire which is different from any of the others. you see, in the first place, it is on the adriatic sea, and could one have vision that would carry that far, he might glance over into the opposite country of italy. but, as if to make up for that lack of supernatural power, italy has brought her customs and manners into dalmatia, so we shall really be seeing two countries at one time." through carinthia the party made its way, over the kara-wanken mountains into istria and spent the night at trieste. as neither of the boys had seen the sea before, it was a never-ending source of wonder and delight to them to wander about the wharves, to see the ships of many nations lying in the harbor, flying their flags of many colors, and to see the curious sights of a sea-town. there was nothing to remind them of austria with its german customs, even the name of the city (tergeste) being roman, which was conquered by that nation, and colonized about b. c. . there are no longer strassen (streets), but vias, and piazzas (squares) take the place of platze. as in most italian cities, there were narrow, winding streets, some of which were nothing more than mere flights of steps lined on each side, in place of a balustrade, with houses. in the morning it had been arranged to make a hasty trip to miramar, the charming residence of the archduke maximilian, the favorite brother of the emperor. "here it is," said herr müller, "that the ominous ravens warned the archduke of the fatality which should overtake him in accepting the throne of mexico at the instance of napoleon iii of france. and the raven's warning came true, for the unfortunate young prince never returned." "tell us about the ravens, father," said ferdinand, as they stood upon the terrace before the villa, overlooking the wonderful adriatic. "well, you know the house of habsburg occupies the austrian throne to-day," began herr müller. "_yawohl_," replied the two simultaneously. "well, many hundreds of years ago, the founder of the habsburg dynasty, count rudolph, was born in a very ancient and formidable castle in the northern part of switzerland, somewhere near zurich. the castle was known throughout the country by the peculiar name of the hawk's castle or habicht-burg, from a story concerning one of the first counts who lived there. "this was count gontran, of altenbourg. he was a brave and gallant knight and loved to spend his time among the mountains hunting, when he was not away to the war. as he was so fearless in this sport, pursuing his enemy to the remotest spots of their lairs, he gained the sobriquet of the 'hawk count' or der habicht graf. "one day he had climbed to the top of a most peculiarly shaped rock, which much resembled a fortress. in his eagerness to reach the summit he had lost sight of his companions; but in his joy at the marvelous panorama spread beneath him, he quite forgot all about them, and gave himself up only to the spell of the wildness surrounding him. "suddenly the air grew thick with moving objects; the sun was hidden from sight, and then the count realized that numberless vultures, whose habitation he had invaded, had gathered about the rock in swarms, waiting for their time to come when they might claim him their victim. but der habicht graf was no craven; he made no attempt to fight; well he knew they would not attack him until he had passed that stage when he would be able to defend himself. "all at once, while he thus stood defying his antagonists, a shrill cawing was heard on all sides; in a few moments the air was filled with innumerable ravens who seemed to have appeared from out the very heavens, so silently and unexpectedly had they come. there was a sharp battle between the two swarms, the smaller birds being able to drive off the larger on account of their greater numbers. and then, when all vestige of both feathered tribes had disappeared, count gontran was able to find his way down the almost inaccessible rock, where he joined his companions at its base, who had given him up for lost, as their shouts had failed to reach him, and no answering call came back to them. "from that day der habicht graf chose the raven for his pennon; he became their protector, feeding them in winter, until, as time went on, they became verily a pest. "der habicht graf died, and others came into possession of der habicht-burg. there was little sentiment in these descendants concerning the ravens, and when count rudolph succeeded to the estate in , he had them all driven away or killed. ever since that time, the birds have taken a peculiar delight in foretelling disaster to the house of habsburg (as habicht-burg has been corrupted into). and right here, in this garden," continued herr müller, "was where the ravens came and flew about the heads of the archduke maximilian and his young wife carlota before they left on that fatal journey." "what happened then, father?" "surely you must know. the mexicans refused to accept a foreign ruler; he was sentenced to be shot, and although carlota made the trip to france three times to beg napoleon iii to save her husband, the emperor was deaf to all her appeals." "that was because napoleon was not born a king, father," remarked ferdinand. "had he been _truly_ royal, he would have saved maximilian." herr müller made no further comment, but shook his head slowly in an affirmative nod. from trieste the boat was taken to pola, one of the oldest cities in the country, quite at the extreme tip of istria. although the romans built a city here in b. c., yet many of the ancient landmarks remain, among which, outside the ancient city walls, stands the splendid amphitheatre where gladiators fought and wild beasts contended with human beings for supremacy. as herr runkel was obliged to make zara on a specified day, they were not permitted to linger in the istrian peninsula, with its almost continuous olive-groves and vineyards, famous throughout the world; but boarding a small steamer they slowly made their way to the sea-coast town of zara in dalmatia, stretching like a lizard along the adriatic. no longer was there sign of modernism or progress; every object, every peasant spoke of the past, of long-flown glory, and of poverty. one could almost imagine himself back in those days, six hundred or more years before christ, when the argonauts inhabited the spot, and who, in turn, ceded to the celts and they to the inevitable romans. then charlemagne coveted dalmatia; later the influential venetians wrested it from the germans; and in it was finally ceded to austria, to whom it has ever since belonged, except for a short period when it belonged to france. the peasants were gorgeous in their gay costumes; there were men in light-colored trousers, very tight fitting, laced with fancy cords of gold or silver thread, and most elaborately embroidered about the pockets in front; there were short jackets of bright cloth designed in intricate fashion in tinseled thread, with tassels about the edges; there were women with blue skirts, very short, over which was an apron so heavily embroidered that it seemed more like an oriental rug than a bit of cloth, while the bodice was one mass of embroidery. every conceivable spot was embroidered; about the neck, the shoulders, down the front and at the wrists. there was color, color, color; fringes and tassels and gold thread, as if these poor gewgaws could make up to the peasant for all the poverty he suffered and the monotony of his life. but how charming they did look in their apparel; if their lives were not the sunniest, they surely tried to embody the very sunlight into their clothing, and that helps a lot, for they were never so happy as when decked in their gayest, wearing the hand-made filigree silver ornaments about their necks, in their ears and upon their fingers, even about their waists, which no persuasion nor hunger can prevail upon them to part with. herr runkel's younger brother max was an apprentice in zara; his term was about to expire and some arrangement must be made for the future. it was this which had brought herr runkel to zara. while he was busy with his brother's affairs, the rest of the party wandered about the ancient city; they visited the market-place, alive and riotous with brilliant coloring; they inspected the wharves, and commented upon st. mark's lion, which reposed over the entrance-gate from the harbor, in the city wall, a relic of venetian invasion, as if that stone lion was yet watching for the return of his people. they even crossed over to the islands, which lie like so many bits of broken mainland, to watch the fishing which is so remunerative, the sardine fishery being one of the greatest sources of revenue of the country. his business terminated satisfactorily, herr runkel suggested they might return by way of the provinces of bosnia, croatia and styria, because these held such wonders in sightseeing for the children. chapter x through dalmatia and the border-lands early the following morning they made their start, packs on backs, over the low, waste lands of dalmatia. the sun was burning hot; nothing but extensive plains of desert met the eye; far in the distance were low mountains, which glistened in the scorching sun with a startling whiteness, most dazzling to the eyes. there was a sameness about the landscape which wearied the boys. "i certainly should not like to live here," remarked leopold; "it is not so nice as tyrol; there is too much barrenness, and too much dazzling whiteness." "nevertheless," replied his uncle, "this is a fine country; the wine and olive oil are famous the world over, to say nothing of the fruit and flowers. if you did but stop to think about it, most of the fruit and flowers we have in vienna out of season come from this region." "but how can anything grow in a desert?" "we shall soon see," replied his uncle. "dalmatia looks baked, but it is extremely productive." after some time, the soil began to grow more and more irregular. great stones lay upon the surface, and immense fissures opened up at irregular distances. "now, my boy, can you call this a desert?" asked herr müller. "here are the gardens of dalmatia." "the gardens?" exclaimed both children. "yes." "but i see nothing but great ravines," said leopold. "they are not ravines, child, but great cracks opened up in the swampy soil which has burst asunder from the terrific heat of the sun. but that is what saves the country from starvation; on the bottom of these fissures are deposits of fertile soil washed into them by the rains, and here the peasant plants his crops. here you see one too narrow to plant anything in, but over there," and he pointed to the immediate right, "is one which stretches a mile or more." "how interesting!" exclaimed ferdinand. "but what a queer place to plant crops." at the farm-house, a low, uninviting hut with thatch roof, they stopped to fill their flasks. the farmer led them to the rear of the house where was a huge tank of stagnant water. "but we cannot drink that," said herr runkel, astonished. "it is all there is," remarked the peasant. "in dalmatia we drink rain water. it is all we have. there are no streams in dalmatia except in the mountains, and often those are underground." "underground?" cried ferdinand. "how do you get the water then?" "oh, the water runs along in the limestone until it meets with some obstruction, or when it deems it time to appear upon the surface, then it will flow on in a fine stream for some distance, when perhaps it will disappear again for awhile." "i never heard of such a thing," said leopold, to whom water was so very plentiful in tyrol. "it is a wise precaution of nature," answered the peasant. "in these hot lands, were it not for this provision, the streams would soon dry up." "but why don't you convey this water from the mountains to your home?" asked herr müller. "that costs too much; we have no money to spend on luxuries; we have the rain and we gather the water as it falls." walking on, having thanked the peasant for his courtesy, they came in sight of a convent. "now we shall have some fresh water, i am bound," said herr müller. "convents are always well supplied with refreshments of all kinds." a friar in brown costume opened the door to them and ushered them into a cool courtyard, paved with brick, in which were small openings at regular intervals. at the well in the centre of the court the flasks were filled with delicious, clear, cool water. "it surprises me," said herr runkel, "that you have such delicious water here, while just below, a mile or two, the peasant told us there was no water available for miles around, except rain water." "he is quite right, too," returned the affable friar. "if it were not for the rain we should all perish; but the peasant does not take the pains to collect the rain in just the same manner as we do." he then explained to them the method of obtaining the drinking water. the earth under the brick pavement was dug out to the depth of several feet; the sides and bottom were lined with some hard substance, sometimes clay, sometimes cement, to form a foundation to the cistern. in the middle of the pit was built a well of brick; fine, clean sand was then put in to the level of the court; the brick pavement was then laid, through the openings of which the rain passed into the bed of sand, and, as it seeped through the brick well eventually the sand filtered the water from all impurities and imparted to it a taste, without which it would have been "flat." a brief rest, and some slight refreshment, upon which the friar insisted, and the travelers plodded on; they passed peasants pushing crude wooden ploughs such as have been in use since long-forgotten ages, but which seem specially adapted to the rocky, stubborn soil of dalmatia. and being so close to the border of bosnia they encountered bosnian peasants, fine tall men much like turks in their costumes, for turkey lies just next door on the south. the bosnian mohammedan women veil their faces like the turkish women, and wear white garments with an apron of many colors, not outdoing, however, the men with their gold embroidered vests, their scarlet jackets and the fez upon their heads. a curious contrariety of nature is, that although the bosnians and herzegovians dislike the turk, nevertheless they cling to the turkish costume with pertinacity. so deep was their hatred of the turk that these two provinces combined and placed themselves under the austrian rule. as night approached, the travelers made their way towards a very large, low house surrounded with outbuildings, and all enclosed by a strong palisade of timbers built for defense. "we shall pass the night at the community house," said herr runkel. "a community house?" repeated leopold. "yes. you see, in the olden times, the borders of this country, and the neighboring ones, servia, bosnia, croatia and roumania, were constantly being overrun by the turks, who have always been the dread of nations, their cruelty being proverbial. the inhabitants of these border-countries were forced to protect themselves, as in unity was their strength. consequently, they built a community or general house in which the villagers might live together for mutual protection, and mutual benefit as well." "but they don't have wars to fear any more, do they?" asked ferdinand. "no. nevertheless custom of long-standing cannot be lightly laid aside. our empress maria-theresa, seeing the advantage these communities afforded as a means of defense, had a long line of them built, seven thousand miles long, from the carpathian mountains on the east of transylvania to the sea-coast in croatia to protect the border from the turks, but now these fortifications have been abandoned. however, isolated communities remain, being a part of the customs of servia, and you will find them vastly different from anything you have yet seen." it was quite late in the afternoon; the sun had not yet sunk, because the days were at their longest; however, it was certainly dinner-time, if not past, and the party were hungry. knocking at the door of the largest and most important-looking building, which was of timber, and one story only, it was opened by a young man in servian costume who ushered them into the room. it was an enormous room, to say the least; in the centre extended a wooden table set for the evening meal, and about which were already seated the inhabitants of the community. the eldest man, who had the honor to be, at the time, the stareshina or hausvater, arose from his seat and greeted the strangers. "and may we have the honor of receiving you as our guests?" he asked, simply. herr runkel thanked him, and explained that they were on a tour of the provinces with the lads, and should be most grateful for a night's shelter. room was made for them at the table, and right heartily were they received by the zadruga, or community family. the two boys were lost in admiration of all they saw; and although they were plied with cheeses and meats and bread, and even fruits of all kinds, yet their hunger seemed to have left them in their wonderment. at one end of the great room was a brick stove or sort of fireplace, the largest either of the lads had ever seen. to carry off the smoke from the blazing logs, was built a huge canopy, round and very large at the bottom, tapering to a small circumference at the top, and allowing the smoke to escape through the open roof at that point. over the fire, but high enough to prevent them being burned, were cross-beams from which hung huge pieces of beef, bacons, hams and all sorts of meat smoking for future use, while the cooking was done in huge pots of iron suspended by chains from the beams. the women were dressed in white linen bodices with long, flowing sleeves; their skirts were a combination of two wide aprons, one at the front and one at the back, over which was another smaller apron elaborately embroidered in brilliant colors. about their waists were scarlet sashes, with a second somewhat higher up of the same brilliant hue; red leather high boots, filigree silver ornaments or beads about their necks, and on their heads a filmy veil with fancy border fastened to the hair with a silver pin, and hanging far down over their shoulders like a mist. in this most picturesque costume they certainly resembled our scarlet flamingo or bird-of-paradise more than anything else one could think of. the men, too, were splendid in their gay costumes; loose trousers like the turks, with top-boots of black leather; scarlet vests embellished with silver thread and silver buttons, and white coats, very long, reaching almost to the boots. the meal finished, the stareshina (the presiding elder of the zadruga) and his wife, the domatchina (which means homekeeper), arose and thus gave the signal for the others to arise. those women whose allotted work it was to attend to the clearing of the table, betook themselves to the task. the domatchina arranges all the work to be done by each during the week, and turn about is taken, so that there may be no cause for dissatisfaction, while the stareshina attends to the matters of the farm. thus harmony always prevails; prosperity reigns wherever these communities are established, and happiness is paramount. although there seemed no apparent necessity for a fire, fresh logs were added. the men brought out their pipes, drew up the benches toward the hearth and began conversation. some brought their musical instruments; the women sat with their spinning or sewing, while the little girls even, were occupied with elaborate embroideries for their trousseaux later in life, which are always begun in childhood. there was great unity and happiness in the circle. amid laughter, song and anecdotes the evening passed; as the hour advanced the stareshina conducted evening prayers. goodnight was said by all, and each family betook himself to his own vayat (hut) outside the main building or koutcha, which alone was reserved for the use of the stareshina and the unmarried members of his family. as soon as one of his family should marry, he would have a separate vayat built for him about the koutcha. the travelers were conducted to the guest-house, reserved solely for that purpose, and long into the night the children lay and talked over the strange customs they had seen, and plied their elders with endless questions as to the meaning of it all. "let them be children, fred," said herr runkel. "we brought them on this trip to learn," and he explained to them those things they wished so much to know. that the slavs never allow their hearth-fire to die out, no matter how hot the season, for as surely as they do, all sorts of evils would befall them; that is one of the unswerving superstitions of the nation. the fire of their hearth is as a sacred flame to them, which must be tended and cared for with unremitting zeal, which harks back to the days of paganism when the fire was looked upon as the most sacred thing in their religion, and was kept ever burning in their temples and public places; finally it became the custom for each family to have his own hearth or fire, but the superstition that should it die out it would bring all sorts of maledictions upon the household, has remained. no doubt the difficulty of obtaining the fire by means of friction (matches of course, being unknown) accounted for the careful preservation of the flame. however it be, the slavs still retain the ancient custom. he explained to them how the house father and the house mother of this great family are elected by vote, serving a given number of years; sometimes one, sometimes more, as custom establishes; but usually the eldest man in the community holds that post of honor, while his wife is the house mother. he told the lads how the farm is worked by each member of the zadruga under the supervision and instruction of the stareshina, each receiving his share, according to his labor, at the end of the season, the finances being in charge of the house father. he told them how many of the young men, longing for higher education at the universities or in the arts, such as painting, etc., were sent by the zadruga to the city which afforded the best advantages for them, the expenses being borne by the community funds, should there not be sufficient to the young men's credit to pay for it, entirely; this extra sum being repaid when the students should be in position to do so. the children were fascinated with the community, where every one seemed so happy and well cared for; and they begged to be allowed to remain many days, but herr müller reminded them that frau müller would be awaiting them at gratz. "but we shall come again, _nicht wahr, mein vater_?" asked ferdinand. "yes, we shall come again, and soon maybe," he replied. "and i, too?" queried leopold. "_naturlich._" * * * * * off in the morning, the party journeyed through the southeastern portion of carniola, so rich in mountains and minerals. there were unusual sights to be seen here, too; huge caverns were fashioned in the rocks, and grottoes of curious formations. they saw the peasant women making lace, a product for which the province is particularly famed. at marburg, herr runkel and leopold hofer bade farewell to their companions, and boarded the train for innsbruck where herr hofer would meet his young son; while herr müller and ferdinand continued on up into styria to the city of gratz, where frau müller awaited them. styria, or steiermark, is a splendid province of the austria-hungarian empire, famous even in the time of the romans, for its production of ore, and holding to-day an important place in the commercial world for its minerals. gratz, the capital, is a charming city with an excellent university, and lies on the river mur. it has been said of it that it is "la ville des grâces sur la rivière de l'amour" (the favored city on the river of love) being a play upon words, amour (love) being interpreted mur. of course there was an excursion to the castle-hill, where formerly stood the ancient castle; and herr müller pointed out to the children the spot where charles ii ordered twenty thousand books of the protestant faith to be burned in public. a few days' visit and they were once more on their way for vienna, and home. ferdinand's tongue had never ceased to chatter, there were so many interesting details to report to the mother; and when vienna was reached it did seem as if the child never could settle down to life in the city, after his splendid rambles about the open country, wandering where he willed. "father," he remarked, after some days at home, "we did not go to moravia. we visited all the provinces except that." "yes, it is true," replied his father, "but, you know, we lingered longer than we intended, and teresa is due to arrive shortly. we shall have to reserve moravia for another vacation-time. i think you will not find the customs there very different, however, from those of bohemia.[ ] but i should like to have you see olmutz, the ancient capital of moravia, where our emperor franz-joseph was proclaimed king." footnotes: [ ] our little bohemian cousin. chapter xi vienna with the arrival of teresa runkel busy days followed; visits to the prater, which emperor joseph ii had dedicated to the public for a playground and recreation park; to the capuchin church, where lie the remains of the imperial families from the time of matthias i in , and where the ill-starred duke of reichstadt (l'aiglon), the only son of napoleon of france, lies buried among his kinsfolks, as well as his imperial mother, marie louise. and, best of all, there was the excursion to the castle of laxenburg just outside vienna, one of the imperial chateaux, standing in the midst of a miniature island, which is reached by a tiny ferry boat, quite as though it were some ancient feudal castle with its moat, minus the drawbridge and portcullis. here they were frightened nearly out of their senses while inspecting the dungeons, at hearing an automaton chained to the wall shake its cumbersome fetters as if he were some prisoner living out his days in the hopelessness of the dungeon. but herr müller quieted the alarms of the young girl by explaining the pleasantry of the custodian, who gives his visitors thrills, which is what they really come for, as he says. "i wish you could be here for the ice-carnival, teresa," said ferdinand, after one busy day's sight-seeing. "it's wonderful, with the lake all lit up by electric lights and lanterns, and tiny booths dotted here and there, and skaters in their furs and gay gowns. can't you manage to come at christmas time?" "i should love to," she replied. "i'll write and ask brother franz if i may." "and maybe mother will let us go to one of the masked balls," the lad said, half hesitatingly, for he knew this would, indeed, be a privilege. "scarcely yet, ferdinand; children do not attend balls; but there are countless other festivities for children, which would delight teresa much more than a masked ball at which she could but look on. it is far better to be a participant, isn't it, my dear?" "oh, much," answered the child, politely. nevertheless, she did wish she might see the ball. a few days later ferdinand and his mother drove the austrian girl to the railroad station, where she was met by the sister who would conduct her and others to the convent. at the conductor's call "einsteigen!" the doors of the train were fastened, and ferdinand waved farewell to his little friend, through whose childish head flashed visions of a merry yule-tide to come, passed in the home of her friends, with dances and parties, and skating and endless merriment. the end the little colonel books (trade mark) _by annie fellows johnston_ _each vol., large mo, cloth, illustrated, per vol._ $ . =the little colonel stories= (trade mark) being three "little colonel" stories in the cosy corner series, "the little colonel," "two little knights of kentucky," and "the giant scissors," in a single volume. =the little colonel's house party= (trade mark) =the little colonel's holidays= (trade mark) =the little colonel's hero= (trade mark) =the little colonel at boarding-school= (trade mark) =the little colonel in arizona= (trade mark) =the little colonel's christmas vacation= (trade mark) =the little colonel, maid of honor= (trade mark) =the little colonel's knight comes riding= (trade mark) =mary ware: the little colonel's chum= (trade mark) =mary ware in texas= =mary ware's promised land= _these volumes, boxed as a set_, $ . . =the little colonel= (trade mark) =two little knights of kentucky= =the giant scissors= =big brother= special holiday editions each one volume, cloth decorative, small quarto, $ . new plates, handsomely illustrated with eight full-page drawings in color, and many marginal sketches. =in the desert of waiting:= the legend of camelback mountain. =the three weavers:= a fairy tale for fathers and mothers as well as for their daughters. =keeping tryst= =the legend of the bleeding heart= =the rescue of princess winsome:= a fairy play for old and young. =the jester's sword= each one volume, tall mo, cloth decorative $ . paper boards . there has been a constant demand for publication in separate form of these six stories which were originally included in six of the "little colonel" books. =joel: a boy of galilee:= by annie fellows johnston. illustrated by l. j. bridgman. new illustrated edition, uniform with the little colonel books, vol., large mo, cloth decorative $ . a story of the time of christ, which is one of the author's best-known books. =the little colonel good times book= uniform in size with the little colonel series $ . bound in white kid (morocco) and gold . cover design and decorations by peter verberg. published in response to many inquiries from readers of the little colonel books as to where they could obtain a "good times book" such as betty kept. =the little colonel doll book= large quarto, boards $ . a series of "little colonel" dolls. there are many of them and each has several changes of costume, so that the happy group can be appropriately clad for the rehearsal of any scene or incident in the series. =asa holmes=; or, at the cross-roads. by annie fellows johnston. with a frontispiece by ernest fosbery. large mo, cloth, gilt top $ . 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"more of such books should be written, books that acquaint young readers with historical personages in a pleasant informal way."--_n. y. sun._ =famous indian chiefs= in this book mr. johnston gives interesting sketches of the indian braves who have figured with prominence in the history of our own land. =famous privateersmen and adventurers of the sea= in this volume mr. johnston tells interesting stories about the famous sailors of fortune. =famous scouts= "it is the kind of a book that will have a great fascination for boys and young men and while it entertains them it will also present valuable information in regard to those who have left their impress upon the history of the country."--_the new london day._ =famous frontiersmen and heroes of the border= this book is devoted to a description of the adventurous lives and stirring experiences of many pioneer heroes who were prominently identified with the opening of the great west. -------- =ralph somerby at panama= by forbes lindsay. large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated $ . real buccaneers who overran the spanish main, and adventurers who figured prominently in the sack of panama, all enter into the life of ralph somerby, a young english lad, on his way to the colony in jamaica. after a year of wandering and adventure he covers the route of the present panama canal. =the doctor's little girl= by marion ames taggart. one vol., library mo, illustrated $ . a thoroughly enjoyable tale of a little girl and her comrade father, written in a delightful vein of sympathetic comprehension of the child's point of view. "the characters are strongly drawn with a life-like realism, the incidents are well and progressively sequenced, and the action is so well timed that the interest never slackens."--_boston ideas._ =sweet nancy= the further adventures of the doctor's little girl. by marion ames taggart. one vol., library mo, illustrated $ . in the new book, the author tells how nancy becomes in fact "the doctor's assistant," and continues to shed happiness around her. =nancy, the doctor's little partner= by marion ames taggart. one vol., library mo, illustrated $ . in nancy porter, miss taggart has created one of the most lovable child characters in recent years. in the new story she is the same bright and cheerful little maid. =nancy porter's opportunity= by marion ames taggart. one vol., library mo, illustrated $ . already as the "doctor's partner" nancy porter has won the affection of her readers, and in the same lovable manner she continues in the new book to press the key-notes of optimism and good-will. =born to the blue= by florence kimball russel. mo, cloth decorative, illustrated $ . the atmosphere of army life on the plains breathes on every page of this delightful tale. the boy is the son of a captain of u. s. cavalry stationed at a frontier post in the days when our regulars earned the gratitude of a nation. * * * * * transcriber's note: obvious punctuation errors repaired. proofreaders note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/ / / / / / -h.zip) this text includes only germany and those parts of austria-hungary noted in the table of contents. part two (volume vi) is available as a separate text in project gutenberg's library. see http://www.gutenberg.net/etext/ seeing europe with famous authors, volume v germany, austria-hungary, and switzerland, part one selected and edited, with introductions, etc., by francis w. halsey editor of "great epochs in american history" associate editor of "the world's famous orations" and of "the best of the world's classics," etc. in ten volumes illustrated [illustration: berlin: panorama from the tower of the town hall] introduction to volumes v and vi germany, austria-hungary and switzerland the tourist's direct route to germany is by ships that go to the two great german ports--bremen and hamburg, whence fast steamer trains proceed to berlin and other interior cities. one may also land at antwerp or rotterdam, and proceed thence by fast train into germany. either of these routes continued takes one to austria. ships by the mediterranean route landing at genoa or trieste, provide another way for reaching either country. in order to reach switzerland, the tourist has many well-worn routes available. as with england and france, so with germany--our earliest information comes from a roman writer, julius caesar; but in the case of germany, this information has been greatly amplified by a later and noble treatise from the pen of tacitus. tacitus paints a splendid picture of the domestic virtues and personal valor of these tribes, holding them up as examples that might well be useful to his countrymen. caesar found many teutonic tribes, not only in the rhine valley, but well established in lands further west and already gallic. by the third century, german tribes had formed themselves into federations--the franks, alemanni, frisians and saxons. the rhine valley, after long subjection to the romans, had acquired houses, temples, fortresses and roads such as the romans always built. caesar had found many evidences of an advanced state of society. antiquarians of our day, exploring german graves, discover signs of it in splendid weapons of war and domestic utensils buried with the dead. monolithic sarcophagi have been found which give eloquent testimony of the absorption by them of roman culture. western germany, in fact, had become, in the third century, a well-ordered and civilized land. christianity was well established there. in general the country compared favorably with roman england, but it was less advanced than roman gaul. centers of that romanized german civilization, that were destined ever afterward to remain important centers of german life, are augsburg, strasburg, worms, speyer, bonn and cologne. it was after the formation of the tribal federations that the great migratory movement from germany set in. this gave to gaul a powerful race in the franks, from whom came clovis and the other merovingians; to gaul also it gave burgundians, and to england perhaps the strongest element in her future stock of men--the saxons. further east soon set in another world-famous migration, which threatened at times to dominate all teutonic people--the goths, huns and vandals of the black and caspian sea regions. thence they prest on to italy and spain, where the goths founded and long maintained new and thriving states on the ruins of the old. surviving these migrations, and serving to restore something like order to central europe, there now rose into power in france, under clovis and charlemagne, and spread their sway far across the rhine, the great merovingian and carlovingian dynasties. charlemagne's empire came to embrace in central europe a region extending east of the rhine as far as hungary, and from north to south from the german ocean to the alps. when charlemagne, in , received from the pope that imperial crown, which was to pass in continuous line to his successors for a thousand years, germany and france were component parts of the same state, a condition never again to exist, except in part, and briefly, under napoleon. the tangled and attenuated thread of german history from charlemagne's time until now can not be unfolded here, but it makes one of the great chronicles in human history, with its conrads and henrys, its maximilian, its barbarossa, its charles v., its thirty years' war, its great frederick of prussia, its struggle with napoleon, its rise through prussia under bismarck, its war of with france, its new empire, different alike in structure and in reality from the one called holy and called roman, and the wonderful commercial and industrial progress of our century. out of charlemagne's empire came the empire of austria. before his time, the history of the austro-hungarian lands is one of early tribal life, followed by conquest under the later roman emperors, and then the migratory movements of its own people and of other people across its territory, between the days of attila and the merovingians. its very name (oesterreich) indicates its origin as a frontier territory, an outpost in the east for the great empire charlemagne had built up. not until the sixteenth century did austria become a power of first rank in europe. hapsburgs had long ruled it, as they still do, and as they have done for more than six centuries, but the greatest of all their additions to power and dominion came through mary of burgundy, who, seeking refuge from louis xi. of france, after her father's death, married maximilian of austria. out of that marriage came, in two generations, possession by austria of the netherlands, through mary's grandson, charles v., holy roman emperor and king of spain. for years afterward, the hapsburgs remained the most illustrious house in europe. the empire's later fortunes are a story of grim struggle with protestants, frederick the great, the ottoman turks, napoleon, the revolutionists of , and prussia. the story of switzerland in its beginnings is not unlike that of other european lands north of italy. the romans civilized the country--built houses, fortresses and roads. roman roads crossed the alps, one of them going, as it still goes, over the great st. bernard. then came the invaders--burgundians, alemanni, ostrogoths and huns. north switzerland became the permanent home of alemanni, or germans, whose descendants still survive there, around zürich. burgundians settled in the western part which still remains french in speech, and a part of it french politically, including chamouni and half of mont blanc. ostrogoths founded homes in the southern parts, and descendants of theirs still remain there, speaking italian, or a sort of surviving latin called romansch. after these immigrations most parts of the country were subdued by the merovingian franks, by whom christianity was introduced and monasteries founded. with the break-up of charlemagne's empire, a part of switzerland was added to a german duchy, and another part to burgundy. its later history is a long and moving record of grim struggles by a brave and valiant people. in our day the swiss have become industrially one of the world's successful races, and their country the one in which wealth is probably more equally distributed than anywhere else in europe, if not in america. f.w.h. contents of volume v germany, austria-hungary, and switzerland--part one i. the rhine valley introduction to vols. v and vi--by the editor in history and romance--by victor hugo from bonn to mayence--by bayard taylor cologne--by victor hugo round about coblenz--by lady blanche murphy bingen and mayence--by victor hugo frankfort-on-main--by bayard taylor heidelberg--by bayard taylor strasburg--by harriet beecher stowe freiburg and the black forest--by bayard taylor ii. nuremberg as a medieval city--by cecil headlam its churches and the citadel--by thomas frognall dibdin nuremberg to-day--by cecil headlarn walls and other fortifications--by cecil headlam albert dÜrer--by cecil headlam iii. other bavarian cities munich--by bayard taylor augsburg--by thomas frognall dibdin ratisbon--by thomas frognall dibdin iv. berlin and elsewhere a look at the german capital--by theophile gautier charlottenburg--by harriet beecher stowe leipzig and dresden--by bayard taylor weimar in goethe's day--by madame de staël ulm--by thomas frognall dibdin aix-la-chapelle and charlemagne's tomb--by victor hugo the hanseatic league--by james howell hamburg--by theophile gautier schleswig--by theophile gautier lÜbeck--by theophile gautier heligoland--by william george black v. vienna first impressions of the capital--by bayard taylor st. stephen's cathedral--by thomas frognall dibdin the belvedere palace--by thomas frognall dibdin schÖnbrunn and the prater--by thomas frognall dibdin vi. hungary a glance at the country--by h. tornai de kövër budapest--by h. tornai de kövër (_hungary continued in vol. vi_) list of illustrations volume v a panorama of berlin from the town hall cologne cathedral cologne cathedral before the spires were completed bingen-on-the rhine nuremberg castle stolzenfels castle on the rhine wiesbaden strasburg cathedral strasburg frauenkirche, munich door of strasburg cathedral strasburg clock goethe's house, weimar schiller's house, weimar berlin: unter den linden berlin: the brandenburg gate berlin: the royal castle and emperor william bridge berlin: the white hall in the royal castle berlin: the national gallery and frederick's bridge berlin: the gendarmenmarkt the column of victory, berlin the mausoleum at charlottenburg the new palace at potsdam the castle of sans souci, potsdam the cathedral of aix-la-chapelle--tomb of charlemagne schÖnbrunn, vienna salzburg, austria [illustration: cologne cathedral] [illustration: cologne cathedral (before the spires were completed, as shown in a photograph taken in )] [illustration: bingen on the rhine] [illustration: nuremberg castle] [illustration: stolzenfels castle on the rhine] [illustration: wiesbaden] [illustration: strassburg cathedral] [illustration: strassburg and the cathedral] [illustration: the frauenkirche, munich] [illustration: the door of strassburg cathedral] [illustration: the strassburg clock] [illustration: goethe's house in weimar] [illustration: schiller's house in weimar] i the rhine valley in history and romance[a] by victor hugo of all rivers, i prefer the rhine. it is now a year, when passing the bridge of boats at kehl, since i first saw it. i remember that i felt a certain respect, a sort of adoration, for this old, this classic stream. i never think of rivers--those great works of nature, which are also great in history--without emotion. i remember the rhone at valserine; i saw it in , in a pleasant excursion to switzerland, which is one of the sweet, happy recollections of my early life. i remember with what noise, with what ferocious bellowing, the rhone precipitated itself into the gulf while the frail bridge upon which i was standing was shaking beneath my feet. ah well! since that time, the rhone brings to my mind the idea of a tiger--the rhine, that of a lion. the evening on which i saw the rhine for the first time, i was imprest with the same idea. for several minutes i stood contemplating this proud and noble river--violent, but not furious; wild, but still majestic. it was swollen, and was magnificent in appearance, and was washing with its yellow mane, or, as boileau says, its "slimy beard," the bridge of boats. its two banks were lost in the twilight, and tho its roaring was loud, still there was tranquillity. the rhine is unique: it combines the qualities of every river. like the rhone, it is rapid; broad like the loire; encased, like the meuse; serpentine, like the seine; limpid and green, like the somme; historical, like the tiber; royal like the danube; mysterious, like the nile; spangled with gold, like an american river; and like a river of asia, abounding with fantoms and fables. from historical records we find that the first people who took possession of the banks of the rhine were the half-savage celts, who were afterward named gauls by the romans. when rome was in its glory, caesar crossed the rhine, and shortly afterward the whole of the river was under the jurisdiction of his empire. when the twenty-second legion returned from the siege of jerusalem, titus sent it to the banks of the rhine, where it continued the work of martius agrippa. after trajan and hadrian came julian, who erected a fortress upon the confluence of the rhine and the moselle; then valentinian, who built a number of castles. thus, in a few centuries, roman colonies, like an immense chain, linked the whole of the rhine. at length the time arrived when rome was to assume another aspect. the incursions of the northern hordes were eventually too frequent and too powerful for rome; so, about the sixth century, the banks of the rhine were strewed with roman ruins, as at present with feudal ones. charlemagne cleared away the rubbish, built fortresses, and opposed the german hordes; but, notwithstanding all that he did, notwithstanding his desire to do more, rome died, and the physiognomy of the rhine was changed. the sixteenth century approached; in the fourteenth the rhine witnessed the invention of artillery; and on its bank, at strassburg, a printing-office was first established. in the famous cannon, fourteen feet in length, was cast at cologne; and in vindelin de spire printed his bible. a new world was making its appearance; and, strange to say, it was upon the banks of the rhine that those two mysterious tools with which god unceasingly works out the civilization of man--the catapult and the book--war and thought--took a new form. the rhine, in the destinies of europe, has a sort of providential signification. it is the great moat which divides the north from the south. the rhine for thirty ages, has seen the forms and reflected the shadows of almost all the warriors who tilled the old continent with that share which they call sword. caesar crossed the rhine in going from the south; attila crossed it when descending from the north. it was here that clovis gained the battle of tolbiac; and that charlemagne and napoleon figured. frederick barbarossa, rudolph of hapsburg, and frederick the first, were great, victorious, and formidable when here. for the thinker, who is conversant with history, two great eagles are perpetually hovering ever the rhine--that of the roman legions, and the eagle of the french regiments. the rhine--that noble flood, which the romans named "superb," bore at one time upon its surface bridges of boats, over which the armies of italy, spain, and france poured into germany, and which, at a later date, were made use of by the hordes of barbarians when rushing into the ancient roman world; at another, on its surface it floated peaceably the fir-trees of murg and of saint gall, the porphyry and the marble of bâle, the salt of karlshall, the leather of stromberg, the quicksilver of lansberg, the wine of johannisberg, the slates of coab, the cloth and earthenware of wallendar, the silks and linens of cologne. it majestically performs its double function of flood of war and flood of peace, having, without interruption, upon the ranges of hills which embank the most notable portion of its course, oak-trees on one side and vine-trees on the other--signifying strength and joy. [footnote a: from "the rhine." translated by d.m. aird.] from bonn to mayence[a] by bayard taylor i was glad when we were really in motion on the swift rhine, and nearing the chain of mountains that rose up before us. we passed godesberg on the right, while on our left was the group of the seven mountains which extend back from the drachenfels to the wolkenberg, or "castle of the clouds." here we begin to enter the enchanted land. the rhine sweeps around the foot of the drachenfels, while, opposite, the precipitous rock of rolandseck, crowned with the castle of the faithful knight, looks down upon the beautiful island of nonnenwerth, the white walls of the convent still gleaming through the trees as they did when the warrior's weary eyes looked upon them for the last time. i shall never forget the enthusiasm with which i saw this scene in the bright, warm sunlight, the rough crags softened in the haze which filled the atmosphere, and the wild mountains springing up in the midst of vineyards and crowned with crumbling towers filled with the memories of a thousand years. after passing andernach we saw in the distance the highlands of the middle rhine--which rise above coblentz, guarding the entrance to its scenery--and the mountains of the moselle. they parted as we approached; from the foot shot up the spires of coblentz, and the battlements of ehrenbreitstein, crowning the mountain opposite, grew larger and broader. the air was slightly hazy, and the clouds seemed laboring among the distant mountains to raise a storm. as we came opposite the mouth of the moselle and under the shadow of the mighty fortress, i gazed up with awe at its massive walls. apart from its magnitude and almost impregnable situation on a perpendicular rock, it is filled with the recollections of history and hallowed by the voice of poetry. the scene went past like a panorama, the bridge of boats opened, the city glided behind us, and we entered the highlands again. above coblentz almost every mountain has a ruin and a legend. one feels everywhere the spirit of the past, and its stirring recollections come back upon the mind with irresistible force. i sat upon the deck the whole afternoon as mountains, towns and castles passed by on either side, watching them with a feeling of the most enthusiastic enjoyment. every place was familiar to me in memory, and they seemed like friends i had long communed with in spirit and now met face to face. the english tourists with whom the deck was covered seemed interested too, but in a different manner. with murray's handbook open in their hands, they sat and read about the very towns and towers they were passing, scarcely lifting their eyes to the real scenes, except now and then to observe that it was "very nice." as we passed boppart, i sought out the inn of the "star," mentioned in "hyperion;" there was a maiden sitting on the steps who might have been paul flemming's fair boat-woman. the clouds which had here gathered among the hills now came over the river, and the rain cleared the deck of its crowd of admiring tourists. as we were approaching lorelei berg, i did not go below, and so enjoyed some of the finest scenery on the rhine alone. the mountains approach each other at this point, and the lorelei rock rises up for four hundred and forty feet from the water. this is the haunt of the water nymph lorelei, whose song charmed the ear of the boatman while his bark was dashed to pieces on the rocks below. it is also celebrated for its remarkable echo. as we passed between the rocks, a guard, who has a little house on the roadside, blew a flourish on his bugle, which was instantly answered by a blast from the rocky battlements of lorelei. the sun came out of the clouds as we passed oberwesel, with its tall round tower, and the light shining through the ruined arches of schonberg castle made broad bars of light and shade in the still misty air. a rainbow sprang up out of the rhine and lay brightly on the mountain-side, coloring vineyard and crag in the most singular beauty, while its second reflection faintly arched like a glory above the high summits in the bed of the river were the seven countesses of schonberg turned into seven rocks for their cruelty and hard-heartedness toward the knights whom their beauty had made captive. in front, at a little distance, was the castle of pfalz, in the middle of the river, and from the heights above caub frowned the crumbling citadel of gutenfels. imagine all this, and tell me if it is not a picture whose memory should last a lifetime. we came at last to bingen, the southern gate of the highlands. here, on an island in the middle of the stream, is the old mouse-tower where bishop hatto of mayence was eaten up by the rats for his wicked deeds. passing rüdesheim and geisenheim--celebrated for their wines--at sunset, we watched the varied shore in the growing darkness, till like a line of stars across the water we saw before us the bridge of mayence. [footnote a: from "views afoot." published by g.p. putnam's sons.] cologne[a] by victor hugo. the sun had set when we reached cologne. i gave my luggage to a porter, with orders to carry it to a hotel at duez, a little town on the opposite side of the rhine; and directed my steps toward the cathedral. rather than ask my way, i wandered up and down the narrow streets, which night had all but obscured. at last i entered a gateway leading to a court, and came out on an open square--dark and deserted. a magnificent spectacle now presented itself. before me, in the fantastic light of a twilight sky, rose, in the midst of a group of low houses, an enormous black mass, studded with pinnacles and belfries. a little farther was another, not quite so broad as the first, but higher; a kind of square fortress, flanked at its angles with four long detached towers, having on its summit something resembling a huge feather. on approaching, i discovered that it was the cathedral of cologne. what appeared like a large feather was a crane, to which sheets of lead were appended, and which, from its workable appearance, indicated to passers-by that this unfinished temple may one day be completed; and that the dream of engelbert de berg, which was realized under conrad de hochsteden, may, in an age or two, be the greatest cathedral in the world. this incomplete iliad sees homers in futurity. the church was shut. i surveyed the steeples, and was startled at their dimensions. what i had taken for towers are the projections of the buttresses. tho only the first story is completed, the building is already nearly as high as the towers of notre dame at paris. should the spire, according to the plan, be placed upon this monstrous trunk, strasburg would be, comparatively speaking, small by its side.[b] it has always struck me that nothing resembles ruin more than an unfinished edifice. briars, saxifrages, and pellitories--indeed, all weeds that root themselves in the crevices and at the base of old buildings--have besieged these venerable walls. man only constructs what nature in time destroys. all was quiet; there was no one near to break the prevailing silence. i approached the façade, as near as the gate would permit me, and heard the countless shrubs gently rustling in the night breeze. a light which appeared at a neighboring window, cast its rays upon a group of exquisite statues--angels and saints, reading or preaching, with a large open book before them. admirable prologue for a church, which is nothing else than the word made marble, brass or stone! swallows have fearlessly taken up their abode here, and their simple yet curious masonry contrasts strangely with the architecture of the building. this was my first visit to the cathedral of cologne. the dome of cologne, when seen by day, appeared to me to have lost a little of its sublimity; it no longer had what i call the twilight grandeur that the evening lends to huge objects; and i must say that the cathedral of beauvais, which is scarcely known, is not inferior, either in size or in detail, to the cathedral of cologne. the hôtel-de-ville, situated near the cathedral, is one of those singular edifices which have been built at different times, and which consist of all styles of architecture seen in ancient buildings. the mode in which these edifices have been built forms rather an interesting study. nothing is regular--no fixt plan has been drawn out--all has been built as necessity required. thus the hôtel-de-ville, which has, probably, some roman cave near its foundation, was, in , only a structure similar to those of our edifices built with pillars. for the convenience of the night-watchman, and in order to sound the alarum, a steeple was required, and in the fourteenth century a tower was built. under maximilian a taste for elegant structures was everywhere spread, and the bishops of cologne, deeming it essential to dress their city-house in new raiment, engaged an italian architect, a pupil, probably, of old michael angelo, and a french sculptor, who adjusted on the blackened façade of the thirteenth century a triumphant and magnificent porch. a few years expired, and they stood sadly in want of a promenade by the side of the registry. a back court was built, and galleries erected, which were sumptuously enlivened by heraldry and bas-reliefs. these i had the pleasure of seeing; but, in a few years, no person will have the same gratification, for, without anything being done to prevent it, they are fast falling into ruins. at last, under charles the fifth, a large room for sales and for the assemblies of the citizens was required, and a tasteful building of stone and brick was added. i went up to the belfry; and under a gloomy sky, which harmonized with the edifice and with my thoughts, i saw at my feet the whole of this admirable town. from thurmchen to bayenthurme, the town, which extends upward of a league on the banks of the river, displays a whole host of windows and façades. in the midst of roofs, turrets and gables, the summits of twenty-four churches strike the eye, all of different styles, and each church, from its grandeur, worthy of the name of cathedral. if we examine the town in detail, all is stir, all is life. the bridge is crowded with passengers and carriages; the river is covered with sails. here and there clumps of trees caress, as it were, the houses blackened by time; and the old stone hotels of the fifteenth century, with their long frieze of sculptured flowers, fruit and leaves, upon which the dove, when tired, rests itself, relieve the monotony of the slate roofs and brick fronts which surround them. round this great town--mercantile from its industry, military from its position, marine from its river--is a vast plain that borders germany, which the rhine crosses at different places, and is crowned on the northeast by historic eminences--that wonderful nest of legends and traditions, called the "seven mountains." thus holland and its commerce, germany and its poetry--like the two great aspects of the human mind, the positive and the ideal--shed their light upon the horizon of cologne; a city of business and of meditation. after descending from the belfry, i stopt in the yard before a handsome porch of the renaissance, the second story of which is formed of a series of small triumphal arches, with inscriptions. the first is dedicated to caesar; the second to augustus; the third to agrippa, the founder of cologne; the fourth to constantine, the christian emperor; the fifth to justinian, the great legislator; and the sixth to maximilian. upon the façade, the poetic sculpture has chased three bas-reliefs, representing the three lion-combatants, milo of crotona, pepin-le-bref, and daniel. at the two extremities he has placed milo of crotona, attacking the lions by strength of body; and daniel subduing the lions by the power of mind. between these is pepin-le-bref, conquering his ferocious antagonist with that mixture of moral and physical strength which distinguishes the soldier. between pure strength and pure thought, is courage; between the athlete and the prophet--the hero. pepin, sword in hand, has plunged his left arm, which is enveloped in his mantle, into the mouth of the lion; the animal stands, with extended claws, in that attitude which in heraldry represents the lion rampant. pepin attacks it bravely and vanquishes. daniel is standing motionless, his arms by his side, and his eyes lifted up to heaven, the lions lovingly rolling at his feet. as for milo of crotona, he defends himself against the lion, which is in the act of devouring him. his blind presumption has put too much faith in muscle, in corporeal strength. these three bas-reliefs contain a world of meaning; the last produces a powerful effect. it is nature avenging herself on the man whose only faith is in brute force.... in the evening, as the stars were shining, i took a walk upon the side of the river opposite to cologne. before me was the whole town, with its innumerable steeples figuring in detail upon the pale western sky. to my left rose, like the giant of cologne, the high spire of st. martin's, with its two towers; and, almost in front, the somber apsed cathedral, with its many sharp-pointed spires, resembling a monstrous hedgehog, the crane forming the tail, and near the base two lights, which appeared like two eyes sparkling with fire. nothing disturbed the stillness of the night but the rustling of the waters at my feet, the heavy tramp of a horse's hoofs upon the bridge, and the sound of a blacksmith's hammer. a long stream of fire that issued from the forge caused the adjoining windows to sparkle; then, as if hastening to its opposite element, disappeared in the water. [footnote a: from "the rhine." translated by d.m. aird.] [footnote b: one of the illustrations that accompany this volume shows the spires in their completed state.] round about coblenz[a] by lady blanche murphy coblenz is the place which many years ago gave me my first associations with the rhine. from a neighboring town we often drove to coblenz, and the wide, calm flow of the river, the low, massive bridge of boats and the commonplace outskirts of a busy city contributed to make up a very different picture from that of the poetic "castled" rhine of german song and english ballad. the old town has, however, many beauties, tho its military character looks out through most of them, and reminds us that the mosel city (for it originally stood only on that river, and then crept up to the rhine), tho a point of union in nature, has been for ages, so far as mankind was concerned, a point of defense and watching. the great fortress, a german gibraltar, hangs over the river and sets its teeth in the face of the opposite shore; all the foreign element in the town is due to the deposits made there by troubles in other countries, revolution and war sending their exiles, émigrés and prisoners. the history of the town is only a long military record, from the days of the archbishops of trèves, to whom it was subject.... there is the old "german house" by the bank of the mosel, a building little altered outwardly since the fourteenth century, now used as a food-magazine for the troops. the church of st. castor commemorates a holy hermit who lived and preached to the heathen in the eighth century, and also covers the grave and monument of the founder of the "mouse" at wellmich, the warlike kuno of falkenstein, archbishop of trèves. the exchange, once a court of justice, has changed less startlingly, and its proportions are much the same as of old; and besides these there are other buildings worth noticing, tho not so old, and rather distinguished by the men who lived and died there, or were born there, such as metternich, than by architectural beauties. such houses there are in every old city. they do not invite you to go in and admire them; every tourist you meet does not ask you how you liked them or whether you saw them. they are homes, and sealed to you as such, but they are the shell of the real life of the country; and they have somehow a charm and a fascination that no public building or show-place can have. goethe, who turned his life-experiences into poetry, has told us something of one such house not far from coblenz, in the village of ehrenbreitstein, beneath the fortress, and which in familiar coblenz parlance goes by the name of "the valley"--the house of sophie de laroche. the village is also clement brentano's birthplace. the oldest of german cities, trèves (or in german trier), is not too far to visit on our way up the mosel valley, whose celtic inhabitants of old gave the roman legions so much trouble. but rome ended by conquering, by means of her civilization as well as by her arms, and augusta trevirorum, tho claiming a far higher antiquity than rome herself, and still bearing an inscription to that effect on the old council-house--now called the red house and used as a hotel--became, as ausonius condescendingly remarked, a second rome, adorned with baths, gardens, temples, theaters and all that went to make up an imperial capital. as in venice everything precious seems to have come from constantinople, so in trier most things worthy of note date from the days of the romans; tho, to tell the truth, few of the actual buildings do, no matter how classic is their look. the style of the empire outlived its sway, and doubtless symbolized to the inhabitants their traditions of a higher standard of civilization. the porta nigra, for instance--called simeon's gate at present--dates really from the days of the first merovingian kings, but it looks like a piece of the colosseum, with its rows of arches in massive red sandstone, the stones held together by iron clamps, and its low, immensely strong double gateway, reminding one of the triumphal arches in the forum at rome. the history of the transformation of this gateway is curious. first a fortified city gate, standing in a correspondingly fortified wall, it became a dilapidated granary and storehouse in the middle ages, when one of the archbishops gave leave to simeon, a wandering hermit from syracuse in sicily, to take up his abode there; and another turned it into a church dedicated to this saint, tho of this change few traces remain. finally, it has become a national museum of antiquities. the amphitheater is a genuine roman work, wonderfully well preserved; and genuine enough were the roman games it has witnessed, for, if we are to believe tradition, a thousand frankish prisoners of war were here given in one day to the wild beasts by the emperor constantine. christian emperors beautified the basilica that stood where the cathedral now is, and the latter itself has some basilica-like points about it, tho, being the work of fifteen centuries, it bears the stamp of successive styles upon its face.... the mosel has but few tributary streams of importance; its own course is as winding, as wild and as romantic as that of the rhine itself. the most interesting part of the very varied scenery of this river is not the castles, the antique towns, the dense woods or the teeming vineyards lining rocks where a chamois could hardly stand--all this it has in common with the rhine--but the volcanic region of the eifel, the lakes in ancient craters, the tossed masses of lava and tufa, the great wastes strewn with dark boulders, the rifts that are called valleys and are like the iceland gorges, the poor, starved villages and the extraordinary rusticity, not to say coarseness, of the inhabitants. this grotesque, interesting country--unique, i believe, on the continent of europe--lies in a small triangle between the mosel, the belgian frontier and the schiefer hills of the lower rhine; it goes by the names of the high eifel, with the high acht, the kellberg and the nurburg; the upper (vorder) eifel, with gerolstein, a ruined castle, and daun, a pretty village; and the snow-eifel (schnee eifel), contracted by the speech of the country into schneifel. the last is the most curious, the most dreary, the least visited. walls of sharp rocks rise up over eight hundred feet high round some of its sunken lakes--one is called the powder lake--and the level above this abyss stretches out in moors and desolate downs, peopled with herds of lean sheep, and marked here and there by sepulchral, gibbet-looking signposts, shaped like a rough t and set in a heap of loose stones. it is a great contrast to turn aside from this landscape and look on the smiling villages and pretty wooded scenery of the valley of the mosel proper; the long lines of handsome, healthy women washing their linen on the banks; the old ferryboats crossing by the help of antique chain-and-rope contrivances; the groves of old trees, with broken walls and rude shrines, reminding one of southern italy and her olives and ilexes; and the picturesque houses, in kochem, in daun, in travbach, in bernkastel, which, however untiring one may be as a sightseer, hardly warrant one as a writer to describe and re-describe their beauties. klüsserath, however, we must mention, because its straggling figure has given rise to a local proverb--"as long as klüsserath;" and neumagen, because of the legend of constantine, who is said to have seen the cross of victory in the heavens at this place, as well as at sinzig on the rhine, and, as the more famous legend tells us, at the pons milvium over the tiber. the last glance we take at the beauties of this neighborhood is from the mouth of the torrent-river eltz as it dashes into the eifel, washing the rock on which stands the castle of eltz. the building and the family are an exception in the history of these lands; both exist to this day, and are prosperous and undaunted, notwithstanding all the efforts of enemies, time and circumstances to the contrary. the strongly-turreted wall runs from the castle till it loses itself in the rock, and the building has a home-like inhabited, complete look; which, in virtue of the quaint irregularity and magnificent natural position of the castle, standing guard over the foaming eltz, does not take from its romantic appearance, as preservation or restoration too often does. not far from coblenz, and past the island of nonnenwerth, is the old tenth-century castle of sayn, which stood until the thirty years' war, and below it, quiet, comfortable, large, but unpretending, lies the new house of the family of sayn-wittgenstein, built in the year . as we push our way down the rhine we soon come to the little peaceful town of neuwied, a sanctuary for persecuted flemings and others of the low countries, gathered here by the local sovereign, count frederick iii. the little brook that gives its name to the village runs softly into the rhine under a rustic bridge and amid murmuring rushes, while beyond it the valley gets narrower, rocks begin to rise over the rhine banks, and we come to andernach. andernach is the rocky gate of the rhine, and if its scenery were not enough, its history, dating from roman times, would make it interesting. however, of its relics we can only mention, in passing, the parish church with its four towers, all of tufa, the dungeons under the council-house, significantly called the "jew's bath," and the old sixteenth-century contrivances for loading rhine boats with the millstones in which the town still drives a fair trade. at the mouth of the brohl we meet the volcanic region again, and farther up the valley through which this stream winds come upon the retired little watering-place of tönnistein, a favorite goal of the dutch, with its steel waters; and wassenach, with what we may well call its dust-baths, stretching for miles inland, up hills full of old craters, and leaving us only at the entrance of the beech-woods that have grown up in these cauldron-like valleys and fringe the blue laachersee, the lake of legends and of fairies. one of these schlegel has versified in the "lay of the sunken castle," with the piteous tale of the spirits imprisoned; and simrock tells us in rhyme of the merman who sits waiting for a mortal bride; while wolfgang müller sings of the "castle under the lake," where at night ghostly torches are lighted and ghostly revels are held, the story of which so fascinates the fisherman's boy who has heard of these doings from his grandmother that as he watches the enchanted waters one night his fancy plays him a cruel trick, and he plunges in to join the revellers and learn the truth. local tradition says that count henry ii. and his wife adelaide, walking here by night, saw the whole lake lighted up from within in uncanny fashion, and founded a monastery in order to counteract the spell. this deserted but scarcely ruined building still exists, and contains the grave of the founder; the twelfth-century decoration, rich and detailed, is almost whole in the oldest part of the monastery. the far-famed german tale of genovefa of brabant is here localized, and henry's son siegfried assigned to the princess as a husband, while the neighboring grotto of hochstein is shown as her place of refuge. on our way back to the rocky gate we pass through the singular little town of niedermendig, an hour's distance from the lake--a place built wholly of dark gray lava, standing in a region where lava-ridges seam the earth like the bones of antediluvian monsters, but are made more profitable by being quarried into millstones. there is something here that brings part of wales to the remembrance of the few who have seen those dreary slate-villages--dark, damp, but naked, for moss and weeds do not thrive on this dampness as they do on the decay of other stones--which dot the moorland of wales. the fences are slate; the gateposts are slate; the stiles are of slate; the very "sticks" up which the climbing roses are trained are of slate; churches, schools, houses, stables are all of one dark iron-blue shade; floors and roofs are alike; hearth-stones and threshold-stones, and grave-stones all of the same material. it is curious and depressing. this volcanic region of the rhine, however, has so many unexpected beauties strewn pell-mell in the midst of stony barrenness that it also bears some likeness to naples and ischia, where beauty of color, and even of vegetation, alternate surprisingly with tracts of parched and rocky wilderness pierced with holes whence gas and steam are always rising. [footnote a: from "down the rhine."] bingen and mayence[a] by victor hugo bingen is an exceedingly pretty place, having at once the somber look of an ancient town, and the cheering aspect of a new one. from the days of consul drusus to those of the emperor charlemagne, from charlemagne to archbishop willigis, from willigis to the merchant montemagno, and from montemagno to the visionary holzhausen, the town gradually increased in the number of its houses, as the dew gathers drop by drop in the cup of a lily. excuse this comparison; for, tho flowery, it has truth to back it, and faithfully illustrates the mode in which a town near the conflux of two rivers is constructed. the irregularity of the houses--in fact everything, tends to make bingen a kind of antithesis, both with respect to buildings and the scenery which surrounds them. the town, bounded on the left by nahe, and by the rhine on the right, develops itself in a triangular form near a gothic church, which is backed by a roman citadel. in this citadel, which bears the date of the first century, and has long been the haunt of bandits, there is a garden; and in the church, which is of the fifteenth century, is the tomb of barthélemy de holzhausen. in the direction of mayence, the famed paradise plain opens upon the ringau; and in that of coblentz, the dark mountains of leyen seem to frown on the surrounding scenery. here nature smiles like a lovely woman extended unadorned on the greensward; there, like a slumbering giant, she excites a feeling of awe. the more we examine this beautiful place, the more the antithesis is multiplied under our looks and thoughts. it assumes a thousand different forms; and as the nahe flows through the arches of the stone bridge, upon the parapet of which the lion of hesse turns its back to the eagle of prussia, the green arm of the rhine seizes suddenly the fair and indolent stream, and plunges it into the bingerloch. to sit down toward the evening on the summit of the klopp--to see the town at its base, with an immense horizon on all sides, the mountains overshadowing all--to see the slated roofs smoking, the shadows lengthening, and the scenery breathing to life the verses of virgil--to respire at once the wind which rustles the leaves, the breeze of the flood, and the gale of the mountain--is an exquisite and inexpressible pleasure, full of secret enjoyment, which is veiled by the grandeur of the spectacle, by the intensity of contemplation. at the windows of huts, young women, their eyes fixt upon their work, are gaily singing; among the weeds that grow round the ruins birds whistle and pair; barks are crossing the river, and the sound of oars splashing in the water, and unfurling of sails, reaches our ears. the washerwomen of the rhine spread their clothes on the bushes; and those of the nahe, their legs and feet naked, beat their linen upon floating rafts, and laugh at some poor artist as he sketches ehrenfels. the sun sets, night comes on, the slated roofs of the houses appear as one, the mountains congregate and take the aspect of an immense dark body; and the washerwomen, with bundles on their heads, return cheerfully to their cabins; the noise subsides, the voices are hushed; a faint light, resembling the reflections of the other world upon the countenance of a dying man, is for a short time observable on the ehrenfels; then all is dark, except the tower of hatto, which, tho scarcely seen in the day, makes its appearance at night, amid a light smoke and the reverberation of the forge.... mayence and frankfort, like versailles and paris, may, at the present time, be called one town. in the middle ages there was a distance of eight leagues between them, which was then considered a long journey; now, an hour and a quarter will suffice to transport you from one to the other. the buildings of frankfort and mayence, like those of liège, have been devastated by modern good taste, and old and venerable edifices are rapidly disappearing, giving place to frightful groups of white houses. i expected to be able to see, at mayence, martinsburg, which, up to the seventeenth century, was the feudal residence of the ecclesiastical electors; but the french made a hospital of it, which was afterward razed to the ground to make room for the porte franc; the merchant's hotel, built in by the famed league, and which was splendidly decorated with the statues of seven electors, and surmounted by two colossal figures, bearing the crown of the empire, also shared the same fate. mayence possesses that which marks its antiquity--a venerable cathedral, which was commenced in , and finished in . part of this superb structure was burned in , and since that period has, from century to century, undergone some change. i explored its interior, and was struck with awe on beholding innumerable tombs, bearing dates as far back as the eighteenth century. under the galleries of the cloister i observed an obscure monument, a bas-relief of the fourteenth century, and tried, in vain, to guess the enigma. on one side are two men in chains, wildness in their looks, and despair in their attitudes; on the other, an emperor, accompanied by a bishop, and surrounded by a number of people, triumphing. is it barbarossa? is it louis of bavaria? does it speak of the revolt of , or of the war between mayence and frankfort in ? i could not tell, and therefore passed by. as i was leaving the galleries, i discovered in the shade a sculptured head, half protruding from the wall, surmounted by a crown of flower-work, similar to that worn by the kings of the eleventh century. i looked at it; it had a mild countenance; yet it possest something of severity in it--a face imprinted with that august beauty which the workings of a great mind give to the countenance of man. the hand of some peasant had chalked the name "frauenlob" above it, and i instantly remembered the tasso of mayence, so calumniated during his life, so venerated after his death. when henry frauenlob died, which was in the year , the females who had insulted him in life carried his coffin to the tomb, which procession is chiseled on the tombstone beneath. i again looked at that noble head. the sculptor had left the eyes open; and thus, in that church of sepulchers--in that cloister of the dead--the poet alone sees; he only is represented standing, and observing all. the market-place, which is by the side of the cathedral, has rather an amusing and pleasing aspect. in the middle is a pretty triangular fountain of the german renaissance, which, besides having scepters, nymphs, angels, dolphins, and mermaids, serves as a pedestal to the virgin mary. this fountain was erected by albert de brandenburg, who reigned in , in commemoration of the capture of francis the first by charles the fifth. mayence, white tho it be, retains its ancient aspect of a beautiful city. the river here is not less crowded with sails, the town not less incumbered with bales, nor more free from bustle, than formerly. people walk, squeak, push, sell, buy, sing, and cry; in fact in all the quarters of the town, in every house, life seems to predominate. at night the buzz and noise cease, and nothing is heard at mayence but the murmurings of the rhine, and the everlasting noise of seventeen water mills, which are fixt to the piles of the bridge of charlemagne. [footnote a: from "the rhine." translated by d.m. aird.] frankfort-am-main[a] by bayard taylor frankfort is a genuine old german city. founded by charlemagne, afterward a rallying-point of the crusaders, and for a long time the capital of the german empire, it has no lack of interesting historical recollections, and, notwithstanding it is fast becoming modernized, one is everywhere reminded of the past. the cathedral, old as the days of peter the hermit, the grotesque street of the jews, the many quaint, antiquated dwellings and the moldering watch-towers on the hills around, give it a more interesting character than any german city i have yet seen. the house we dwell in, on the markt platz, is more than two hundred years old; directly opposite is a great castellated building gloomy with the weight of six centuries, and a few steps to the left brings me to the square of the römerberg, where the emperors were crowned, in a corner of which is a curiously ornamented house formerly the residence of luther. there are legends innumerable connected with all these buildings, and even yet discoveries are frequently made in old houses of secret chambers and staircases. when you add to all this the german love of ghost-stories, and, indeed, their general belief in spirits, the lover of romance could not desire a more agreeable residence. within the walls the greater part of frankfort is built in the old german style, the houses six or seven stories high and every story projecting out over the other; so that those living in the upper part can nearly shake hands out of the windows. at the corners figures of men are often seen holding up the story above on their shoulders and making horrible faces at the weight. when i state that in all these narrow streets, which constitute the greater part of the city, there are no sidewalks, the windows of the lower stories have iron gratings extending a foot or so into the street, which is only wide enough for one cart to pass along, you can have some idea of the facility of walking through them, to say nothing of the piles of wood and market-women with baskets of vegetables which one is continuously stumbling over. even in the wider streets i have always to look before and behind to keep out of the way of the cabs; the people here get so accustomed to it that they leave barely room for them to pass, and the carriages go dashing by at a nearness which sometimes makes me shudder. as i walked across the main and looked down at the swift stream on its way from the distant thuringian forest to join the rhine, i thought of the time when schiller stood there in the days of his early struggles, an exile from his native land, and, looking over the bridge, said in the loneliness of his heart, "that water flows not so deep as my sufferings." from the hills on the darmstadt road i had a view of the country around; the fields were white and bare, and the dark taunus, with the broad patches of snow on his sides, looked grim and shadowy through the dim atmosphere. it was like the landscape of a dream--dark, strange and silent. i have seen the banker rothschild several times driving about the city. this one--anselmo, the most celebrated of the brothers--holds a mortgage on the city of jerusalem. he rides about in style, with officers attending his carriage. he is a little baldheaded man with marked jewish features, and is said not to deceive his looks. at any rate, his reputation is none of the best, either with jews or christians. a caricature was published some time ago in which he is represented as giving a beggar-woman by the wayside a kreutzer--the smallest german coin. she is made to exclaim, "god reward you a thousand fold!" he immediately replies, after reckoning up in his head, "how much have i then? sixteen florins and forty kreutzers!"... the eschernheim tower, at the entrance of one of the city gates, is universally admired by strangers on account of its picturesque appearance, overgrown with ivy and terminated by the little pointed turrets which one sees so often in germany on buildings three or four centuries old. there are five other watch-towers of similar form, which stand on different sides of the city at the distance of a mile or two, and generally upon an eminence overlooking the country. they were erected several centuries ago to discern from afar the approach of an enemy, and protect the caravans of merchants, which at that time traveled from city to city, from the attacks of robbers. the eschernheim tower is interesting from another circumstance which, whether true or not, is universally believed. when frankfort was under the sway of a prince, a swiss hunter, for some civil offense, was condemned to die. he begged his life from the prince, who granted it only on condition that he should fire the figure nine with his rifle through the vane of this tower. he agreed, and did it; and at the present time one can distinguish a rude nine on the vane, as if cut with bullets, while two or three marks at the side appear to be from shots that failed. [footnote a: from "views afoot." published by g.p. putnam's sons.] heidelberg[a] by bayard taylor here in heidelberg at last, and a most glorious town it is. this is our first morning in our new rooms, and the sun streams warmly in the eastern windows as i write, while the old castle rises through the blue vapor on the side of the kaiserstuhl. the neckar rushes on below, and the odenwald, before me, rejoices with its vineyards in the morning light.... there is so much to be seen around this beautiful place that i scarcely know where to begin a description of it. i have been wandering among the wild paths that lead up and down the mountain-side or away into the forests and lonely meadows in the lap of the odenwald. my mind is filled with images of the romantic german scenery, whose real beauty is beginning to displace the imaginary picture which i had painted with the enthusiastic words of howitt. i seem to stand now upon the kaiserstuhl, which rises above heidelberg, with that magnificent landscape around me from the black forest and strassburg to mainz, and from the vosges in france to the hills of spessart in bavaria. what a glorious panorama! and not less rich in associations than in its natural beauty. below me had moved the barbarian hordes of old, the triumphant followers of arminius and the cohorts of rome, and later full many a warlike host bearing the banners of the red cross to the holy land, many a knight returning with his vassals from the field to lay at the feet of his lady-love the scarf he had worn in a hundred battles and claim the reward of his constancy and devotion. but brighter spirits had also toiled below. that plain had witnessed the presence of luther, and a host who strove with him. there had also trodden the master-spirits of german song--the giant twain with their scarcely less harmonious brethren. they, too, had gathered inspiration from those scenes--more fervent worship of nature and a deeper love for their beautiful fatherland.... then there is the wolfsbrunnen, which one reaches by a beautiful walk up the bank of the neckar to a quiet dell in the side of the mountain. through this the roads lead up by rustic mills always in motion, and orchards laden with ripening fruit, to the commencement of the forest, where a quaint stone fountain stands, commemorating the abode of a sorceress of the olden time who was torn in pieces by a wolf. there is a handsome rustic inn here, where every sunday afternoon a band plays in the portico, while hundreds of people are scattered around in the cool shadow of the trees or feeding the splendid trout in the basin formed by a little stream. they generally return to the city by another walk, leading along the mountain-side to the eastern terrace of the castle, where they have fine views of the great rhine plain, terminated by the alsatian hills stretching along the western horizon like the long crested swells on the ocean. we can even see these from the windows of our room on the bank of the neckar, and i often look with interest on one sharp peak, for on its side stands the castle of trifels, where coeur de lion was imprisoned by the duke of austria, and where blondel, his faithful minstrel, sang the ballad which discovered the retreat of the noble captive. from the carl platz, an open square at the upper end of the city, two paths lead directly up to the castle. by the first walk we ascend a flight of steps to the western gate; passing through which, we enter a delightful garden, between the outer walls of the castle and the huge moat which surrounds it. great linden, oak and beech trees shadow the walk, and in secluded nooks little mountain-streams spring from the side of the wall into stone basins. there is a tower over the moat on the south side, next the mountain, where the portcullis still hangs with its sharp teeth as it was last drawn up; on each side stand two grim knights guarding the entrance. in one of the wooded walks is an old tree brought from america in the year . it is of the kind called "arbor vitae," and uncommonly tall and slender for one of this species; yet it does not seem to thrive well in a foreign soil. i noticed that persons had cut many slips off the lower branches, and i would have been tempted to do the same myself if there had been any i could reach. in the curve of the mountain is a handsome pavilion surrounded with beds of flowers and fountains; here all classes meet together in the afternoon to sit with their refreshments in the shade, while frequently a fine band of music gives them their invariable recreation. all this, with the scenery around them, leaves nothing unfinished to their present enjoyment. the germans enjoy life under all circumstances, and in this way they make themselves much happier than we who have far greater means of being so. at the end of the terrace built for the princess elizabeth of england is one of the round towers which was split in twain by the french. half has fallen entirely away, and the other semicircular shell, which joins the terrace and part of the castle-buildings, clings firmly together, altho part of its foundation is gone, so that its outer ends actually hang in the air. some idea of the strength of the castle may be obtained when i state that the walls of this tower are twenty-two feet thick, and that a staircase has been made through them to the top, where one can sit under the lindens growing upon it or look down on the city below with the pleasant consciousness that the great mass upon which he stands is only prevented from crashing down with him by the solidity of its masonry. on one side, joining the garden, the statue of the archduke louis in his breastplate and flowing beard looks out from among the ivy. there is little to be seen about the castle except the walls themselves. the guide conducted us through passages, in which were heaped many of the enormous cannon-balls which it had received in sieges, to some chambers in the foundation. this was the oldest part of the castle, built in the thirteenth century. we also visited the chapel, which is in a tolerable state of preservation. a kind of narrow bridge crosses it, over which we walked, looking down on the empty pulpit and deserted shrines. we then went into the cellar to see the celebrated tun. in a large vault are kept several enormous hogsheads, one of which is three hundred years old, but they are nothing in comparison with the tun, which itself fills a whole vault. it is as high as a common two-story house; on the top is a platform upon which the people used to dance after it was filled, to which one ascends by two flights of steps. i forget exactly how many casks it holds, but i believe eight hundred. it has been empty for fifty years.... opposite my window rises the heiligenberg, on the other side of the neckar. the lower part of it is rich with vineyards, and many cottages stand embosomed in shrubbery among them. sometimes we see groups of maidens standing under the grape-arbors, and every morning the peasant-women go toiling up the steep paths with baskets on their heads, to labor among the vines. on the neckar, below us, the fishermen glide about in their boats, sink their square nets fastened to a long pole, and haul them up with the glittering fish, of which the stream is full. i often lean out of the window late at night, when the mountains above are wrapt in dusky obscurity, and listen to the low, musical ripple of the river. it tells to my excited fancy a knightly legend of the old german time. then comes the bell rung for closing the inns, breaking the spell with its deep clang, which vibrates far away on the night-air till it has roused all the echoes of the odenwald. i then shut the window, turn into the narrow box which the germans call a bed, and in a few minutes am wandering in america. halfway up the heidelberg runs a beautiful walk dividing the vineyards from the forest above. this is called "the philosopher's way," because it was the favorite ramble of the old professors of the university. it can be reached by a toilsome, winding path among the vines, called the snake-way; and when one has ascended to it, he is well rewarded by the lovely view. in the evening, when the sun has got behind the mountain, it is delightful to sit on the stone steps and watch the golden light creeping up the side of the kaiserstuhl, till at last twilight begins to darken in the valley and a mantle of mist gathers above the neckar. we ascended the mountain a few days ago. there is a path which leads up through the forest, but we took the shortest way, directly up the side, tho it was at an angle of nearly fifty degrees. it was hard enough work scrambling through the thick broom and heather and over stumps and stones. in one of the stone-heaps i dislodged a large orange-colored salamander seven or eight inches long. they are sometimes found on these mountains, as well as a very large kind of lizard, called the "eidechse," which the germans say is perfectly harmless, and if one whistles or plays a pipe will come and play around him. the view from the top reminded me of that from catskill mountain house, but is on a smaller scale. the mountains stretch off sideways, confining the view to but half the horizon, and in the middle of the picture the hudson is well represented by the lengthened windings of the "abounding rhine." nestled at the base below us was the little village of handschuhheim, one of the oldest in this part of germany. the castle of its former lords has nearly all fallen down, but the massive solidity of the walls which yet stand proves its antiquity. a few years ago a part of the outer walls which was remarked to have a hollow sound was taken down, when there fell from a deep niche built therein, a skeleton clad in a suit of the old german armor. we followed a road through the woods to the peak on which stands the ruins of st. michael's chapel, which was built in the tenth century and inhabited for a long time by a company of white monks. there is now but a single tower remaining, and all around is grown over with tall bushes and weeds. it had a wild and romantic look, and i sat on a rock and sketched at it till it grew dark, when we got down the mountain the best way we could.... we have just returned from a second visit to frankfort, where the great annual fair filled the streets with noise and bustle. on our way back we stopt at the village of zwingenberg, which lies at the foot of the melibochus, for the purpose of visiting some of the scenery of the odenwald. passing the night at the inn there, we slept with one bed under and two above, and started early in the morning to climb up the side of the melibochus. after a long walk through the forests, which were beginning to change their summer foliage for a brighter garment, we reached the summit and ascended the stone tower which stands upon it. this view gives one a better idea of the odenwald than that from the kaiserstuhl at heidelberg. this is a great collection of rocks, in a wild pine wood, heaped together like pebbles on the seashore and worn and rounded as if by the action of water; so much do they resemble waves that one standing at the bottom and looking up can not resist the idea that they will flow down upon him. it must have been a mighty tide whose receding waves left these masses piled up together. the same formation continues at intervals to the foot of the mountains. it reminded me of a glacier of rocks instead of ice. a little higher up lies a massive block of granite called the giant's column. it is thirty-two feet long and three to four feet in diameter, and still bears the mark of the chisel. when or by whom it was made remains a mystery. some have supposed it was intended to be erected for the worship of the sun by the wild teutonic tribes who inhabited this forest; it is more probably the work of the romans. a project was once started to erect a monument on the battlefield of leipsic, but it was found too difficult to carry into execution. after dining at the little village of reichelsdorf, in the valley below--where the merry landlord charged my friend two kreutzers less than myself because he was not so tall--we visited the castle of schönberg, and joined the bergstrasse again. we walked the rest of the way here. long before we arrived the moon shone down on us over the mountains; and when we turned around the foot of the heiligenberg, the mist descending in the valley of the neckar rested like a light cloud on the church-spires. [footnote a: from "views afoot." published by g.p. putnam's sons.] strassburg[a] by harriet beecher stowe i left the cars with my head full of the cathedral. the first thing i saw, on lifting my eyes, was a brown spire. we climbed the spire; we gained the roof. what a magnificent terrace! a world in itself; a panoramic view sweeping the horizon. here i saw the names of goethe and herder. here they have walked many a time, i suppose. but the inside--a forest-like firmament, glorious in holiness; windows many-hued as the hebrew psalms; a gloom solemn and pathetic as man's mysterious existence; a richness gorgeous and manifold as his wonderful nature. in this gothic architecture we see earnest northern races, whose nature was a composite of influences from pine forest, mountain, and storm, expressing in vast proportions and gigantic masonry those ideas of infinite duration and existence which christianity opened before them. the ethereal eloquence of the greeks could not express the rugged earnestness of souls wrestling with those fearful mysteries of fate, of suffering, of eternal existence, declared equally by nature and revelation. this architecture is hebraistic in spirit, not greek; it well accords with the deep ground-swell of the hebrew prophets. "lord, thou hast been our dwelling-place in all generations. before the mountains were brought forth, or ever thou hadst formed the earth and the world, even from everlasting to everlasting, thou art god. a thousand years in thy sight are but as yesterday when it is past. and as a watch in the night." the objection to gothic architecture, as compared with greek, is, that it is less finished and elegant. so it is. it symbolizes that state of mind too earnest for mere polish, too deeply excited for laws of exact proportions and architectural refinement. it is alpine architecture--vast, wild, and sublime in its foundations, yet bursting into flowers at every interval. the human soul seems to me an imprisoned essence, striving after somewhat divine. there is a struggle in it, as of suffocated flame; finding vent now through poetry, now in painting, now in music, sculpture, or architecture; various are the crevices and fissures, but the flame is one. moreover, as society grows from barbarism upward, it tends to inflorescence, at certain periods, as do plants and trees; and some races flower later than others. this architecture was the first flowering of the gothic race; they had no homers; the flame found vent not by imaged words and vitalized alphabet; they vitalized stone, and their poets were minster-builders; their epics, cathedrals. this is why one cathedral--like strassburg, or notre dame--has a thousandfold the power of any number of madeleines. the madeleine is simply a building; these are poems. i never look at one of them without feeling that gravitation of soul toward its artist which poetry always excites. often the artist is unknown; here we know him; erwin von steinbach, poet, prophet, priest, in architecture. we visited his house--a house old and quaint, and to me full of suggestions and emotions. ah, if there be, as the apostle vividly suggests, houses not made with hands, strange splendors, of which these are but shadows, that vast religious spirit may have been finding scope for itself where all the forces of nature shall have been made tributary to the great conceptions of the soul. save this cathedral, strassburg has nothing except peaked-roofed houses, dotted with six or seven rows of gable windows. [footnote a: from "sunny memories of foreign lands." mrs. stowe published this work in , after returning from the tour she made soon after achieving great fame with "uncle tom's cabin." during this visit she was received everywhere with distinction--and especially in england.] freiburg and the black forest[a] by bayard taylor the airy basket-work tower of the freiburg minster rises before me over the black roofs of the houses, and behind stand the gloomy pine-covered mountains of the black forest. of our walk to heidelberg over the oft-trodden bergstrasse, i shall say nothing, nor how we climbed the kaiserstuhl again, and danced around on the top of the tower for one hour amid cloud and mist, while there was sunshine below in the valley of the neckar. i left heidelberg yesterday morning in the "stehwagen" for carlsruhe. the engine whistled, the train started, and, altho i kept my eyes steadily fixt on the spire of the hauptkirche, three minutes hid it and all the rest of the city from sight. carlsruhe, the capital of baden--which we reached in an hour and a half--is unanimously pronounced by travelers to be a most dull and tiresome city. from a glance i had through one of the gates, i should think its reputation was not undeserved. even its name in german signifies a place of repose. i stopt at kork, on the branch-road leading to strassburg, to meet a german-american about to return to my home in pennsylvania, where he had lived for some time. i inquired according to the direction he had sent me to frankfort, but he was not there; however, an old man, finding who i was, said herr otto had directed him to go with me to hesselhurst, a village four or five miles off, where he would meet me. so we set off immediately over the plain, and reached the village at dusk.... my friend arrived at three o'clock the next morning, and, after two or three hours' talk about home and the friends whom he expected to see so much sooner than i, a young farmer drove me in his wagon to offenburg, a small city at the foot of the black forest, where i took the cars for freiburg. the scenery between the two places is grand. the broad mountains of the black forest rear their fronts on the east, and the blue lines of the french vosges meet the clouds on the west. the night before, in walking over the plain, i saw distinctly the whole of the strassburg minster, whose spire is the highest in europe, being four hundred and ninety feet, or but twenty-five feet lower than the pyramid of cheops. i visited the minster of freiburg yesterday morning. it is a grand, gloomy old pile, dating back from the eleventh century--one of the few gothic churches in germany that have ever been completed. the tower of beautiful fretwork rises to the height of three hundred and ninety-five feet, and the body of the church, including the choir, is of the same length. the interior is solemn and majestic. windows stained in colors that burn let in a "dim religious light" which accords very well with the dark old pillars and antique shrines. in two of the chapels there are some fine altar-pieces by holbein and one of his scholars, and a very large crucifix of silver and ebony, kept with great care, which is said to have been carried with the crusaders to the holy land.... we went this afternoon to the jägerhaus, on a mountain near, where we had a very fine view of the city and its great black minster, with the plain of the briesgau, broken only by the kaiserstuhl, a long mountain near the rhine, whose golden stream glittered in the distance. on climbing the schlossberg, an eminence near the city, we met the grand duchess stephanie, a natural daughter of napoleon, as i have heard. a chapel on the schönberg, the mountain opposite, was pointed out as the spot where louis xv.--if i mistake not--usually stood while his army besieged freiburg. a german officer having sent a ball to this chapel which struck the wall just above the king's head, the latter sent word that if they did not cease firing he would point his cannons at the minster. the citizens thought it best to spare the monarch and save the cathedral. after two days delightfully spent, we shouldered our knapsacks and left freiburg. the beautiful valley at the mouth of which the city lies runs like an avenue for seven miles directly into the mountains, and presents in its loveliness such a contrast to the horrid defile which follows that it almost deserves the name which has been given to a little inn at its head--the "kingdom of heaven." the mountains of the black forest enclose it on each side like walls, covered to the summit with luxuriant woods, and in some places with those forests of gloomy pine which give this region its name. after traversing its whole length, just before plunging into the mountain-depths the traveler rarely meets with a finer picture than that which, on looking back, he seems framed between the hills at the other end. freiburg looks around the foot of one of the heights, with the spire of her cathedral peeping above the top, while the french vosges grow dim in the far perspective. the road now enters a wild, narrow valley which grows smaller as we proceed. from himmelreich, a large rude inn by the side of the green meadows, we enter the höllenthal--that is, from the "kingdom of heaven" to the "valley of hell." the latter place better deserves its appellation than the former. the road winds between precipices of black rock, above which the thick foliage shuts out the brightness of day and gives a somber hue to the scene. a torrent foams down the chasm, and in one place two mighty pillars interpose to prevent all passage. the stream, however, has worn its way through, and the road is hewn in the rock by its side. this cleft is the only entrance to a valley three or four miles long which lies in the very heart of the mountains. it is inhabited by a few woodmen and their families, and, but for the road which passes through, would be as perfect a solitude as the happy valley of rasselas. at the farther end a winding road called "the ascent" leads up the steep mountain to an elevated region of country thinly settled and covered with herds of cattle. the cherries--which in the rhine-plain below had long gone--were just ripe here. the people spoke a most barbarous dialect; they were social and friendly, for everybody greeted us, and sometimes, as we sat on a bank by the roadside, those who passed by would say "rest thee!" or "thrice rest!" passing by the titi lake, a small body of water which was spread out among the hills like a sheet of ink, so deep was its stygian hue, we commenced ascending a mountain. the highest peak of the schwarzwald, the feldberg, rose not far off, and on arriving at the top of this mountain we saw that a half hour's walk would bring us to its summit. this was too great a temptation for my love of climbing heights; so, with a look at the descending sun to calculate how much time we could spare, we set out. there was no path, but we prest directly up the steep side through bushes and long grass, and in a short time reached the top, breathless from such exertion in the thin atmosphere. the pine-woods shut out the view to the north and east, which is said to be magnificent, as the mountain is about five thousand feet high. the wild black peaks of the black forest were spread below us, and the sun sank through golden mist toward the alsatian hills. afar to the south, through cloud and storm, we could just trace the white outline of the swiss alps. the wind swept through the pines around, and bent the long yellow grass among which we sat, with a strange, mournful sound, well suiting the gloomy and mysterious region. it soon grew cold; the golden clouds settled down toward us, and we made haste to descend to the village of lenzkirch before dark. next morning we set out early, without waiting to see the trial of archery which was to take place among the mountain-youths. their booths and targets, gay with banners, stood on a green meadow beside the town. we walked through the black forest the whole forenoon. it might be owing to the many wild stories whose scenes are laid among these hills, but with me there was a peculiar feeling of solemnity pervading the whole region. the great pine-woods are of the very darkest hue of green, and down their hoary, moss-floored aisles daylight seems never to have shone. the air was pure and clear and the sunshine bright, but it imparted no gayety to the scenery; except the little meadows of living emerald which lay occasionally in the lap of a dell, the landscape wore a solemn and serious air. in a storm it must be sublime. about noon, from the top of the last range of hills, we had a glorious view. the line of the distant alps could be faintly traced high in the clouds, and all the heights between were plainly visible, from the lake of constance to the misty jura, which flanked the vosges on the west. from our lofty station we overlooked half switzerland, and, had the air been a little clearer, we could have seen mont blanc and the mountains of savoy. i could not help envying the feelings of the swiss who, after long absence from their native land, first see the alps from this road. if to the emotions with which i then looked on them were added the passionate love of home and country which a long absence creates, such excess of rapture would be almost too great to be borne. [footnote a: from "views afoot." published by g.p. putnam's sons.] ii nuremberg as a medieval city[a] by cecil headlam in spite of all changes, and in spite of the disfigurements of modern industry, nuremberg is and will remain a medieval city, a city of history and legend, a city of the soul. she is like venice in this, as in not a little of her history, that she exercises an indefinable fascination over our hearts no less than over our intellects. the subtle flavor of medieval towns may be likened to that of those rare old ports which are said to taste of the grave; a flavor indefinable, exquisite. rothenburg has it; and it is with rothenburg, that little gem of medievalism, that nuremberg is likely to be compared in the mind of the modern wanderer in franconia. but tho rothenburg may surpass her greater neighbor in the perfect harmony and in the picturesqueness of her red-tiled houses and well-preserved fortifications, in interest at any rate she must yield to the heroine of this story. for, apart from the beauty which nuremberg owes to the wonderful grouping of her red roofs and ancient castle, her coronet of antique towers, her gothic churches and renaissance buildings or brown riverside houses dipping into the mud-colored pegnitz, she rejoices in treasures of art and architecture and in the possession of a splendid history such as rothenburg can not boast. to those who know something of her story nuremberg brings the subtle charm of association. while appealing to our memories by the grandeur of her historic past, and to our imaginations by the work and tradition of her mighty dead, she appeals also to our senses with the rare magic of her personal beauty, if one may so call it. in that triple appeal lies the fascination of nuremberg.... the facts as to the origin of nuremberg are lost in the dim shadows of tradition. when the little town sprang up amid the forests and swamps which still marked the course of the pegnitz, we know as little as we know the origin of the name nürnberg. it is true that the chronicles of later days are only too ready to furnish us with information; but the information is not always reliable. the chronicles, like our own peerage, are apt to contain too vivid efforts of imaginative fiction. the chroniclers, unharassed by facts or documents, with minds "not by geography prejudiced, or warped by history," can not unfortunately always be believed. it is, for instance, quite possible that attila, king of the huns, passed and plundered nuremberg, as they tell us. but there is no proof, no record of that visitation. again, the inevitable legend of a visit from charlemagne occurs. he, you may be sure, was lost in the woods while hunting near nuremberg, and passed all night alone, unhurt by the wild beasts. as a token of gratitude for god's manifest favor he caused a chapel to be built on the spot. the chapel stands to this day--a twelfth-century building--but no matter! for did not otho i., as our chroniclers tell us, attend mass in st. sebald's church in , tho st. sebald's church can not have been built till a century later? the origin of the very name of nuremberg is hidden in the clouds of obscurity. in the earliest documents we find it spelt with the usual variations of early manuscripts--nourenberg, nuorimperc, niurenberg, nuremberc, etc. the origin of the place, we repeat, is equally obscure. many attempts have been made to find history in the light of the derivations of the name. but when philology turns historian it is apt to play strange tricks. nur ein berg (only a castle), or nero's castle, or norix tower--what matter which is the right derivation, so long as we can base a possible theory on it? the norixberg theory will serve to illustrate the incredible quantity of misplaced ingenuity which both of old times and in the present has been wasted in trying to explain the inexplicable. be that as it may, the history of our town begins in the year . it is most probable that the silence regarding the place--it is not mentioned among the places visited by conrad ii. in this neighborhood--points to the fact that the castle did not exist in , but was built between that year and . that it existed then we know, for henry iii. dated a document from here in , summoning a council of bavarian nobles "to his estate nourinberc." the oldest portion, called in the fifteenth century altnürnberg, consisted of the fünfeckiger thurm--the five-cornered tower--the rooms attached and the otmarkapelle. the latter was burned down in , rebuilt in , and called the walpurgiskapelle. these constituted the burggräfliche burg--the burggraf's castle. the rest of the castle was built on by friedrich der rotbart (barbarossa), and called the kaiserliche burg. the old five-cornered tower and the surrounding ground was the private property of the burggraf, and he was appointed by the emperor as imperial officer of the kaiserliche burg. whether the emperors claimed any rights of personal property over nuremberg or merely treated it, at first, as imperial property, it is difficult to determine. the castle at any rate was probably built to secure whatever rights were claimed, and to serve generally as an imperial stronghold. gradually around the castle grew up the straggling streets of nuremberg. settlers built beneath the shadow of the burg. the very names of the streets suggest the vicinity of a camp or fortress. söldnerstrasse, schmiedstrasse, and so forth, betray the military origin of the present busy commercial town. from one cause or another a mixture of races, of germanic and non-germanic, of slavonic and frankish elements, seems to have occurred among the inhabitants of the growing village, producing a special blend which in dialect, in customs, and in dress was soon noticed by the neighbors as unique, and stamping the art and development of nuremberg with that peculiar character which has never left it. various causes combined to promote the growth of the place. the temporary removal of the mart from fürth to nuremberg under henry iii. doubtless gave a great impetus to the development of the latter town. henry iv., indeed, gave back the rights of mart, customs and coinage to fürth. but it seems probable that these rights were not taken away again from nuremberg. the possession of a mart was, of course, of great importance to a town in those days, promoting industries and arts and settled occupations. the nurembergers were ready to suck out the fullest advantage from their privilege. that mixture of races, to which we have referred, resulted in remarkable business energy--energy which soon found scope in the conduct of the business which the natural position of nuremberg on the south and north, the east and western trade routes, brought to her. it was not very long before she became the center of the vast trade between the levant and western europe, and the chief emporium for the produce of italy--the "handelsmetropole" in fact of south germany. nothing in the middle ages was more conducive to the prosperity of a town than the reputation of having a holy man within its borders, or the possession of the miracle-working relics of a saint. just as st. elizabeth made marburg so st. sebaldus proved a very potent attraction to nuremberg. as early as and we hear of pilgrimages to nuremberg in honor of her patron saint. another factor in the growth of the place was the frequent visits which the emperors began to pay to it. lying as it did on their way from bamberg and forcheim to regensburg, the kaisers readily availed themselves of the security offered by this impregnable fortress, and of the sport provided in the adjacent forest. for there was good hunting to be had in the forest which, seventy-two miles in extent, surrounded nuremberg. and hunting, next to war, was then in most parts of europe the most serious occupation of life. all the forest rights, we may mention, of wood-cutting, hunting, charcoal burning and bee-farming belonged originally to the empire. but these were gradually acquired by the nuremberg council, chiefly by purchase in the fifteenth century. in the castle the visitor may notice a list of all the emperors--some thirty odd, all told--who have stayed there--a list that should now include the reigning emperor. we find that henry iv. frequently honored nuremberg with his presence. this is that henry iv., whose scene at canossa with the pope--kaiser of the holy roman empire waiting three days in the snow to kiss the foot of excommunicative gregory--has imprest itself on all memories. his last visit to nuremberg was a sad one. his son rebelled against him, and the old king stopt at nuremberg to collect his forces. in the war between father and son nuremberg was loyal, and took the part of henry iv. it was no nominal part, for in she had to stand a siege from the young henry. for two months the town was held by the burghers and the castle by the prefect conrad. at the end of that time orders came from the old kaiser that the town was to surrender. he had given up the struggle, and his undutiful son succeeded as henry v. to the holy roman empire, and nuremberg with it. the mention of this siege gives us an indication of the growth of the town. the fact of the siege and the words of the chronicler, "the townsmen (oppidani) gave up the town under treaty," seem to point to the conclusion that nuremberg was now no longer a mere fort (castrum), but that walls had sprung up round the busy mart and the shrine of st. sebald, and that by this time nuremberg had risen to the dignity of a "stadt" or city state. presently, indeed, we find her rejoicing in the title of "civitas" (state). the place, it is clear, was already of considerable military importance or it would not have been worth while to invest it. the growing volume of trade is further illustrated by a charter of henry v. ( ) giving to the citizens of worms customs' immunity in various places subject to him, among which frankfort, goslar and nuremberg are named as royal towns ("oppida regis"). [footnote a: from "the story of nuremberg." published by e.p. dutton & co.] its churches and the citadel[a] by thomas frognall dibdin it may be as well briefly to notice the two churches--st. sebald and st. lawrence. the former was within a stone's throw of our inn. above the door of the western front is a remarkably fine crucifix of wood--placed, however, in too deep a recess--said to be by veit stoss. the head is of a very fine form, and the countenance has an expression of the most acute and intense feeling. a crown of thorns is twisted around the brow. but this figure, as well as the whole of the outside and inside of the church, stands in great need of being repaired. the towers are low, with insignificant turrets; the latter evidently a later erection--probably at the commencement of the sixteenth century. the eastern extremity, as well indeed as the aisles, is surrounded by buttresses; and the sharp-pointed, or lancet, windows, seem to bespeak the fourteenth, if not the thirteenth, century. the great "wonder" of the interior is the shrine of the saint (to whom the church is dedicated), of which the greater part is silver. at the time of my viewing it, it was in a disjointed state--parts of it having been taken to pieces, for repair; but from geisler's exquisite little engraving, i should pronounce it to be second to few specimens of similar art in europe. the figures do not exceed two feet in height, and the extreme elevation of the shrine may be about eight feet. nor has geisler's almost equally exquisite little engraved carving of the richly carved gothic font in this church, less claim upon the admiration of the connoisseur. the mother church, or cathedral of st. lawrence, is much larger, and portions of it may be of the latter end of the thirteenth century. the principal entrance presents us with an elaborate doorway--perhaps of the fourteenth century--with the sculpture divided into several compartments, as at rouen, strassburg, and other earlier edifices. there is a poverty in the two towers, both from their size and the meagerness of the windows; but the slim spires at the summit are, doubtless, nearly of a coeval date with that which supports them. the bottom of the large circular or marigold window is injured in its effect by a gothic balustrade of a later period. the interior of this church has certainly nothing very commanding or striking, on the score of architectural grandeur or beauty; but there are some painted glass windows--especially by volkmar--which are deserving of particular attention. nuremberg has one advantage over many populous towns; its public buildings are not choked up by narrow streets; and i hardly know an edifice of distinction, round which the spectator may not walk with perfect ease, and obtain a view of every portion which he is desirous of examining.... of all edifices, more especially deserving of being visited at nuremberg, the citadel is doubtless the most curious and ancient, as well as the most remarkable. it rises to a considerable height, close upon the outer walls of the town, within about a stone's throw of the end of albrecht dürer strasse--or the street where albert dürer lived--and whose house is not only yet in existence, but still the object of attraction and veneration with every visitor of taste, from whatever part of the world he may chance to come. the street running down is the street called (as before observed) after albert dürer's own name; and the well, seen about the middle of it, is a specimen of those wells--built of stone--which are very common in the streets of nuremberg. the upper part of the house of albert dürer is supposed to have been his study. the interior is so altered from its original disposition as to present little or nothing satisfactory to the antiquary. it would be difficult to say how many coats of whitewash have been bestowed upon the rooms, since the time when they were tenanted by the great character in question. passing through this street, therefore, you may turn to the right, and continue onward up a pretty smart ascent; when the entrance to the citadel, by the side of a low wall--in front of an old tower--presents itself to your attention. it was before breakfast that my companion and self visited this interesting interior, over every part of which we were conducted by a most loquacious cicerone, who spoke the french language very fluently, and who was pleased to express his extreme gratification upon finding that his visitors were englishmen. the tower and the adjoining chapel, may be each of the thirteenth century; but the tombstone of the founder of the monastery, upon the site of which the present citadel was built, bears the date of . this tombstone is very perfect; lying in a loose, unconnected manner, as you enter the chapel; the chapel itself having a crypt-like appearance. this latter is very small. from the suite of apartments in the older parts of the citadel, there is a most extensive and uninterrupted view of the surrounding country, which is rather flat. at the distance of about nine miles, the town of fürth (furta) looks as if it were within an hour's walk; and i should think that the height of the chambers (from which we enjoyed this view) to the level ground of the adjacent meadows could be scarcely less than three hundred feet. in these chambers there is a little world of curiosity for the antiquary; and yet it was but too palpable that very many of its more precious treasures had been transported to munich. in the time of maximilian ii., when nuremberg may be supposed to have been in the very height of its glory, this citadel must have been worth a pilgrimage of many score miles to have visited. the ornaments which remain are chiefly pictures; of which several are exceedingly precious.... in these curious old chambers, it was to be expected that i should see some wohlegemuths--as usual, with backgrounds in a blaze of gold, and figures with tortuous limbs, pinched-in waists, and caricatured countenances. in a room, pretty plentifully encumbered with rubbish, i saw a charming snyders; being a dead stag, suspended from a pole. there is here a portrait of albert dürer, by himself; but said to be a copy. if so, it is a very fine copy. the original is supposed to be at munich. there was nothing else that my visit enabled me to see particularly deserving of being recorded; but, when i was told that it was in this citadel that the ancient emperors of germany used oftentimes to reside, and make carousal, and when i saw, now, scarcely anything but dark passages, unfurnished galleries, naked halls, and untenanted chambers--i own that i could hardly refrain from uttering a sigh over the mutability of earthly fashions, and the transitoriness of worldly grandeur. with a rock for its base, and walls almost of adamant for its support--situated also upon an eminence which may be said to look frowningly down over a vast sweep of country--the citadel of nuremberg should seem to have bid defiance, in former times, to every assault of the most desperate and enterprising foe. it is now visited only by the casual traveler--who is frequently startled at the echo of his own footsteps. while i am on the subject of ancient art--of which so many curious specimens are to be seen in this citadel--it may not be irrelevant to conduct the reader at once to what is called the town hall--a very large structure--of which portions are devoted to the exhibition of old pictures. many of these paintings are in a very suspicious state, from the operations of time and accident; but the great boast of the collection is the "triumphs of maximilian i.," executed by albert dürer--which, however, has by no means escaped injury. i was accompanied in my visit to this interesting collection by mr. boerner, and had particular reason to be pleased by the friendliness of his attentions, and by the intelligence of his observations. a great number of these pictures (as i understood) belonged to a house in which he was a partner; and among them a portrait, by pens, struck me as being singularly admirable and exquisite. the countenance, the dress, the attitude, the drawing and coloring, were as perfect as they well might be. but this collection has also suffered from the transportation of many of its treasures to munich. the rooms, halls, and corridors of this hôtel de ville give you a good notion of municipal grandeur. in the neighborhood of nuremberg--that is to say, scarcely more than an english mile from thence--are the grave and tombstone of albert dürer. the monument is simple and striking. in the churchyard there is a representation of the crucifixion, cut in stone. it was on a fine, calm evening, just after sunset, that i first visited the tombstone of albert dürer; and i shall always remember the sensations, with which that visit was attended, as among the most pleasing and impressive of my life. the silence of the spot--its retirement from the city--the falling shadows of night, and the increasing solemnity of every monument of the dead--together with the mysterious, and even awful, effect produced by the colossal crucifix--but yet, perhaps, more than either, the recollection of the extraordinary talents of the artist, so quietly sleeping beneath my feet--all conspired to produce a train of reflections which may be readily conceived, but not so readily described. if ever a man deserved to be considered as the glory of his age and nation, albert dürer was surely that man. he was, in truth, the shakespeare of his art--for the period. [footnote a: from "a bibliographical, antiquarian and picturesque tour." dibdin's tour was made in .] nuremberg to-day[a] by cecil headlam nuremberg is set upon a series of small slopes in the midst of an undulating, sandy plain, some feet above the sea. here and there on every side fringes and patches of the mighty forest which once covered it are still visible; but for the most part the plain is now freckled with picturesque villages, in which stand old turreted châteaux, with gabled fronts and latticed windows, or it is clothed with carefully cultivated crops or veiled from sight by the smoke which rises from the new-grown forest of factory chimneys. the railway sets us down outside the walls of the city. as we walk from the station toward the frauen thor, and stand beneath the crown of fortified walls three and a half miles in circumference, and gaze at the old gray towers and picturesque confusion of domes, pinnacles and spires, suddenly it seems as if our dream of a feudal city has been realized. there, before us, is one of the main entrances, still between massive gates and beneath archways flanked by stately towers. still to reach it we must cross a moat fifty feet deep and a hundred feet wide. true, the swords of old days have been turned into pruning-hooks; the crenelles and embrasures which once bristled and blazed with cannon are now curtained with brambles and wall-flowers, and festooned with virginia creepers; the galleries are no longer crowded with archers and cross-bowmen; the moat itself has blossomed into a garden, luxuriant with limes and acacias, elders, planes, chestnuts, poplars, walnut, willow and birch trees, or divided into carefully tilled little garden plots. true it is that outside the moat, beneath the smug grin of substantial modern houses, runs that mark of modernity, the electric tram. but let us for the moment forget these gratifying signs of modern prosperity and, turning to the left ere we enter the frauen thor, walk with our eyes on the towers which, with their steep-pitched roofs and myriad shapes and richly colored tiles, mark the intervals in the red-bricked, stone-cased galleries and mighty bastions, till we come to the first beginnings of nuremberg--the castle. there, on the highest eminence of the town, stands that venerable fortress, crowning the red slope of tiles. roofs piled on roofs, their pinnacles, turrets, points and angles heaped one above the other in a splendid confusion, climb the hill which culminates in the varied group of buildings on the castle rock. we have passed the spittler, mohren, haller and neu gates on our way, and we have crossed by the hallerthorbrücke the pegnitz where it flows into the town. before us rise the bold scarps and salient angles of the bastions built by the italian architect, antonio fazuni, called the maltese ( - ). crossing the moat by a wooden bridge which curls round to the right, we enter the town by the thiergärtnerthor. the right-hand corner house opposite us now is albert dürer's house. we turn to the left and go along the obere schmiedgasse till we arrive at the top of a steep hill (burgstrasse). above, on the left, is the castle. we may now either go through the himmels thor to the left, or keeping straight up under the old trees and passing the "mount of olives" on the left, approach the large deep-roofed building between two towers. this is the kaiserstallung, as it is called, the imperial stables, built originally for a granary. the towers are the luginsland (look in the land) on the east, and the fünfeckiger thurm, the five-cornered tower, at the west end (on the left hand as we thus face it). the luginsland was built by the townspeople in the hard winter of . the mortar for building it, tradition says, had to be mixed with salt, so that it might be kept soft and be worked in spite of the severe cold. the chronicles state that one could see right into the burggraf's castle from this tower, and the town was therefore kept informed of any threatening movements on his part. to some extent that was very likely the object in view when the tower was built, but chiefly it must have been intended, as its name indicates, to afford a far look-out into the surrounding country. the granary or kaiserstallung, as it was called later, was erected in , and is referred to by hans behaim as lying between the five-cornered and the luginsland towers. inside the former there is a museum of curiosities (hans sachs' harp) and the famous collection of instruments of torture and the maiden (eiserne jungfrau). the open space adjoining it commands a splendid view to the north. there, too, on the parapet-wall, may be seen the hoof-marks of the horse of the robber-king, ekkelein von gailingen. here for a moment let us pause, consider our position, and endeavor to make out from the conflicting theories of the archeologists something of the original arrangement of the castles and of the significance of the buildings and towers that yet remain. stretching to the east of the rock on which the castle stands is a wide plain, now the scene of busy industrial enterprise, but in old days no doubt a mere district of swamp and forest. westward the rock rises by three shelves to the summit. the entrance to the castle, it is surmised, was originally on the east side, at the foot of the lower plateau and through a tower which no longer exists. opposite this hypothetical gate-way stood the five-cornered tower. the lower part dates, we have seen, from no earlier than the eleventh century. it is referred to as alt-nürnberg (old nuremberg) in the middle ages. the title of "five-cornered" is really somewhat a misnomer, for an examination of the interior of the lower portion of the tower reveals the fact that it is quadrangular. the pentagonal appearance of the exterior is due to the fragment of a smaller tower which once leaned against it, and probably formed the apex of a wing running out from the old castle of the burggrafs. the burggräfliche burg stood below, according to mummenhof, southwest and west of this point. it was burned down in , and the ruined remains of it are supposed to be traceable in the eminence, now overgrown by turf and trees, through which a sort of ravine, closed in on either side by built-up walls, has just brought us from the town to the vestner thor. the burggraf's castle would appear to have been so situated as to protect the approach to the imperial castle (kaiserburg). the exact extent of the former we can not now determine. meisterlin refers to it as a little fort. we may, however, be certain that it reached from the five-cornered tower to the walpurgiskapelle. for this little chapel, east of the open space called the freiung, is repeatedly spoken of as being on the property of the burggrafs. besides their castle proper, which was held at first as a fief of the empire, and afterward came to be regarded as their hereditary, independent property, the burggrafs were also entrusted with the keeping of a tower which commanded the entrance to the castle rock on the country side, perhaps near the site of the present vestner thor. the guard door may have been attached to the tower, the lower portion of which remains to this day, and is called the bailiff's dwelling (burgamtmannswohnung). the exact relationship of the burggraf to the town on the one hand, and to the empire on the other, is somewhat obscure. originally, it would appear, he was merely an imperial officer, administering imperial estates, and looking after imperial interests. in later days he came to possess great power, but this was due not to his position as castellan or castle governor as such, but to the vast private property his position had enabled him to amass and to keep. as the scope and ambitions of the burggrafs increased, and as the smallness of their castle at nuremberg, and the constant friction with the townspeople, who were able to annoy them in many ways, became more irksome, they gave up living at nuremberg, and finally were content to sell their rights and possessions there to the town. beside the guard door of the burggrafs, which together with their castle passed by purchase into the hands of the town ( ), there were various other similar guard towers, such as the one which formerly occupied the present site of the luginsland, or the hasenburg at the so-called himmels thor, or a third which once stood near the deep well on the second plateau of the castle rock. but we do not know how many of these there were, or where they stood, much less at what date they were built. all we do know is that they, as well as the burggrafs' possessions, were purchased in succession by the town, into whose hands by degrees came the whole property of the castle rock. above the ruins of the "little fort" of the burggrafs rises the first plateau of the castle rock. it is surrounded by a wall, strengthened on the south side by a square tower against which leans the walpurgiskapelle. the path to the kaiserburg leads under the wall of the plateau, and is entirely commanded by it and by the quadrangular tower, the lower part of which alone remains and is known by the name of burgamtmannswohnung. the path goes straight to this tower, and at the foot of it is the entrance to the first plateau. then along the edge of this plateau the way winds southward, entirely commanded again by the wall of the second plateau, at the foot of which there probably used to be a trench. over this a bridge led to the gate of the second plateau. the trench has been long since filled in, but the huge round tower which guarded the gate still remains and is the vestner thurm. the vestner thurm of sinwel thurm (sinwel = round), or, as it is called in a charter of the year , the "middle tower," is the only round tower of the burg. it was built in the days of early gothic, with a sloping base, and of roughly flattened stones with a smooth edge. it was partly restored and altered in , when it was made a few feet higher and its round roof was added. it is worth paying the small gratuity required for ascending to the top. the view obtained of the city below is magnificent. the vestner thurm, like the whole imperial castle, passed at length into the care of the town, which kept its tower watch here as early as the fourteenth century. the well which supplied the second plateau with water, the "deep well," as it is called, stands in the center, surrounded by a wall. it is feet deep, hewn out of the solid rock, and is said to have been wrought by the hands of prisoners, and to have been the labor of thirty years. so much we can easily believe as we lean over and count the six seconds that elapse between the time when an object is dropt from the top to the time when it strikes the water beneath. passages lead from the water's edge to the rathaus, by which prisoners came formerly to draw water, and to st. john's churchyard and other points outside the town. the system of underground passages here and in the castle was an important part of the defenses, affording as it did a means of communication with the outer world and as a last extremity, in the case of a siege, a means of escape. meanwhile, leaving the deep well and passing some insignificant modern dwellings, and leaving beneath us on the left the himmelsthor, let us approach the summit of the rock and the buildings of the kaiserburg itself. as we advance to the gateway with the intention of ringing the bell for the castellan, we notice on the left the double chapel, attaching to the heathen tower, the lower part of which is encrusted with what were once supposed to be pagan images. the tower protrudes beyond the face of the third plateau, and its prominence may indicate the width of a trench, now filled in, which was once dug outside the enclosing wall of the summit of the rock. the whole of the south side of this plateau is taken up by the "palast" (the vast hall, two stories high, which, tho it has been repeatedly rebuilt, may in its original structure be traced back as far as the twelfth century), and the "kemnate" or dwelling-rooms which seem to have been without any means of defense. this plateau, like the second, is supplied with a well. but the first object that strikes the eye on entering the court-yard is the ruined limetree, the branches of which once spread their broad and verdant shelter over the whole extent of the quadrangle. on leaving the castle we find ourselves in the burgstrasse, called in the old days unter der veste, which was probably the high street of the old town. off both sides of this street and of the bergstrasse ran narrow crooked little alleys lined with wooden houses of which time and fire have left scarcely any trace. as you wander round the city tracing the line of the old walls, you are struck by the general air of splendor. most of the houses are large and of a massive style of architecture, adorned with fanciful gables and bearing the impress of the period when every inhabitant was a merchant, and every merchant was lodged like a king. the houses of the merchant princes, richly carved both inside and out, tell of the wealth and splendor of nuremberg in her proudest days. but you will also come upon a hundred crooked little streets and narrow alleys, which, tho entrancingly picturesque, tell of yet other days and other conditions. they tell of those early medieval days when the houses were almost all of wood and roofed with straw-thatching or wooden tiles; when the chimneys and bridges alike were built of wood. only here and there a stone house roofed with brick could then be seen. the streets were narrow and crooked, and even in the fifteenth century mostly unpaved. in wet weather they were filled with unfathomable mud, and even tho in the lower part of the town trenches were dug to drain the streets, they remained mere swamps and morasses. in dry weather the dust was even a worse plague than the mud. pig-styes stood in front of the houses; and the streets were covered with heaps of filth and manure and with rotting corpses of animals, over which the pigs wandered at will. street police in fact was practically non-existent. medievalism is undoubtedly better when survived. [footnote a: from "the story of nuremberg." published by e.p. dutton & co.] walls and other fortifications[a] by cecil headlam a glance at the map will show us that nuremberg, as we know it, is divided into two almost equal divisions. they are called after the names of the principal churches, the st. lorenz, and the st. sebald quarter. the original wall included, it will be seen, only a small portion of the northern or st. sebald division. with the growth of the town an extension of the walls and an increase of fortification followed as a matter of course. it became necessary to carry the wall over the pegnitz in order to protect the lorenzkirche and the suburb which was springing up around it. the precise date of this extension of the fortifications can not be fixt. the chronicles attribute it to the twelfth century, in the reign of the first hohenstaufen, konrad iii. no trace of a twelfth-century wall remains; but the chroniclers may, for all that, have been not very wide of the mark. the mud and wood which supplied the material of the wall may have given place to stone in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. however that may be, it will be remembered that the lower part of the white tower, which is the oldest fragment of building we can certainly point to dates from the thirteenth century. all other portions of the second wall clearly indicate the fourteenth century, or later, as the time of their origin.... beyond the white tower the moat was long ago filled up, but the section of it opposite the unschlittplatz remained open for a longer period than the rest, and was called the klettengraben, because of the burdocks which took root there. hereabouts, on a part of the moat, the waizenbräuhaus was built in , which is now the famous freiherrlich von tuchersche brewery. here, too, the unschlitthaus was built at the end of the fifteenth century as a granary. it has since been turned into a school. we have now reached one of the most charming and picturesque bits of nuremberg. once more we have to cross the pegnitz, whose banks are overhung by quaint old houses. their projecting roofs and high gables, their varied chimneys and overhanging balconies from which trail rich masses of creepers, make an entrancing foreground to the towers and the arches of the henkersteg. the wall was carried on arches over the southern arm of the pegnitz to the point of the saumarkt (or trödelmarkt) island which here divides the river, and thence in like manner over the northern arm. the latter portion of it alone survives and comprises a large tower on the north bank called the wasserthurm, which was intended to break the force of the stream; a bridge supported by two arches over the stream, which was the henkersteg, the habitation of the hangman, and on the island itself a smaller tower, which formed the point of support for the original, southern pair of arches, which joined the unschlitthaus, but were so badly damaged in by the high flood that they were demolished and replaced by a wooden, and later by an iron bridge. somewhere in the second half of the fourteenth century, then, in the reign of karl iv., they began to build the outer enceinte, which, altho destroyed at many places and broken through by modern gates and entrances, is still fairly well preserved, and secures to nuremberg the reputation of presenting most faithfully of all the larger german towns the characteristics of a medieval town. the fortifications seem to have been thrown up somewhat carelessly at first, but dread of the hussites soon inspired the citizens to make themselves as secure as possible. in times of war and rumors of war all the peasants within a radius of two miles of the town were called upon to help in the construction of barriers and ramparts. the whole circle of walls, towers, and ditches was practically finished by , when with pardonable pride tucher wrote, "in this year was completed the ditch round the town. it took twenty-six years to build, and it will cost an enemy a good deal of trouble to cross it." part of the ditch had been made and perhaps revetted as early as , but it was not till twenty years later that it began to be dug to the enormous breadth and depth which it boasts to-day. the size of it was always a source of pride to nurembergers, and it was perhaps due to this reason that up till as recently as it was left perfectly intact. on the average it is about feet broad. it was always intended to be a dry ditch, and, so far from there being any arrangements for flooding it, precautions were taken to carry the little fischbach, which formerly entered the town near the modern sternthor, across the ditch in a trough. the construction of the ditch was provided for by an order of the council in , to the effect that all householders, whether male or female, must work at the ditch one day in the year with their children of over twelve years of age, and with all their servants, male or female. those who were not able to work had to pay a substitute. subsequently this order was changed to the effect that every one who could or would not work must pay ten pfennige. there were no exemptions from this liturgy, whether in favor of councillor, official, or lady. the order remained ten years in force, tho the amount of the payment was gradually reduced.... at the time of the construction of these and the other lofty towers it was still thought that the raising of batteries as much as possible would increase their effect. in practise the plunging fire from platforms at the height of some eighty feet above the level of the parapets of the town wall can hardly have been capable of producing any great effect, more especially if the besieging force succeeded in establishing itself on the crest of the counterscarp of the ditches, since from that point the swell of the bastions masked the towers. but there was another use for these lofty towers. the fact is that the nuremberg engineers, at the time that they were built, had not yet adopted a complete system of flank-works, and not having as yet applied with all its consequences the axiom that that which defends should itself be defended, they wanted to see and command their external defenses from within the body of the place, as, a century before, the baron could see from the top of his donjon whatever was going on round the walls of his castle, and send up his support to any point of attack. the great round towers of nuremberg are more properly, in fact, detached keeps than portions of a combined system, rather observatories than effective defenses. the round towers, however, were not the sole defenses of the gates. outside each one of them was a kind of fence of pointed beams after the manner of a chevaux-de-frise, while outside the ditch and close to the bridge stood a barrier, by the side of which was a guard-house. tho it was not till that all the main gates were fitted with drawbridges, the wooden bridges that served before that could doubtless easily be destroyed in cases of emergency. double-folding doors and portcullises protected the gateways themselves. once past there, the enemy was far from being in the town, for the road led through extensive advanced works, presenting, as in the case of the laufer thor outwork, a regular "place d'armes." further, the road was so engineered as not to lead in a straight line from the outer main gates to the inner ones, but rather so as to pursue a circuitous course. thus the enemy in passing through from the one to the other were exposed as long as possible to the shots and projectiles of the defenders, who were stationed all round the walls and towers flanking the advanced tambour. this arrangement may be traced very clearly at the frauen thor to-day. the position of the round tower, it will be observed, was an excellent one for commanding the road from the outer to the inner gate. at intervals of every or feet the interior wall is broken by quadrilateral towers. some eighty-three of these, including the gate towers, can still be traced. what the number was originally we do not know. it is the sort of subject on which chroniclers have no manner of conscience. the hartmann schedel chronicle, for instance, gives nuremberg towers in all. the fact that there are days in the year is of course sufficient proof of this assertion! the towers, which rise two or even three stories above the wall, communicated on both sides with the covered way. they are now used as dwelling-houses. on some of them there can still be seen, projecting near the roof, two little machicoulis turrets, which served as guard-rooms for observing the enemy, and also, by overhanging the base of the tower, enabled the garrison to hurl down on their assailants at the foot of the wall a hurricane of projectiles of every sort. like the wall the towers are built almost entirely of sandstone, but on the side facing the town they are usually faced with brick. the shapes of the roofs vary from flat to pointed, but the towers themselves are simple and almost austere in form in comparison with those generally found in north germany, where fantasy runs riot in red brick. the nuremberg towers were obviously intended in the first place for use rather than for ornament. at the end of our long perambulations of the walls it will be a grateful relief to sit for a while at one of the "restaurations" or restaurants on the walls. there, beneath the shade of acacias in the daytime, or in the evening by the white light of incandescent gas, you may sit and watch the groups of men, women, and children all drinking from their tall glasses of beer, and you may listen to the whirr and ting-tang of the electric cars, where the challenge of sentinels or the cry of the night-watchman was once the most frequent sound. or, if you have grown tired of the horn- and the schloss-zwinger, cross the ditch on the west side of the town and make your way to the rosenau, in the fürtherstrasse. the rosenau is a garden of trees and roses not lacking in chairs and tables, in bowers, benches, and a band. there, too, you will see the good burgher with his family drinking beer, eating sausages, and smoking contentedly. [footnote a: from "the story of nuremberg." published by e.p. dutton & co.] albert dÜrer[a] by cecil headlam among the most treasured of nuremberg's relics is the low-ceilinged, gabled house near the thiergärtnerthor, in which albert dürer lived and died, in the street now called after his name. the works of art which he presented to the town, or with which he adorned its churches, have unfortunately, with but few exceptions, been sold to the stranger. it is in vienna and munich, in dresden and berlin, in florence, in prague, or the british museum, that we find splendid collections of dürer's works. not at nuremberg. but here at any rate we can see the house in which he toiled--no genius ever took more pains--and the surroundings which imprest his mind and influenced his inspiration. if, in the past, nuremberg has been only too anxious to turn his works into cash, to-day she guards albert dürer's house with a care and reverence little short of religious. she has sold, in the days of her poverty and foolishness, the master's pictures and drawings, which are his own best monument; but she has set up a noble monument to his memory (by rauch, ) in the dürer platz, and his house is opened to the public between the hours of a.m. and p.m., and and p.m. on week days. the albert-dürer-haus society has done admirable work in restoring and preserving the house in its original state with the aid of professor wanderer's architectural and antiquarian skill. reproductions of dürer's works are also kept here. the most superficial acquaintance with dürer's drawings will have prepared us for the sight of his simple, unpretentious house and its contents. in his "birth of the virgin" he gives us a picture of the german home of his day, where there were few superfluous knick-knacks, but everything which served for daily use was well and strongly made and of good design. ceilings, windows, doors and door-handles, chests, locks, candlesticks, banisters, waterpots, the very cooking utensils, all betray the fine taste and skilled labor, the personal interest of the man who made them. so in dürer's house, as it is preserved to-day, we can still see and admire the careful simplicity of domestic furniture, which distinguishes that in the "birth of the virgin." the carved coffers, the solid tables, the spacious window-seats, the well-fitting cabinets let into the walls, the carefully wrought metal-work we see there are not luxurious; their merit is quite other than that. in workmanship as in design, how utterly do they put to shame the contents of the ordinary "luxuriously furnished apartments" of the present day! and what manner of man was he who lived in this house that nestles beneath the ancient castle? in the first place a singularly loveable man, a man of sweet and gentle spirit, whose life was one of high ideals and noble endeavor. in the second place an artist who, both for his achievements and for his influence on art, stands in the very front rank of artists, and of german artists is "facile princeps." at whatever point we may study dürer and his works we are never conscious of disappointment. as painter, as author, as engraver, or simple citizen, the more we know of him the more we are morally and intellectually satisfied. fortunately, through his letters and writings, his journals and autobiographical memoirs we know a good deal about his personal history and education. dürer's grandfather came of a farmer race in the village of eytas in hungary. the grandfather turned goldsmith, and his eldest son, albrecht dürer the elder, came to nuremberg in and settled in the burgstrasse (no. ). he became one of the leading goldsmiths of the town; married and had eighteen children, of whom only three, boys, grew up. albrecht, or as we call him albert dürer, was the eldest of these. he was born may , , in his father's house, and anthoni koberger, the printer and bookseller, the stein of those days, stood godfather to him. the maintenance of so large a family involved the father, skilful artist as he was, in unremitting toil. his father, who was delighted with albert's industry, took him from school as soon as he had learned to read and write and apprenticed him to a goldsmith. "but my taste drew me toward painting rather than toward goldsmithry. i explained this to my father, but he was not satisfied, for he regretted the time i had lost." benvenuto cellini has told us how his father, in like fashion, was eager that he should practise the "accurst art" of music. dürer's father, however, soon gave in and in apprenticed the boy to michael wolgemut. that extraordinary beautiful, and, for a boy of that age, marvelously executed portrait of himself at the age of thirteen (now at vienna) must have shown the father something of the power that lay undeveloped in his son. so "it was arranged that i should serve him for three years. during that time god gave me great industry so that i learned many things; but i had to suffer much at the hands of the other apprentices." when in his apprenticeship was completed dürer set out on his wanderjahre, to learn what he could of men and things, and, more especially, of his own trade. martin schongauer was dead, but under that master's brothers dürer studied and helped to support himself by his art at colmar and at bâsle. various wood-blocks executed by him at the latter place are preserved there. whether he also visited venice now or not is a moot point. here or elsewhere, at any rate, he came under the influence of the bellini, of mantegna, and more particularly of jacopo dei barbari--the painter and engraver to whom he owed the incentive to study the proportions of the human body--a study which henceforth became the most absorbing interest of his life. "i was four years absent from nuremberg," he records, "and then my father recalled me. after my return hans frey came to an understanding with my father. he gave me his daughter agnes and with her florins, and we were married." dürer, who writes so lovingly of his parents, never mentions his wife with any affection; a fact which to some extent confirms her reputation as a xantippe. she, too, in her way, it is suggested, practised the art of cross-hatching. pirkheimer, writing after the artist's death, says that by her avariciousness and quarreling nature she brought him to the grave before his day. she was probably a woman of a practical and prosaic turn, to whom the dreamy, poetic, imaginative nature of the artist-student, her husband, was intolerably irritating. yet as we look at his portraits of himself--and no man except rembrandt has painted himself so often--it is difficult to understand how any one could have been angry with albert dürer. never did the face of man bear a more sweet, benign, and trustful expression. in those portraits we see something of the beauty, of the strength, of the weakness of the man so beloved in his generation. his fondness for fine clothes and his legitimate pride in his personal beauty reveal themselves in the rich vestments he wears and the wealth of silken curls, so carefully waved, so wondrously painted, falling proudly over his free neck. [footnote a: from "the story of nuremberg." published by e.p. dutton & co.] iii other bavarian cities munich[a] by bayard taylor art has done everything for munich. it lies on a large flat plain sixteen hundred feet above the sea and continually exposed to the cold winds from the alps. at the beginning of the present century it was but a third-rate city, and was rarely visited by foreigners; since that time its population and limits have been doubled and magnificent edifices in every style of architecture erected, rendering it scarcely secondary in this respect to any capital in europe.[b] every art that wealth or taste could devise seems to have been spent in its decoration. broad, spacious streets and squares have been laid out, churches, halls and colleges erected, and schools of painting and sculpture established which draw artists from all parts of the world. all this was principally brought about by the taste of the present king, ludwig i., who began twenty or thirty years ago, when he was crown-prince, to collect the best german artists around him and form plans for the execution of his grand design. he can boast of having done more for the arts than any other living monarch; and if he had accomplished it all without oppressing his people, he would deserve an immortality of fame.... we went one morning to see the collection of paintings formerly belonging to eugène beauharnais, who was brother-in-law to the present king of bavaria, in the palace of his son, the duke of leuchtenberg. the first hall contains works principally by french artists, among which are two by gérard--a beautiful portrait of josephine, and the blind belisarius carrying his dead companion. the boy's head lies on the old man's shoulder; but for the livid paleness of his limbs, he would seem to be only asleep, while a deep and settled sorrow marks the venerable features of the unfortunate emperor. in the middle of the room are six pieces of statuary, among which canova's world-renowned group of the graces at once attracts the eye. there is also a kneeling magdalen, lovely in her wo, by the same sculptor, and a very touching work of schadow representing a shepherd-boy tenderly binding his sash around a lamb which he has accidentaly wounded with his arrow. we have since seen in the st. michael's church the monument to eugene beauharnais from the chisel of thorwaldsen. the noble, manly figure of the son of josephine is represented in the roman mantle, with his helmet and sword lying on the ground by him. on one side sits history writing on a tablet; on the other stand the two brother-angels death and immortality. they lean lovingly together, with arms around each other, but the sweet countenance of death has a cast of sorrow as he stands with inverted torch and a wreath of poppies among his clustering locks. immortality, crowned with never-fading flowers, looks upward with a smile of triumph, and holds in one hand his blazing torch. it is a beautiful idea, and thorwaldsen has made the marble eloquent with feeling. the inside of the square formed by the arcades and the new residence is filled with noble old trees which in summer make a leafy roof over the pleasant walks. in the middle stands a grotto ornamented with rough pebbles and shells, and only needing a fountain to make it a perfect hall of neptune. passing through the northern arcade, one comes into the magnificent park called the english garden, which extends more than four miles along the bank of the isar, several branches of whose milky current wander through it and form one or two pretty cascades. it is a beautiful alteration of forest and meadow, and has all the richness and garden-like luxuriance of english scenery. winding walks lead along the isar or through the wood of venerable oaks, and sometimes a lawn of half a mile in length, with a picturesque temple at its farther end, comes in sight through the trees. the new residence is not only one of the wonders of munich, but of the world. altho commenced in and carried on constantly since that time by a number of architects, sculptors and painters, it is not yet finished; if art were not inexhaustible, it would be difficult to imagine what more could be added. the north side of the max joseph platz is taken up by its front of four hundred and thirty feet, which was nine years in building, under the direction of the architect klenze. the exterior is copied after the palazzo pitti, in florence. the building is of light-brown sandstone, and combines an elegance, and even splendor, with the most chaste and classic style. the northern front, which faces the royal garden, is now nearly finished. it has the enormous length of eight hundred feet; in the middle is a portico of ten ionic columns. instead of supporting a triangular façade, each pillar stands separate and bears a marble statue from the chisel of schwanthaler. the interior of the building does not disappoint the promise of the outside. it is open every afternoon, in the absence of the king, for the inspection of visitors. we went early to the waiting-hall, where several travelers were already assembled, and at four o'clock were admitted into the newer part of the palace, containing the throne-hall, ball-room, etc. on entering the first hall, designed for the lackeys and royal servants, we were all obliged to thrust our feet into cloth slippers to walk over the polished mosaic floor. the walls are of scagliola marble and the ceilings ornamented brilliantly in fresco. the second hall, also for servants, gives tokens of increasing splendors in the richer decorations of the walls and the more elaborate mosaic of the floor. we next entered the audience chamber, in which the court-marshal receives the guests. the ceiling is of arabesque sculpture profusely painted and gilded.... finally we entered the hall of the throne. here the encaustic decoration so plentifully employed in the other rooms is dropt, and an effect even more brilliant obtained by the united use of marble and gold. picture a long hall with a floor of polished marble, on each side twelve columns of white marble with gilded capitals, between which stand colossal statues of gold. at the other end is the throne of gold and crimson, with gorgeous hangings of crimson velvet. the twelve statues in the hall are called the "wittelsbach ancestors" and represent renowned members of the house of wittelsbach from which the present family of bavaria is descended. they were cast in bronze by stiglmaier after the models of schwanthaler, and then completely covered with a coating of gold; so that they resemble solid golden statues. the value of the precious metal on each one is about three thousand dollars, as they are nine feet in height. we visited yesterday morning the glyptothek, the finest collection of ancient sculpture except that in the british museum i have yet seen, and perhaps elsewhere unsurpassed north of the alps. the building, which was finished by klenze in , has an ionic portico of white marble, with a group of allegorical figures representing sculpture and the kindred arts. on each side of the portico there are three niches in the front, containing on one side pericles, phidias and vulcan; on the other, hadrian, prometheus and daedalus. the whole building forms a hollow square and is lighted entirely from the inner side. there are in all twelve halls, each containing the remains of a particular era in the art, and arranged according to time; so that, beginning with the clumsy productions of the ancient egyptians, one passes through the different stages of grecian art, afterward that of rome, and finally ends with the works of our own times--the almost grecian perfection of thorwaldsen and canova. these halls are worthy to hold such treasures, and what more could be said of them? the floors are of marble mosaic, the sides of green or purple scagliola and the vaulted ceilings covered with raised ornaments on a ground of gold. no two are alike in color and decoration, and yet there is a unity of taste and design in the whole which renders the variety delightful. from the egyptian hall we enter one containing the oldest remains of grecian sculpture, before the artists won power to mold the marble to their conceptions. then follow the celebrated aegina marbles, from the temple of jupiter panhellenius, on the island of aegina. they formerly stood in the two porticoes, the one group representing the fight for the body of laomedon, the other the struggle for the dead patroclus. the parts wanting have been admirably restored by thorwaldsen. they form almost the only existing specimens of the aeginetan school. passing through the apollo hall, we enter the large hall of bacchus, in which the progress of the art is distinctly apparent. a satyr lying asleep on a goatskin which he has thrown over a rock is believed to be the work of praxiteles. the relaxation of the figure and perfect repose of every limb is wonderful. the countenance has traits of individuality which led me to think it might have been a portrait, perhaps of some rude country swain. in the hall of niobe, which follows, is one of the most perfect works that ever grew into life under a sculptor's chisel. mutilated as it is, without head and arms, i never saw a more expressive figure. ilioneus, the son of niobe, is represented as kneeling, apparently in the moment in which apollo raises his arrow, and there is an imploring supplication in his attitude which is touching in the highest degree. his beautiful young limbs seem to shrink involuntarily from the deadly shaft; there is an expression of prayer, almost of agony, in the position of his body. it should be left untouched. no head could be added which would equal that one pictures to himself while gazing upon it. the pinacothek is a magnificent building of yellow sandstone, five hundred and thirty feet long, containing thirteen hundred pictures selected with great care from the whole private collection of the king, which amounts to nine thousand. above the cornice on the southern side stand twenty-five colossal statues of celebrated painters by schwanthaler. as we approached, the tall bronze door was opened by a servant in the bavarian livery, whose size harmonized so well with the giant proportions of the building that until i stood beside him and could mark the contrast i did not notice his enormous frame. i saw then that he must be near eight feet high and stout in proportion. he reminded me of the great "baver of trient," in vienna. the pinacothek contains the most complete collection of works by old german artists anywhere to be found. there are in the hall of the spanish masters half a dozen of murillo's inimitable beggar-groups. it was a relief, after looking upon the distressingly stiff figures of the old german school, to view these fresh, natural countenances. one little black-eyed boy has just cut a slice out of a melon, and turns with a full mouth to his companion, who is busy eating a bunch of grapes. the simple, contented expression on the faces of the beggars is admirable. i thought i detected in a beautiful child with dark curly locks the original of his celebrated infant st. john. i was much interested in two small juvenile works of raphael and his own portrait. the latter was taken, most probably, after he became known as a painter. the calm, serious smile which we see on his portrait as a boy had vanished, and the thin features and sunken eye told of intense mental labor. [footnote a: from "views afoot." published by g.p. putnam's sons.] [footnote b: this was written about . the population of munich is now ( ), , . munich is rated as third in importance among german cities.] augsburg[a] by thomas frognall dibdin in ancient times--that is to say, upward of three centuries ago--the city of augsburg was probably the most populous and consequential in the kingdom of bavaria. it was the principal residence of the noblesse, and the great mart of commerce. dukes, barons, nobles of every rank and degree, became domiciled here. a thousand blue and white flags streamed from the tops of castellated mansions, and fluttered along the then almost impregnable ramparts. it was also not less remarkable for the number and splendor of its religious establishments. here was a cathedral, containing twenty-four chapels; and an abbey or monastery (of saints ulric and afra) which had no rival in bavaria for the size of its structure and the wealth of its possessions. this latter contained a library, both of mss. and printed books, of which the recent work of braun has luckily preserved a record; and which, but for such record, would have been unknown to after ages. the treasures of this library are now entirely dispersed; and munich, the capital of bavaria, is the grand repository of them. augsburg, in the first instance, was enriched by the dilapidations of numerous monasteries; especially upon the suppression of the order of the jesuits. the paintings, books, and relics, of every description, of such monasteries as were in the immediate vicinity of this city, were taken away to adorn the town hall, churches, capitals and libraries. of this collection (of which no inconsiderable portion, both for number and intrinsic value, came from the neighboring monastery of eichstadt), there has of course been a pruning; and many flowers have been transplanted to munich. the principal church, at the end of the maximilian street, is that which once formed the chief ornament of the famous abbey of sts. ulric and afra. i should think that there is no portion of the present building older than the fourteenth century; while it is evident that the upper part of the tower is of the middle of the sixteenth. it has a nearly globular or mosque-shaped termination--so common in the greater number of the bavarian churches. it is frequented by congregations both of the catholic and protestant persuasion; and it was highly gratifying to see, as i saw, human beings assembled under the same roof, equally occupied in their different forms of adoration, in doing homage to their common creator. augsburg was once distinguished for great learning and piety, as well as for political consequence; and she boasts of a very splendid martyrological roll. at the present day, all is comparatively dull and quiet; but you can not fail to be struck with the magnificence of many of the houses, and the air of importance hence given to the streets; while the paintings upon the outer walls add much to the splendid effect of the whole. the population of augsburg is supposed to amount to about thirty thousand. in the time of maximilian and charles v. it was, i make no doubt, twice as numerous.[b] [footnote a: from "a bibliographical, antiquarian and picturesque taur," published in .] [footnote b: augsburg has now ( ) a population of , . woolen and cotton goods and machinery are its manufactured products.] ratisbon[a] by thomas frognall dibdin it was dark when we entered ratisbon, and, having been recommended to the hotel of the agneau blanc, we drove thither, and alighted--close to the very banks of the danube--and heard the roar of its rapid stream, turning several mills, close, as it were, to our very ears. the master of the hotel, whose name is cramer, and who talked french very readily, received us with peculiar courtesy; and, on demanding the best situated room in the house, we were conducted on the second floor, to a chamber which had been occupied, only two or three days before, by the emperor of austria himself, on his way to aix-la-chapelle. the next morning was a morning of wonder to us. our sitting-room, which was a very lantern, from the number of windows, gave us a view of the rushing stream of the danube, of a portion of the bridge over it, of some beautifully undulating and vine-covered hills, in the distance, on the opposite side--and, lower down the stream, of the town walls and water-mills, of which latter we had heard the stunning sounds on our arrival. the whole had a singularly novel and pleasing appearance. the town hall was large and imposing; but the cathedral, surrounded by booths--it being fair-time--was, of course, the great object of my attention. in short, i saw enough within an hour to convince me that i was visiting a large, curious, and well-peopled town; replete with antiquities, and including several of the time of the romans, to whom it was necessarily a very important station. ratisbon is said to contain a population of about , souls.[b] the cathedral can boast of little antiquity. it is almost a building of yesterday; yet it is large, richly ornamented on the outside, especially on the west, between the towers--and is considered one of the noblest structures of the kind in bavaria. the interior wants that decisive effect which simplicity produces. it is too much broken into parts, and covered with monuments of a very heterogeneous description. near it i traced the cloisters of an old convent or monastery of some kind, now demolished, which could not be less than five hundred years old. the streets of ratisbon are generally picturesque, as well from their undulating forms, as from the antiquity of a great number of the houses. the modern parts of the town are handsome, and there is a pleasant intermixture of trees and grass plats in some of these more recent portions. there are some pleasing public walks, after the english fashion; and a public garden, where a colossal sphinx, erected by the late philosopher gleichen, has a very imposing appearance. here is also an obelisk erected to the memory of gleichen himself, the founder of these gardens; and a monument to the memory of kepler, the astronomer; which latter was luckily spared in the assault of this town by the french in . but these are, comparatively, every-day objects. a much more interesting source of observation, to my mind, were the very few existing relics of the once celebrated monastery of st. emmeram--and a great portion of the remains of another old monastery, called st. james--which latter may indeed be designated the college of the jacobites; as the few members who inhabit it were the followers of the house and fortunes of the pretender, james stuart. the monastery or abbey of st. emmeram was one of the most celebrated throughout europe; and i suspect that its library, both of mss. and printed books, was among the principal causes of its celebrity. of all interesting objects of architectural antiquity in ratisbon, none struck me so forcibly--and, indeed, none is in itself so curious and singular--as the monastery of st. james. the front of that portion of it, connected with the church, should seem to be of an extremely remote antiquity. it is the ornaments, or style of architecture, which give it this character of antiquity. the ornaments, which are on each side of the doorway, or porch, are quite extraordinary. [footnote a: from "a bibliographical, antiquarian and picturesque tour," published in .] [footnote b: ratisbon has now ( ) a population of , . its manufactured products consist chiefly of pottery and lead pencils.] iv berlin and elsewhere a look at the german capital[a] by theophile gautier the train spins along across great plains gilded by the setting sun; soon night comes, and with it, sleep. at stations remote from one another, german voices shout german names; i do not recognize them by the sound, and look for them in vain upon the map. magnificent great station buildings are shown up by gaslight in the midst of surrounding darkness, then disappear. we pass hanover and minden; the train keeps on its way; and morning dawns. on either side stretched a peat-moss, upon which the mist was producing a singular mirage. we seemed to be upon a causeway traversing an immense lake whose waves crept up gently, dying in transparent folds along the edge of the embankment. here and there a group of trees or a cottage, emerging like an island, completed the illusion, for such it was. a sheet of bluish mist, floating a little above the ground and curling up along its upper surface under the rays of the sun, caused this aqueous phantasmagoria, resembling the fata morgana of sicily. in vain did my geographical knowledge protest, disconcerted, against this inland sea, which no map of prussia indicates; my eyes would not give it up, and later in the day, when the sun, rising higher, had dried up this imaginary lake, they required the presence of a boat to make them admit that any body of water could be real. suddenly upon the left were massed the trees of a great park; tritons and nereids appeared, dabbling in the basin of a fountain; there was a dome and a circle of columns rising above extensive buildings; and this was potsdam.... a few moments later we were in berlin, and a fiacre set me down at the hotel. one of the keenest pleasures of a traveler is that first drive through a hitherto unknown city, destroying or confirming his preconceived idea of it. all that is peculiar and characteristic seizes upon the yet virgin eye, whose perceptive power is never more clear. my idea of berlin had been drawn in great measure from hoffman's fantastic stories. in spite of myself, a berlin, strange and grotesque, peopled with aulic councillors, sandmen, kreislers, archivist lindursts, and student anselms, had reared itself within my brain, amid a fog of tobacco-smoke; and there before me was a city regularly built, stately, with wide streets, extensive public grounds, and imposing edifices of a style half-english, half-german, and modern to the last degree. as we drove along i glanced down into those cellars, with steps so polished, so slippery, so well-soaped, that one might slide in as into the den of an ant-lion--to see if i might not discover hoffman himself seated on a tun, his feet crossed upon the bowl of his gigantic pipe, and surrounded by a tangle of grotesque chimeras, as he is represented in the vignette of the french translation of his stories; and, to tell the truth, there was nothing of the kind in these subterranean shops whose proprietors were just opening their doors! the cats, of benignant aspect, rolled no phosphorescent eyeballs, like the cat murr in the story, and they seemed quite incapable of writing their memoirs, or of deciphering a score of richard wagner's. these handsome stately houses, which are like palaces, with their columns and pediments and architraves, are built of brick for the most part, for stone seems rare in berlin; but the brick is covered with cement or tinted stucco, to simulate hewn stone; deceitful seams indicate imaginary layers, and the illusion would be complete, were it not that in spots the winter frosts have detached the cement, revealing the red shades of the baked clay. the necessity of painting the whole façade, in order to mask the nature of the material, gives the effect of enormous architectural decorations seen in open air. the salient parts, moldings, cornices, entablatures, consoles, are of wood, bronze, or cast-iron, to which suitable forms have been given; when you do not look too closely the effect is satisfactory. truth is the only thing lacking in all this splendor. the palatial buildings which border regent's park in london present also these porticoes, and these columns with brick cores and plaster-fluting, which, by aid of a coating of oil paint, are expected to pass for stone or marble. why not build in brick frankly, since its water-coloring and capacity for ingeniously varied arrangement furnish so many resources? even in berlin i have seen charming houses of this kind which had the advantage of being truthful. a fictitious material always inspires a certain uneasiness. the hotel is very well located, and i propose to sketch the view seen from its steps. it will give a fair idea of the general character of the city. the foreground is a quay bordering the spree. a few boats with slender masts are sleeping on the brown water. vessels upon a canal or a river, in the heart of a city, have always a charming effect. along the opposite quay stretches a line of houses; a few of them are ancient, and bear the stamp thereof; the king's palace makes the corner. a cupola upon an octagonal tower rises proudly above the other roofs, the square sides of the tower adding grace to the curve of the dome. a bridge spans the river, reminding me, with its white marble groups, of the ponte san angelo at rome. these groups--eight in number, if my memory does not deceive me--are each composed of two figures; one allegorical, winged, representing the country, or glory; the other, a young man, guided through many trials to victory or immortality. these groups, in purely classic taste, are not wanting in merit, and show in some parts good study of the nude; their pedestals are ornamented with medallions, whereon the prussian eagle, half-real, half-heraldic, makes a fine appearance. considered as a decoration, the whole is, in my opinion, somewhat too rich for the simplicity of the bridge, which opens midway to allow the passage of vessels. farther on, through the trees of a public garden of some kind, appears the old museum, a great structure in the greek style, with doric columns relieved against a painted background. at the corners of the roof, bronze horses held by grooms are outlined upon the sky. behind this building, and looking sideways, you perceive the triangular pediment of the new museum. on crossing the bridge, the dark façade of the palace comes in view, with its balustraded terrace; the carvings around the main entrance are in that old, exaggerated german rococo which i have seen before and have admired in the palace in dresden. this kind of barbaric taste has something charming about it, and entertains the eye, satiated with chefs d'oeuvre. it has invention, fancy, originality; and tho i may be censured for the opinion, i confess i prefer this exuberance to the coldness of the greek style imitated with more erudition than success in our modern public buildings. at each side stand great bronze horses pawing the ground, and held by naked grooms. i visited the apartments of the palace; they are rich and elegant, but present nothing interesting to the artist save their ancient recessed ceilings filled with curious figures and arabesques. in the concert-hall there is a musicians' gallery in grotesque carving, silvered; its effect is really charming. silver is not used enough in decorations; it is a relief from the classic gold, and forms admirable combinations with colors. the chapel, whose dome rises above the rest of the building, is well planned and well lighted, comfortable, reasonably decorated. let us cross the square and take a look at the museum, admiring, as we pass, an immense porphyry vase standing on cubes of the same material, in front of the steps which lead up to the portico. this portico is painted in fresco by various hands, under the direction of the celebrated peter cornelius. the paintings form a broad frieze, folding itself back at each end upon the side wall of the portico, and interrupted in the middle to give access to the museum. the portion on the left contains a whole poem of mythologic cosmogony, treated with that philosophy and that erudition which the germans carry into compositions of this kind; the right, purely anthropologie, represents the birth, development, and evolution of humanity. if i were to describe in detail these two immense frescoes, you would certainly be charmed with the ingenious invention, the profound knowledge, and the excellent judgment of the artist. the mysteries of the early creation are penetrated, and everything is faultlessly scientific. also, if i should show you them in the form of those fine german engravings, the lines heightened by delicate shadows, the execution as accurate as that of albrecht dürer, the tone light and harmonious, you would admire the ordering of the composition, balanced with so much art, the groups skilfully united one to another, the ingenious episodes, the wise selection of the attributes, the significance of each separate thing; you might even find grandeur of style, an air of magisterial dignity, fine effects of drapery, proud attitudes, well-marked types, muscular audacities à la michel angelo, and a certain germanic savagery of fine flavor. you would be struck with this free handling of great subjects, this vast conceptive power, this carrying out of an idea, which french painters so often lack; and you would think of cornelius almost as highly as the germans do. but in the presence of the work itself, the impression is completely different. i am well aware that fresco-painting, even in the hands of the italian masters, skilful as they were in the technical details of their art, has not the charm of oil. the eye must become habituated to this rude, lustreless coloring, before we can discern its beauties. many people who never say so--for nothing is more rare than the courage to avow a feeling or an opinion--find the frescoes of the vatican and the sistine frightful; but the great names of michel angelo and raphael impose silence upon them; they murmur vague formulas of enthusiasm, and go off to rhapsodize--this time with sincerity--over some magdalen of guido, or some madonna of carlo dolce. i make large allowance, therefore, for this unattractive aspect which belongs to fresco-painting; but in this case, the execution is by far too repulsive. the mind may be content, but the eye suffers. painting, which is altogether a plastic art, can express its ideal only through forms and colors. to think is not enough; something must be done.... [illustration: berlin: unter den linden] [illustration: berlin: the brandenburg gate] [illustration: berlin: the royal castle and emperor william bridge] [illustration: berlin: the white hall in the royal castle] [illustration: berlin: the national gallery and frederick's bridge] [illustration: berlin: the gendarmenmarkt] [illustration: the column of victory in berlin] [illustration: the mausoleum at charlottenburg] [illustration: the new palace at potsdam] [illustration: the castle of sans souci, potsdam] [illustration: the cathedral of aix-la-chapelle, tomb of charlemagne] [illustration: the royal palace of schÖnbrunn, near vienna (the man on the sidewalk at the left is the emperor francis joseph)] [illustration: salzburg, austria] i shall not now give an inventory of the museum in berlin, which is rich in pictures and statues; to do this would require more space than is at my command. we find represented here, more or less favorably, all the great masters, the pride of royal galleries. but the most remarkable thing in this collection is the very numerous and very complete collection of the primitive painters of all countries and all schools, from the byzantine down to those which immediately precede the renaissance. the old german school, so little known in france, and on many accounts so curious, is to be studied to better advantage here than anywhere else. a rotunda contains tapestries after designs by raphael, of which the original cartoons are now in hampton court. the staircase of the new museum is decorated with those remarkable frescoes by kaulbach, which the art of engraving and the universal exposition have made so well known in france. we all remember the cartoon entitled "the dispersion of races," and all paris has admired, in goupil's window that poetic "defeat of the huns," where the strife begun between the living warriors is carried on amidst the disembodied souls that hover above that battlefield strewn with the dead. "the destruction of jerusalem" is a fine composition, tho somewhat too theatrical. it resembles a "close of the fifth act" much more than beseems the serious character of fresco painting. in the panel which represents hellenic civilization, homer is the central figure; this composition pleased me least of all. other paintings as yet unfinished present the climacteric epochs of humanity. the last of these will be almost contemporary, for when a german begins to paint, universal history comes under review; the great italian painters did not need so much in achieving their master-pieces. but each civilization has its peculiar tendencies, and this encyclopedic painting is a characteristic of the present time. it would seem that, before flinging itself into its new career, the world has felt the necessity of making a synthesis of its past.... this staircase, which is of colossal size, is ornamented with casts from the finest antiques. copies of the metopes of the pantheon and friezes from the temple of theseus are set into its walls, and upon one of the landings stands the pandrosion, with all the strong and tranquil beauty of its caryatides. the effect of the whole is very grand. at the present day there is no longer any visible difference between the people of one country and of another. the uniform domino of civilization is worn everywhere, and no difference in color, no special cut of the garment, notifies you that you are away from home. the men and women whom i met in the street escape description; the flâneurs of the unter den linden are exactly like the flâneurs of the boulevard des italiens. this avenue, bordered by splendid houses, is planted, as its name indicates, with lindens; trees "whose leaf is shaped like a heart," as heinrich heine remarks--a peculiarity which makes unter den linden dear to lovers, and eminently suited for sentimental interviews. at its entrance stands the equestrian statue of frederick the great. like the champs-elysées in paris, this avenue terminates at a triumphal arch, surmounted by a chariot with four bronze horses. passing under the arch, we come out into a park in some degrees resembling the bois de boulogne. along the edge of this park, which is shadowed by great trees having all the intensity of northern verdure, and freshened by a little winding stream, open flower-crowded gardens, in whose depths you can discern summer retreats, which are neither châlets, nor cottages, nor villas, but pompeiian houses with their tetrastylic porticos and panels of antique red. the greek taste is held in high esteem in berlin. on the other hand, they seem to disdain the style of the renaissance, so much in vogue in paris; i saw no edifice of this kind in berlin. night came; and after paying a hasty visit to the zoological garden, where all the animals were asleep, except a dozen long-tailed paroquets and cockatoos, who were screaming from their perches, pluming themselves, and raising their crests, i returned to my hotel to strap my trunk and betake myself to the hamburg railway station, as the train would leave at ten, a circumstance which prevented me from going, as i had intended, to the opera to hear cherubini's "deux journées," and to see louise taglioni dance the sevillana.... for the traveler there are but two ways: the instantaneous proof, or the prolonged study. time failed me for the latter. deign to accept this simple and rapid impression. [footnote a: from "a winter in russia." by permission of, and by arrangement with, the publishers, henry holt & co. copyright, . since gautier wrote, berlin has greatly increased in population and in general importance. what is known as "greater berlin" now embraces about , , souls. many of the quaint two-story houses, which formerly were characteristic of the city, have given way to palatial houses and business blocks. berlin is a thoroughly modern commercial city. it ranks among european cities immediately after london and paris.] charlottenburg[a] by harriet beecher stowe then we drove to charlottenburg to see the mausoleum. i know not when i have been more deeply affected than there; and yet, not so much by the sweet, lifelike statue of the queen as by that of the king, her husband, executed by the same hand.[b] such an expression of long-desired rest, after suffering the toil, is shed over the face--so sweet, so heavenly! there, where he has prayed year after year--hoping, yearning, longing--there, at last, he rests, life's long anguish over! my heart melted as i looked at these two, so long divided--he so long a mourner, she so long mourned--now calmly resting side by side in a sleep so tranquil. we went through the palace. we saw the present king's writing desk and table in his study, just as he left them. his writing establishment is about as plain as yours. men who really mean to do anything do not use fancy tools. his bedroom, also, is in a style of severe simplicity. there were several engravings fastened against the wall; and in the anteroom a bust and medallion of the empress eugenie--a thing which i should not exactly have expected in a born king's palace; but beauty is sacred, and kings can not call it parvenu. then we went into the queen's bed-room, finished in green, and then through the rooms of queen louisa. those marks of her presence, which you saw during the old king's lifetime, are now removed; we saw no traces of her dresses, gloves, or books. in one room, draped in white muslin over pink, we were informed the empress of russia was born. in going out to charlottenburg, we rode through the thiergarten, the tuileries of berlin. in one of the most quiet and sequestered spots is the monument erected by the people of berlin to their old king. the pedestal is carrara marble, sculptured with beautiful scenes called garden pleasures--children in all manner of outdoor sports, and parents fondly looking on. it is graceful, and peculiarly appropriate to those grounds where parents and children are constantly congregating. the whole is surmounted by a statue of the king, in white marble--the finest representation of him i have ever seen. thoughtful, yet benign, the old king seems like a good father keeping a grave and affectionate watch over the pleasures of his children in their garden frolics. there was something about these moss-grown gardens that seemed so rural and pastoral, that i at once preferred them to all i had seen in europe. choice flowers are planted in knots, here and there, in sheltered nooks, as if they had grown by accident: and an air of sweet, natural wildness is left amid the most careful cultivation. the people seemed to be enjoying themselves less demonstratively and with less vivacity than in france, but with a calm inwardness. each nation has its own way of being happy, and the style of life in each bears a certain relation of appropriateness to character. the trim, dressy, animated air of the tuileries suits admirably with the mobile, sprightly vivacity of society there. both, in their way, are beautiful; but this seems less formal, and more according to nature. [footnote a: from "sunny memories of foreign lands."] [footnote b: king frederick william iii. and queen louise are here referred to. since mrs. stowe's visit ( ) the emperor william i. and the empress augusta have been buried in this mausoleum.] leipsic and dresden[a] by bayard taylor i have now been nearly two days in wide-famed leipsic, and the more i see of it, the better i like it. it is a pleasant, friendly town, old enough to be interesting and new enough to be comfortable. there is much active business-life, through which it is fast increasing in size and beauty. its publishing establishments are the largest in the world, and its annual fairs attended by people from all parts of europe. this is much for a city to accomplish situated alone in the middle of a great plain, with no natural charms of scenery or treasures of art to attract strangers. the energy and enterprise of its merchants have accomplished all this, and it now stands in importance among the first cities of europe. on my first walk around the city, yesterday morning, i passed the augustus platz--a broad green lawn on which front the university and several other public buildings. a chain of beautiful promenades encircles the city on the site of its old fortifications. following their course through walks shaded by large trees and bordered with flowering shrubs, i passed a small but chaste monument to sebastian bach, the composer, which was erected almost entirely at the private cost of mendelssohn, and stands opposite the building in which bach once directed the choirs. as i was standing beside it a glorious choral swelled by a hundred voices came through the open windows like a tribute to the genius of the great master. having found my friend, we went together to the sternwarte, or observatory, which gives a fine view of the country around the city, and in particular the battlefield. the castellan who is stationed there is well acquainted with the localities, and pointed out the position of the hostile armies. it was one of the most bloody and hard-fought battles which history records. the army of napoleon stretched like a semicircle around the southern and eastern sides of the city, and the plain beyond was occupied by the allies, whose forces met together here. schwarzenberg, with his austrians, came from dresden; blücher, from halle, with the emperor alexander. their forces amounted to three hundred thousand, while those of napoleon ranked at one hundred and ninety-two thousand men. it must have been a terrific scene. four days raged the battle, and the meeting of half a million of men in deadly conflict was accompanied by the thunder of sixteen hundred cannon. the small rivers which flow through leipsic were swollen with blood, and the vast plain was strewed with more than fifty thousand dead. it is difficult to conceive of such slaughter while looking at the quiet and tranquil landscape below. it seemed more like a legend of past ages, when ignorance and passion led men to murder and destroy, than an event which the last half century witnessed. for the sake of humanity it is to be hoped that the world will never see such another. there are some lovely walks around leipsic. we went yesterday afternoon with a few friends to the rosenthal, a beautiful meadow, bordered by forests of the german oak, very few of whose druid trunks have been left standing. there are swiss cottages embowered in the foliage where every afternoon the social citizens assemble to drink their coffee and enjoy a few hours' escape from the noisy and dusty streets. one can walk for miles along these lovely paths by the side of the velvet meadows or the banks of some shaded stream. we visited the little village of golis, a short distance off, where, in the second story of a little white house, hangs the sign, "schiller's room." some of the leipsic "literati" have built a stone arch over the entrance, with the inscription above: "here dwelt schiller in , and wrote his hymn to joy." everywhere through germany the remembrances of schiller are sacred. in every city where he lived they show his dwelling. they know and reverence the mighty spirit who has been among them. the little room where he conceived that sublime poem is hallowed as if by the presence of unseen spirits. i was anxious to see the spot where poniatowsky fell. we returned over the plain to the city, and passed in at the gate by which the cossacks entered, pursuing the flying french. crossing the lower part, we came to the little river elster, in whose waves the gallant prince sank. the stone bridge by which we crossed was blown up by the french to cut off pursuit. napoleon had given orders that it should not be blown up till the poles had all passed over as the river, tho narrow, is quite deep and the banks are steep. nevertheless, his officers did not wait, and the poles, thus exposed to the fire of the enemy, were obliged to plunge into the stream to join the french army, which had begun retreat toward frankfort. poniatowsky, severely wounded, made his way through a garden near, and escaped on horseback into the water. he became entangled among the fugitives, and sank. by walking a little distance along the road toward frankfort we could see the spot where his body was taken out of the river; it is now marked by a square stone covered with the names of his countrymen who have visited it. we returned through the narrow arched way by which napoleon fled when the battle was lost. another interesting place in leipsic is auerbach's cellar, which, it is said, contains an old manuscript history of faust from which goethe derived the first idea of his poem. he used to frequent this cellar, and one of his scenes in "faust" is laid in it. we looked down the arched passage; not wishing to purchase any wine, we could find no pretense for entering. the streets are full of book-stores, and one-half the business of the inhabitants appears to consist in printing, paper-making and binding. the publishers have a handsome exchange of their own, and during the fairs the amount of business transacted is enormous. at last in this "florence of the elbe," as the saxons have christened it! exclusive of its glorious galleries of art, which are scarcely surpassed by any in europe, dresden charms one by the natural beauty of its environs. it stands in a curve of the elbe, in the midst of green meadows, gardens and fine old woods, with the hills of saxony sweeping around like an amphitheater and the craggy peaks of the highlands looking at it from afar. the domes and spires at a distance give it a rich italian look, which is heightened by the white villas embowered in trees gleaming on the hills around. in the streets there is no bustle of business--nothing of the din and confusion of traffic which mark most cities; it seems like a place for study and quiet enjoyment. the railroad brought us in three hours from leipsic over the eighty miles of plain that intervene. we came from the station through the neustadt, passing the japanese palace and the equestrian statue of augustus the strong. the magnificent bridge over the elbe was so much injured by the late inundation as to be impassable; we were obliged to go some distance up the river-bank and cross on a bridge of boats. next morning my first search was for the picture-gallery. we set off at random, and after passing the church of our lady, with its lofty dome of solid stone, which withstood the heaviest bombs during the war with frederick the great, came to an open square one side of which was occupied by an old brown, red-roofed building which i at once recognized from pictures as the object of our search. i have just taken a last look at the gallery this morning, and left it with real regret; for during the two visits raphael's heavenly picture of the madonna and child had so grown into my love and admiration that it was painful to think i should never see it again. there are many mere which clung so strongly to my imagination, gratifying in the highest degree the love for the beautiful, that i left them with sadness and the thought that i would now only have the memory. i can see the inspired eye and godlike brow of the jesus-child as if i were still standing before the picture, and the sweet, holy countenance of the madonna still looks upon me. yet, tho this picture is a miracle of art, the first glance filled me with disappointment. it has somewhat faded during the three hundred years that have rolled away since the hand of raphael worked on the canvas, and the glass with which it is covered for better preservation injures the effect. after i had gazed on it a while, every thought of this vanished. the figure of the virgin seemed to soar in the air, and it was difficult to think the clouds were not in motion. an aërial lightness clothes her form, and it is perfectly natural for such a figure to stand among the clouds. two divine cherubs look up from below, and in her arms sits the sacred child. those two faces beam from the picture like those of angels. the mild, prophetic eye and lofty brow of the young jesus chain one like a spell. there is something more than mortal in its expression--something in the infant face which indicates a power mightier than the proudest manhood. there is no glory around the head, but the spirit which shines from those features marks its divinity. in the sweet face of the mother there speaks a sorrowful foreboding mixed with its tenderness, as if she knew the world into which the savior was born and foresaw the path in which he was to tread. it is a picture which one can scarce look upon without tears. there are in the same room six pictures by correggio which are said to be among his best works--one of them, his celebrated magdalen. there is also correggio's "holy night," or the virgin with the shepherds in the manger, in which all the light comes from the body of the child. the surprise of the shepherds is most beautifully exprest. in one of the halls there is a picture of van der werff in which the touching story of hagar is told more feelingly than words could do it. the young ishmael is represented full of grief at parting with isaac, who, in childish unconsciousness of what has taken place, draws in sport the corner of his mother's mantle around him and smiles at the tears of his lost playmate. nothing can come nearer real flesh and blood than the two portraits of raphael mengs, painted by himself when quite young. you almost think the artist has in sport crept behind the frame and wishes to make you believe he is a picture. it would be impossible to speak of half the gems of art contained in this unrivalled collection. there are twelve large halls, containing in all nearly two thousand pictures. the plain south of dresden was the scene of the hard-fought battle between napoleon and the allied armies in . on the heights above the little village of räcknitz, moreau was shot on the second day of the battle. we took a footpath through the meadows, shaded by cherry trees in bloom, and reached the spot after an hour's walk. the monument is simple--a square block of granite surmounted by a helmet and sword, with the inscription, "the hero moreau fell here by the side of alexander, august , ," i gathered as a memorial a few leaves of the oak which shades it. by applying an hour before the appointed time, we obtained admission to the royal library. it contains three hundred thousand volumes--among them, the most complete collection of historical works in existence. each hall is devoted to a history of a separate country, and one large room is filled with that of saxony alone. there is a large number of rare and curious manuscripts, among which are old greek works of the seventh and eighth centuries, a koran which once belonged to the sultan bajazet, the handwriting of luther and melanchthon, a manuscript volume with pen-and-ink sketches by albert dürer, and the earliest works after the invention of printing. among these latter was a book published by faust and schaeffer, at mayence, in . there were also mexican manuscripts written on the aloe leaf, and many illuminated monkish volumes of the middle ages. we were fortunate in seeing the grüne gewölbe, or green gallery, a collection of jewels and costly articles unsurpassed in europe. the first hall into which we were ushered contained works in bronze. they were all small, and chosen with regard to their artistical value. some by john of bologna were exceedingly fine, as was also a group in iron cut out of a single block, perhaps the only successful attempt in this branch. the next room contained statues, and vases covered with reliefs in ivory. the most remarkable work was the fall of lucifer and his angels, containing ninety-two figures in all, carved out of a single piece of ivory sixteen inches high. it was the work of an italian monk, and cost him many years of hard labor. there were two tables of mosaic-work that would not be out of place in the fabled halls of the eastern genii, so much did they exceed my former ideas of human skill. the tops were of jasper, and each had a border of fruit and flowers in which every color was represented by some precious stone, all with the utmost delicacy and truth to nature. it is impossible to conceive the splendid effect it produced. besides some fine pictures on gold by raphael mengs, there was a madonna, the largest specimen of enamel-painting in existence. however costly the contents of these halls, they were only an introduction to those which followed. each one exceeded the other in splendor and costliness. the walls were covered to the ceiling with rows of goblets, vases, etc., of polished jasper, agate, and lapis lazuli. splendid mosaic tables stood around with caskets of the most exquisite silver and gold work upon them, and vessels of solid silver, some of them weighing six hundred pounds, were placed at the foot of the columns. we were shown two goblets, each prized at six thousand thalers, made of gold and precious stones; also the great pearl called the "spanish dwarf," nearly as large as a pullet's egg, globes and vases cut entirely out of the mountain-crystal, magnificent nuremberg watches and clocks, and a great number of figures made ingeniously of rough pearls and diamonds. the officer showed me a hen's egg of silver. there was apparently nothing remarkable about it, but by unscrewing it came apart and disclosed the yolk of gold. this again opened, and a golden chicken was seen; by touching a spring a little diamond crown came from the inside, and, the crown being again taken apart, out dropt a valuable diamond ring. the seventh hall contains the coronation-robes of augustus ii. of poland, and many costly specimens of carving in wood. a cherry-stone is shown in a glass case which has one hundred and twenty-five facets, all perfectly finished, carved upon it. the next room we entered sent back a glare of splendor that perfectly dazzled us; it was all gold, diamond, ruby, and sapphire. every case sent out such a glow and glitter that it seemed like a cage of imprisoned lightnings. wherever the eye turned it was met by a blaze of broken rainbows. they were there by hundreds, and every gem was a fortune--whole cases of swords with hilts and scabbards of solid gold studded with gems, the great two-handed coronation sword of the german emperors, daggers covered with brilliants and rubies, diamond buttons, chains, and orders, necklaces and bracelets of pearl and emerald, and the order of the golden fleece made in gems of every kind. we were also shown the largest known onyx, nearly seven inches long and four inches broad. one of the most remarkable works is the throne and court of aurungzebe, the indian king, by dinglinger, a celebrated goldsmith of the last century. it contains one hundred and thirty-two figures, all of enameled gold and each one most perfectly and elaborately finished. it was purchased by prince augustus for fifty-eight thousand thalers,[b] which was not a high sum, considering that the making of it occupied dinglinger and thirteen workmen for seven years. it is almost impossible to estimate the value of the treasures these halls contain. that of the gold and jewels alone must be many millions of dollars, and the amount of labor expended on these toys of royalty is incredible. as monuments of patient and untiring toil they are interesting, but it is sad to think how much labor and skill and energy have been wasted in producing things which are useless to the world and only of secondary importance as works of art. perhaps, however, if men could be diverted by such playthings from more dangerous games, it would be all the better. [footnote a: from "views afoot." published by g.p. putnam's sons.] [footnote b: a prussian or saxon thaler is about seventy cents. author's note--the thaler went out of use in germany in .] weimar in goethe's day[a] by madame de staËl of all the german principalities, there is none that makes us feel so much as weimar the advantages of a small state, of which the sovereign is a man of strong understanding, and who is capable of endeavoring to please all orders of his subjects, without losing anything in their obedience. such a state is as a private society, where all the members are connected together by intimate relations. the duchess louisa of saxe weimar is the true model of a woman destined by nature to the most illustrious rank; without pretension, as without weakness, she inspires in the same degree confidence and respect; and the heroism of the chivalrous ages has entered her soul without taking from it any thing of her sex's softness. the military talents of the duke are universally respected, and his lively and reflective conversation continually brings to our recollection that he was formed by the great frederic. it is by his own and his mother's reputation that the most distinguished men of learning have been attracted to weimar, and by them germany, for the first time, has possest a literary metropolis; but, as this metropolis was at the same time only an inconsiderable town, its ascendency was merely that of superior illumination; for fashion, which imposes uniformity in all things, could not emanate from so narrow a circle. herder was just dead when i arrived at weimar; but wieland, goethe, and schiller were still there. their writings are the perfect resemblances of their character and conversation. this very rare concordance is a proof of sincerity; when the first object in writing is to produce an effect upon others, a man never displays himself to them, such as he is in reality; but when he writes to satisfy an internal inspiration which has obtained possession of the soul, he discovers by his works, even without intending it, the very slightest shades of his manner of thinking and acting. the residence in country towns has always appeared to me very irksome. the understanding of the men is narrowed, the heart of the women frozen there; people live so much in each other's presence that one is opprest by one's equals; it is no longer this distant opinion, the reverberation of which animates you from afar like the report of glory; it is a minute inspection of all the actions of your life, an observation of every detail, which prevents the general character from being comprehended; and the more you have of independence and elevation of mind, the less able you are to breathe amidst so many little impediments. this painful constraint did not exist at weimar; it was rather a large palace than a little town; a select circle of society, which made its interest consist in the discussion of all the novelties of art and science: women, the amiable scholars of some superior men, were constantly speaking of the new literary works, as of the most important public events. they enjoyed the whole universe by reading and study; they freed themselves by the enlargement of the mind from the restraint of circumstances; they forgot the private anecdotes of each individual, in habitually reflecting together on those great questions which influence the destiny common to all alike. and in this society there were none of those provincial wonders, who so easily mistake contempt for grace, and affectation for elegance. [footnote a: from "germany."] ulm[a] by thomas frognall dibdin we were now within about twenty english miles of ulm. nothing particular occurred, either by way of anecdote or of scenery, till within almost the immediate approach or descent to that city--the last in the suabian territories, and which is separated from bavaria by the river danube. i caught the first glance of that celebrated river (here of comparatively trifling width) with no ordinary emotions of delight. it recalled to my memory the battle of blenheim, or of hochstedt; for you know that it was across this very river, and scarcely a score of miles from ulm, that the victorious marlborough chased the flying french and bavarians--at the battle just mentioned. at the same moment, almost, i could not fail to contrast this glorious issue with the miserable surrender of the town before me--then filled by a large and well-disciplined army, and commanded by that nonpareil of generals, j.g. mack!--into the power of bonaparte almost without pulling a trigger on either side--the place itself being considered, at the time, one of the strongest towns in europe. these things, i say, rushed upon my memory, when, on the immediate descent into ulm, i caught the first view of the tower of the minster which quickly put marlborough, and mack, and bonaparte out of my recollection. i had never, since quitting the beach at brighton, beheld such an english-like looking cathedral--as a whole; and particularly the tower. it is broad, bold, and lofty; but, like all edifices, seen from a neighboring and perhaps loftier height, it loses, at first view, very much of the loftiness of its character. however, i looked with admiration, and longed to approach it. this object was accomplished in twenty minutes. we entered ulm about two o'clock: drove to an excellent inn (the white stag--which i strongly recommend to all travelers), and ordered our dinner to be got ready by five; which, as the house was within a stone's cast of the cathedral, gave us every opportunity of visiting it beforehand. the day continued most beautiful: and we sallied forth in high spirits, to gaze at and to admire every object of antiquity which should present itself. the cathedral of ulm is doubtless among the most respectable of those on the continent. it is large and wide, and of a massive and imposing style of architecture. the buttresses are bold, and very much after the english fashion. the tower is the chief exterior beauty. before we mounted it, we begged the guide, who attended us, to conduct us all over the interior. this interior is very noble, and even superior, as a piece of architecture, to that of strasburg. i should think it even longer and wider--for the truth is, that the tower of strasburg cathedral is as much too tall, as that of ulm cathedral is too short, for its nave and choir. not very long ago, they had covered the interior by a whitewash; and thus the mellow tint of probably about five centuries--in a spot where there are few immediately surrounding houses--and in a town of which the manufactories and population are comparatively small--the latter about , --thus, i say, the mellow tint of these five centuries (for i suppose the cathedral to have been finished about the year ) has been cruelly changed for the staring and chilling effects of whiting.[b] the choir is interesting in a high degree. at the extremity of it is an altar--indicative of the lutheran form of worship being carried on within the church--upon which are oil paintings upon wood, emblazoned with gilt backgrounds--of the time of hans burgmair, and of others at the revival of the art of painting in germany. these pictures turn upon hinges, so as to shut up, or be thrown open; and are in the highest state of preservation. their subjects are entirely scriptural; and perhaps old john holbein, the father of the famous hans holbein, might have had a share in some of them. perhaps they may come down to the time of lucas cranach. wherever, or by whomsoever executed, this series of paintings, upon the high altar of the cathedral of ulm, can not be viewed without considerable satisfaction. they were the first choice specimens of early art which i had seen on this side of the rhine; and i, of course, contemplated them with the hungry eye of an antiquary. after a careful survey of the interior, the whole of which had quite the air of english cleanliness and order, we prepared to mount the famous tower. our valet, rohfritsch, led the way; counting the steps as he mounted, and finding them to be about in number. he was succeeded by the guide. mr. lewis and myself followed in a more leisurely manner; peeping through the interstices which presented themselves in the open fretwork of the ornaments, and finding, as we continued to ascend, that the inhabitants and dwelling houses of ulm diminished gradually in size. at length we gained the summit, which is surrounded by a parapet wall of some three or four feet in height. we paused a minute, to recover our breath, and to look at the prospect which surrounded us. the town, at our feet, looked like the metropolis of laputa. yet the high ground, by which we had descended into the town--and upon which bonaparte's army was formerly encamped--seemed to be more lofty than the spot whereon we stood. on the opposite side flowed the danube; not broad, nor, as i learned, very deep; but rapid and in a serpentine direction. upon the whole, the cathedral of ulm is a noble ecclesiastical edifice; uniting simplicity and purity with massiveness of composition. few cathedrals are more uniform in the style of their architecture. it seems to be, to borrow technical language, all of a piece. near it, forming the foreground of the munich print, are a chapel and a house surrounded by trees. the chapel is very small, and, as i learned, not used for religious purposes. the house (so professor veesenmeyer informed me) is supposed to have been the residence and offices of business of john zeiner, the well-known printer, who commenced his typographical labors about the year , and who uniformly printed at ulm; while his brother gunther as uniformly exercised his art in the city whence i am now addressing you. they were both natives of reutlingen, a town of some note between tübingen and ulm. [footnote a: from "a bibliographical, antiquarian and picturesque tour," published in .] [footnote b: ulm has now ( ) a population of , .] aix-la-chapelle and charlemagne's tomb[a] by victor hugo for an invalid, aix-la-chapelle is a mineral fountain--warm, cold, irony, and sulfurous; for the tourist, it is a place for redouts and concerts; for the pilgrim, the place of relics, where the gown of the virgin mary, the blood of jesus, the cloth which enveloped the head of john the baptist after his decapitation, are exhibited every seven years; for the antiquarian, it is a noble abbey of "filles à abbesse," connected with the male convent, which was built by saint gregory, son of nicephore, emperor of the east; for the hunter, it is the ancient valley of the wild boars; for the merchant, it is a "fabrique" of cloth, needles, and pins; and for him who is no merchant, manufacturer, hunter, antiquary, pilgrim, tourist, or invalid, it is the city of charlemagne. charlemagne was born at aix-la-chapelle, and died there. he was born in the old place, of which there now only remains the tower, and he was buried in the church that he founded in , two years after the death of his wife fastrada. leo the third consecrated it in , and tradition says that two bishops of tongres, who were buried at maestricht, arose from their graves, in order to complete, at that ceremony, bishops and archbishops--representing the days of the year. this historical and legendary church, from which the town has taken its name, has undergone, during the last thousand years, many transformations. no sooner had i entered aix than i went to the chapel.... the effect of the great "portail" is not striking; the façade displays the different styles of architecture--roman, gothic, and modern--without order, and consequently, without grandeur; but if, on the contrary, we arrive at the chapel by chevet, the result is otherwise. the high "abside" of the fourteenth century, in all its boldness and beauty, the rich workmanship of its balustrades, the variety of its "gargouilles," the somber hue of the stones, and the large transparent windows--strike the beholder with admiration. here, nevertheless, the aspect of the church--imposing tho it is--will be found far from uniform. between the "abside" and the "portail," in a kind of cavity, the dome of otho iii., built over the tomb of charlemagne in the tenth century, is hid from view. after a few moments' contemplation, a singular awe comes over us when gazing at this extraordinary edifice--an edifice which, like the great work that charlemagne began, remains unfinished; and which, like his empire that spoke all languages, is composed of architecture that represents all styles. to the reflective, there is a strange analogy between that wonderful man and this great building. after having passed the arched roof of the portico, and left behind me the antique bronze doors surmounted with lions' heads, a white rotundo of two stories, in which all the "fantasies" of architecture are displayed, attracted my attention. at casting my eyes upon the ground, i perceived a large block of black marble, with the following inscription in brass letters:-- "carolo magno." nothing is more contemptible than to see, exposed to view, the bastard graces that surround this great carlovingian name; angels resembling distorted cupids, palm-branches like colored feathers, garlands of flowers, and knots of ribbons, are placed under the dome of otho iii., and upon the tomb of charlemagne. the only thing here that evinces respect to the shade of that great man is an immense lamp, twelve feet in diameter, with forty-eight burners; which was presented, in the twelfth century, by barbarossa. it is of brass, gilt with gold, has the form of a crown, and is suspended from the ceiling above the marble stone by an iron chain about seventy feet in length. it is evident that some other monument had been erected to charlemagne. there is nothing to convince us that this marble, bordered with brass, is of antiquity. as to the letters, "carolo magno," they are not of a late date than . charlemagne is no longer under this stone. in frederick barbarossa--whose gift, magnificent tho it was, does by no means compensate for this sacrilege--caused the remains of that great emperor to be untombed. the church claimed the imperial skeleton, and, separating the bones, made each a holy relic. in the adjoining sacristy, a vicar shows the people--for three francs seventy-five centimes--the fixt price--"the arm of charlemagne"--that arm which held for a time the reins of the world. venerable relic! which has the following inscription, written by some scribe of the twelfth century: "arm of the sainted charles the great." after that i saw the skull of charlemagne, that cranium which may be said to have been the mold of europe, and which a beadle had the effrontery to strike with his finger. all were kept in a wooden armory, with a few angels, similar to those i have just mentioned, on the top. such is the tomb of the man whose memory has outlived ten ages, and who, by his greatness, has shed the rays of immortality around his name. "sainted, great," belong to him--two of the most august epithets which this earth could bestow upon a human being. there is one thing astonishing--that is, the largeness of the skull and arm. charlemagne was, in fact, colossal with respect to size of body as well as extraordinary mental endowments. the son of pepin-le-bref was in body, as in mind, gigantic; of great corporeal strength, and of astounding intellect. an inspection of this armory has a strange effect upon the antiquary. besides the skull and arm, it contains the heart of charlemagne; the cross which the emperor had round his neck in his tomb; a handsome ostensorium, of the renaissance, given by charles the fifth, and spoiled, in the last century, by tasteless ornaments; fourteen richly sculptured gold plates, which once ornamented the arm-chair of the emperor; an ostensorium, given by philippe the second; the cord which bound our savior; the sponge that was used upon the cross; the girdle of the holy virgin, and that of the redeemer. in the midst of innumerable ornaments, heaped up in the armory like mountains of gold and precious stones, are two shrines of singular beauty. one, the oldest, which is seldom opened, contains the remaining bones of charlemagne, and the other, of the twelfth century, which frederick barbarossa gave to the church, holds the relics, which are exhibited every seven years. a single exhibition of this shrine, in , attracted , pilgrims, and drew, in ten days , florins. this shrine has only one key, which is in two pieces; the one is in the possession of the chapter, the other in that of the magistrates of the town. sometimes it is opened on extraordinary occasions, such as on the visit of a monarch.... the tomb, before it became the sarcophagus of charlemagne, was, it is said, that of augustus. after mounting a narrow staircase, my guide conducted me to a gallery which is called the hochmünster. in this place is the arm-chair of charlemagne. it is low, exceedingly wide, with a round back; is formed of four pieces of white marble, without ornaments or sculpture, and has for a seat an oak board, covered with a cushion of red velvet. there are six steps up to it, two of which are of granite, the others of marble. on this chair sat--a crown upon his head, a globe in one hand, a scepter in the other, a sword by his side, the imperial mantle over his shoulders, the cross of christ round his neck, and his feet in the sarcophagus of augustus--carolus magnus in his tomb, in which attitude he remained for three hundred and fifty-two years--from to , when frederick barbarossa, coveting the chair for his coronation, entered the tomb. barbarossa was an illustrious prince and a valiant soldier; and it must, therefore, have been a moment singularly strange when this crowned man stood before the crowned corpse of charlemagne--the one in all the majesty of empire, the other in all the majesty of death. the soldier overcame the shades of greatness; the living became the despoliator of inanimate worth. the chapel claimed the skeleton, and barbarossa the marble chair, which afterward became the throne where thirty-six emperors were crowned. ferdinand the first was the last; charles the fifth preceded him. in , when bonaparte became known as napoleon, he visited aix-la-chapelle. josephine, who accompanied him, had the caprice to sit down on this chair; but napoleon, out of respect for charlemagne, took off his hat, and remained for some time standing, and in silence. the following fact is somewhat remarkable, and struck me forcibly. in charlemagne died; a thousand years afterward, most probably about the same hour, napoleon fell. in that fatal year, , the allied sovereigns visited the tomb of the great "carolus." alexander of russia, like napoleon, took off his hat and uniform; frederick william of prussia kept on his "casquette de petite tenue;" francis retained his surtout and round bonnet. the king of prussia stood upon the marble steps, receiving information from the provost of the chapter respecting the coronation of the emperors of germany; the two emperors remained silent. napoleon, josephine, alexander, frederick william, and francis, are now no more. a few minutes afterward i was on my way to the hôtel-de-ville, the supposed birthplace of charlemagne, which, like the chapel, is an edifice made of five or six others. in the middle of the court there is a fountain of great antiquity, with a bronze statue of charlemagne. to the left and right are two others--both surmounted with eagles, their heads half turned toward the grave and tranquil emperor. the evening was approaching. i had passed the whole of the day among these grand and austere "souvenirs;" and, therefore, deemed it essential to take a walk in the open fields, to breathe the fresh air, and to watch the rays of the declining sun. i wandered along some dilapidated walls, entered a field, then some beautiful alleys, in one of which i seated myself. aix-la-chapelle lay extended before me, partly hid by the shades of evening, which were falling around. by degrees the fogs gained the roofs of the houses, and shrouded the town steeples; then nothing was seen but two huge masses--the hôtel-de-ville and the chapel. all the emotions, all the thoughts and visions which flitted across my mind during the day, now crowded upon me. the first of the two dark objects was to me only the birthplace of a child; the second was the resting-place of greatness. at intervals, in the midst of my reverie, i imagined that i saw the shade of this giant, whom we call charlemagne, developing itself between this great cradle and still greater tomb. [footnote a: from "the rhine." translated by d.m. aird.] the hanseatic league[a] by james howell the hans, or hanseatic league, is very ancient, some would derive the word from hand, because they of the society plight their faith by that action; others derive it from hansa, which in the gothic tongue is council; others would have it come from hander see, which signifies near or upon the sea, and this passeth for the best etymology, because their towns are all seated so, or upon some navigable river near the sea. the extent of the old hans was from the nerve in livonia to the rhine, and contained sixty-two great mercantile towns, which were divided into four precincts. the chiefest of the first precinct was lübeck, where the archives of their ancient records and their prime chancery is still, and this town is within that verge; cullen is chief of the second precinct, brunswick of the third, and dantzic of the fourth. the kings of poland and sweden have sued to be their protector, but they refused them, because they were not princes of the empire. they put off also the king of denmark with a compliment, nor would they admit the king of spain when he was most potent in the netherlands, tho afterward, when it was too late, they desired the help of the ragged staff; nor of the duke of anjou, notwithstanding that the world thought he should have married our queen, who interceded for him, and so it was probable that thereby they might recover their privileges in england. so i do not find that they ever had any protector but the great master of prussia; and their want of a protector did do them some prejudice in that famous difference they had with our queen. the old hans had extraordinary immunities given them by our henry the third, because they assisted him in his wars with so many ships, and as they pretend, the king was not only to pay them for the service of the said ships but for the vessels themselves if they miscarried. now it happened that at their return to germany, from serving henry the third, there was a great fleet of them cast away, for which, according to covenant, they demanded reparation. our king in lieu of money, among other facts of grace, gave them a privilege to pay but one per cent., which continued until queen mary's reign, and she by advice of king philip, her husband, as it was conceived, enhanced the one to twenty per cent. the hans not only complained but clamored loudly for breach of their ancient privileges confirmed unto them, time out of mind, by thirteen successive kings of england, which they pretended to have purchased with their money. king philip undertook to accommodate the business, but queen mary dying a little after, and he retiring, there could be nothing done. complaint being made to queen elizabeth, she answered that as she would not innovate anything, so she would maintain them still in the same condition she found them. hereupon their navigation and traffic ceased a while, wherefore the english tried what they could do themselves, and they thrived so well that they took the whole trade into their own hands, and so divided themselves (tho they be now but one), to staplers and merchant-adventurers, the one residing constant in one place, where they kept their magazine of wool, the other stirring and adventuring to divers places abroad with cloth and other manufacturies, which made the hans endeavor to draw upon them all the malignancy they could from all nations. moreover, the hans towns being a body politic incorporated in the empire, complained thereof to the emperor, who sent over persons of great quality to mediate an accommodation, but they could effect nothing. then the queen caused a proclamation to be published that the easterlings or merchants of the hans should be entreated and used as all other strangers were, within her dominations, without any mark of difference in point of commerce. this nettled them more, thereupon they bent their forces more eagerly, and in a diet at ratisbon they procured that the english merchants who had associated themselves into fraternities in emden and other places should be declared monopolists; and so there was a committal edict published against them that they should be exterminated and banished out of all parts of the empire; and this was done by the activity of one sudennan, a great civilian. there was there for the queen, gilpin, as nimble a man as suderman, and he had the chancellor of emden to second and countenance him, but they could not stop the said edict wherein the society of english merchant-adventurers was pronounced to be a monopoly; yet gilpin played his game so well, that he wrought underhand, that the said imperial ban should not be published till after the dissolution of the diet, and that in the interim the emperor should send ambassadors to england to advise the queen of such a ban against her merchants. but this wrought so little impression upon the queen that the said ban grew rather ridiculous than formidable, for the town of emden harbored our merchants notwithstanding and afterward stade, but they not being able to protect them so well from the imperial ban, they settled in the town of hamburg. after this the queen commanded another proclamation to be divulged that the easterlings or hanseatic merchants should be allowed to trade in england upon the same conditions and payment of duties as her own subjects, provided that the english merchants might have interchangeable privilege to reside and trade peaceably in stade or hamburg or anywhere else within the precincts of hans. this incensed them more, thereupon they resolved to cut off stade and hamburg from being members of the hans or of the empire; but they suspended this decision till they saw what success the great spanish fleet should have, which was then preparing in the year eighty-eight, for they had not long before had recourse to the king of spain and made him their own, and he had done them some material good offices; wherefore to this day the spanish consul is taxed of improvidence and imprudence, that there was no use made of the hans towns in that expedition. the queen finding that they of the hans would not be contented with that equality she had offered betwixt them and her own subjects, put out a proclamation that they should carry neither corn, victuals, arms, timber, masts, cables, minerals, nor any other materials, or men to spain or portugal. and after, the queen growing more redoubtable and famous, by the overthrow of the fleet of eighty-eight, the easterlings fell to despair of doing any good. add hereunto another disaster that befell them, the taking of sixty sails of their ships about the mouth of tagus in portugal by the queen's ships that were laden with "ropas de contrabando," viz., goods prohibited by her former proclamation into the dominions of spain. and as these ships were upon point of being discharged, she had intelligence of a great assembly at lübeck, which had met of purpose to consult of means to be revenged of her thereupon she stayed and seized upon the said sixty ships, only two were freed to bring news what became of the rest. hereupon the pope sent an ambassador to her, who spoke in a high tone, but he was answered in a higher. ever since our merchants have beaten a peaceful and free uninterrupted trade into this town and elsewhere within and without the sound, with their manufactures of wool, and found the way also to the white sea to archangel and moscow. insomuch that the premises being well considered, it was a happy thing for england that that clashing fell out betwixt her and the hans, for it may be said to have been the chief ground of that shipping and merchandising, which she is now come to, and wherewith she hath flourished ever since. but one thing is observable, that as that imperial or committal ban, pronounced in the diet at ratisbon against our merchants and manufactures of wool, incited them more to industry. so our proclamation upon alderman cockein's project of transporting no white cloths but dyed, and in their full manufacture, did cause both dutch and germans to turn necessity to a virtue, and made them far more ingenious to find ways, not only to dye but to make cloth, which hath much impaired our markets ever since. for there hath not been the third part of our cloth sold since, either here or in holland. [footnote a: from "familiar letters." "montaigne and 'howell's letters'," says thackeray, in one of the "roundabout papers," "are my bedside books." howell wrote this letter in hamburg in october, .] hamburg[a] by thÉophile gautier to describe a night journey by rail is a difficult matter; you go like an arrow whistling through a cloud; it is traveling in the abstract. you cross provinces, kingdoms even, unawares. from time to time during the night, i saw through the window the comet, rushing down upon the earth, with lowered head and hair streaming far behind; suddenly glares of gaslight dazzled my eyes, sanded with the goldust of sleep; or the pale bluish radiance of the moon gave an air of fairy-land to scenes doubtless poor enough by day. conscientiously, this is all i can say from personal observation; and it would not be particularly amusing if i should transcribe from the railway guide the names of all the stations between berlin and hamburg. it is a.m., and here we are in the good hanse town of hamburg; the city is not yet awake, or at most is rubbing its eyes and yawning. while they are preparing my breakfast, i sally forth at random, as my custom is, without guide or cicerone, in pursuit of the unknown. the hotel, at which i have been set down, is situated on the quay of the alster, a basin as large as the lac d'enghien, which it still further resembles in being peopled with tame swans. on three sides, the alster basin is bordered with hotels and handsome modern houses. an embankment planted with trees and commanded by a wind-mill in profile forms the fourth; beyond extends a great lagoon. from the most frequented of these quays, a café painted green and built on piles, makes out into the water, like that café of the golden horn where i have smoked so many chibouques; watching the sea-birds fly. at the sight of this quay, this basin, these houses, i experienced an inexplicable sensation: i seemed to know them already. confused recollections of them arose in my memory; could i have been in hamburg without being aware of it? assuredly all these objects are not new to me, and yet i am seeing them for the first time. have i preserved the impression made by some picture, some photograph? while i was seeking philosophic explanations for this memory of the unknown, the idea of heinrich heine suddenly presented itself, and all became clear. the great poet had often spoken to me of hamburg, in those plastic words he so well knew how to use--words that were equivalent to realities. in his "reisebilder," he describes the scene--café basin, swans, and townsfolk upon the quays--heaven knows what portraits he makes of them! he returns to it again in his poem, "germania," and there is so much life to the picture, such distinctness, such relief, that sight itself teaches you nothing more. i made the circuit of the basin, graciously accompanied by a snow-white swan, handsome enough to make one think it might be jupiter in disguise, seeking some hamburg leda, and, the better to carry out the deception, snapping at the bread-crumbs offered him by the traveler. on the farther side of the basin, at the right, is a sort of garden or public promenade, having an artificial hillock, like that in the labyrinth in the "jardin des plantes." having gone thus far, i turned and retraced my steps. every city has its fashionable quarter--new, expensive, handsome--of which the citizens are proud, and through which the guide leads you with much complacency. the streets are broad and regular, and cut one another at right angles; there are sidewalks of granite, brick, or bitumen; there are lamp-posts in every direction. the houses are like palaces; their classically modern architecture, their irreproachable paint, their varnished doors and well-scoured brasses, fill with joy the city fathers and every lover of progress. the city is neat, orderly, salubrious, full of light and air, and resembles paris or london. there is the exchange! it is superb--as fine as the bourse in paris! i grant it; and, besides, you can smoke there, which is a point of superiority. farther on you observe the palace of justice, the bank, etc., built in the style you know well, adored by philistines of every land. doubtless that house must have cost enormously; it contains all possible luxury and comfort. you feel that the mollusk of such a shell can be nothing less than a millionaire. permit me, however, to love better the old house with its overhanging stories, its roof of irregular tiles, and all its little characteristic details, telling of former generations. to be interesting, a city must have the air of having lived, and, in a sense, of having received from man a soul. what makes these magnificent streets built yesterday so cold and so tiresome, is that they are not yet impregnated with human vitality. leaving the new quarter, i penetrated by degrees into the chaos of the old streets, and soon i had before my eyes a characteristic, picturesque hamburg; a genuine old city with a medieval stamp which would delight bonington, isabey or william wyld. i walked slowly, stopping at every street-corner that i might lose no detail of the picture; and rarely has any promenade amused me so well. houses, whose gables are denticulated or else curved in volutes, throw out successive overhanging stories, each composed of a row of windows, or, more properly, of one window divided into sections by carved uprights. beneath each house are excavated cellars, subterranean recesses, which the steps leading to the front door bestride like a drawbridge. wood, brick, stone and slate, mingled in a way to content the eye of a colorist, cover what little space the windows leave on the outside of the house. all this is surmounted by a roof of red or violet tiles, or tarred plank, interrupted by openings to give light to the attics, and having an abrupt pitch. these steep roofs look well against the background of a northern sky; the rains run off them in torrents, the snow slips from them; they suit the climate, and do not require to be swept in winter. some houses have doors ornamented with rustic columns, scroll-work, recessed pediments, chubby-cheeked caryatides, little angels and loves, stout rosettes and enormous shells, all glued over with whitewash renewed doubtless every year. the tobacco sellers in hamburg can not be counted. at every third step you behold a bare-chested negro cultivating the precious leaf or a grand seigneur, attired like the theatrical turk, smoking a colossal pipe. boxes of cigars, with their more or less fallacious vignettes and labels, figure, symmetrically disposed, in the ornamentation of the shop-fronts. there must be very little tobacco left at havana, if we can have faith in these displays, so rich in famous brands. as i have said, it was early morning. servant-maids, kneeling on the steps or standing on the window-sills, were going on with the saturday scrubbing. notwithstanding the keen air, they made a display of robust arms bare to the shoulder, tanned and sunburned, red with that astonishing vermilion that we see in some of rubens' paintings, which is the joint result of the biting of the north wind and the action of water upon these blond skins; little girls belonging to the poorer classes, with braided hair, bare arms, and low-necked frocks, were going out to obtain articles of food; i shivered in my paletot, to see them so lightly clad. there is something strange about this; the women of northern countries cut their dresses out in the neck, they go about bare-headed and bare-armed, while the women of the south cover themselves with vests, haicks, pelisses, and warm garments of every description. walking on, still at random, i came to the maritime part of the city, where canals take the place of streets. as yet it was low water, and vessels lay aground in the mud, showing their hulls, and careening over in a way to rejoice a water-color painter. soon the tide came up, and everything began to be in motion. i would suggest hamburg to artists following in the track of canaletto, guardi, or joyant; they will find, at every step, themes as picturesque as and more new than those which they go to venice in search of. this forest of salmon-colored masts, with their maze of cordage and their yellowish-brown sails drying in the sun, these tarred sterns with apple-green decks, these lateen-yards threatening the windows of the neighboring houses, these derricks standing under plank roofs shaped like pagodas, these tackles lifting heavy packages out of vessels and landing them in houses, these bridges opening to give passage to vessels, these clumps of trees, these gables overtopped here and there by spires and belfries; all this bathed in smoke, traversed by sunlight and here and there returning a glitter of polished metal, the far-off distance blue and misty, and the foreground full of vigorous color, produced effects of the most brilliant and piquant novelty. a church-tower, covered with plates of copper, springing from this curious medley of rigging and of houses, recalled to me by its odd green color the tower of galata, at constantinople.... as the hour advanced, the crowd became more numerous, and it was largely composed of women. in hamburg they seem to enjoy great license. very young girls come and go alone without anyone's noticing it, and--a remarkable thing!--children go to school by themselves, little basket on the arm, and slate in hand; in paris, left to their own free will, they will run off to play marbles, tag, or hop-scotch. dogs are muzzled in hamburg all the week, but on sundays they are left at liberty to bite whom they please. they are taxed, and appear to be esteemed; but the cats are sad and unappreciated. recognizing in me a friend, they cast melancholy glances at me, saying in their feline language, to which long use has given me the key: "these philistines, busy with their money-getting, despise us; and yet our eyes are as yellow as their louis d'or. stupid men that they are, they believe us good for nothing but to catch rats; we, the wise, the meditative, the independent, who have slept upon the prophet's sleeve, and lulled his ear with the whir of our mysterious wheel! pass your hand over our backs full of electric sparkles--we allow you this liberty, and say to charles baudelaire that he must write a fine sonnet, deploring our woes." as the lübeck boat was not to leave until the morrow, i went to wilkin's to get my supper. this famous establishment occupies a low-ceiled basement, which is divided into cabinets ornamented with more show than taste. oysters, turtle-soup, a truffled filet, and a bottle of veuve cliquot iced, composed my simple bill of fare. the place was filled, after the hamburg fashion, with edibles of all sorts; things early and things out of season, dainties not yet in existence or having long ceased to exist, for the common crowd. in the kitchen they showed us, in great tanks, huge sea-turtles which lifted their scaly heads above the water, resembling snakes caught between two platters. their little horny eyes looked with uneasiness at the light which was held near them, and their flippers, like oars of some disabled galley, vaguely moved up and down, as seeking some impossible escape. i trust that the personnel of the exhibition changes occasionally. in the morning i went for my breakfast to an english restaurant, a sort of pavilion of glass, whence i had a magnificent panoramic view. the river spread out majestically through a forest of vessels with tall masts, of every build and tonnage. steam-tugs were beating the water, towing sailing-vessels out to sea; others, moving about freely, made their way hither and thither, with that precision which makes a steam-boat seem like a conscious being, endowed by a will of its own, and served by sentient organs. from the elevation the elbe is seen, spreading broadly like all great rivers as they near the sea. its waters, sure of arriving at last, are in no haste; placid as a lake, they flow with an almost invisible motion. the low opposite shore was covered with verdure, and dotted with red houses half-effaced by the smoke from the chimneys. a golden bar of sunshine shot across the plain; it was grand, luminous, superb. [footnote a: from "a winter in russia." by arrangement with, and by permission of, the publishers, henry holt & co. copyright, . hamburg is now the largest seaport on the continent of europe. london and new york are the only ports in the world that are larger. exclusive of its rural territory, it had in a population of , .] schleswig[a] by thÉophile gautier when you are in a foreign country, reduced to the condition of a deaf-mute, you can not but curse the memory of him who conceived the idea of building the tower of babel, and by his pride brought about the confusion of tongues! an omnibus took possession of myself and my trunks, and, with the feeling that it must of necessity take me somewhere, i confidingly allowed myself to be stowed in and carried away. the intelligent omnibus set me down before the best hotel in the town, and there, as circumnavigators say in their journals, "i held a parley with the natives." among them was a waiter who spoke french in a way that was transparent enough to give me an occasional glimpse of his meaning; and who--a much rarer thing!--even sometimes understood what i said to him. my name upon the hotel register was a ray of light. the hostess had been notified of my expected arrival, and i was to be sent for as soon as my appearance should be announced; but it was now late in the evening, and i thought it better to wait till the next day. there was served for supper a "chaud-froid" of partridge--without confiture--and i lay down upon the sofa, hopeless of being able to sleep between the two down-cushions which compose the german and the danish bed.... i explored schleswig, which is a city quite peculiar in its appearance. one wide street runs the length of the town, with which narrow cross streets are connected, like the smaller bones with the dorsal vertebræ of a fish. there are handsome modern houses, which, as usual, have not the slightest character. but the more modest dwellings have a local stamp; they are one-story buildings, very low--not over seven or eight feet in height--capped with a huge roof of fluted red tiles. windows, broader than they are high, occupy the whole of the front; and behind these windows, spread luxuriantly in porcelain or faience or earthen flowerpots, plants of every description; geraniums, verbenas, fuchsias--and this absolutely without exception. the poorest house is as well adorned as the best. sheltered by these perfumed window-blinds, the women sit at work, knitting or sewing, and, out of the corner of their eye, they watch, in the little movable mirror which reflects the streets, the rare passer-by, whose boots resound upon the pavement. the cultivation of flowers seem to be a passion in the north; countries where they grow naturally make but little account of them in comparison. the church in schleswig had in store for me a surprise. protestant churches in general, are not very interesting from an artistic point of view, unless the reformed faith may have installed itself in some catholic sanctuary diverted from its primitive designation. you find, usually, only whitewashed naves, walls destitute of painting or bas-relief, and rows of oaken benches well-polished and shining. it is neat and comfortable, but it is not beautiful. the church at schleswig contains, by a grand, unknown artist, an altar-piece in three parts, of carved wood, representing in a series of bas-reliefs, separated by fine architectural designs, the most important scenes in the drama of the passion. around the church stand sepulchral chapels of fine funereal fancy and excellent decorative effect. a vaulted hall contains the tombs of the ancient dukes of schleswig; massive slabs of stone, blazoned with armorial devices, covered with inscriptions which are not lacking in character. in the neighborhood of schleswig are great saline ponds, communicating with the sea. i paced the high-road, remarking the play of light upon this grayish water, and the surface crisped by the wind; occasionally i extended my walk as far as the chateau metamorphosed into a barrack, and the public gardens, a miniature st. cloud, with its cascade, its dolphins, and its other aquatic monsters all standing idle. a very good sinecure is that of a triton in a louis quinze basin! i should ask nothing better myself. [footnote a: from "a winter in russia." by arrangement with, and by permission of, the publishers, henry holt & co. copyright, .] lÜbeck[a] by thÉophile gautier in the evening the train carried me to lübeck, across magnificent cultivated lands, filled with summer-houses, which lave their feet in the brown water, overhung by spreading willows. this german venice has its canal, the brenta, whose villas, tho not built by sanmichele or palladio, none the less make a fine show against the fresh green of their surroundings. on arriving at lübeck, a special omnibus received me and my luggage, and i was soon set down at the hotel. the city seemed picturesque as i caught a glimpse of it through the darkness by the vague light of lanterns; and in the morning, as i opened my chamber-window, i perceived at once i had not been mistaken. the opposite house had a truly german aspect. it was extremely high and overtopped by an old-fashioned denticulated gable. at each one of the seven stories of the house, iron cross-bars spread themselves out into clusters of iron-work, supporting the building, and serving at once for use and ornament, in accordance with an excellent principle in architecture, at the present day too much neglected. it is not by concealing the framework, but by making it distinct, that we obtain more character. this house was not the only one of its kind, as i was able to convince myself on walking a few steps out of doors. the actual lübeck is still to the eye the lübeck of the middle ages, the old capital of the hanseatic league.[b] all the drama of modern life is enacted in the old theater whose scenery remains the same, its drop-scene even not repainted. what a pleasure it is to be walking thus amid the outward life of the past, and to contemplate the same dwellings which long-vanished generations have inhabited! without doubt, the living man has a right to model his shell in accordance with his own habits, his tastes, and his manners; but it can not be denied that a new city is far less attractive than an old one. when i was a child, i sometimes received for a new year's present one of those nuremberg boxes containing a whole miniature german city. in a hundred different ways i arranged the little houses of painted wood around the church, with its pointed belfry and its red walls, where the seam of the bricks was marked by fine white lines. i set out my two dozen frizzed and painted trees, and saw with delight the charmingly outlandish and wildly festal air which these apple-green, pink, lilac, fawn-colored houses with their window-panes, their retreating gables, and their steep roofs, brilliant with red varnish, assumed, spread out on the carpet. my idea was that houses like these had no existence in reality, but were made by some kind fairy for extremely good little boys. the marvelous exaggeration of childhood gave this little parti-colored city a respectable development, and i walked through its regular streets, tho with the same precautions as did gulliver in liliput. lübeck gave back to me this long-forgotten feeling of my childish days. i seemed to walk in a city of the imagination, taken out of some monstrous toy-box. i believe, considering all the faultlessly correct architecture that i have been forced to see in my traveler's life, that i really deserved that pleasure by way of compensation. a cloister, or at least a gallery, a fragment of an ancient monastery, presented itself to view. this colonnade ran the whole length of the square, at the end of which stood the marienkirche, a brick church of the fourteenth century. continuing my walk, i found myself in a market-place, where awaited me one of those sights which repay the traveler for much fatigue: a public building of a new, unforeseen, original aspect, the old stadthaus in which was formerly the hanse hall, rose suddenly before me. it occupies two sides of the square. imagine, in front of the marienkirche, whose spires and roof of oxydized copper rise above it, a lofty brick façade, blackened by time, bristling with three bell-towers with pointed copper-covered roofs, having two great empty rose-windows, and emblazoned with escutcheons inscribed in the trefoils of its ogives, double-headed black eagles on a gold field, and shields, half gules, half argent, ranged alternately, and executed in the most elaborate fashion of heraldry. to this façade is joined a palazzino of the renaissance, in stone and of an entirely different style, its tint of grayish-white marvelously relieved by the dark-red background of old brick-work. this building, with its three gables, its fluted ionic columns, its caryatides, or rather its atlases (for they are human figures), its semicircular window, its niches curved like a shell, its arcades ornamented with figures, its basement of diamond-shaped stones, produces what i may call an architectural discord that is most unexpected and charming. we meet very few edifices in the north of europe of this style and epoch. in the façade, the old german style prevails: arches of brick, resting upon short granite columns, support a gallery with ogive-windows. a row of blazons, inclined from right to left, bring out their brilliant color against the blackish tint of the wall. it would be difficult to form an idea of the character and richness of this ornamentation. this gallery leads into the main building, a structure than which no scene-painter, seeking a medieval decoration for an opera, ever invented anything more picturesque and singular. five turrets, coiffed with roofs like extinguishers, raise their pointed tops above the main line of the façade with its lofty ogive-windows--unhappily now most of them partially bricked up, in accordance, doubtless, with the exigencies of alterations made within. eight great disks, having gold backgrounds, and representing radiating suns, double-headed eagles, and the shields, gules and argent, the armorial bearings of lübeck, are spread out gorgeously upon this quaint architecture. beneath, arches supported upon short, thick pillars yawn darkly, and from far within there comes the gleam of precious metals, the wares of some goldsmith's shop. turning back toward the square again, i notice, rising above the houses, the green spires of another church, and over the heads of some market-women, who are chaffering over their fish and vegetables, the profile of a little building with brick pillars, which must have been a pillory in its day. this gives a last touch to the purely gothic aspect of the square which is interrupted by no modern edifice. the ingenious idea occurred to me that this splendid stadthaus must have another façade; and so in fact it had; passing under an archway, i found myself in a broad street, and my admiration began anew. five bell-towers, built half into the wall and separated by tall ogive-windows now partly blocked up, repeated, with variations, the façade i have just described. brick rosettes exhibited their curious designs, spreading with square stitches, so to speak, like patterns for worsted work. at the base of the somber edifice a pretty little lodge, of the renaissance, built as an afterthought, gave entrance to an exterior staircase going up along the wall diagonally to a sort of mirador, or overhanging look-out, in exquisite taste. graceful little statues of faith and justice, elegantly draped, decorated the portico. the staircase, resting on arches which widened as it rose higher, was ornamented with grotesque masks and caryatides. the mirador, placed above the arched doorway opening upon the market-place, was crowned with a recessed and voluted pediment, where a figure of themis held in one hand balances, and in the other a sword, not forgetting to give her drapery, at the same time, a coquettish puff. an odd order formed of fluted pilasters fashioned like pedestals and supporting busts, separated the windows of this aërial cage. consoles with fantastic masks completed the elegant ornamentation, over which time had passed his thumb just enough to give to the carved stone that bloom which nothing can imitate.... the marienkirche, which stands, as i have said, behind the stadt-haus, is well worth a visit. its two towers are feet in height; a very elaborate belfry rises from the roof at the point of intersection of the transept. the towers of lübeck have the peculiarity, every one of them, of being out of the perpendicular, leaning perceptibly to the right or left, but without disquieting the eye, like the tower of asinelli at bologna, or the leaning tower of pisa. seen two or three miles away, these towers, drunk and staggering, with their pointed caps that seem to nod at the horizon, present a droll and hilarious silhouette. on entering the church, the first curious object that meets the eye is a copy of the todtentanz, or dance of death, of the cemetery at bâsle. i do not need to describe it in detail. the middle ages were never tired of composing variations upon this dismal theme. the most conspicuous of them are brought together in this lugubrious painting, which covers all the walls of one chapel. from the pope and the emperor to the infant in his cradle, each human being in his turn enters upon the dance with the inevitable terror. but death is not depicted as a skeleton, white, polished, cleaned, articulated with copper wire like the skeleton of an anatomical cabinet: that would be too ornamental for the vulgar crowd. he appears as a dead body in a more or less advanced state of decomposition, with all the horrid secrets of the tomb carefully revealed.... the cathedral, which is called in german the dom, is quite remarkable in its interior. in the middle of the nave, filling one whole arch, is a colossal christ of gothic style, nailed to a cross carved in open-work, and ornamented with arabesques. the foot of this cross rests upon a transverse beam, going from one pillar to another, on which are standing the holy women and other pious personages, in attitudes of grief and adoration; adam and eve, one on either side, are arranging their paradisaic costume as decently as may be; above the cross the keystone of the arch projects, adorned with flowers and leafage, and serves as a standing-place for an angel with long wings. this construction, hanging in mid-air, and evidently light in weight, notwithstanding its magnitude, is of wood, carved with much taste and skill. i can define it in no better way than to call it a carved portcullis, lowered halfway in front of the chancel. it is the first example of such an arrangement that i have ever seen.... the holstenthor, a city gate close by the railway station, is a most curious and picturesque specimen of german medieval architecture. imagine two enormous brick towers united by the main portion of the structure, through which opens an archway, like a basket-handle, and you have a rude sketch of the construction; but you would not easily conceive of the effect produced by the high summit of the edifice, the conical roofs of the towers, the whimsical windows in the walls and in the roofs, the dull red or violet tints of the defaced bricks. it is altogether a new gamut for painters of architecture or of ruins; and i shall send them to lübeck by the next train. i recommend to their notice also, very near the holstenthor, on the left bank of the trave, five or six crimson houses, shouldering each other for mutual support, bulging out in front, pierced with six or seven stories of windows, with denticulated gables, the deep red reflection of them trailing in the water, like some high-colored apron which a servant-maid is washing. what a picture van den heyden would have made of this! following the quay, along which runs a railway, where freight-trains were constantly passing, i enjoyed many amusing and varied scenes. on the other side of the trave were to be seen, amid houses and clumps of trees, vessels in various stages of building. here, a skeleton with ribs of wood, like the carcass of some stranded whale; there, a hull, clad with its planking near which smokes the calker's cauldron, emitting light yellowish clouds. everywhere prevails a cheerful stir of busy life. carpenters are planing and hammering, porters are rolling casks, sailors are scrubbing the decks of vessels, or getting the sails half way up to dry them in the sun. a barque just arriving comes alongside the quay, the other vessels making room for her to pass. the little steamboats are getting up steam or letting it off; and when you turn toward the city, through the rigging of the vessels, you see the church-towers, which incline gracefully, like the masts of clippers. [footnote a: from "a winter in russia." by arrangement with, and by permission of, the publishers, henry holt & co. copyright, .] [footnote b: the decline of lübeck dates from the first quarter of the sixteenth century and was chiefly due to the discovery of america and the consequent diversion of commerce to new directions. other misfortunes came with the thirty years' war. as early as , one of the constant sources of lübeck's wealth had begun to fail her--the herring, which was found to be deserting baltic waters. the discovery by the portuguese of a route to india by the cape of good hope was another cause of lübeck's decline.] heligoland[a] by william george black in heligoland itself there are few trees, no running water, no romantic ruins, but an extraordinary width of sea-view, seen as from the deck of a gigantic ship; and yet the island is so small that one can look around it all, and take the sea-line in one great circle. seen from a distance, as one must first see it, heligoland is little more than a cloud on the horizon; but as the steamer approaches nearer, the island stands up, a red rock in the ocean, without companion or neighbor. a small ledge of white strand to the south is the only spot where boats can land, and on this ledge nestle many white-walled, red-roofed houses; while on the rim of the rock, nearly two hundred feet above, is a sister hamlet, with the church-tower and lighthouse for central ornaments. on the unterland are the principal streets and shops, on the oberland are many of the best hotels and government-house. as there is no harbor, passengers reach the shore in large boats, and get their first glimpse of the hardy, sun-browned natives in the boatmen who, with bright jackets and hats of every picturesque curve that straw is capable of, pull the boat quickly to the steps of the little pier. crowds of visitors line the way, but one gets quickly through, and in a few minutes returns either to familiar quarters in the oberland, or finds an equally clean and moderate home among the lodging-house keepers or seamen. the season is a very short one, only ten weeks out of fifty-two, but the prices are moderate and the comfort unchallengeable.... heligoland is only one mile long from pier to nordkap, and a quarter of a mile wide at its widest--in all it is three-quarters of a square mile in size. there are no horses or carts in heligoland--only six cows, kept always in darkness, and a few sheep and goats tethered on the oberland. the streets are very narrow, but very clean, and the constant repetition in houses and scarves and flags of the national colors gives heligoland a gay aspect; for the national colors are anything but dull. green land, red rocks, white strand--nothing could be better descriptive of the island than these colors. they are easily brought out in domestic architecture, for with a whitewashed cottage and a red-tiled roof the heligolander has only to give his door and window-shutters a coat of bright green paint, and there are the colors of heligoland. in case the unforgettable fact should escape the tourist, the government have worked the colors into the ingenious and pretty island postage-stamp, and many of our german friends wear bathing-pants of the same unobtrusive tints. life is a very delightful thing in summer in this island. on your first visit you feel exhilarated by the novelty of everything as much as by the strong warm sea wind which meets you wherever you go. when you return, the novelty has worn away, but the sense of enjoyment has deepened. as you meet friendly faces and feel the grip of friendly hands, so you also exchange salutations with nature, as if she, too, were an old heligoland friend. you know the view from this point and from that; but, like the converse of a friend, it is always changing, for there is no monotony in the sea. the waves lap the shore gently, or roar tumultuously in the red caverns, and it is all familiar, but none the less welcome and soothing because of that familiarity. it is not a land of lotus-eating delights, but it is a land where there is little sound but what the sea makes, and where every face tells of strong sun and salt waves. no doubt, much of its charm lies in its contrast to the life of towns or country places. whatever comes to heligoland comes from over the sea; there is no railway within many a wide mile; the people are a peculiar people, with their own peculiar language, and an island patriotism which it would be hard to match.... from the little pier one passes up the narrow white street, no broader than a cologne lane, but clean and bright as is no other street in europe, past the cafés with low balconies, and the little shops--into some there are three or four steps to descend, into others there is an ascent of a diminutive ladder--till the small square or garden is reached in front of the conversation house, a spacious building with a good ball-room and reading-room, where a kiosque, always in summer full of the fragrant heligoland roses, detains the passer-by. then another turn or two in the street, and the bottom of the treppe is approached--the great staircase which winds upward to the oberland, in whose crevices grow masses of foliage, and whose easy ascent need not be feared by any one, for the steps are broad and low. the older flight of steps was situated about a hundred paces northward from the present treppe. it was cut out of the red crumbling rock, and at the summit passed through a guard-house. undoubtedly the present treppe should be similarly fortified. it was built by the government in . during the smuggling days, it is said, an englishman rode up to the oberland, and the apparition so shocked an old woman, who had never seen a horse before, that she fell senseless to the ground. from the falm or road skirting the edge of the precipice from the head of the stairs to government house, one of the loveliest views in all the world lies before our eyes. immediately beneath are the winding stairs, with their constant stream of broad-shouldered seamen, or coquettish girls, or brown boys, passing up and down, while at each resting-place some group is sitting on the green-red-white seats gossiping over the day's business. trees and plants nestle in the stair corners, and almost conceal the roadway at the foot. lifting one's eyes away from the little town, the white pier sprawls on the, sea, and countless boats at anchor spot with darkness the shining water. farther away, the düne lies like a bar of silver across the view, ribbed with emerald where the waves roll in over white sand; and all around it, as far as the eye can reach, white sails gleam in the light, until repose is found on the horizon where sea and sky meet in a vapory haze. at night the falm is a favorite resort of the men whose houses are on the oberland. with arms resting on the broad wall, they look down on the twinkling lights of the houses far beneath, listen to the laughter or song which float up from the small tables outside the café, or watch the specks of light on the dark gleam of the north sea. it is a prospect of which one could hardly tire, if it was not that in summer one has in heligoland a surfeit of sea loveliness.... heligoland is conjecturally identified with the ocean island described by tacitus as the place of the sacred rites of the angli and other tribes of the mainland. it was almost certainly sacred to forsete, the son of balder the sun-god--if he be identified, as grimm and all frisian writers identify him, with fosite the frisian god. forsete, a personification to men of the great white god, who dwelt in a shining hall of gold and silver, was among all gods and men the wisest of judges. it is generally supposed that heligoland was first named the holy island from its association with the worship of forsete, and latterly in consequence of the conversion of the frisian inhabitants. hallier has, however, pointed out that the heligolanders do not use this name for their home. they call the island "det lunn"--the land; their language they call "hollunner," and he suggests that the original name was hallig-lunn. a hallig is a sand-island occasionally covered with water. when the düne was connected with the rock there was a large stretch of sand covered by winter floods. hallig-lunn would then mean the island that is more than a hallig; and from the similarity of the words to heligoland a series of etymological errors may have arisen; but hallier's derivation is, after all, only a guess. [footnote a: from "heligoland and the islands of the north sea." heligoland, an island and fortress in the north sea, lies thirty-six miles northwest of the mouth of the elbe--hamburg. it was ceded to germany by great britain in ; and is attached to schleswig holstein. as a fortress, its importance has been greatly increased since the germans recovered possession of the island.] v vienna first impressions of the capital[a] by bayard taylor i have at last seen the thousand wonders of this great capital, this german paris, this connecting-link between the civilization of europe and the barbaric magnificence of the east. it looks familiar to be in a city again whose streets are thronged with people and resound with the din and bustle of business. it reminds me of the never-ending crowds of london or the life and tumult of our scarcely less active new york. the morning of our arrival we sallied out from our lodgings in the leopoldstadt to explore the world before us. entering the broad praterstrasse, we passed down to the little arm of the danube which separates this part of the new city from the old. a row of magnificent coffee-houses occupy the bank, and numbers of persons were taking their breakfasts in the shady porticos. the ferdinand's bridge, which crosses the stream, was filled with people; in the motley crowd we saw the dark-eyed greek, and turks in their turbans and flowing robes. little brown hungarian boys were going around selling bunches of lilies, and italians with baskets of oranges stood by the sidewalk. the throng became greater as we penetrated into the old city. the streets were filled with carts and carriages, and, as there are no side-pavements, it required constant attention to keep out of their way. splendid shops fitted up with great taste occupied the whole of the lower stories, and goods of all kinds hung beneath the canvas awnings in front of them. almost every store or shop was dedicated to some particular person or place, which was represented on a large panel by the door. the number of these paintings added much to the splendor of the scene; i was gratified to find, among the images of kings and dukes, one dedicated "to the american," with an indian chief in full costume. the altstadt, or "old city," which contains about sixty thousand inhabitants, is completely separated from the suburbs, whose population, taking the whole extent within the outer barrier, numbers nearly half a million.[b] it is situated on a small arm of the danube and encompassed by a series of public promenades, gardens and walks, varying from a quarter to half a mile in length, called the "glacis." this formerly belonged to the fortifications of the city, but as the suburbs grew up so rapidly on all sides, it was changed appropriately to a public walk. the city is still surrounded with a massive wall and a deep wide moat, but, since it was taken by napoleon in , the moat has been changed into a garden with a beautiful carriage-road along the bottom around the whole city. it is a beautiful sight to stand on the summit of the wall and look over the broad glacis, with its shady roads branching in every direction and filled with inexhaustible streams of people. the vorstaedte, or new cities, stretch in a circle, around beyond this; all the finest buildings front on the glacis, among which the splendid vienna theater and the church of san carlo borromeo are conspicuous. the mountains of the vienna forest bound the view, with here and there a stately castle on their woody summits. there is no lack of places for pleasure or amusement. besides the numberless walks of the glacis there are the imperial gardens, with their cool shades and flowers and fountains; the augarten, laid out and opened to the public by the emperor joseph; and the prater, the largest and most beautiful of all. it lies on an island formed by the arms of the danube, and is between two and three miles square. from the circle at the end of the praterstrasse broad carriage-ways extend through its forests of oak and silver ash and over its verdant lawns to the principal stream, which bounds it on the north. these roads are lined with stately horse-chestnuts, whose branches unite and form a dense canopy, completely shutting out the sun. every afternoon the beauty and nobility of vienna whirl through the cool groves in their gay equipages, while the sidewalks are thronged with pedestrians, and the numberless tables and seats with which every house of refreshment is surrounded are filled with merry guests. here on sundays and holidays the people repair in thousands. the woods are full of tame deer, which run perfectly free over the whole prater. i saw several in one of the lawns lying down in the grass, with a number of children playing around or sitting beside them. it is delightful to walk there in the cool of the evening, when the paths are crowded and everybody is enjoying the release from the dusty city. it is this free social life which renders vienna so attractive to foreigners and draws yearly thousands of visitors from all parts of europe.... we spent two or three hours delightfully one evening in listening to strauss's band. we went about sunset to the odeon, a new building in the leopoldstadt. it has a refreshment-hall nearly five hundred feet long, with a handsome fresco ceiling and glass doors opening into a garden-walk of the same length. both the hall and garden were filled with tables, where the people seated themselves as they came and conversed sociably over their coffee and wine. the orchestra was placed in a little ornamental temple in the garden, in front of which i stationed myself, for i was anxious to see the world's waltz-king whose magic tones can set the heels of half christendom in motion. after the band had finished tuning their instruments, a middle-sized, handsome man stept forward with long strides, with a violin in one hand and bow in the other, and began waving the latter up and down, like a magician summoning his spirits. as if he had waved the sound out of his bow, the tones leaped forth from the instruments, and, guided by his eye and hand, fell into a merry measure. the accuracy with which every instrument performed its part was truly marvelous. he could not have struck the measure or the harmony more certainly from the keys of his own piano than from that large band. the sounds struggled forth so perfect and distinct that one almost expected to see them embodied, whirling in wild dance around him. sometimes the air was so exquisitely light and bounding the feet could scarcely keep on the earth; then it sank into a mournful lament with a sobbing tremulousness, and died away in a long-breathed sigh. strauss seemed to feel the music in every limb. he would wave his fiddle-bow a while, then commence playing with desperate energy, moving his whole body to the measure, till the sweat rolled from his brow. a book was lying on the stand before him, but he made no use of it. he often glanced around with a kind of half-triumphant smile at the restless crowd, whose feet could scarcely be restrained from bounding to the magic measure. it was the horn of oberon realized. the composition of the music displayed great talent, but its charm consisted more in the exquisite combination of the different instruments, and the perfect, the wonderful, exactness with which each performed its part--a piece of art of the most elaborate and refined character. the company, which consisted of several hundred, appeared to be full of enjoyment. they sat under the trees in the calm, cool twilight with the stars twinkling above, and talked and laughed sociably together between the pauses of the music, or strolled up and down the lighted alleys. we walked up and down with them, and thought how much we should enjoy such a scene at home, where the faces around us would be those of friends and the language our mother-tongue. we went a long way through the suburbs one bright afternoon to a little cemetery about a mile from the city to find the grave of beethoven. on ringing at the gate a girl admitted us into the grounds, in which are many monuments of noble families who have vaults there. i passed up the narrow walk, reading the inscriptions, till i came to the tomb of franz clement, a young composer who died two or three years ago. on turning again my eye fell instantly on the word "beethoven" in golden letters on a tombstone of gray marble. a simple gilded lyre decorated the pedestal, above which was a serpent encircling a butterfly--the emblem of resurrection. here, then, moldered the remains of that restless spirit who seemed to have strayed to earth from another clime, from such a height did he draw his glorious conceptions. the perfection he sought for here in vain he has now attained in a world where the soul is freed from the bars which bind it in this. there were no flowers planted around the tomb by those who revered his genius; only one wreath, withered and dead, lay among the grass, as if left long ago by some solitary pilgrim, and a few wild buttercups hung with their bright blossoms over the slab. it might have been wrong, but i could not resist the temptation to steal one or two while the old gravedigger was busy preparing a new tenement. i thought that other buds would open in a few days, but those i took would be treasured many a year as sacred relics. a few paces off is the grave of schubert, the composer whose beautiful songs are heard all over germany. we visited the imperial library a day or two ago. the hall is two hundred and forty-five feet long, with a magnificent dome in the center, under which stands the statue of charles v., of carrara marble, surrounded by twelve other monarchs of the house of hapsburg. the walls are of variegated marble richly ornamented with gold, and the ceiling and dome are covered with brilliant fresco-paintings. the library numbers three hundred thousand volumes and sixteen thousand manuscripts, which are kept in walnut cases gilded and adorned with medallions. the rich and harmonious effect of the whole can not easily be imagined. it is exceedingly appropriate that a hall of such splendor should be used to hold a library. the pomp of a palace may seem hollow and vain, for it is but the dwelling of a man; but no building can be too magnificent for the hundreds of great and immortal spirits to dwell in who have visited earth during thirty centuries. among other curiosities preserved in the collection, we were shown a brass plate containing one of the records of the roman senate made one hundred and eighty years before christ, greek manuscripts of the fifth and sixth centuries, and a volume of psalms printed on parchment in the year by faust and schoeffer, the inventors of printing. there were also mexican manuscripts presented by cortez, the prayer-book of hildegard, wife of charlemagne, in letters of gold, the signature of san carlo borromeo, and a greek testament of the thirteenth century which had been used by erasmus in making his, translation and contains notes in his own hand. the most interesting article was the "jerusalem delivered" of tasso, in the poet's own hand, with his erasures and corrections. the chapel of st. augustine contains one of the best works of canova--the monument of the grand duchess maria christina of sachsen-teschen. it is a pyramid of gray marble, twenty-eight feet high, with an opening in the side representing the entrance to a sepulcher. a female figure personating virtue bears in an urn to the grave the ashes of the departed, attended by two children with torches. the figure of compassion follows, leading an aged beggar to the tomb of his benefactor, and a little child with its hands folded. on the lower step rests a mourning genius beside a sleeping lion, and a bas-relief on the pyramid above represents an angel carrying christina's image, surrounded with the emblem of eternity, to heaven. a spirit of deep sorrow, which is touchingly portrayed in the countenance of the old man, pervades the whole group. while we looked at it the organ breathed out a slow, mournful strain which harmonized so fully with the expression of the figures that we seemed to be listening to the requiem of the one they mourned. the combined effect of music and sculpture thus united in their deep pathos was such that i could have sat down and wept. it was not from sadness at the death of a benevolent tho unknown individual, but the feeling of grief, of perfect, unmingled sorrow, so powerfully represented, came to the heart like an echo of its own emotion and carried it away with irresistible influence. travelers have described the same feeling while listening to the "miserere" in the sistine chapel at rome. canova could not have chiselled the monument without tears. one of the most interesting objects in vienna is the imperial armory. we were admitted through tickets previously procured from the armory direction; as there was already one large company within, we were told to wait in the court till our turn came. around the wall, on the inside, is suspended the enormous chain which the turks stretched across the danube at buda in the year to obstruct the navigation. it has eight thousand links and is nearly a mile in length. the court is filled with cannon of all shapes and sizes, many of which were conquered from other nations. i saw a great many which were cast during the french revolution, with the words "liberté! egalité!" upon them, and a number of others bearing the simple letter "n.".... the first wing contains banners used in the french revolution, and liberty-trees with the red cap, the armor of rudolph of hapsburg, maximilian, i., the emperor charles v., and the hat, sword and order of marshal schwarzenberg. some of the halls represent a fortification, with walls, ditches and embankments, made of muskets and swords. a long room in the second wing contains an encampment in which twelve or fifteen large tents are formed in like manner. there was also exhibited the armor of a dwarf king of bohemia and hungary who died a gray-headed old man in his twentieth year, the sword of marlborough, the coat of gustavus adolphus, pierced in the breast and back with the bullet which killed him at lützen, the armor of the old bohemian princess libussa, and that of the amazon wlaska, with a steel vizor made to fit the features of her face. the last wing was the most remarkable. here we saw the helm and breastplate of attila, king of the huns, which once glanced at the head of his myriads of wild hordes before the walls of rome; the armor of count stahremberg, who commanded vienna during the turkish siege in , and the holy banner of mohammed, taken at that time from the grand vizier, together with the steel harness of john sobieski of poland, who rescued vienna from the turkish troops under kara mustapha; the hat, sword and breastplate of godfrey of bouillon, the crusader-king of jerusalem, with the banners of the cross the crusaders had borne to palestine and the standard they captured from the turks on the walls of the holy city. i felt all my boyish enthusiasm for the romantic age of the crusaders revive as i looked on the torn and moldering banners which once waved on the hills of judea, or perhaps followed the sword of the lion-heart through the fight on the field of ascalon. what tales could they not tell, those old standards cut and shivered by spear and lance! what brave hands have carried them through the storm of battle, what dying eyes have looked upward to the cross on the folds as the last prayer was breathed for the rescue of the holy sepulcher. [footnote a: from "views afoot." published by g.p. putnam's sons.] [footnote b: the population of vienna, according to the census of , was , , .] st. stephen's cathedral[a] by thomas frognall dibdin of the chief objects of architecture which decorate street scenery in vienna, there are none, to my old-fashioned eyes, more attractive and thoroughly beautiful and interesting--from a thousand associations of ideas than places of worship, and of course, among these, none stands so eminently conspicuous as the mother-church, or the cathedral, which in this place, is dedicated to st. stephen. the spire has been long distinguished for its elegance and height. probably these are the most appropriate, if not the only, epithets of commendation which can be applied to it. after strasburg and ulm, it appears a second-rate edifice. not but what the spire may even vie with that of the former, and the nave may be yet larger than that of the latter; but, as a whole, it is much inferior to either--even allowing for the palpable falling off in the nave of strasburg cathedral. the spire, or tower--for it partakes of both characters--is indeed worthy of general admiration. it is oddly situated, being almost detached--and on the south side of the building. indeed the whole structure has a very strange, and i may add capricious, if not repulsive, appearance, as to its exterior. the western and eastern ends have nothing deserving of distinct notice or commendation. the former has a porch; which is called "the giant's porch;" it should rather be designated as that of the dwarf. it has no pretensions to size or striking character of any description. some of the oldest parts of the cathedral appear to belong to the porch of the eastern end. as you walk round the church, you can not fail to be struck with the great variety of ancient--and to an englishman, whimsical looking mural monuments, in basso and alto relievos. some of these are doubtless both interesting and curious. but the spire is indeed an object deserving of particular admiration. it is next to that of strasburg in height; being feet of vienna measurement. it may be said to begin to taper from the first stage or floor; and is distinguished for its open and sometimes intricate fretwork. about two-thirds of its height, just above the clock, and where the more slender part of the spire commences, there is a gallery or platform, to which the french quickly ascended, on their possession of vienna, to reconnoiter the surrounding country. the very summit of the spire is bent, or inclined to the north; so much so, as to give the notion that the cap or crown will fall in a short time. as to the period of the erection of this spire, it is supposed to have been about the middle, or latter end, of the fifteenth century. it has certainly much in common with the highly ornamental gothic style of building in our own country, about the reign of henry vi. the colored glazed tiles of the roof of the church are very disagreeable and unharmonizing. these colors are chiefly green, red, and blue. indeed the whole roof is exceedingly heavy and tasteless. i will now conduct you to the interior. on entering, from the southeast door, you observe, to the left, a small piece of white marble--which every one touches, with the finger or thumb charged with holy water, on entering or leaving the cathedral. such have been the countless thousands of times that this piece of marble has been so touched, that, purely, from such friction, it has been worn nearly half an inch below the general surrounding surface. i have great doubts, however, if this mysterious piece of masonry be as old as the walls of the church (which may be of the fourteenth century), which they pretend to say it is. the first view of the interior of this cathedral, seen even at the most favorable moment--which is from about three till five o'clock--is far from prepossessing. indeed, after what i had seen at rouen, paris, strassburg, ulm, and munich, it was a palpable disappointment. in the first place, there seems to be no grand leading feature of simplicity; add to which, darkness reigns everywhere. you look up, and discern no roof--not so much from its extreme height, as from the absolute want of windows. everything not only looks dreary, but is dingy and black--from the mere dirt and dust which seem to have covered the great pillars of the nave--and especially the figures and ornaments upon it--for the last four centuries. this is the more to be regretted, as the larger pillars are highly ornamented; having human figures, of the size of life, beneath sharply pointed canopies, running up the shafts. the extreme length of the cathedral is feet of vienna measurement. the extreme width, between the tower and its opposite extremity--or the transepts--is feet. there are comparatively few chapels; only four--but many bethstühle or prie-dieus. of the former, the chapels of savoy and st. eloy are the chief; but the large sacristy is more extensive than either. on my first entrance, while attentively examining the choir, i noticed--what was really a very provoking, but probably not a very uncommon sight--a maid servant deliberately using a long broom in sweeping the pavement of the high altar, at the moment when several very respectable people, of both sexes, were kneeling upon the steps, occupied in prayer. but the devotion of the people is incessant--all the day long--and in all parts of the cathedral. meanwhile, service is going on in all parts of the cathedral. they are singing here; they are praying there; and they are preaching in a third place. but during the whole time, i never heard one single note of the organ. i remember only the other sunday morning--walking out beneath one of the brightest blue skies that ever shone upon man--and entering the cathedral about nine o'clock. a preacher was in the principal pulpit; while a tolerably numerous congregation was gathered around him. he preached, of course, in the german language, and used much action. as he became more and more animated, he necessarily became warmer, and pulled off a black cap--which, till then, he had kept upon his head; the zeal and piety of the congregation at the same time seeming to increase with the accelerated motions of the preacher. in other more retired parts, solitary devotees were seen--silent, and absorbed in prayer. among these, i shall not easily forget the head and the physiognomical expression of one old man--who, having been supported by crutches, which lay by the side of him--appeared to have come for the last time to offer his orisons to heaven. the light shone full upon his bald head and elevated countenance; which latter indicated a genuineness of piety, and benevolence of disposition, not to be soured, even by the most bitter of worldly disappointments! it seemed as if the old man were taking leave of this life, in full confidence of the rewards which await the righteous beyond the grave. so much for the living. a word or two now for the dead. of course this letter alludes to the monuments of the more distinguished characters once resident in and near the metropolis. among these, doubtless the most elaborate is that of the emperor frederick iii.--in the florid gothic style, surmounted by a tablet, filled with coat-armor, or heraldic shields. some of the mural monuments are very curious, and among them are several of the early part of the sixteenth century--which represent the chins and even mouths of females, entirely covered by drapery; such as is even now to be seen and such as we saw on descending from the vosges. but among these monuments--both for absolute and relative antiquity--none will appear to the curious eye of an antiquary so precious as that of the head of the architect of the cathedral, whose name was pilgram. [footnote a: from "a bibliographical, antiquarian and picturesque tour," published in .] the belvedere palace[a] by thomas frognall dibdin to the belvedere palace, therefore, let us go. i visited it with mr. lewis--taking our valet with us, immediately after breakfast--on one of the finest and clearest-skied september mornings that ever shone above the head of man. we had resolved to take the ambras, or the little belvedere, in our way; and to have a good, long, and uninterrupted view of the wonders of art--in a variety of departments. both the little belvedere and the large belvedere rise gradually above the suburbs; and the latter may be about a mile and a half from the ramparts of the city. the ambras contains a quantity of ancient horse- and foot-armor, brought thither from a chateau of that name, near inssbruck, built by the emperor charles v. such a collection of old armor--which had once equally graced and protected the bodies of their wearers, among whom the noblest names of which germany can boast may be enrolled--was infinitely gratifying to me. the sides of the first room were quite embossed with suspended shields, cuirasses, and breast-plates. the floor was almost filled by champions on horseback--yet poising the spear, or holding it in the rest--yet almost shaking their angry plumes, and pricking the fiery sides of their coursers. here rode maximilian--and there halted charles his son. different suits of armor, belonging to the same character, are studiously shown you by the guide; some of these are the foot-, and some the horse-, armor; some were worn in fight--yet giving evidence of the mark of the bullet and battle-ax; others were the holiday suits of armor, with which the knights marched in procession, or tilted at the tournament. the workmanship of the full-dress suits, in which a great deal of highly wrought gold ornament appears, is sometimes really exquisite. the second, or long room, is more particularly appropriated to the foot- or infantry-armor. in this studied display of much that is interesting from antiquity, and splendid from absolute beauty and costliness, i was particularly gratified by the sight of the armor which the emperor maximilian wore as a foot-captain. the lower part, to defend the thighs, consists of a puckered or plated steel petticoat, sticking out at the bottom of the folds, considerably beyond the upper part. it is very simple, and of polished steel. a fine suit of armor--of black and gold--worn by an archbishop of salzburg in the middle of the fifteenth century, had particular claims upon my admiration. it was at once chaste and effective. the mace was by the side of it. this room is also ornamented by trophies taken from the turks; such as bows, spears, battle-axes, and scimitars. in short, the whole is full of interest and splendor. i ought to have seen the arsenal--which i learn is of uncommon magnificence; and, altho not so curious on the score of antiquity, is yet not destitute of relics of the warriors of germany. among these, those which belong to my old bibliomaniacal friend corvinus, king of hungary, cut a conspicuous and very respectable figure. i fear it will be now impracticable to see the arsenal as it ought to be seen. it is now approaching mid-day, and we are walking toward the terrace in front of the great belvidere palace, built by the immortal eugene[b] in the year , as a summer residence. probably no spot could have been selected with better judgment for the residence of a prince--who wished to enjoy, almost at the same moment, the charms of the country with the magnificence of a city view, unclouded by the dense fumes which forever envelop our metropolis. it is in truth a glorious situation. walking along its wide and well-cultivated terraces, you obtain the finest view imaginable of the city of vienna. indeed it may be called a picturesque view. the spire of the cathedral darts directly upward, as it were, to the very heavens. the ground before you, and in the distance, is gently undulating; and the intermediate portion of the suburbs does not present any very offensive protrusions. more in the distance, the windings of the danube are seen; with its various little islands, studded with hamlets and fishing-huts, lighted up by a sun of unusual radiance. indeed the sky, above the whole of this rich and civilized scene, was at the time of our viewing it, almost of a dazzling hue; so deep and vivid a tint we had never before beheld. behind the palace, in the distance, you observe a chain of mountains which extends into hungary. as to the building itself, it is perfectly palatial in its size, form, ornaments, and general effect. among the treasures, which it contains, it is now high time to enter and to look about us. my account is necessarily a mere sketch. rubens, if any artist, seems here to "rule and reign without control!" two large rooms are filled with his productions; besides several other pictures, by the same hand, which are placed in different apartments. here it is that you see verified the truth of sir joshua's remark upon that wonderful artist: namely, that his genius seems to expand with the size of his canvas. his pencil absolutely riots here--in the most luxuriant manner--whether in the majesty of an altarpiece, in the gaiety of a festive scene, or in the sobriety of portrait-painting. his ignatius loyola and st. francis xavier--of the former class--each seventeen feet high, by nearly thirteen wide--are stupendous productions in more senses than one. the latter is, indeed, in my humble judgment, the most marvelous specimen of the powers of the painter which i have ever seen; and you must remember that both england and france are not without some of his celebrated productions, which i have frequently examined. in the old german school, the series is almost countless; and of the greatest possible degree of interest and curiosity. here are to be seen wohlgemuths, albert dürers, both the holbeins, lucas cranachs, ambergaus, and burgmairs of all sizes and degrees of merit. among these ancient specimens--which are placed in curious order, in the very upper suite of apartments, and of which the backgrounds of several, in one solid coat of gilt, lighten up the room like a golden sunset--you must not fail to pay particular attention to a singularly curious old subject--representing the life, miracles, and passion of our savior, in a series of one hundred and fifty-eight pictures--of which the largest is nearly three feet square, and every other about fifteen inches by ten. these subjects are painted upon eighty-six small pieces of wood; of which seventy-two are contained in six folding cabinets, each holding twelve subjects. in regard to teniers, gerard dow, mieris, wouvermann, and cuyp, you must look at home for more exquisite specimens. this collection contains, in the whole, not fewer than fifteen hundred paintings, of which the greater portion consists of pictures of very large dimensions. i could have lived here for a month; but could only move along with the hurried step, and yet more hurrying eye, of an ordinary visitor. [footnote a: from "a bibliographical, antiquarian and picturesque tour," published in .] [footnote b: the celebrated austrian general, who defeated the turks in , and shared with marlborough in the victories of blenheim and malplaquet.] schÖnbrunn and the prater[a] by thomas frognall dibdin about three english miles from the great belvedere--or rather about the same number of miles from vienna, to the right, as you approach the capital--is the famous palace of schönbrunn. this is a sort of summer-residence of the emperor; and it is here that his daughter, the ex-empress of france, and the young bonaparte usually reside.[b] the latter never goes into italy, when his mother, as duchess of parma, pays her annual visit to her principality. at this moment her son is at baden, with the court. it was in the schönbrunn palace that his father, on the conquest of vienna, used to take up his abode, rarely venturing into the city. he was surely safe enough here; as every chamber and every court yard was filled by the élite of his guard--whether as officers or soldiers. it is a most magnificent pile of building; a truly imperial residence--but neither the furniture nor the objects of art, whether connected with sculpture or painting, are deserving of anything in the shape of a catalogue raisonné. i saw the chamber where young bonaparte frequently passes the day; and brandishes his flag staff, and beats upon his drum. he is a soldier (as they tell me) every inch of him; and rides out, through the streets of vienna, in a carriage of state drawn by four or six horses, receiving the homage of the passing multitude. to return to the schönbrunn palace. i have already told you that it is vast, and capable of accommodating the largest retinue of courtiers. it is of the gardens belonging to it, that i would now only wish to say a word. these gardens are really worthy of the residence to which they are attached. for what is called ornamental, formal, gardening--enriched by shrubs of rarity, and trees of magnificence--enlivened by fountains--adorned by sculpture--and diversified by vistas, lawns, and walks--interspersed with grottoes and artificial ruins--you can conceive nothing upon a grander scale than these: while a menagerie in one place (where i saw a large but miserably wasted elephant)--a flower-garden in another--a labyrinth in a third, and a solitude in a fourth place--each, in its turn, equally beguiles the hour and the walk. they are the most spacious gardens i ever witnessed. it was the other sunday evening when i visited the prater, and when--as the weather happened to be very fine--it was considered to be full, but the absence of the court, of the noblesse, necessarily gave a less joyous and splendid aspect to the carriages and their attendant liveries. in your way to this famous place of sabbath evening promenade, you pass a celebrated coffee-house, in the suburbs, called the leopoldstadt, which goes by the name of the greek coffee-house--on account of its being almost entirely frequented by greeks--so numerous at vienna. do not pass it, if you should ever come hither, without entering it--at least once. you would fancy yourself to be in greece, so thoroughly characteristic are the countenances, dresses, and language of everyone within. but yonder commences the procession of horse and foot; of cabriolets, family coaches, german wagons, cars, phaetons and landaulets, all moving in a measured manner, within their prescribed ranks, toward the prater. we must accompany them without loss of time. you now reach the prater. it is an extensive flat, surrounded by branches of the danube, and planted on each side with double rows of horse-chestnut trees. the drive, in one straight line, is probably a league in length. it is divided by two roads, in one of which the company move onward, and in the other they return. consequently, if you happen to find a hillock only a few feet high, you may, from thence, obtain a pretty good view of the interminable procession of the carriages before mentioned: one current of them, as it were, moving forward, and another rolling backward. but, hark! the notes of a harp are heard to the left, in a meadow, where the foot passengers often digress from the more formal tree-lined promenade. a press of ladies and gentlemen is quickly seen. you mingle involuntarily with them; and, looking forward, you observe a small stage erected, upon which a harper sits and two singers stand. the company now lie down upon the grass, or break into standing groups, or sit upon chairs hired for the occasion--to listen to the notes so boldly and so feelingly executed. the clapping of hands, and exclamations of bravo succeed, and the sounds of applause, however warmly bestowed, quickly die away in the open air. the performers bow, receive a few kreutzers, retire, and are well satisfied. the sound of the trumpet is now heard behind you. tilting feats are about to be performed; the coursers snort and are put in motion; their hides are bathed in sweat beneath their ponderous housings; and the blood, which flows freely from the pricks of their riders' spurs, shows you with what earnestness the whole affair is conducted. there, the ring is thrice carried off at the point of the lance. feats of horsemanship follow in a covered building, to the right; and the juggler, conjurer, or magician, displays his dexterous feats, or exercises his potent spells, in a little amphitheater of trees, at a distance beyond. here and there rise more stately edifices, as theaters, from the doors of which a throng of heated spectators is pouring out. in other directions, booths, stalls and tables are fixt; where the hungry eat, the thirsty drink, and the merry-hearted indulge in potent libations. the waiters are in a constant state of locomotion. rhenish wine sparkles here; confectionery glitters there; and fruit looks bright and tempting in a third place. no guest turns round to eye the company; because he is intent upon the luxuries which invite his immediate attention, or he is in close conversation with an intimate friend, or a beloved female. they talk and laugh--and the present seems to be the happiest moment of their lives. all is gaiety and good humor. you return again to the foot-promenade, and look sharply about you, as you move onward, to catch the spark of beauty, or admire the costume of taste, or confess the power of expression. it is an albanian female who walks yonder, wondering, and asking questions, at every thing she sees. the proud jewess, supported by her husband and father, moves in another direction. she is covered with brocade and flaunting ribbons; but she is abstracted from everything around her, because her eyes are cast downward upon her stomacher, or sideways to obtain a glimpse of what may be called her spangled epaulettes. her eye is large and dark; her nose is aquiline; her complexion is of an olive brown; her stature is majestic, her dress is gorgeous, her gait is measured--and her demeanor is grave and composed. "she must be very rich," you say--as she passes on. "she is prodigiously rich," replies the friend, to whom you put the question--for seven virgins, with nosegays of choicest flowers, held up her bridal train; and the like number of youths, with silver-hilted swords, and robes of ermine and satin, graced the same bridal ceremony. her father thinks he can never do enough for her; and her husband, that he can never love her sufficiently. whether she be happy or not, in consequence, we have no time to stop to inquire, for see yonder! three "turbaned turks" make their advances. how gaily, how magnificently they are attired! what finely proportioned limbs--what beautifully formed features! they have been carousing, peradventure, with some young greeks--who have just saluted them, en passant--at the famous coffee-house before mentioned. everything around you is novel and striking; while the verdure of the trees and lawns is yet fresh, and the sun does not seem yet disposed to sink below the horizon. the carriages still move on, and return, in measured procession. those who are within, look earnestly from the windows, to catch a glance of their passing friends. the fair hand is waved here; the curiously-painted fan is shaken there; and the repeated nod is seen in almost every other passing landaulet. not a heart seems sad; not a brow appears to be clouded with care. such--or something like the foregoing--is the scene which usually passes on a sunday evening--perhaps six months out of the twelve--upon the famous prater at vienna; while the tolling bell of st. stephen's tower, about nine o'clock--and the groups of visitors hurrying back, to get home before the gates of the city are shut against them--usually conclude the scene just described. [footnote a: from "a bibliographical, antiquarian and picturesque tour." published in .] [footnote b: marie louise, second wife of napoleon, and their son, the king of rome.] vi hungary a glance at the country[a] by h. tornai de kÖvËr hungary consists of hungary proper, with transylvania (which had independent rule at one time), croatia and slavonia (which have been added), and the town of fiume on the shores of the adriatic sea. the lowlands are exceedingly beautiful in the northeast and west, where the great mountain, peaks rise into the clear blue sky or are hidden by big white clouds, but no beauty can be compared to the young green waving corn or the ripe ears when swaying gently in the breeze. one sees miles and miles of corn, with only a tree here and there to mark the distances, and one can not help comparing the landscape to a green sea, for the wind makes long silky waves, which make the field appear to rise and fall like the ocean. in the heat of midday the mirage, or, as the hungarians call it, "délibáb," appears and shows wonderful rivers, villages, cool green woods--all floating in the air. sometimes one sees hundreds of white oxen and church towers, and, to make the picture still more confusing and wonderful, it is all seen upside down. this, the richest part of the country, is situated between the rivers danube and theiss, and runs right down to the borders of servia. two thirds of hungary consist of mountainous districts, but one third has the richest soil in europe. great rivers run through the heart of the country, giving it the fertility which is its great source of wealth. the great lowlands, or "alföld," as the magyars call them, are surrounded by a chain of mountains whose heights are nearly equal to some alpine districts. there are three principal mountain ranges--the tátra, mátra, and fátra--and four principal rivers--the danube, theiss, drave, and save. hungary is called the land of the three mountains and four rivers, and the emblem of these form the chief feature in the coat-of-arms of the country. the carpathian range of mountains stretches from the northwest along the north and down the east, encircling the lowlands and sending forth rivers and streams to water the plains. these mountains are of a gigantic bulk and breadth; they are covered with fir and pine trees, and in the lower regions with oaks and many other kinds. the peaks of the high tátra are about , feet high, and, of course, are bare of any vegetation, being snow-covered even in summer-time. on the well-sheltered sides of these mountains numerous baths are to be found, and they abound in mineral waters. another curious feature are the deep lakes called "tengerszem" (eyes of the sea). according to folklore they are connected with the sea, and wonderful beings live in them. however, it is so far true that they are really of astonishing depth. the summer up in the northern carpathians is very short, the nights always cold, and there is plenty of rain to water the rich vegetation of the forests. often even in the summer there are snowstorms and a very low temperature. the northeastern carpathians include a range of lower hills running down to the so-called hegyalja, where the wonderful vine which produces the wine of tokay is grown. the southeastern range of the carpathians divides the county of máramaros from erdély (transylvania). the main part of this country is mountainous and rugged, but here also there is wonderful scenery. everything is still very wild in these parts of the land, and tho mineral waters abound everywhere, the bathing-places are very primitive. the only seaport the country possesses is fiume, which was given to hungary by maria theresa, who wanted to give hungary the chance of developing into a commercial nation. besides the deep but small mountain lakes, there are several large ones; among these the most important is the balaton, which, altho narrow, is about fifty miles long. along its borders there are summer bathing-places, considered very healthy for children. very good wine is produced here, as in most parts of hungary which are hilly, but not situated too high up among the mountains. the lake of balaton is renowned for a splendid kind of fresh-water fish, the fogas. it is considered the best fish after trout--some even prefer it--and it grows to a good size. the chief river of hungary is the danube, and the whole of hungary is included in its basin. it runs through the heart of the country, forming many islands; the greatest is called the csallóköz, and has over a hundred villages on it. one of the prettiest and most cultivated of the islands is st. margaret's isle, near budapest, which has latterly been joined to the mainland by a bridge. some years ago only steamers conveyed the visitors to it; these still exist, but now carriages can drive on to the island too. it is a beautiful park, where the people of budapest seek the shade of the splendid old trees. hot sulfur springs are to be found on the island, and there is a bath for the use of visitors. the danube leaves hungary at orsova, and passes through the so-called iron gates. the scenery is very beautiful and wild in that part, and there are many points where it is exceedingly picturesque, especially between vienna and budapest. it is navigable for steamships, and so is the next largest river, the theiss. this river begins its course in the southeastern carpathians, right up among the snow-peaks, amid wild and beautiful scenery, and it eventually empties its waters into the danube at titel. the three largest rivers of hungary feed the danube, and by that means reach the black sea. hungary lies under the so-called temperate zone, but there does not seem much temperance in the climate when we think of the terrible, almost siberian winters that come often enough and the heat waves occasioning frequent droughts in the lowlands. the summer is short in the carpathians; usually in the months of august and september the weather is the most settled. june and july are often rainy--sometimes snowstorms cause the barometer to fall tremendously. in the mountain districts there is a great difference between the temperature of the daytime and that of the night. all those who go to the carpathians do well to take winter and alpine clothing with them. the winter in the mountains is perhaps the most exhilarating, as plenty of winter sport goes on. the air is very cold, but the sun has great strength in sheltered corners, enabling even delicate people to spend the winter there. in the lowlands the summer is exceedingly hot, but frequent storms, which cool the air for some days, make the heat bearable. now and then there have been summers when in some parts of hungary rain has not fallen for many weeks--even months. the winter, too, even in the more temperate parts, is often severe and long, there being often from eight to ten weeks of skating, altho the last few years have been abnormally mild. in the valleys of the carpathians potatoes, barley, oats, and cabbages are grown, while in the warmer south wheat, maize, tobacco, turnips, and the vine are cultivated. down by the adriatic sea the climate is much warmer, but hungary, as already mentioned, has only the town of fiume of her own to boast of. the visitors who look for a temperate winter and want to get away from the raw cold must go to the austrian town of abbazia, which is reached in half an hour by steamboat, and is called the austrian riviera. those who visit hungary should come in spring--about may--and spend some weeks in the capital, the lowlands and hilly districts, and go north to the mountains and bathing-places in the summer months. tokay produces some of the finest wine in the world, and the vintage time in that part of the country is most interesting and picturesque. [footnote a: from "hungary." published by the macmillan co.] budapest[a] by h. tornai de kÖvËr budapest is one of the most beautifully situated cities in europe. nobody can ever forget the wonderful sight of the two sister towns divided by the wide and swiftly flowing danube, with the steamers and barges on her waters. buda, the old stronghold, is on one side with the fantastic "gellért" hill, which is a formidable-looking mass of rocks and caves; farther on is the lovely royal palace with its beautifully kept gardens clinging to the hillside; then the oldest part, called the stronghold, which has been rebuilt exactly in the style matthias corvinus built it, and which was demolished during the turkish invasion. here is the old church of matthias too, but it is so much renovated that it lacks the appearance of age. behind the smaller hills larger ones are to be seen covered with shady woods; these are the villa regions and summer excursion places for the people. along the danube are green and shady islands of which the most beautiful is st. margaret's isle, and on the other side of the waters is the city of "pest," with the majestic houses of parliament, palace of justice, academy of science, and numerous other fine buildings. at the present time four bridges join the two cities together, and a huge tunnel leads through the first hill in buda into another part of the town. one can not say which is the more beautiful sight: to look from pest, which stands on level ground, up to the varying hilly landscape of buda; or to look from the hillside of the latter place on to the fairy-land of pest, with the broad silver danube receding in the distance like a great winding snake, its scales all aglitter in the sunshine. it is beautiful by day, but still more so at night, for myriads of lights twinkle in the water, and the hillsides are dotted as if with flitting fairy-lamps. even those who are used to the sight look at it in speechless rapture and wonder. what must it be like to foreigners! besides her splendid natural situation, budapest has another great treasure, and this is the great quantity of hot sulfur springs which exists on both sides of the danube. the romans made use of these at the time of their colonization, and we can find the ruins of the roman baths in aquincum half an hour from budapest. during the turkish rule many turkish baths were erected in buda. the rudas bath exists to this day, and with its modernized system is one of the most popular. császár bath, st. lukács bath, both in buda, have an old-established reputation for the splendid cures of rheumatism. a new bath is being built in pest where the hot sulfur water oozes up in the middle of the park--the same is to be found in st. margaret's isle. besides the sulfur baths there are the much-known bitter waters in buda called "hunyady" and "franz joseph," as well as salt baths. the city, with the exception of some parts in buda, is quite modern, and has encircling boulevards and wide streets, one of the finest being the andrássy street. the electric car system is one of the most modern, while underground and overground electric railways lead to the most distant suburbs. the city has a gay and new look about it; all along the walks trees are planted, and cafés are to be seen with a screen of shrubs or flowers around them. in the evening the sound of music floats from the houses and cafés. there are plenty of theaters, in which only the hungarian language is used, and a large and beautiful opera-house under government management. there are museums, institutions of art and learning, academies of painting and music, schools, and shops, and life and movement everywhere. at present [ ] the city numbers about , souls, but the more distant suburbs are not reckoned in this number. [footnote a: from "hungary." published by the macmillan co.] seeing europe with famous authors edited by francis w. halsey contents of volume vi germany, austria-hungary and switzerland part two vi. hungary--(_continued_) hungarian baths and resorts--by h. tornai de kövër the gipsies--by h. tornai de kövër vii. austria's adriatic ports trieste and pola--by edward a. freeman spalato--by edward a. freeman ragusa--by harry de windt cattaro--by edward a. freeman viii. other austrian scenes cracow--by mènie muriel dowie on the road to prague--by bayard taylor the cave of adelsberg--by george stillman hillard the monastery of mÖlk--by thomas frognall dibdin through the tyrol--by william cullen bryant in the dolomites--by archibald campbell knowles cortina--by amelia b. edwards ix. alpine resorts the call of the mountains--by frederick harrison interlaken and the jungfrau--by archibald campbell knowles the altdorf of william tell--by w.d. m'crackan lucerne--by victor tissot zurich--by w.d. m'crackan the rigi--by w.d. m'crackan chamouni--an avalanche--by percy bysshe shelley zermatt--by archibald campbell knowles pontresina and st. moritz--by victor tissot geneva--by francis h. gribble the castle of chillon--by harriet beecher stowe by rail up the gorner-grat--by archibald campbell knowles through the st. gothard into italy--by victor tissot x. alpine mountain climbing first attempts half a century ago--by edward whymper first to the top o the matterhorn--by edward whymper the lord francis douglas tragedy--by edward whymper an ascent of monte rosa ( )--by john tyndall mont blanc ascended, huxley going part way--by john tyndall the jungfrau-joch--by sir leslie stephen xi. other alpine topics the great st. bernard hospice--by archibald campbell knowles avalanches--by victor tissot hunting the chamois--by victor tissot the celebrities of geneva--by francis h. gribble list of illustrations volume vi frontispiece the matterhorn kursaal at marienbad marienbad, austria monastery of st. ulric and afra, augsburg monastery of mÖlk on the danube above vienna memorial tablet and road in the iron gate of the danube quay at fiume royal palace in budapest houses of parliament, budapest suspension bridge over the danube at budapest street in budapest cathedral of spalato regusa, dalmatia miramar geneva regatta day on lake geneva vitznau, the lake terminus of the rigi railroad rhine falls near schaffhausen pontresina in the engadine st. moritz in the engadine fribourg berne vivey, lake geneva the turnhalle, zurich interlaken lucerne viaducts on an alpine railway the wolfort viaduct balmat--saussure monument in chamonix roofed wooden bridge at lucerne the castle of chillon cloud effect above interlaken davos in winter [illustration: the kursal at marienbad] [illustration: marienbad, austria] [illustration: the monastery of st. ulric and afra, at augsburg in bavaria] [illustration: the monastery of mÖlk on the danube above vienna] [illustration: memorial tablet and road in the iron gate of the danube] [illustration: the quay of the fiume at the head of the adriatic] [illustration: the royal palace at budapest] [illustration: the houses of parliament at budapest] [illustration: the suspension bridge over the danube at budapest] [illustration: street in budapest] [illustration: the cathedral of spalato burial-place of the emperor diocletian] [illustration: regusa, dalmatia] [illustration: miramar long the home of the ex-empress carlotta of mexico] [illustration: geneva] [illustration: regatta day on lake geneva] [illustration: vitznau, the lake terminus of the rigi railroad] [illustration: the rhine falls near schaffhausen] vi hungary (_continued_) hungarian baths and resorts[ ] by h. tornai de kÖvËr in hungary there are great quantities of unearthed riches, and not only in the form of gold. these riches are the mineral waters that abound in the country and have been the natural medicine of the people for many years. water in itself was always worshiped by the hungarians in the earliest ages, and they have found out through experience for which ailment the different waters may be used. there are numbers of small watering-places in the most primitive state, which are visited by the peasants from far and wide, more especially those that are good for rheumatism. like all people that work much in the open, the hungarian in old age feels the aching of his limbs. the carpathians are full of such baths, some of them quite primitive; others are used more as summer resorts, where the well-to-do town people build their villas; others, again, like tátra füred, tátra lomnicz, csorba, and many others, have every accommodation and are visited by people from all over europe. in former times germans and poles were the chief visitors, but now people come from all parts to look at the wonderful ice-caves (where one can skate in the hottest summer), the waterfalls, and the great pine forests, and make walking, driving, and riding tours right up to the snow-capped mountains, preferring the comparative quiet of this alpine district to that of switzerland. almost every place has some special mineral water, and among the greatest wonders of hungary are the hot mud-baths of pöstyén. this place is situated at the foot of the lesser carpathians, and is easily reached from the main line of the railway. the scenery is lovely and the air healthy, but this is nothing compared to the wondrous waters and hot mire which oozes out of the earth in the vicinity of the river vág. hot sulfuric water, which contains radium, bubbles up in all parts of pöstyén, and even the bed of the cold river is full of steaming hot mud. as far back as we know of the existence of pöstyén as a natural cure, and sir spencer wells, the great english doctor, wrote about these waters in . they are chiefly good for rheumatism, gout, neuralgia, the strengthening of broken bones, strains, and also for scrofula. on the premises there is a quaint museum with crutches and all sort of sticks and invalid chairs left there by their former owners in grateful acknowledgment of the wonderful waters and mire that had healed them. of late there has been much comfort added; great new baths have been built, villas and new hotels added, so that there is accommodation for rich and poor alike. the natural heat of the mire is degrees fahrenheit. plenty of amusements are supplied for those who are not great sufferers--tennis, shooting, fishing, boating, and swimming being all obtainable. the bathing-place and all the adjoining land belongs to count erdödy. another place of the greatest importance is the little bath "parád," hardly three hours from budapest, situated in the heart of the mountains of the "mátra." it is the private property of count kárólyi. the place is primitive and has not even electric light. its waters are a wonderful combination of iron and alkaline, but this is not the most important feature. besides the baths there is a strong spring of arsenic water which, through a fortunate combination, is stronger and more digestible than roncegno and all the other first-rate waters of that kind in the world. not only in northern hungary does one find wondrous cures, it is the same in transylvania. there are healing and splendid mineral waters for common use all over the country lying idle and awaiting the days when its owners will be possest by the spirit of enterprise. borszek, szováta, and many others are all wonders in their way, waters that would bring in millions to their owners if only worked properly. szováta, boasts of a lake containing such an enormous proportion of salt that not even the human body can sink into its depths. in the south there is herkulesfürdö, renowned as much for the beauty of its scenery as for its waters. besides those mentioned there are all the summer pleasure resorts; the best of these are situated along lake balaton. the tepid water, long sandbanks, and splendid air from the forests make them specially healthy for delicate children. but not only have the bathing-places beautiful scenery from north to south and from east to west, in general the country abounds in alpine districts, waterfalls, caves, and other wonders of nature. the most beautiful tour is along the river vág, starting from the most northerly point in hungary near the beautiful old stronghold of Árva in the county of Árva. all those that care to see a country as it really is, and do not mind going out of the usual beaten track of the globe-trotter, should go down the river vág. it can not be done by steamer, or any other comfortable contrivance, one must do it on a raft, as the rapids of the river are not to be passed by any other means. the wood is transported in this way from the mountain regions to the south, and for two days one passes through the most beautiful scenery. fantastic castles loom at the top of mountain peaks, and to each castle is attached a page of the history of the middle ages, when the great noblemen were also the greatest robbers of the land, and the people were miserable serfs, who did all the work and were taxed and robbed by their masters. castles, wild mountain districts, rugged passes, villages, and ruins are passed like a beautiful panorama. the river rushes along, foaming and dashing over sharp rocks. the people are reliable and very clever in handling the raft, which requires great skill, especially when conducted over the falls at low water. sometimes there is only one little spot where the raft can pass, and to conduct it over those rapids requires absolute knowledge of every rock hidden under the shallow falls. if notice is given in time, a rude hut will be built on the raft to give shelter and make it possible to have meals cooked, altho in the simplest way (consisting of baked potatoes and stew), by the slavs who are in charge of the raft. if anything better is wanted it must be ordered by stopping at the larger towns; but to have it done in the simple way is entering into the true spirit of the voyage. the gipsies[ ] by h. tornai de kÖvËr gipsies! music! dancing! these are words of magic to the rich and poor, noblemen and peasant alike, if he be a true hungarian. there are two kinds of gipsies. the wandering thief, who can not be made to take up any occupation. these are a terribly lawless and immoral people, and there seems to be no way of altering their life and habits, altho much has been written on the subject to improve matters; but the government has shown itself to be helpless as yet. these people live here and there, in fact everywhere, leading a wandering life in carts, and camp wherever night overtakes them. after some special evil-doing they will wander into rumania or russia and come back after some years when the deed of crime has been forgotten. their movements are so quick and silent that they outwit the best detectives of the police force. they speak the gipsy language, but often a half-dozen other languages besides, in their peculiar chanting voice. their only occupation is stealing, drinking, smoking, and being a nuisance to the country in every way. the other sort of gipsies consist of those that have squatted down in the villages some hundreds of years ago. they live in a separate part of the village, usually at the end, are dirty and untidy and even an unruly people, but for the most part have taken up some honest occupation. they make the rough, unbaked earth bricks that the peasant cottages are mostly made of, are tinkers and blacksmiths, but they do the lowest kind of work too. besides these, however, there are the talented ones. the musical gipsy begins to handle his fiddle as soon as he can toddle. the hungarians brought their love of music with them from asia. old parchments have been found which denote that they had their songs and war-chants at the time of the "home-making," and church and folk-songs from their earliest christian period. peasant and nobleman are musical alike--it runs in the race. the gipsies that have settled among them caught up the love of music and are now the best interpreters of the hungarian songs. the people have got so used to their "blackies," as they call them, that no lesser or greater fête day can pass without the gipsy band having ample work to do in the form of playing for the people. their instruments are the fiddle, 'cello, viola, clarinet, tárogato (a hungarian specialty), and, above all, the cymbal. the tárogato looks like a grand piano with the top off. it stands on four legs like a table and has wires drawn across it; on these wires the player performs with two little sticks, that are padded at the ends with cotton-wool. the sound is wild and weird, but if well played very beautiful indeed. the gipsies seldom compose music. the songs come into life mostly on the spur of the moment. in the olden days war-songs and long ballads were the most usual form of music. the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were specially rich in the production of songs that live even now. at that time the greatest gipsy musician was a woman: her name was "czinka panna," and she was called the gipsy queen. with the change of times the songs are altered too, and now they are mostly lyric. csárdás is the quick form of music, and tho' of different melodies it must always be kept to the same rhythm. this is not much sung to, but is the music for the national dance. the peasants play on a little wooden flute which is called the "tilinko," or "furulya," and they know hundreds of sad folk-songs and lively csárdás. while living their isolated lives in the great plains they compose many a beautiful song. it is generally from the peasants and the musical country gentry that the gipsy gets his music. he learns the songs after a single hearing, and plays them exactly according to the singer's wish. the hungarian noble when singing with the gipsies is capable of giving the dark-faced boys every penny he has. in this manner many a young nobleman has been ruined, and the gipsies make nothing of it, because they are just like their masters and "spend easily earned money easily," as the saying goes. where there is much music there is much dancing. every sunday afternoon after church the villages are lively with the sound of the gipsy band, and the young peasant boys and girls dance. the slovaks of the north play a kind of bagpipe, which reminds one of the scotch ones; but the songs of the slovak have got very much mixed with the hungarian. the rumanian music is of a distinct type, but the dances all resemble the csárdás, with the difference that the quick figures in the slav and rumanian dances are much more grotesque and verging on acrobatism. vii austria's adriatic ports trieste and pola[ ] by edward a. freeman trieste stands forth as a rival of venice, which has, in a low practical view of things, outstript her. italian zeal naturally cries for the recovery of a great city, once part of the old italian kingdom, and whose speech is largely, perhaps chiefly, italian to this day. but, a cry of "italia irredenta," however far it may go, must not go so far as this. trieste, a cosmopolitan city on a slavonic shore, can not be called italian in the same sense as the lands and towns so near verona which yearn to be as verona is. let trieste be the rival, even the eyesore, of venice, still southern germany must have a mouth. we might, indeed, be better pleased to see trieste a free city, the southern fellow of lübeck, bremen and hamburg; but it must not be forgotten that the archduke of austria and lord of trieste reigns at trieste by a far better right than that by which he reigns at cattaro and spizza. the present people of trieste did not choose him, but the people of trieste five hundred years back did choose the forefather of his great-grandmother. compared with the grounds of which kingdoms, duchies, counties, and lordships, are commonly held in that neighborhood, such a claim as this must be allowed to be respectable indeed. the great haven of trieste may almost at pleasure be quoted as either confirming or contradicting the rule that it is not in the great commercial cities of europe that we are to look for the choicest or the most plentiful remains of antiquity. sometimes the cities themselves are of modern foundation; in other cases the cities themselves, as habitations of men and seats of commerce, are of the hoariest antiquity, but the remains of their early days have perished through their very prosperity. massalia,[ ] with her long history, with her double wreath of freedom, the city which withstood cæsar and which withstood charles of anjou, is bare of monuments of her early days. she has been the victim of her abiding good fortune. we can look down from the height on the phôkaian harbor; but for actual memorials of the men who fled from the persian, of the men who defied the roman and the angevin, we might look as well at liverpool or at havre. genoa, venice herself, are hardly real exceptions; they were indeed commercial cities, but they were ruling cities also, and, as ruling cities, they reared monuments which could hardly pass away. what are we to say to the modern rival of venice, the upstart rebel, one is tempted to say, against the supremacy of the hadriatic queen? trieste, at the head of her gulf, with the hills looking down to her haven, with the snowy mountains which seem to guard the approach from the other side of her inland sea, with her harbor full of the ships of every nation, her streets echoing with every tongue, is she to be reckoned as an example of the rule or an exception to it? no city at first sight seems more thoroughly modern; old town and new, wide streets and narrow, we search them in vain for any of those vestiges of past times which in some cities meet us at every step. compare trieste with ancona;[ ] we miss the arch of trajan on the haven; we miss the cupola of saint cyriacus soaring in triumph above the triumphal monument of the heathen. we pass through the stately streets of the newer town, we thread the steep ascents which lead us to the older town above, and we nowhere light on any of those little scraps of ornamental architecture, a window, a doorway, a column, which meet us at every step in so many of the cities of italy. yet the monumental wealth of trieste is all but equal to the monumental wealth of ancona. at ancona we have the cathedral church and the triumphal arch; so we have at trieste; tho' at trieste we have nothing to set against the grand front of the lower and smaller church of ancona. but at ancona arch and duomo both stand out before all eyes; at trieste both have to be looked for. the church of saint justus at trieste crowns the hill as well as the church of saint cyriacus at ancona; but it does not in the same way proclaim its presence. the castle, with its ugly modern fortifications, rises again above the church; and the duomo of trieste, with its shapeless outline and its low, heavy, unsightly campanile, does not catch the eyes like the greek cross and cupola of ancona. again at trieste the arch could never, in its best days, have been a rival to the arch at ancona; and now either we have to hunt it out by an effort, or else it comes upon us suddenly, standing, as it does, at the head of a mean street on the ascent to the upper town. of a truth it can not compete with ancona or with rimini, with orange[ ] or with aosta. but the duomo, utterly unsightly as it is in a general view, puts on quite a new character when we first see the remains of pagan times imprisoned in the lower stage of the heavy campanile, still more so when we take our first glance of its wonderful interior. at the first glimpse we see that here there is a mystery to be unraveled; and as we gradually find the clue to the marvelous changes which it has undergone, we feel that outside show is not everything, and that, in point both of antiquity and of interest, tho' not of actual beauty, the double basilica of trieste may claim no mean place among buildings of its own type. even after the glories of rome and ravenna, the tergestine church may be studied with no small pleasure and profit, as an example of a kind of transformation of which neither rome nor ravenna can supply another example.... the other ancient relic at trieste is the small triumphal arch. on one side it keeps its corinthian pilasters; on the other they are imbedded in a house. the arch is in a certain sense double; but the two are close together, and touch in the keystone. the roman date of this arch can not be doubted; but legends connect it both with charles the great and with richard of poitou and of england, a prince about whom tergestine fancy has been very busy. the popular name of the arch is arco riccardo. such, beside some fragments in the museum, are all the remains that the antiquary will find in trieste; not much in point of number, but, in the case of the duomo at least, of surpassing interest in their own way. but the true merit of trieste is not in anything that it has itself, its church, its arch, its noble site. placed there at the head of the gulf, on the borders of two great portions of the empire, it leads to the land which produced that line of famous illyrian emperors who for a while checked the advance of our own race in the world's history, and it leads specially to the chosen home of the greatest among them.[ ] the chief glory of trieste, after all, is that it is the way to spalato.... at pola the monuments of pietas julia claim the first place; the basilica, tho' not without a certain special interest, comes long after them. the character of the place is fixt by the first sight of it; we see the present and we see the more distant past; the austrian navy is to be seen, and the amphitheater is to be seen. but intermediate times have little to show; if the duomo strikes the eye at all, it strikes it only by the extreme ugliness of its outside, nor is there anything very taking, nothing like the picturesque castle of pirano, in the works which occupy the site of the colonial capitol. the duomo should not be forgotten; even the church of saint francis is worth a glance; but it is in the remains of the roman colony, in the amphitheater, the arches, the temples, the fragments preserved in that temple which serves, as at nîmes,[ ] for a museum, that the real antiquarian wealth of pola lies.... the known history of pola begins with the roman conquest of istria in b.c. the town became a roman colony and a flourishing seat of commerce. its action on the republican side in the civil war brought on it the vengeance of the second cæsar. but the destroyer became the restorer, and pietas julia, in the height of its greatness, far surpassed the extent either of the elder or the younger pola. like all cities of this region, pola kept up its importance down to the days of the carlovingian empire, the specially flourishing time of the whole district being that of gothic and byzantine dominion at ravenna. a barbarian king, the roxolan rasparasanus, is said to have withdrawn to pola after the submission of his nation to hadrian; and the panegyrists of the flavian house rank pola along with trier and autun among the cities which the princes of that house had adorned or strengthened. but in the history of their dynasty the name of the city chiefly stands out as the chosen place for the execution of princes whom it was convenient to put out of the way. here crispus died at the bidding of constantine, and gallus at the bidding of constantius. under theodoric, pola doubtless shared that general prosperity of the istrian land on which cassiodorus grows eloquent when writing to its inhabitants. in the next generation pola appears in somewhat of the same character which has come back to it in our own times; it was there that belisarius gathered the imperial fleet for his second and less prosperous expedition against the gothic lords of italy. but, after the break up of the frankish empire, the history of medieval pola is but a history of decline. it was, in the geography of dante, the furthest city of italy; but, like most of the other cities of its own neighborhood, its day of greatness had passed away when dante sang. tossed to and fro between the temporal and spiritual lords who claimed to be marquesses of istria, torn by the dissensions of aristocratic and popular parties among its own citizens, pola found rest, the rest of bondage, in submission to the dominion of saint mark in .[ ] since then, till its new birth in our own times, pola has been a failing city. like the other istrian and dalmatian towns, modern revolutions have handed it over from venice to austria, from austria to france, from france to austria again. it is under its newest masters that pola has at last begun to live a fresh life, and the haven whence belisarius[ ] sailed forth has again become a haven in more than name, the cradle of the rising navy of the united austrian and hungarian realm. that haven is indeed a noble one. few sights are more striking than to see the huge mass of the amphitheater at pola seeming to rise at once out of the land-locked sea. as pola is seen now, the amphitheater is the one monument of its older days, which strikes the eye in the general view, and which divides attention with signs that show how heartily the once forsaken city has entered on its new career. but in the old time pola could show all the buildings which befitted its rank as a colony of rome. the amphitheater, of course, stood without the walls; the city itself stood at the foot and on the slope of the hill which was crowned by the capitol of the colony, where the modern fortress rises above the franciscan church. parts of the roman wall still stand; one of its gates is left; another has left a neighbor and a memory.... travelers are sometimes apt to complain, and that not wholly without reason, that all amphitheaters are very like one another. at pola this remark is less true than elsewhere, as the amphitheater there has several marked peculiarities of its own. we do not pretend to expound all its details scientifically; but this we may say, that those who dispute--if the dispute still goes on--about various points as regards the coliseum at rome will do well to go and look for some further light in the amphitheater of pola. the outer range, which is wonderfully perfect, while the inner arrangements are fearfully ruined, consists, on the side toward the town, of two rows of arches, with a third story with square-headed openings above them. but the main peculiarity in the outside is to be found in four tower-like projections, not, as at arles and nîmes, signs of saracenic occupation, but clearly parts of the original design. many conjectures have been made about them; they look as if they were means of approach to the upper part of the building; but it is wisest not to be positive. but the main peculiarity of this amphitheater is that it lies on the slope of a hill, which thus supplied a natural basement for the seats on one side only. but this same position swallowed up the lower arcade on this side, and it hindered the usual works underneath the seats from being carried into this part of the building. spalato[ ] by edward a. freeman the main object and center of all historical and architectural inquiries on the dalmatian coast is, of course, the home of diocletian, the still abiding palace of spalato. from a local point of view, it is the spot which the greatest of the long line of renowned illyrian emperors chose as his resting-place from the toils of warfare and government, and where he reared the vastest and noblest dwelling that ever arose at the bidding of a single man. from an ecumenical point of view, spalato is yet more. if it does not rank with rome, old and new, with ravenna and with trier, it is because it never was, like them, an actual seat of empire. but it not the less marks a stage, and one of the greatest stages, in the history of the empire. on his own dalmatian soil, docles of salone, diocletian of rome, was the man who had won fame for his own land, and who, on the throne of the world, did not forget his provincial birthplace. in the sight of rome and of the world jovius augustus was more than this. alike in the history of politics and in the history of art, he has left his mark on all time that has come after him, and it is on his own spalato that his mark has been most deeply stamped. the polity of rome and the architecture of rome alike received a new life at his hands. in each alike he cast away shams and pretenses, and made the true construction of the fabric stand out before men's eyes. master of the rome world, if not king, yet more than king, he let the true nature of his power be seen, and, first among the cæsars, arrayed himself with the outward pomp of sovereignty. in a smaller man we might have deemed the change a mark of weakness, a sign of childish delight in gewgaws, titles, and trappings. such could hardly have been the motive in the man who, when he deemed that his work was done, could cast away both the form and the substance of power, and could so steadily withstand all temptations to take them up again. it was simply that the change was fully wrought; that the chief magistrate of the commonwealth had gradually changed into the sovereign of the empire; that imperator, cæsar, and augustus, once titles lowlier than that of king, had now become, as they have ever since remained, titles far loftier. the change was wrought, and all that diocletian did was to announce the fact of the change to the world. nor did the organizing hand of jovius confine its sphere to the polity of the empire only. he built himself a house, and, above all builders, he might boast himself of the house that he had builded. fast by his own birthplace--a meaner soul might have chosen some distant spot--diocletian reared the palace which marks a still greater epoch in roman art than his political changes mark in roman polity. on the inmost shore of one of the lake-like inlets of the hadriatic, an inlet guarded almost from sight by the great island of bua at its mouth, lay his own salona, now desolate, then one of the great cities of the roman world. but it was not in the city, it was not close under its walls, that diocletian fixt his home. an isthmus between the bay of salona and the outer sea cuts off a peninsula, which again throws out two horns into the water to form the harbor which has for ages supplanted salona. there, not on any hill-top, but on a level spot by the coast, with the sea in front, with a background of more distant mountains, and with one peaked hill rising between the two seas like a watch-tower, did diocletian build the house to which he withdrew when he deemed that his work of empire was over. and in building that house, he won for himself, or for the nameless genius whom he set at work, a place in the history of art worthy to rank alongside of iktinos of athens and anthemios of byzantium, of william of durham and of hugh of lincoln. and now the birthplace of jovius is forsaken, but his house still abides, and abides in a shape marvelously little shorn of its ancient greatness. the name which it still bears comes straight from the name of the elder home of the cæsars. the fates of the two spots have been in a strange way the converse of one another. by the banks of the tiber the city of romulus became the house of a single man: by the shores of the hadriatic the house of a single man became a city. the palatine hill became the palatium of the cæsars, and palatium was the name which was borne by the house of cæsar by the dalmatian shore. the house became a city; but its name still clave to it, and the house of jovius still, at least in the mouths of its own inhabitants, keeps its name in the slightly altered form of spalato.... we land with the moon lighting up the water, with the stars above us, the northern wain shining on the hadriatic, as if, while diocletian was seeking rest by salona, the star of constantine was rising over york and trier. dimly rising above us we see, disfigured indeed, but not destroyed, the pillared front of the palace, reminding us of the tabularium of rome's own capitol. we pass under gloomy arches, through dark passages and presently we find ourselves in the center of palace and city, between those two renowned rows of arches which mark the greatest of all epochs in the history of the building art. we think how the man who reorganized the empire of rome was also the man who first put harmony and consistency into the architecture of rome. we think that, if it was in truth the crown of diocletian which passed to every cæsar from the first constantius to the last francis, it was no less in the pile which rose into being at his word that the germ was planted which grew into pisa and durham, into westminster and saint ouen. there is light enough to mark the columns put for the first time to their true roman use, and to think how strange was the fate which called up on this spot the happy arrangement which had entered the brain of no earlier artist--the arrangement which, but a few years later, was to be applied to another use in the basilica of the lateran and in saint paul without the walls. yes, it is in the court of the persecutor, the man who boasted that he had wiped out the christian superstition from the world, that we see the noblest forestalling of the long arcades of the christian basilica. it is with thoughts like these, thoughts pressing all the more upon us where every outline is clear and every detail is visible, that we tread for the first time the court of jovius--the columns with their arches on either side of us, the vast bell-tower rising to the sky, as if to mock the art of those whose mightiest works might still seem only to grovel upon earth. nowhere within the compass of the roman world do we find ourselves more distinctly in the presence of one of the great minds of the world's history; we see that, alike in politics and in art, diocletian breathed a living soul into a lifeless body. in the bitter irony of the triumphant faith, his mausoleum has become a church, his temple has become a baptistery, the great bell-tower rises proudly over his own work; his immediate dwelling-place is broken down and crowded with paltry houses; but the sea-front and the golden gate are still there amid all disfigurements, and the great peristyle stands almost unhurt, to remind us of the greatest advance that a single mind ever made in the progress of the building art. at the present time the city into which the house of diocletian has grown is the largest and most growing town of the dalmatian coast. it has had to yield both spiritual and temporal precedence to zara, but, both in actual population and all that forms the life of a city, spalato greatly surpasses zara and all its other neighbors. the youngest dalmatian towns, which could boast neither of any mythical origin nor of any imperial foundation, the city which, as it were, became a city by mere chance, has outstript the colonies of epidauros, of corinth, and of rome. the palace of diocletian had but one occupant; after the founder no emperor had dwelled in it, unless we hold that this was the villa near salona where the deposed emperor nepos was slain, during the patriciate of odoacer. the forsaken palace seems, while still almost new, to have become a cloth factory, where women worked, and which therefore appears in the "notitia" as a gynæcium. but when salona was overthrown, the palace stood ready to afford shelter to those who were driven from their homes. the palace, in the widest sense of the word--for of course its vast circuit took in quarters for soldiers and officials of various kinds, as well as the rooms actually occupied by the emperor--stood ready to become a city. it was a chester ready made, with its four streets, its four gates, all but that toward the sea flanked with octagonal towers, and with four greater square towers at the corners. to this day the circuit of the walls is nearly perfect; and the space contained within them must be as large as that contained within some of the oldest chesters in our own island. the walls, the towers, the gates, are those of a city rather than of a house. two of the gates, tho' their towers are gone, are nearly perfect; the "porta aurea," with its graceful ornaments; the "porta ferrea" in its stern plainness, strangely crowned with its small campanile of later days perched on its top. within the walls, besides the splendid buildings which still remain, besides the broken-down walls and chambers which formed the immediate dwelling-place of the founder, the main streets were lined with massive arcades, large parts of which still remain. diocletian, in short, in building a house, had built a city. in the days of constantine porphyrogenitus it was a "káotpov"--greek and english had by his day alike borrowed the latin name; but it was a "káotpov" which diocletian had built as his own house, and within which was his hall and palace. in his day the city bore the name of aspalathon, which he explains to mean "little palace." when the palace had thus become a common habitation of men, it is not wonderful that all the more private buildings whose use had passed away were broken down, disfigured, and put to mean uses. the work of building over the site must have gone on from that day to this. the view in wheeler shows several parts of the enclosure occupied by ruins which are now covered with houses. the real wonder is that so much has been spared and has survived to our own days. and we are rather surprised to find constantine saying that in his time the greater part had been destroyed. for the parts which must always have been the stateliest remain still. the great open court, the peristyle, with its arcades, have become the public plaza of the town; the mausoleum on one side of it and the temple on the other were preserved and put to christian uses. we say the mausoleum, for we fully accept the suggestion made by professor glavinich, the curator of the museum of spalato, that the present duomo, traditionally called the temple of jupiter, was not a temple, but a mausoleum. these must have been the great public buildings of the palace, and, with the addition of the bell-tower, they remain the chief public buildings of the modern city. but, tho' the ancient square of the palace remains wonderfully perfect, the modern city, with its venetian defenses, its venetian and later buildings, has spread itself far beyond the walls of diocletian. but those walls have made the history of spalato, and it is the great buildings which stand within them that give spalato its special place in the history of architecture. ragusa[ ] by harry de windt viewed from the sea, and at first sight, the place somewhat resembles monte carlo with its white villas, palms, and background of rugged, gray hills. but this is the modern portion of the town, outside the fortifications, erected many centuries ago. within them lies the real ragusa--a wonderful old city which teems with interest, for its time-worn buildings and picturesque streets recall, at every turn, the faded glories of this "south slavonic athens." a bridge across the moat which protects the old city is the link between the present and past. in new ragusa you may sit on the crowded esplanade of a fashionable watering place; but pass through a frowning archway into the old town, and, save in the main street, which has modern shops and other up-to-date surroundings, you might be living in the dark ages. for as far back as in the ninth century ragusa was the capital of dalmatia and an independent republic, and since that period her literary and commercial triumphs, and the tragedies she has survived in the shape of sieges, earthquakes, and pestilence, render the records of this little-known state almost as engrossing as those of ancient rome. until i came here i had pictured a squalid eastern place, devoid of ancient or modern interest; most of my fellow-countrymen probably do likewise, notwithstanding the fact that when london was a small and obscure town ragusa was already an important center of commerce and civilization. the republic was always a peaceful one, and its people excelled in trade and the fine arts. thus, as early as the fourteenth century the ragusan fleet was the envy of the world; its vessels were then known as argusas to british mariners, and the english word "argosy" is probably derived from the name. these tiny ships went far afield--to the levant and northern europe, and even to the indies--a voyage frought, in those days, with much peril. at this epoch ragusa had achieved a mercantile prosperity unequalled throughout europe, but in later years the greater part of the fleet joined and perished with the spanish armada. and this catastrophe was the precursor of a series of national disasters. in the city was laid waste by an earthquake which killed over twenty thousand people, and this was followed by a terrible visitation of the plague, which further decimated the population. ragusa, however, was never a large city, and even at its zenith, in the sixteenth century, it numbered under forty thousand souls, and now contains only about a third of that number. in the vienna congress finally deprived the republic of its independence, and it became (with dalmatia) an austrian possession. trade has not increased here of recent years, as in herzegovina and bosnia. the harbor, at one time one of the most important ports in europe, is too small and shallow for modern shipping, and the oil industry, once the backbone of the place, has sadly dwindled of late years. ragusa itself now having no harbor worthy of the name, the traveler by sea must land at gravosa about a mile north of the old city. gravosa is merely a suburb of warehouses, shipping, and sailor-men, as unattractive as the london docks, and the hotel petko swarmed with mosquitoes and an animal which seems to thrive and flourish throughout the balkan states--the rat. the old custom house is perhaps the most beautiful building in ragusa, and is one of the few which survived the terrible earthquake of . the structure bears the letters "i.h.s." over the principal entrance in commemoration of this fact. its courtyard is a dream of beauty, and the stone galleries around it are surrounded with inscriptions of great age. ragusa is a slav town, but altho' the name of streets appear in slavonic characters, italian is also spoken on every side and the "stradone," with its arcades and narrow precipitous alleys at right angles, is not unlike a street in naples. the houses are built in small blocks, as a protection against earthquakes--the terror of every ragusan (only mention the word and he will cross himself)--and here on a fine sunday morning you may see dalmatians, albanians, and herzegovinians in their gaudiest finery, while here and there a wild-eyed montenegrin, armed to the teeth, surveys the gay scene with a scowl, of shyness rather than ill-humor. outside the café, on the square (where flocks of pigeons whirl around as at st. mark's in venice), every little table is occupied; but here the women are gowned in the latest vienna fashions, and austrian uniforms predominate. and the sun shines as warmly as in june (on this th day of march), and the cathedral bells chime a merry accompaniment to a military band; a sky of the brightest blue gladdens the eye, fragrant flowers the senses, and the traveler sips his bock or mazagran, and thanks his stars he is not spending the winter in cold, foggy england. refreshments are served by a white-aproned garçon, and street boys are selling the "daily mail" and "gil blas," just as they are on the far-away boulevards of paris. cattaro[ ] by edward a. freeman the end of a purely dalmatian pilgrimage will be cattaro. he who goes further along the coast will pass into lands that have a history, past and present, which is wholly distinct from that of the coast which he has hitherto traced from zara--we might say from capo d'istria--onward. we have not reached the end of the old venetian dominion--for that we must carry our voyage to crete and cyprus. but we have reached the end of the nearly continuous venetian dominion--the end of the coast which, save at two small points, was either venetian or regusan--the end of that territory of the two maritime commonwealths which they kept down to their fall in modern times, and in which they have been succeeded by the modern dalmatian kingdom.... the city stands at the end of an inlet of the sea fifteen or twenty miles long, and it has mountains around it so high that it is only in fair summer weather that the sun can be seen; in winter cattaro never enjoys his presence. there certainly is no place where it is harder to believe that the smooth waters of the narrow, lake-like inlet, with mountains on each side which it seems as if one could put out one's hand and touch, are really part of the same sea which dashes against the rocks of ragusa. they end in a meadow-like coast which makes one think of bourget or trasimenus rather than of hadria. the dalmatian voyage is well ended by the sail along the bocche, the loveliest piece of inland sea which can be conceived, and whose shores are as rich in curious bits of political history as they are in scenes of surpassing natural beauty. the general history of the district consists in the usual tossing to and fro between the various powers which have at different times been strong in the neighborhood. cattaro was in the reign of basil the macedonian besieged and taken by saracens, who presently went on unsuccessfully to besiege ragusa. and, as under byzantine rule it was taken by saracens, so under venetian rule it was more than once besieged by turks. in the intermediate stages we get the usual alternations of independence and of subjection to all the neighboring powers in turn, till in cattaro finally became venetian. at the fall of the republic it became part of the austrian share of the spoil. when the spoilers quarreled, it fell to france. when england, russia, and montenegro were allies, the city joined the land of which it naturally forms the head, and cattaro became the montenegrin haven and capital. when france was no longer dangerous, and the powers of europe came together to parcel out other men's goods, austria calmly asked for cattaro back again, and easily got it. in the city of cattaro the orthodox church is still in a minority, but it is a minority not far short of a majority. outside its walls, the orthodox outnumber the catholics. in short, when we reach cattaro, we have very little temptation to fancy ourselves in italy or in any part of western christendom. we not only know, but feel, that we are on the byzantine side of the hadriatic; that we have, in fact, made our way into eastern europe. and east and west, slav and italian, new rome and old, might well struggle for the possession of the land and of the water through which we pass from ragusa to our final goal at cattaro. the strait leads us into a gulf; another narrow strait leads us into an inner gulf; and on an inlet again branching out of that inner gulf lies the furthest of dalmatian cities. the lower city, cattaro itself, seems to lie so quietly, so peacefully, as if in a world of its own from which nothing beyond the shores of its own bocche could enter, that we are tempted to forget, not only that the spot has been the scene of so many revolutions through so many ages, but that it is even now a border city, a city on the marchland of contending powers, creeds, and races.... the city of cattaro itself is small, standing on a narrow ledge between the gulf and the base of the mountain. it carries the features of the dalmatian cities to what any one who has not seen traü will call their extreme point. but, tho' the streets of cattaro are narrow, yet they are civilized and airy-looking compared with those of traü, and the little paved squares, as so often along this coast, suggest the memory of the ruling city. the memory of venice is again called up by the graceful little scraps of its characteristic architecture which catch the eye ever and anon among the houses of cattaro. the landing-place, the marina, the space between the coast and the venetian wall, where we pass for the last time under the winged lion over the gate, has put on the air of a boulevard. but the forms and costume of bocchesi and montenegrins, the men of the gulf, with their arms in their girdles, no less than the men of the black mountain, banish all thought that we are anywhere but where we really are, at one of the border points of christian and civilized europe. if in the sons of the mountains we see the men who have in all ages held out against the invading turk, we see in their brethren of the coast the men who, but a few years back, brought imperial, royal, and apostolic majesty to its knees ... at cattaro the orthodox church is on its own ground, standing side by side on equal terms with its latin rival, pointing to lands where the filioque[ ] is unknown and where the bishop of the old rome has even been deemed an intruder. the building itself is a small byzantine church, less byzantine in fact in its outline than the small churches of the byzantine type at zara, spalato, and traü. the single dome rises, not from the intersection of a greek cross, but from the middle of a single body, and, resting as it does on pointed arches, it suggests the thought of périgueux and angoulême. but this arrangement, which is shared by a neighboring latin church, is well known throughout the east. the latin duomo, which has been minutely described by mr. neale,[ ] is of quite another type, and is by no means dalmatian in its general look. a modern west front with two western towers does not go for much; but it reminds us that a design of the same kind was begun at traü in better times. the inside is quite unlike anything of later italian work. the traveler whose objects are of a more general kind turns away from this border church of christendom as the last stage of a pilgrimage unsurpassed either for natural beauty or for historic interest. and, as he looks up at the mountain which rises almost close above the east end of the duomo of cattaro, and thinks of the land[ ] and the men to which the path over that mountain leads, he feels that, on this frontier at least, the spirit still lives which led english warriors to the side of manuel komnênos, and which steeled the heart of the last constantine to die in the breach for the roman name and the faith of christendom. viii other austrian scenes cracow[ ] by mÉnie muriel dowie cracow, old, tired and dispirited, speaks and thinks only of the ruinous past. when you drive into cracow from the station for the first time, you are breathless, smiling, and tearful all at once; in the great ring-platz--a mass of old buildings--cracow seems to hold out her arms to you--those long sides that open from the corner where the cab drives in. you do not have time to notice separately the row of small trees down on one side, beneath which bright-colored women-figures control their weekly market; you do not notice the sort of court-house in the middle with its red roof, cream-colored galleries and shops beneath; you do not notice the great tall church at one side of brick and stone most perfectly time-reconciled, or the houses, or the crazed paving, or the innocent little groups of cabs--you only see cracow holding out her arms to you, and you may lean down your head and weep from pure instinctive sympathy. suddenly a choir of trumpets breaks out into a chorale from the big church tower; the melancholy of it i shall never forget--the very melody seemed so old and tired, so worn and sweet and patient, like cracow. those trumpet notes have mourned in that tower for hundreds of years. it is the hymn of timeless sorrow that they play, and the key to which they are attuned in cracow's long despair. hush! that is her voice, the old town's voice, high and sad--she is speaking to you. dear cracow! never again it seems to me, shall i come so near to the deathless hidden sentiment of poland as in those first moments. it would be no use to tell her to take heart, that there may be brighter days coming, and so forth. lemberg may feel so, lemberg that has the feelings of any other big new town, the strength and the determination; but cracow's day was in the long ago, as a gay capital, a brilliant university town full of princes, of daring, of culture, of wit. she has outlived her day, and can only mourn over what has been and the times that she has seen; she may be always proud of her character, of the brave blood that has made scarlet her streets, but she can never be happy remodeled as an austrian garrison town, and in the new poland--the poland whose foundation stones are laid in the hearts of her people, and that may yet be built some day--in that new poland there will be no place for aristocratic, high-bred cracow. during my stay in the beautiful butter-colored palace that is now a hotel, i went round the museums, galleries, and universities, most if not all of which are free to the public. it would be unfair to give the idea that cracow has completely fallen to decay. this is not the case. austria has erected some very handsome buildings; and a town with such fine pictures, good museums, and two universities, can not be complained of as moribund. at the same time, i can only record faithfully my impression, and that was that everything new, everything modern, was hopelessly out of tone in cracow; progress, which, tho' desirable, may be a vulgar thing, would not suit her, and does not seem at home in her streets. about the florian's thor, with its round towers of old, sorrel-colored brick, and the czartoryski museum, there is nothing to say that the guide-book would not say better. in the museum, a tattered polish flag of red silk, with the white eagle, a cheerful bird with curled tail, opened mouth, chirping defiantly to the left, imprest me, and a portrait of szopen (chopin) in fine profile when laid out dead. for amusement, there was a paul potter bull beside a paul potter willow, delightfully unconscious of a coming paul potter thunderstorm, and a miniature of shakespeare which did not resemble any of the portraits of him that i am familiar with. any amount of turkish trappings and reminiscences of potocki and kosciuszko, of course. as i had no guide-book, i am quite prepared to learn that i overlooked the most important relics. in the cathedral, away up on the hill of wawel, above the river vistula (wisla) i prowled about among the crypts with a curious specimen of beadledom who ran off long unintelligible histories in atrocious viennese patois about every solemn tomb by which we stood. so far as i was concerned it might just as well have been the functionary who herds small droves of visitors in westminster abbey. i never listen to these people, because (i) i do not care to be informed; and (ii) since i should never remember what they said, it is useless my even letting it in at one ear. the kindly, cobwebby old person who piloted me among those wonderful kings' graves in cracow was personally not uninteresting, indeed a fine study, and his rigmaroles brought up infallibly upon three words which i could not fail to notice: these were "silberner sarg vergoldet" (silver coffin, gilded). it had an odd fascination for me this phrase, as i stood always waiting for it; why, i wondered, should anybody want to gild a good solid silver coffin? at the time of my first visit, the excavation necessary to form the crypt for the resting-place of mickiewicz[ ] was in progress, and i went in among the limey, dusty workmen, with their tallow candles, and looked round. in return for my gulden, the beadle gave me a few immortelles from sobieski's tomb, and some laurel leaves from kosciuszko's; and remembering friends at home of refinedly ghoulish tastes, i determined to preserve those poor moldering fragments for them. most of my days and evenings i spent wandering by the vistula and in and out of the hundred churches. my plan was to sight a spire, and then walk to the root of it, so to speak. in this manner i saw the town very well. the houses were of brick and plaster, the rich carmine-red brick that has made cracow so beautiful. on each was a beautiful façade, and pediments in renaissance, bas-relief work of cupids, and classic figures with ribands and roses tying among them, seeming to speak, somehow, of the dead princes and the mighty aristocracy which had cost cracow so dear. in the jews' quarter that loud lifelong market of theirs was going forward, which required seemingly only some small basinfuls of sour gurken and a few spoonfuls of beans of its stock-in-trade. mingling among the jews were the peasants, of course; the men in tightly fitting trousers of white blanket cloth, rich embroidered on the upper part and down the seams in blue and red; the women wearing pink printed muslin skirts, often with a pale blue muslin apron and a lemon-colored fine wool cloth, spotted in pink, upon the head. they manifested a great appreciation of color, but none of form, and after the free dress of the hucal women, these people, mummied in their red tartan shawls--all hybrid stewarts, they seemed to me--were merely bright bundles in the sunshine. in the shops in cracow, french was nearly always the language of attack, and a good deal was spoken in the hotel. i had occasion to buy a great many things, but, according to my custom, not a photograph was among them; therefore, when i go back, i shall receive perfectly new and fresh impressions of the place, and can cherish no vague memories, encouraged by an album at home, in which the nameless cathedrals of many countries confuse themselves, and only the coliseum at rome stands forth, not to be contradicted or misnamed. but it became necessary to put a period to my wandering, unless i wished to find myself stranded in vienna with "neither cross nor pile." the references to money-matters have been designedly slight throughout these pages. it is not my habit to keep accounts. i have never found that you get any money back by knowing just how you have spent it, and a conscience-pricking record of expenses is very ungrateful reading. so, when a certain beautiful evening came, i felt that i had to look upon it as my last. being too early for the train, i bid the man drive about in the early summer dark for three-quarters of an hour. to such as do not care for precise information and statistics in foreign places, but appreciate rather atmosphere and impression, i can recommend this course. in and out among the pretty garden woods, outside the town, we drove. buildings loomed majestically out of the night; sometimes it was the tower of an unknown church, sometimes it was the house of some forgotten family that sprang suggestively to the eye, and i was grateful that i was left to suppose the indefinite type of austrian bureau, which occupied, in all probability, the first floor. then we came to the river, and later, wawel stood massed out black upon the blue, the glorious gravestone of a fallen power. all the stars were shining, and little red-yellow lights in the castle windows were not much bigger. above the whisper of the willows on its bank came the deep, quiet murmur of the vistula, and every now and then, over the several towers of the solemn old palaces and the spires of the church where poland has laid her kings, and so recently the king of the poets, the stars were dropping from their places, like sudden spiders, letting themselves down into the vast by faint yellow threads that showed a moment after the star itself was gone. later, as i looked from the open gallery of the train that was taking me away, i could not help thinking that, just a hundred years ago, wawel's star was shining with a light bright enough for all europe to see; but even as the stars fell that night and left their places empty, so wawel's star has fallen and poland's star has fallen too. on the road to prague[ ] by bayard taylor i was pleasantly disappointed on entering bohemia. instead of a dull, uninteresting country, as i expected, it is a land full of the most lovely scenery. there is everything which can gratify the eye--high blue mountains, valleys of the sweetest pastoral look and romantic old ruins. the very name of bohemia is associated with wild and wonderful legends of the rude barbaric ages. even the chivalric tales of the feudal times of germany grow tame beside these earlier and darker histories. the fallen fortresses of the rhine or the robber-castles of the odenwald had not for me so exciting an interest as the shapeless ruins cumbering these lonely mountains. the civilized saxon race was left behind; i saw around me the features and heard the language of one of those rude slavonic tribes whose original home was on the vast steppes of central asia. i have rarely enjoyed traveling more than our first two days' journey toward prague. the range of the erzgebirge ran along on our right; the snow still lay in patches upon it, but the valleys between, with their little clusters of white cottages, were green and beautiful. about six miles before reaching teplitz we passed kulm, the great battlefield which in a measure decided the fate of napoleon. he sent vandamme with forty thousand men to attack the allies before they could unite their forces, and thus effect their complete destruction. only the almost despairing bravery of the russian guards under ostermann, who held him in check till the allied troops united, prevented napoleon's design. at the junction of the roads, where the fighting was hottest, the austrians have erected a monument to one of their generals. not far from it is that of prussia, simple and tasteful. a woody hill near, with the little village of kulm at its foot, was the station occupied by vandamme at the commencement of the battle. there is now a beautiful chapel on its summit which can be seen far and wide. a little distance farther the czar of russia has erected a third monument, to the memory of the russians who fell. four lions rest on the base of the pedestal, and on the top of the shaft, forty-five feet high, victory is represented as engraving the date, "aug. , ," on a shield. the dark pine-covered mountains on the right overlook the whole field and the valley of torlitz; napoleon rode along their crests several days after the battle to witness the scene of his defeat. teplitz lies in a lovely valley, several miles wide, bounded by the bohemian mountains on one side and the erzgebirge on the other. one straggling peak near is crowned with a picturesque ruin, at whose foot the spacious bath-buildings lie half hidden in foliage. as we went down the principal street i noticed nearly every house was a hotel; we learned afterward that in summer the usual average of visitors is five thousand.[ ] the waters resemble those of the celebrated carlsbad; they are warm and practically efficacious in rheumatism and diseases of like character. after leaving teplitz the road turned to the east, toward a lofty mountain which we had seen the morning before. the peasants, as they passed by, saluted us with "christ greet you!" we stopt for the night at the foot of the peak called the milleschauer, and must have ascended nearly two thousand feet, for we had a wide view the next morning, altho' the mists and clouds hid the half of it. the weather being so unfavorable, we concluded not to ascend, and descended through green fields and orchards snowy with blossoms to lobositz, on the elbe. here we reached the plains again, where everything wore the luxuriance of summer; it was a pleasant change from the dark and rough scenery we left. the road passed through theresienstadt, the fortress of northern bohemia. the little city is surrounded by a double wall and moat which can be filled with water, rendering it almost impossible to be taken. in the morning we were ferried over the moldau, and after journeying nearly all day across barren, elevated plains saw, late in the afternoon, the sixty-seven spires of prague below. i feel out of the world in this strange, fantastic, yet beautiful, old city. we have been rambling all morning through its winding streets, stopping sometimes at a church to see the dusty tombs and shrines or to hear the fine music which accompanies the morning mass. i have seen no city yet that so forcibly reminds one of the past and makes him forget everything but the associates connected with the scenes around him. the language adds to the illusion. three-fourths of the people in the streets speak bohemian and many of the signs are written in the same tongue. the palace of the bohemian kings still looks down on the city from the western heights, and their tombs stand in the cathedral of st. john. when one has climbed up the stone steps leading to the fortress, there is a glorious prospect before him. prague with its spires and towers lies in the valleys below, through which curves the moldau with its green islands, disappearing among the hills which enclose the city on every side. the fantastic byzantine architecture of many of the churches and towers gives the city a peculiar oriental appearance; it seems to have been transported from the hills of syria.... having found out first a few of the locations, we haunted our way with difficulty through its labyrinths, seeking out every place of note or interest. reaching the bridge at last, we concluded to cross over and ascend to the hradschin, the palace of the bohemian kings. the bridge was commenced in , and was one hundred and fifty years in building. that was the way the old germans did their work, and they made a structure which will last a thousand years longer. every pier is surmounted with groups of saints and martyrs, all so worn and timebeaten that there is little left of their beauty, if they ever had any. the most important of them--at least to bohemians--is that of st. john nepomuk, now considered as the patron-saint of the land. he was a priest many centuries ago [ - ] whom one of the kings threw from the bridge into the moldau because he refused to reveal to him what the queen confest. the legend says the body swam for some time on the river with five stars around its head. ascending the broad flight of steps to the hradschin, i paused a moment to look at the scene below. a slight blue haze hung over the clustering towers, and the city looked dim through it, like a city seen in a dream. it was well that it should so appear, for not less dim and misty are the memories that haunt its walls. there was no need of a magician's wand to bid that light cloud shadow forth the forms of other times. they came uncalled for even by fancy. far, far back in the past i saw the warrior-princess who founded the kingly city--the renowned libussa, whose prowess and talent inspired the women of bohemia to rise at her death and storm the land that their sex might rule where it obeyed before. on the mountain opposite once stood the palace of the bloody wlaska, who reigned with her amazon band for seven years over half bohemia. those streets below had echoed with the fiery words of huss, and the castle of his follower--the blind ziska, who met and defeated the armies of the german empire--molders on the mountains above. many a year of war and tempest has passed over the scene. the hills around have borne the armies of wallenstein and frederick the great; the war-cry of bavaria, sweden and poland has echoed in the valley, and the red glare of the midnight cannon or the flames of burning palaces have often gleamed along the "blood-dyed waters" of the moldau... on the way down again we stept into the st. nicholas church, which was built by the jesuits. the interior has a rich effect, being all of brown and gold. the massive pillars are made to resemble reddish-brown marble, with gilded capitals, and the statues at the base are profusely ornamented in the same style. the music chained me there a long time. there was a grand organ, assisted by a full orchestra and large choir of singers. it was placed above, and at every sound of the priest's bell the flourish of trumpets and deep roll of the drums filled the dome with a burst of quivering sound, while the giant pipes of the organ breathed out their full harmony and the very air shook under the peal. it was like a triumphal strain. the soul became filled with thoughts of power and glory; every sense was changed into one dim, indistinct emotion of rapture which held the spirit as if spellbound. not far from this place is the palace of wallenstein, in the same condition as when he inhabited it. it is a plain, large building having beautiful gardens attached to it, which are open to the public. we went through the courtyard, threaded a passage with a roof of rough stalactitic rock and entered the garden, where a revolving fountain was casting up its glittering arches. the cave of adelsberg[ ] by george stillman hillard the night had been passed at adelsberg, and the morning had been agreeably occupied in exploring the wonders of its celebrated cavern. the entrance is through an opening in the side of a hill. in a few moments, after walking down a gentle descent, a sound of flowing water is heard, and the light of the torches borne by the guides gleams faintly upon a river which runs through these sunless chasms, and revisits the glimpses of day at planina, some ten miles distant. the visitor now finds himself in a vast hall, walled and roofed by impenetrable darkness of the stream, which is crossed by a wooden bridge; and the ascent on the other side is made by a similar flight of steps. the bridge and steps are marked by a double row of lights, which present a most striking appearance as their tremulous luster struggles through the night that broods over them. such a scene recalls milton's sublime pictures of pandemonium, and shows directly to the eye what effects a great imaginative painter may produce with no other colors than light and darkness. here are the "stately height," the "ample spaces," the "arched roof," the rows of "starry lamps and blazing cressets" of satan's hall of council; and by the excited fancy the dim distance is easily peopled with gigantic forms and filled with the "rushing of congregated wings." after this, one is led through a variety of chambers, differing in size and form, but essentially similar in character, and the attention is invited to the innumerable multitude of striking and fantastic objects which have been formed in the lapse of ages, by the mere dropping of water. pendants hang from the roof, stalagmites grow from the floor like petrified stumps, and pillars and buttresses are disposed as oddly as in the architecture of a dream. here, we are told to admire a bell, and there, a throne; here, a pulpit, and there, a butcher's shop; here, "the two hearts," and there, a fountain frozen into alabaster; and in every case we assent to the resemblance in the unquestioning mood of polonius. one of the chambers, or halls, is used every year as a ball-room, for which purpose it has every requisite except an elastic floor, even to a natural dais for the orchestra. here, with the sort of pride with which a book collector shows a mazarin bible or a folio shakespeare, the guides point out a beautiful piece of limestone which hangs from the roof in folds as delicate as a cashmere shawl, to which the resemblance is made more exact by a well-defined border of deeper color than the web. through this translucent curtain the light shines as through a picture in porcelain, and one must be very unimpressible not to bestow the tribute of admiration which is claimed. these are the trivial details which may be remembered and described, but the general effect produced by the darkness, the silence, the vast spaces, the innumerable forms, the vaulted roofs, the pillars and galleries melting away in the gloom like the long-drawn aisles of a cathedral, may be recalled but not communicated. to see all these marvels requires much time, and i remained under ground long enough to have a new sense of the blessing of light. the first glimpse of returning day seen through the distant entrance brought with it an exhilarating sense of release, and the blue sky and cheerful sunshine were welcomed like the faces of long absent friends. a cave like that of adelsberg--for all limestone caves are, doubtless, essentially similar in character--ought by all means to be seen if it comes in one's way, because it leaves impressions upon the mind unlike those derived from any other object. nature stamps upon most of her operations a certain character of gravity and majesty. order and symmetry attend upon her steps, and unity in variety is the law by which her movements are guided. but, beneath the surface of the earth, she seems a frolicsome child, or a sportive undine, who wreaths the unmanageable stone into weird and quaint forms, seemingly from no other motive than pure delight in the exercise of overflowing power. everything is playful, airy, and fantastic; there is no spirit of soberness; no reference to any ulterior end; nothing from which food, fuel, or raiment can be extracted. these chasms have been scooped out, and these pillars have been reared, in the spirit in which the bird sings, or the kitten plays with the falling leaves. from such scenes we may safely infer that the plan of the creator comprehends something more than material utility, that beauty is its own vindictator and interpreter, that sawmills were not the ultimate cause of mountain streams, nor wine-bottles of cork-trees. the monastery of mÖlk[ ] by thomas frognall dibdin we had determined upon dining at mölk the next day. the early morning was somewhat inauspicious; but as the day advanced, it grew bright and cheerful. some delightful glimpses of the danube, to the left, from the more elevated parts of the road, accompanied us the whole way, till we caught the first view, beneath a bright blue sky, of the towering church and monastery of mölk. conceive what you please, and yet you shall not conceive the situation of this monastery. less elevated above the road than chremsminster, but of a more commanding style of architecture, and of considerably greater extent, it strikes you--as the danube winds round and washes its rocky base--as one of the noblest edifices in the world. the wooded heights of the opposite side of the danube crown the view of this magnificent edifice, in a manner hardly to be surpassed. there is also a beautiful play of architectural lines and ornament in the front of the building, indicative of a pure italian taste, and giving to the edifice, if not the air of towering grandeur, at least of dignified splendor.... as usual, i ordered a late dinner, intending to pay my respects to the principal, and obtain permission to inspect the library. my late monastic visits had inspired me with confidence; and i marched up the steep sides of the hill, upon which the monastery is built, quite assured of the success of the visit i was about to pay. you must now accompany the bibliographer to the monastery. in five minutes from entering the outer gate of the first quadrangle--looking toward vienna, and which is the more ancient part of the building--i was in conversation with the vice-principal and librarian, each of us speaking latin. i delivered the letter which i had received at salzburg, and proceeded to the library. the view from this library is really enchanting, and put everything seen from a similar situation at landshut and almost even at chremsminster, out of my recollection. you look down upon the danube, catching a fine sweep of the river, as it widens in its course toward vienna. a man might sit, read, and gaze--in such a situation--till he fancied he had scarcely one earthly want! i now descended a small staircase, which brought me directly into the large library--forming the right wing of the building, looking up the danube toward lintz. i had scarcely uttered three notes of admiration, when the abbé strattman entered; and to my surprise and satisfaction, addrest me by name. we immediately commenced an ardent unintermitting conversation in the french language, which the abbé speaks fluently and correctly. i now took a leisurely survey of the library; which is, beyond all doubt, the finest room of its kind which i have seen upon the continent--not for its size, but for its style of architecture, and the materials of which it is composed. i was told that it was "the imperial library in miniature,"--but with this difference, let me here add, in favor of mölk--that it looks over a magnificently wooded country, with the danube rolling its rapid course at its base. the wainscot and shelves are walnut tree, of different shades, inlaid, or dovetailed, surmounted by gilt ornaments. the pilasters have corinthian capitals of gilt; and the bolder or projecting parts of a gallery, which surrounds the room, are covered with the same metal. everything is in harmony. this library may be about a hundred feet in length, by forty in width. it is sufficiently well furnished with books, of the ordinary useful class, and was once, i suspect, much richer in the bibliographical lore of the fifteenth century. on reaching the last descending step, just before entering the church, the vice-principal bade me look upward and view the corkscrew staircase. i did so; and to view and admire was one and the same operation of the mind. it was the most perfect and extraordinary thing of the kind which i had ever seen--the consummation, as i was told, of that particular species of art. the church is the very perfection of ecclesiastical roman architecture; that of chremsminster, altho' fine, being much inferior to it in loftiness and richness of decoration. the windows are fixt so as to throw their concentrated light beneath a dome, of no ordinary height, and of no ordinary elegance of decoration; but this dome is suffering from damp, and the paintings upon the ceiling will, unless repaired, be effaced in the course of a few years. the church is in the shape of a cross; and at the end of each of the transepts, is a rich altar, with statuary, in the style of art usual about a century ago. the pews--made of dark mahogany or walnut tree, much after the english fashion, but lower and more tasteful--are placed on each side of the nave, or entering; with ample space between them. they are exclusively appropriated to the tenants of the monastery. at the end of the nave, you look to the left, opposite--and observe, placed in a recess--a pulpit, which, from top to bottom, is completely covered with gold. and yet, there is nothing gaudy or tasteless, or glaringly obtrusive, in this extraordinary clerical rostrum. the whole is in the most perfect taste; and perhaps more judgment was required to manage such an ornament, or appendage--consistently with the splendid style of decoration exacted by the founder, for it was expressly the prelate dietmayr's wish that it should be so adorned,--than may on first consideration be supposed. in fact, the whole church is in a blaze of gold; and i was told that the gilding alone cost upward of ninety thousand florins. upon the whole, i understood that the church of this monastery was considered as the most beautiful in austria; and i can easily believe it to be so. through the tyrol[ ] by william cullen bryant i left this most pleasing of the italian cities (venice), and took the road for the tyrol. we passed through a level fertile country, formerly the territory of venice, watered by the piave, which ran blood in one of bonaparte's battles. at evening we arrived at ceneda, where our italian poet da ponte[ ] was born, situated just at the base of the alps, the rocky peaks and irregular spires of which, beautifully green with the showery season, rose in the background. ceneda seems to have something of german cleanliness about it, and the floors of a very comfortable inn at which we stopt were of wood, the first we had seen in italy, tho' common throughout tyrol and the rest of germany. a troop of barelegged boys, just broke loose from school, whooping and swinging their books and slates in the air, passed under my window. on leaving ceneda, we entered a pass in the mountains, the gorge of which was occupied by the ancient town of serravalle, resting on arcades, the architecture of which denoted that it was built during the middle ages. near it i remarked an old castle, which formerly commanded the pass, one of the finest ruins of the kind i had ever seen. it had a considerable extent of battlemented wall in perfect preservation, and both that and its circular tower were so luxuriantly loaded with ivy that they seemed almost to have been cut out of the living verdure. as we proceeded we became aware how worthy this region was to be the birthplace of a poet. a rapid stream, a branch of the piave, tinged of a light and somewhat turbid blue by the soil of the mountains, came tumbling and roaring down the narrow valley; perpendicular precipices rose on each side; and beyond, the gigantic brotherhood of the alps, in two long files of steep pointed summits, divided by deep ravines, stretched away in the sunshine to the northeast. in the face of one of the precipices by the way-side, a marble slab is fixt, informing the traveler that the road was opened by the late emperor of germany in the year of . we followed this romantic valley for a considerable distance, passing several little blue lakes lying in their granite basins, one of which is called the "lago morto" or dead lake, from having no outlet for its waters. at length we began to ascend, by a winding road, the steep sides of the alps--the prospect enlarging as we went, the mountain summits rising to sight around us, one behind another, some of them white with snow, over which the wind blew with a wintry keenness--deep valleys opening below us, and gulfs yawning between rocks over which old bridges were thrown--and solemn fir forests clothing the broad declivities. the farm-houses placed on these heights, instead of being of brick or stone, as in the plains and valleys below, were principally built of wood; the second story, which served for a barn, being encircled by a long gallery, and covered with a projecting roof of plank held down with large stones. we stopt at venas, a wretched place with a wretched inn, the hostess of which showed us a chin swollen with the goitre, and ushered us into dirty comfortless rooms where we passed the night. when we awoke the rain was beating against the windows, and, on looking out, the forest and sides of the neighboring mountains, at a little height above us, appeared hoary with snow. we set out in the rain, but had not proceeded far before we heard the sleet striking against the windows of the carriage, and soon came to where the snow covered the ground to the depth of one or two inches. continuing to ascend, we passed out of italy and entered the tyrol. the storm had ceased before we went through the first tyrolese village, and we could not help being struck with the change in the appearance of the inhabitants--the different costume, the less erect figures, the awkward gait, the lighter complexions, the neatly-kept inhabitations, and the absence of beggars. as we advanced, the clouds began to roll off from the landscape, disclosing here and there, through openings in their broad skirts as they swept along, glimpses of the profound valleys below us, and of the white sides and summits of mountains in the mid-sky above. at length the sun appeared, and revealed a prospect of such wildness, grandeur, and splendor as i have never before seen. lofty peaks of the most fantastic shapes, with deep clefts between, sharp needles of rock, and overhanging crags, infinite in multitude, shot up everywhere around us, glistening in the new-fallen snow, with thin wreaths of mist creeping along their sides. at intervals, swollen torrents, looking at a distance like long trains of foam, came thundering down the mountains, and crossing the road, plunged into the verdant valleys which winded beneath. beside the highway were fields of young grain, prest to the ground with the snow; and in the meadows, ranunculuses of the size of roses, large yellow violets, and a thousand other alpine flowers of the most brilliant hues, were peeping through their white covering. we stopt to breakfast at a place called landro, a solitary inn, in the midst of this grand scenery, with a little chapel beside it. the water from the dissolving snow was dropping merrily from the roof in a bright june sun. we needed not to be told that we were in germany, for we saw it plainly enough in the nicely-washed floor of the apartment into which we were shown, in the neat cupboard with the old prayer-book lying upon it, and in the general appearance of housewifery; to say nothing of the evidence we had in the beer and tobacco-smoke of the travelers' room, and the guttural dialect and quiet tones of the guests. from landro we descended gradually into the beautiful valleys of the tyrol, leaving the snow behind, tho' the white peaks of the mountains were continually in sight. at bruneck, in an inn resplendent with neatness--we had the first specimen of a german bed. it is narrow and short, and made so high at the head, by a number of huge square bolsters and pillows, that you rather sit than lie. the principal covering is a bag of down, very properly denominated the upper bed, and between this and the feather-bed below, the traveler is expected to pass a night. an asthmatic patient on a cold winter night might perhaps find such a couch tolerably comfortable, if he could prevent the narrow covering from slipping off on one side or the other. the next day we were afforded an opportunity of observing more closely the inhabitants of this singular region, by a festival, or holiday of some sort, which brought them into the roads in great numbers, arrayed in their best dresses--the men in short jackets and small-clothes, with broad gay-colored suspenders over their waistcoats, and leathern belts ornamented with gold or silver leaf--the women in short petticoats composed of horizontal bands of different colors--and both sexes, for the most part, wearing broad-brimmed hats with hemispherical crowns, tho' there was a sugar-loaf variety much affected by the men, adorned with a band of lace and sometimes a knot of flowers. they are a robust, healthy-looking race, tho' they have an awkward stoop in the shoulders. but what struck me most forcibly was the devotional habits of the people. the tyrolese might be cited as an illustration of the remark, that mountaineers are more habitually and profoundly religious than others. persons of all sexes, young and old, whom we meet in the road, were repeating their prayers audibly. we passed a troop of old women, all in broad-brimmed hats and short gray petticoats, carrying long staves, one of whom held a bead-roll and gave out the prayers, to which the others made the responses in chorus. they looked at us so solemnly from under their broad brims, and marched along with so grave and deliberate a pace, that i could hardly help fancying that the wicked austrians had caught a dozen elders of the respectable society of friends, and put them in petticoats to punish them for their heresy. we afterward saw persons going to the labors of the day, or returning, telling their rosaries and saying their prayers as they went, as if their devotions had been their favorite amusement. at regular intervals of about half a mile, we saw wooden crucifixes erected by the way-side, covered from the weather with little sheds, bearing the image of the savior, crowned with thorns and frightfully dashed with streaks and drops of red paint, to represent the blood that flowed from his wounds. the outer walls of the better kind of houses were ornamented with paintings in fresco, and the subjects of these were mostly sacred, such as the virgin and child, the crucifixion, and the ascension. the number of houses of worship was surprising; i do not mean spacious or stately churches such as we meet with in italy, but most commonly little chapels dispersed so as best to accommodate the population. of these the smallest neighborhood has one for the morning devotions of its inhabitants, and even the solitary inn has its little consecrated building with its miniature spire, for the convenience of pious wayfarers. at sterzing, a little village beautifully situated at the base of the mountain called the brenner, and containing, as i should judge, not more than two or three thousand inhabitants, we counted seven churches and chapels within the compass of a square mile. the observances of the roman catholic church are nowhere more rigidly complied with than in the tyrol. when we stopt at bruneck on friday evening, i happened to drop a word about a little meat for dinner in a conversation with the spruce-looking landlady, who appeared so shocked that i gave up the point, on the promise of some excellent and remarkably well-flavored trout from the stream that flowed through the village--a promise that was literally fulfilled.... we descended the brenner on the th of june in a snow-storm, the wind whirling the light flakes in the air as it does with us in winter. it changed to rain, however, as we approached the beautiful and picturesque valley watered by the river inn, on the banks of which stands the fine old town of innsbruck, the capital of the tyrol. here we visited the church of the holy cross, in which is the bronze tomb of maxmilian i. and twenty or thirty bronze statues ranged on each side of the nave, representing fierce warrior-chiefs, and gowned prelates, and stately damsels of the middle ages. these are all curious for the costume; the warriors are cased in various kinds of ancient armor, and brandish various ancient weapons, and the robes of the females are flowing and by no means ungraceful. almost every one of the statues has its hands and fingers in some constrained and awkward position; as if the artist knew as little what to do with them as some awkward and bashful people know what to do with their own. such a crowd of figures in that ancient garb, occupying the floor in the midst of the living worshipers of the present day, has an effect which at first is startling. from innsbruck we climbed and crossed another mountain-ridge, scarcely less wild and majestic in its scenery than those we had left behind. on descending, we observed that the crucifixes had disappeared from the roads, and the broad-brimmed and sugar-loaf hats from the heads of the peasantry; the men wore hats contracted in the middle of the crown like an hour-glass, and the women caps edged with a broad band of black fur, the frescoes on the outside of the houses became less frequent; in short it was apparent that we had entered a different region, even if the custom-house and police officers on the frontier had not signified to us that we were now in the kingdom of bavaria. we passed through extensive forests of fir, here and there checkered with farms, and finally came to the broad elevated plain bathed by the isar, in which munich is situated. in the dolomites[ ] by archibald campbell knowles the dolomites are part of the southern tyrol. one portion is italian, one portion is austrian, and the rivalry of the two nations is keen. under a warm summer sun, the quaint little villages seem half asleep, and the inhabitants appear to drift dreamily through life. yet this is more apparent than real for, in many respects, the people here are busy in their own way. crossing this region are many mountain ranges of limestone structure, which by water, weather and other causes have been worn away into the most fantastic fissures and clefts and the most picturesque peaks and pinnacles. a very great charm is their curious coloring, often of great beauty. the region of the dolomites is a great contrast to the rest of the alps. its characteristics do not make the same appeal to all. this is largely not only a matter of individual taste and temperament but also of one's mental or spiritual constitution, for the picture with its setting depends as much upon what it suggests as upon its constituent parts. the dolomites suggest italy in the contour of the country, in the grace of the inhabitants and in the colors which make the scene one of rich magnificence. the great artist titian was born here[ ] and he probably learned much from his observation of his native place. many of the mountain ranges are of the usual gray but such is the atmospheric condition that they seem to reflect the rosy rays of the setting sun or the purplish haze that often is found. the peaks are not great peaks in the sense that we speak of mont blanc, the jungfrau, the matterhorn or monte rosa. they impress one more as pictures with wonderful lights and strange grouping.... if the reader intends some day to visit the dolomites he is advised to enter from the north. salzburg and the salzkammergut, so much frequented by the emperor francis joseph and the austrian nobility, make a good introduction. then by way of innsbruck, one of the gems of the tyrol, toblach is reached, where the driving tour may properly begin. toblach is a lovely place, if one stops long enough to see it and enjoy it! it is not very far to cortina, the center of this beautiful region. the way there is very lovely. and driving is in keeping with the spirit of the place. it almost seems profane to rush through in a motor, as some do, for not only is it impossible to appreciate the scenery, but also it is out of harmony with the peace and quiet which reign. for a while there is traversed a little valley quite embowered in green, but presently this abruptly leads into a wild gorge, with jagged peaks on every side. soon monte cristallo appears. this is the most striking of all the dolomite peaks. at a tiny village, called schluderbach, the road forks, that to the right going directly to cortina, the other to the left proceeding by way of lake misurina. lake misurina is a pretty stretch of water, pale green in color and at an altitude of about , feet. on its shores are two very attractive and well-kept hotels, with charming walks, from which one looks on a splendid panorama, picturesque in extreme. from misurina, the road again ascends, becoming very narrow and very steep. the top is called "passo tre croci," the pass of the three crosses. the outlook is very lovely, with the three serrated peaks monte cristallo, monte piano and monte tofana, standing as guardian sentinels over the little valley of ampezzo far below, where lies cortina sleeping in the sun, while in the distance shine the snow fields of the marmolata. just as steeply as it climbed up one side, the road descends on the other side, to cortina. this place is the capital of the valley and altogether lovely; beautiful in its woods and meadows, beautiful in its mountain views, beautiful in the town itself and beautiful in its people. cortina has much to boast of--an ancient church and some old houses; an industrial school in which the villagers are taught the most delicate and artistic (and withal comparatively cheap) filigree mosaic work; and a community of people, handsome in face and figure and possessing a carriage and refinement superior to any seen elsewhere among the mountaineers or peasantry. in the neighborhood of cortina are many excursions and also extended rock climbs, but those who go there in the summer will be more apt to linger lazily amid the cool shade of the trees than to brave the hot italian sun on the peaks! after a few days' stay at cortina, the drive is continued. there are many ways out. you can return by a new route to toblach and the upper tyrol. or you can go south to belluno and thence to northern italy. or a third way and perhaps the finest tour of all is that over a series of magnificent mountain passes to botzen. this last crosses the ampezzo valley and then begins the ascent of monte tofana, which here is beautifully wooded. steepness seems characteristic of this region! it is hard to imagine a carriage climbing a road any steeper than that one on the slopes of monte tofana! if narrow and steep is the way and hard and toilsome the climb this monte tofana route most certainly repays one when it reaches the falzarego pass ( , feet high) which is certainly an earthly paradise! one can not aptly describe a view like that! it is all a picture; as if every part was purposely what it is, here rocky, here green, here snowy, with summits, valleys, ravines and villages and even a partly ruined castle to form a whole such as an artist or poet would revel in. after a pause on the summit of the pass, again comes a steep descent, as the drive is resumed, which continues to andraz, where déjeuner is taken. one can not live on air or scenery and even the most indefatigable sightseer sometimes turns with longing to luncheon! then one returns with added zest to the feast of eye and soul. and at andraz, as one lingers awhile after luncheon on that high mountain terrace, a lovelier scene than that spread before the eye could scarcely be imagined. indeed it is a "dream-scene," and as seen in the sleepy stillness of the early afternoon, when the shadows are already playing with the lights and gradually overcoming them, it seems like fancy, not reality. again the carriage is taken and soon the road is climbing once more, this time giving fine views of the sella group of peaks and going through a series of picturesque valleys. at arabba ( , feet), a pretty little village, the final ascent to pordoi begins. the scenery undergoes a change. it becomes more wild and barren and the characteristics of the high alps appear. the hour begins to be late and it becomes cold, but the light still lingers as the carriage reaches the summit of the pass and stops at the new hôtel pordoi ( , feet high) facing the weird, fantastic shapes of the rosengarten and the langkofel, on the one side and on the other the snowy marmolata and the summits about cortina.... the following morning the start is made for botzen. the way steadily descends for hours, past the pretty hamlets of canazei, campitello and vigo di fassa, surrounded by an imposing array of dolomite peaks. after crossing the karer pass the scenery becomes much more soft and pastoral. below the pass, most beautifully situated is a little green lake called the karer-see.... at botzen the drive through the dolomites ends. at best it gives but a glimpse of this delightful region! that glimpse leaves a lasting impression, not of snowy summits and glistening glaciers, but of wonderful rocks and more wonderful coloring and of great peaks of fantastic form, set in a garden spot of green. and botzen is a fitting terminus. it dates far back to the middle ages. it boasts of churches, houses and public buildings of artistic merit and architectural beauty and over all there lingers an atmosphere of rest and refinement, refreshing to see, where there might have been the noisy bustle and hopeless vulgarity of so many places similarly situated. there is plenty going on, nevertheless, for botzen is quite a little commercial center in its own way, but with it there is this charm of dignified repose. one wanders through the town under the cool colonnades, strolls into some ancient cloisters, kneels for a moment in some finely carved church and then goes out again to the open, to see far above the little city that beautiful background of the dolomite peaks, dominated by the wonderfully impressive and fantastic rosengarten range, golden red in the western sun. with such a view experience may well lapse into memory, to linger on so long as the mind possesses the power of recalling the past. cortina[ ] by amelia b. edwards situate on the left bank of the boita, which here runs nearly due north and south, with the tre croci pass opening away behind the town to the east, and the tre sassi pass widening before it to the west, cortina lies in a comparatively open space between four great mountains, and is therefore less liable to danger from bergfalls than any other village not only in the val d'ampezo but in the whole adjacent district. for the same reason, it is cooler in summer than either caprile, agordo, primiero, or predazzo; all of which, tho' more central as stopping places, and in many respects more convenient, are yet somewhat too closely hemmed in by surrounding heights. the climate of cortina is temperate throughout the year. ball gives the village an elevation of , feet above the level of the sea; and one of the parish priests--an intelligent old man who has devoted many years of his life to collecting the flora of the ampezzo--assured me that he had never known the thermometer drop so low as fifteen degrees[ ] of frost in even the coldest winters. the soil, for all this, has a bleak and barren look; the maize (here called "grano turco") is cultivated, but does not flourish; and the vine is unknown. but then agriculture is not a specialty of the ampezzo thal, and the wealth of cortina is derived essentially from its pasture-lands and forests. these last, in consequence of the increased and increasing value of timber, have been lavishly cut down of late years by the commune--too probably at the expense of the future interests of cortina. for the present, however, every inn, homestead, and public building bespeaks prosperity. the inhabitants are well-fed and well-drest. their fairs and festivals are the most considerable in all the south eastern tyrol; their principal church is the largest this side of st. ulrich; and their new gothic campanile, feet high, might suitably adorn the piazza of such cities as bergamo or belluno. the village contains about souls, but the population of the commune numbers over , . of these, the greater part, old and young, rich and poor, men, women, and children, are engaged in the timber trade. some cut the wood; some transport it. the wealthy convey it on trucks drawn by fine horses which, however, are cruelly overworked. the poor harness themselves six or eight in a team, men, women, and boys together, and so, under the burning summer sun, drag loads that look as if they might be too much for an elephant.... to ascend the campanile and get the near view over the village, was obviously one of the first duties of a visitor; so, finding the door open and the old bellringer inside, we mounted laboriously to the top--nearly a hundred feet higher than the leaning tower of pisa. standing here upon the outer gallery above the level of the great bells, we had the village and valley at our feet. the panorama, tho' it included little which we had not seen already, was fine all around, and served to impress the mainland marks upon our memory. the ampezzo thal opened away to north and south, and the twin passes of the tre croci and tre sassi intersected it to east and west. when we had fixt in our minds the fact that landro and bruneck lay out to the north, and perarolo to the south; that auronzo was to be found somewhere on the other side of the tre croci; and that to arrive at caprile it was necessary to go over the tre sassi, we had gained something in the way of definite topography. the marmolata and civetta, as we knew by our maps, were on the side of caprile; and the marmarole on the side of auronzo. the pelmo, left behind yesterday, was peeping even now above the ridge of the rochetta; and a group of fantastic rocks, so like the towers and bastions of a ruined castle that we took them at first sight for the remains of some medieval stronghold, marked the summit of the tre sassi to the west. "but what mountain is that far away to the south?" we asked, pointing in the direction of perarolo. "which mountain, signora?" "that one yonder, like a cathedral front with two towers." the old bellringer shaded his eyes with one trembling hand, and peered down the valley. "eh," he said, "it is some mountain on the italian side." "but what is it called?" "eh," he repeated, with a puzzled look, "who knows? i don't know that i ever noticed it before." now it was a very singular mountain--one of the most singular and the most striking that we saw throughout the tour. it was exactly like the front of notre dame, with one slender aiguille, like a flagstaff, shooting up from the top of one of its battlemented towers. it was conspicuous from most points on the left bank of the boita; but the best view, as i soon after discovered, was from the rising ground behind cortina, going up through the fields in the direction of the begontina torrent. to this spot we returned again and again, fascinated as much, perhaps, by the mystery in which it was enveloped, as by the majestic outline of this unknown mountain, to which, for want of a better, we gave the name of notre dame. for the old bellringer was not alone in his ignorance. ask whom we would, we invariably received the same vague reply--it was a mountain "on the italian side." they knew no more; and some, like our friend of the campanile, had evidently "not noticed it before." ix alpine resorts the call of the mountains[ ] by frederic harrison once more--perhaps for the last time--i listen to the unnumbered tinkling of the cow-bells on the slopes--"the sweet bells of the sauntering herd"--to the music of the cicadas in the sunshine, and the shouts of the neat herdlads, echoing back from alp to alp. i hear the bubbling of the mountain rill, i watch the emerald moss of the pastures gleaming in the light, and now and then the soft white mist creeping along the glen, as our poet says, "puts forth an arm and creeps from pine to pine." and see, the wild flowers, even in this waning season of the year, the delicate lilac of the dear autumn crocus, which seems to start up elf-like out of the lush grass, the coral beads of the rowan, and the beech-trees just begun to wear their autumn jewelry of old gold. as i stroll about these hills, more leisurely, more thoughtfully than i used to do of old in my hot mountaineering days, i have tried to think out what it is that makes the alpine landscape so marvelous a tonic to the spirit--what is the special charm of it to those who have once felt all its inexhaustible magic. other lands have rare beauties, wonders of their own, sights to live in the memory for ever. in france, in italy, in spain, in greece and in turkey, i hold in memory many a superb landscape. from boyhood upward i thirsted for all kinds of nature's gifts, whether by sea, or by river, lake, mountain, or forest. for sixty years at least i have roved about the white cliffs, the moors, the riversides, lakes, and pastures of our own islands from penzance to cape wrath, from beachy head to the shetlands. i love them all. but they can not touch me, as do the alps, with the sense at once of inexhaustible loveliness and of a sort of conscious sympathy with every fiber of man's heart and brain. why then is this so? i find it in the immense range of the moods in which nature is seen in the alps, as least by those who have fully absorbed all the forms, sights, sounds, wonders, and adventures they offer. an hour's walk will show them all in profound contrast and yet in exquisite harmony. the alps form a book of nature as wide and as mysterious as life. earth has no scenes of placid fruitfulness more balmy than the banks of one of the larger lakes, crowded with vineyards, orchards, groves and pastures, down to the edge of its watery mirror, wherein, beside a semi-tropical vegetation, we see the image of some medieval castle, of some historic tower, and thence the eye strays up to sunless gorges, swept with avalanches, and steaming with feathery cascades; and higher yet one sees against the skyline ranges of terrific crags, girt with glaciers, and so often wreathed in storm clouds. all that earth has of most sweet, softest, easiest, most suggestive of langor and love, of fertility and abundance--here is seen in one vision beside all that nature has most hard, most cruel, most unkind to man--where life is one long weary battle with a frost bitten soil, and every peasant's hut has been built up stone by stone, and log by log, with sweat and groans, and wrecked hopes. in a few hours one may pass from an enchanted garden, where every sense is satiated, and every flower and leaf and gleam of light is intoxication, up into a wilderness of difficult crags and yawning glaciers, which men can reach only by hard-earned skill, tough muscle and iron nerves.... the alps are international, european, humanitarian. four written languages are spoken in their valleys, and ten times as many local dialects. the alps are not especially swiss--i used to think they were english--they belong equally to four nations of europe; they are the sanatorium and the diversorium of the civilized world, the refuge, the asylum, the second home of men and women famous throughout the centuries for arts, literature, thought, religion. the poet, the philosopher, the dreamer, the patriot, the exile, the bereaved, the reformer, the prophet, the hero--have all found in the alps a haven of rest, a new home where the wicked cease from troubling, where men need neither fear nor suffer. the happy and the thoughtless, the thinker and the sick--are alike at home here. the patriot exile inscribed on his house on lake leman--"every land is fatherland to the brave man." what he might have written is--"this land is fatherland to all men." to young and old, to strong and weak, to wise and foolish alike, the alps are a second fatherland. interlaken and the jungfrau[ ] b.t. archibald campbell knowles it is hard to find a prettier spot than interlaken. situated between two lovely lakes, surrounded by wooded heights, and lying but a few miles from the snowy jungfrau, it is like a jewel richly set. from lucerne over the brunig, from meiringen over the grimsel come the travelers, passing on their way the lake of brienz, with the waterfall of the giessbach, on its southern side. from berne over lake thun, from the rhône valley over the gemmi or through the simmenthal come the tourists, seeing as they come the white peaks of the oberland. and interlaken welcomes them all, and rests them for their closer relations with the high alps by trips to the region of the lauterbrunnen, grindelwald, and mürren, and the great mountain plateaux looking down upon them. interlaken is not a climbing center. consequently mountaineering is little in evidence, conversation about ascents is seldom heard, and ice-axes, ropes, and nailed boots are seen more often in shop windows than in the streets. interlaken is not like some other swiss towns. berne, geneva, zurich, and lucerne are places possessing notable churches, museums, and monuments of the past, having a social life of their own and being distinguished in some special way, as centers of culture and education. interlaken, however, has little life apart from that made by the throngs of visitors who gather here in the summer. there is little to see except a group of old monastic buildings, and in unterseen and elsewhere some fine old carved chalets, but none of these receives much attention. the attraction, on what one may call the natural side, centers in the softly beautiful panorama of woods and meadows, green hills and snow peaks which opens to the eye, and on the social side in the busy little promenade and park of the höheweg, bordered with hotels, shops, and gardens. here is ever a changing picture in the height of the season, in fact, quite kaleidoscopic as railways and steamboats at each end of interlaken send their passengers to mingle in the passing crowd. all "sorts and conditions of men" are here, and representatives of antagonistic nations meet in friendly intercourse. on the hotel terraces and in the little cafés and tea rooms, one hears a babel of voices, every nation of europe seeming to speak in its own native tongue. life goes easily. there is a gaiety in the little town that is infectious. it is a sort of busy idleness. "to trip or not to trip" is the question. if the affirmative, then a rush to the mountain trains and comfortable cabs. if the negative, then a turning to the shops, where pretty things worthy of paris or london are seen side by side with swiss carvings and swiss embroidery and many little superficial souvenirs. as the contents of the shops are exhibited in the windows, so the character of the visitors is shown by the crowds, and the life of the place is seen in the constant ebb and flow of the people on the höheweg. interlaken is undoubtedly a tourist center, for few trips to switzerland overlook or omit this delightful spot. thousands come here, who never go any nearer the high alps. they are quite content to sit on the benches of the höheweg, listening to the music and enjoying the view. there is a casino, most artistically planned, with plashing fountains, shady paths, and wonderful flowerbeds. here many persons pass the day, and, contrary to what one might expect, it is quiet and restful, lounging in that parklike garden. for, notwithstanding "the madding crowd," interlaken is a little gem of a mountain town, with an undertone of repose and nobility, as if the spirit of the alps asserted herself, reigning, as one might say, for all not ruling. and always smiling at the people, as it were, is the majestic jungfrau, ever seeming close at hand, altho' eight miles away.... the pleasures of this little swiss resort are exhaustless. the wooded hills of the rugen give innumerable walks amid beautiful forests, with all their wealth of pine and larch and hardwood, their moss-clad rocks and waving ferns. in that pleasant shade hours may be passed close to nature. the lakes not only offer delightful water trips, but also charming excursions along the wooded shores, sometimes high above the lakes, giving varying views of great beauty. while, ever as with beckoning fingers, the great peaks, snow-capped or rock-summitted, call one across the verdant meadows into the higher valleys of kienthal, lauterbrunnen, grindelwaid, and kandersteg, to the terraced heights above or up amid the great wild passes. interlaken is, above all, a garden of green. perhaps the unusual amount of rain which falls to the lot of this valley accounts for its verdure. in any event, park, woods, meadow, garden, even the mountain sides are green, a vari-colored green, and interspersed with an abundance of flowers. nowhere is the eye offended by anything inartistic or unpicturesque, but, on the contrary, the charm is so comprehensive that the visitor looks from place to place, from this bit to that bit, and ever sees new beauty. to complete all, to accentuate in the minds of some this impression of green, is the majestic jungfrau. other views may be grander and more magnificent, but no view of the jungfrau can compare in loveliness to that from interlaken. a great white glistening mass, far up above green meadows, green forests, and green mountains, rises this peak, a shining summit of white. fitly named the virgin, the jungfrau gives her benediction to interlaken, serenely smiling at the valley and at the town lying so quietly at her feet--the jungfrau crowned with snow, interlaken drest in green! in the golden glory of the sun, in the silver shimmer of the moon, the jungfrau beckons, the jungfrau calls! "come," she seems to say, "come nearer! come up to the heights! come close to the running waters! come." and that invitation falls on no unwilling ears, but in to the grindelwald and to the lauterbrunnen and up to mürren go those who love the majestic jungfrau! what a wonderful trip this is! it may shatter some ideals in being taken to such a height in a railway train, but even against one's convictions as to the proper way of seeing a mountain, when all has been said, the fact remains that this trip is wonderful beyond words. there is a strangeness in taking a train which leaves a garden of green in the early morning and in a few hours later, after valley and pass and tunnel, puts one out on snow fields over , feet above the sea, where are seen vast stretches of white, almost level with the summit of the jungfrau close at hand, and below, stretching for miles, on the one side the great aletsch glacier, and on the other side the green valleys enclosed by the everlasting hills! the route is by way of lauterbrunnen, wengen, and the scheidegg, and after skirting the eiger glacier going by tunnel into the very bowels of the mountain. at eigerwand, rotstock, and eismeer are stations, great galleries blasted out of the rock, with corridors leading to openings from which one has marvelous views.[ ] eismeer looks directly upon the huge sea of snow and ice, with immense masses of dazzling white so close as to make one reel with awe and astonishment. in fact, this view is really oppressive in its wild magnificence, so near and so grand is it. the jungfraujoch is different. one is out in the open, so to speak; one walks over that vast plateau of snow over , feet high in the glorious sunlight, above most of the nearer peaks and looking down at a beautiful panorama. on one side of this plateau is the jungfrau, on the other the mönch, either of which can be climbed from here in about three hours. yet the eye lingers longer in the direction of the aletsch glacier than anywhere else, this frozen river running for miles and turning to the right at the little green basin of water full of pieces of floating ice, called the marjelen lake, or see, at the foot of the eggishorn, which is unique and lovely. long ago it was formed in this corner of the glacier, and its blue waters are really melted snow, over which float icebergs shining in the sun. in such a position the lake underlaps the glacier for quite a distance, forming a low vaulted cavern in the ice. every now and then one of these little bergs overbalances itself and turns over, the upper side then being a deep blue, and the lower side, which was formerly above, being a pure white. again turning toward the green valleys, one with the eye of an artist, who can perceive and differentiate varying shades of color, can not but admit that the bernese oberland is "par excellence" first. even south of the alps the verdure does not excel or even equal that to be seen here. there is something incomparably lovely about the oberland valleys. it is indescribable, indefinable, for when one has exhausted the most extravagant terms of description, he feels that he has failed to picture the scene as he desired. yet if one word should be chosen to convey the impression which the oberland makes, the word would be "color." for whether one regards the snow summits as setting off the valleys, or the green meadows as setting off the peaks, it matters not, for the secret of their beauty lies in the richness and variety of the exquisite coloring wherein many wonderful shades of green predominate. the altdorf of william tell[ ] by w.d. m'crackan let it be said at once that, altho' the name of altdorf is indissolubly linked with that of william tell, the place arouses an interest which does not at all depend upon its associations with the famous archer. from the very first it gives one the impression of possessing a distinct personality, of ringing, as it were, to a note never heard before, and thus challenging attention to its peculiarities. as you approach altdorf from flüelen, on the lake of lucerne, by the long white road, the first houses you reach are large structures of the conventional village type, plain, but evidently the homes of well-to-do people, and some even adorned with family coats-of-arms. in fact, this street is dedicated to the aristocracy, and formerly went by the name of the herrengasse, the "lane of the lords." beyond these fashionable houses is an open square, upon which faces a cosy inn--named, of course, after william tell; and off on one side the large parish church, built in cheap baroco style, but containing a few objects of interest.... there is a good deal of sight-seeing to be done in altdorf, for so small a place. in the town hall are shown the tattered flags carried by the warriors of uri in the early battles of the confederation, the mace and sword of state which are borne by the beadles to the landsgemeinde. in a somewhat inaccessible corner, a few houses off, the beginnings of a museum have been made. here is another portrait of interest--that of the giant püntener, a mercenary whose valor made him the terror of the enemy in the battle of marignano, in ; so that when he was finally killed, they avenged themselves, according to a writing beneath the picture, by using his fat to smear their weapons, and by feeding their horses with oats from his carcass. just outside the village stands the arsenal, whence, they say, old armor was taken and turned into shovels, when the st. gothard railroad was building, so poor and ignorant were the people. if you are of the sterner sex, you can also penetrate into the capuchin monastery, and enter the gardens, where the terraces that rise behind the buildings are almost italian in appearance, festooned with vines and radiant with roses. not that the fame of this institution rests on such trivial matters, however. the brothers boast of two things: theirs is the oldest branch of the order in switzerland, dating from , and they carry on in it the somewhat unappetizing industry of cultivating snails for the gourmands of foreign countries. above the capuchins is the famous bannwald, mentioned by schiller--a tract of forest on the mountain-slope, in which no one is allowed to fell trees, because it protects the village from avalanches and rolling stones. nothing could be fairer than the outskirts of altdorf on a may morning. the valley of the reuss lies bathed from end to end in a flood of golden light, shining through an atmosphere of crystal purity. daisies, cowslips, and buttercups, the flowers of rural well-being, show through the rising grass of the fields; along the hedges and crumbling walls of the lanes peep timid primroses and violets, and in wilder spots the alpine gentian, intensely blue. high up, upon the mountains, glows the indescribable velvet of the slopes, while, higher still, ragged and vanishing patches of snow proclaim the rapid approach of summer. after all, the best part of altdorf, to make an irish bull, lies outside of the village. no adequate idea of this strange little community can be given without referring to the almend, or village common. indeed, as time goes on, one learns to regard this almend as the complete expression and final summing up of all that is best in altdorf, the reconciliation of all its inconsistencies. how fine that great pasture beside the river reus, with its short, juicy, alpine grass, in sight of the snow-capped bristenstock, at one end of the valley, and of the waters of lake lucerne at the other! in may, the full-grown cattle have already departed for the higher summer pastures, leaving only the feeble young behind, who are to follow as soon as they have grown strong enough to bear the fatigues of the journey. at this time, therefore, the almend becomes a sort of vision of youth--of calves, lambs, and foals, guarded by little boys, all gamboling in the exuberance of early life. lucerne[ ] by victor tissot a height crowned with embattled ramparts that bristle with loop-holed turrets; church towers mingling their graceful spires and peaceful crosses with those warlike edifices; dazzling white villas, planted like tents under curtains of verdure; tall houses with old red skylights on the roofs--this is our first glimpse of the catholic and warlike city of lucerne. we seem to be approaching some town of old feudal times that has been left solitary and forgotten on the mountain side, outside of the current of modern life. but when we pass through the station we find ourselves suddenly transported to the side of the lake, where whole flotillas of large and small boats lie moored on the blue waters of a large harbor. and along the banks of this wonderful lake is a whole town of hotels, gay with many colored flags, their terraces and balconies rising tier above tier, like the galleries of a grand theater whose scenery is the mighty alps.... in summer lucerne is the hyde park of switzerland. its quays are thronged by people of every nation. there you meet pale women from the lands of snow, and dark women from the lands of the sun; tall, six-foot english women, and lively, alert, trim parisian women, with the light and graceful carriage of a bird on the bough. at certain hours this promenade on the quays is like a charity fair or a rustic ball--bright colors and airy draperies everywhere. nowhere can the least calm and repose be found but in the old town. there the gabled houses, with wooden galleries hanging over the waters of the reuss, make a charming ancient picture, like a bit of venice set down amid the verdant landscape of the valley. i also discovered on the heights beyond the ramparts a pretty and peaceful convent of capuchins, the way to which winds among wild plants, starry with flowers. it is delicious to go right away, far from the town swarming and running over with londoners, germans, and americans, and to find yourself among fragrant hedges, peopled by warblers whom it has not yet occurred to the hotel-keepers to teach to sing in english. this sweet path leads without fatigue to the convent of the good fathers. in a garden flooded with sunshine and balmy with the fragrance of mignonette and vervain, where broad sunflowers erect their black discs fringed with gold, two brothers with fan-shaped beards, their brass-mounted spectacles astride on their flat noses, and arrayed in green gardening aprons, are plying enormous watering-cans; while, in the green and cool half-twilight under the shadowy trees, big, rubicund brothers walk up and down, reading their red-edged breviaries in black leather bindings. happy monks! not a fraction of a pessimist among them! how well they understand life! a beautiful convent, beautiful nature, good wine and good cheer, neither disturbance nor care; neither wife nor children; and when they leave the world, heaven specially created for them, seraphim waiting for them with harps of gold, and angels with urns of rose-water to wash their feet! lucerne began as a nest of monks, hidden in an orchard like a nest of sparrows. the first house of the town was a monastery, erected by the side of the lake. the nest grew, became a village, then a town, then a city. the monks of murbach, to whom the monastery of st. leger belonged, had got into debt; this sometimes does happen even to monks. they sold to king rudolf all the property they possest at lucerne and in unterwalden; and thus the town passed into the hands of the hapsburgs. when the first cantons, after expelling the austrian bailiffs, had declared their independence, lucerne was still one of austria's advanced posts. but its people were daily brought into contact with the shepherds of the forest cantons, who came into the town to supply themselves with provisions; and they were not long in beginning to ask themselves if there was any reason why they should not be, as well as their neighbors, absolutely free. the position of the partizans of austria soon became so precarious that they found it safe to leave the town.... the opening of the st. gothard railway has given a new impulse to this cosmopolitan city, which has a great future before it. already it has supplanted interlaken in the estimation of the furbelowed, fashionable world--the women who come to switzerland not to see but to be seen. lucerne is now the chief summer station of the twenty-two cantons. and yet it does not possess many objects of interest. there is the old bridge on the reuss, with its ancient paintings; the church of st. leger, with its lateral altars and its campo santo, reminding us of italian cemeteries; the museum at the town hall, with its fine collection of stained glass; the blood-stained standards from the burgundian wars, and the flag in which noble old gundolfingen, after charging his fellow-citizens never to elect their magistrates for more than a year, wrapt himself as in a shroud of glory to die in the fight; finally, there is the lion of lucerne; and that is all. the most wonderful thing of all is that you are allowed to see this lion for nothing; for close beside it you are charged a franc for permission to cast an indifferent glance on some uninteresting excavations, which date, it is said, from the glacial period. we do not care if they do.... the great quay of lucerne is delightful; as good as the seashore at dieppe or trouville. before you, limpid and blue, lies the lake, which from the character of its shores, at once stern and graceful, is the finest in switzerland. in front rises the snow-clad peaks of uri, to the left the rigi, to the right the austere pilatus, almost always wearing his high cap of clouds. this beautiful walk on the quay, long and shady like the avenue of a gentleman's park, is the daily resort, toward four o'clock, of all the foreigners who are crowded in the hotels or packed in the boarding-houses. here are russian and polish counts with long mustaches, and pins set with false brilliants; englishmen with fishes' or horses' heads; englishwomen with the figures of angels or of giraffes; parisian women, daintily attired, sprightly, and coquettish; american women, free in their bearing, and eccentric in their dress, and their men as stiff as the smoke-pipes of steamboats; german women, with languishing voices, drooping and pale like willow branches, fair-haired and blue-eyed, talking in the same breath of goethe and the price of sausages, of the moon and their glass of beer, of stars and black radishes. and here and there are a few little swiss girls, fresh and rosy as wood strawberries, smiling darlings like dresden shepherdesses, dreaming of scenes of platonic love in a great garden adorned with the statue of william tell or general dufour. zurich[ ] by w.d. m'crackan if you arrive in zurich after dark, and pass along the river-front, you will think yourself for a moment in venice. the street lamps glow responsively across the dark limmat, or trail their light from the bridges. in the uncertain darkness, the bare house walls of the farther side put on the dignity of palaces. there are unsuspected architectural glories in the wasserkirche and the rathhaus, as they stand partly in the water of the river. and if, at such times, one of the long, narrow barges of the place passes up stream, the illusion is complete; for, as the boat cuts at intervals through the glare of gaslight it looks for all the world like a gondola.... zurich need not rely upon any fancied resemblance of this sort for a distinct charm of its own. the situation of the city is essentially beautiful, reminding one, in a general way, of that of geneva, lucerne, or thun--at the outlet of a lake, and at the point of issue of a swift river. approaching from the lakeside, the twin towers of the grossmünster loom upon the right, capped by ugly rounded tops, like miters; upon the left, the simple spires of the fraumünster and st. peter's. a conglomeration of roofs denotes the city houses. on the water-front, extensive promenades stretch, crescent shaped, from end to end, cleverly laid out, tho' as yet too new to quite fulfil their mission of beauty. some large white buildings form the front line on the lake--notably the theater, and a few hotels and apartment houses. finally, there where the river limmat leaves the lake, a vista of bridges open into the heart of the city--a succession of arches and lines that invite inspection. like most progressive cities of europe, zurich has outgrown its feudal accouterments within the last fifty years. it has razed its walls, converted its bastions into playgrounds, and, pushing out on every side, has incorporated many neighboring villages, until to-day it contains more than ninety thousand inhabitants.[ ] the pride of modern zurich is the bahnhof-strasse, a long street which leads from the railroad station to the lake. it is planted with trees, and counts as the one and only boulevard of the city. unfortunately, a good view of the distant snow mountains is very rare from the lake promenade, altho' they appear with distinctness upon the photographs sold in the shops. early every saturday the peasant women come trooping in, with their vegetables, fruits, and flowers, to line the bahnhof-strasse with carts and baskets. the ladies and kitchen-maids of the city come to buy; but by noon the market is over. in a jiffy, the street is swept as clean as a kitchen floor, and the women have turned their backs on zurich. but the real center of attraction in zurich will be found by the traveler in that quarter where stands the grossmünster, the church of which zwingli was incumbent for twelve years. it may well be called the wittenberg church of switzerland. the present building dates from the eleventh and twelfth centuries; but tradition has it that the first minster was founded by charlemagne. that ubiquitous emperor certainly manifested great interest in zurich. he has been represented no less than three times in various parts of the building. about midway up one of the towers, his statue appears in a niche, where pigeons strut and prink their feathers, undisturbed. charlemagne is sitting with a mighty two-edged sword upon his knees, and a gilded crown upon his head; but the figure is badly proportioned, and the statue is a good-natured, stumpy affair, that makes one smile rather than admire. the outside of the minster still shows traces of the image breakers of zwingli's time, and yet the crumbling north portal remains beautiful, even in decay. as for the interior, it has an exceedingly bare and stript appearance; for, altho' there is good, solid stonework in the walls, the whole has been washed a foolish, philistine white. the romanesque of the architectural is said to be of particular interest to connoisseurs, and the queer archaic capitals must certainly attract the notice even of ordinary tourists.... it is also worth while to go to the helmhaus, and examine the collection of lake-dwelling remains. in fact, there is a delightful little model of a lake-dwelling itself, and an appliance to show you how those primitive people could make holes in their stone implements, before they knew the use of metals. the ancient guild houses of zurich are worth a special study. take, for instance, that of the "zimmerleute," or carpenter with its supporting arches and little peaked tower; or the so-called "waag," with frescoed front; then the great wainscoated and paneled hall of the "schmieden" (smiths); and the rich renaissance stonework of the "maurer" (masons). these buildings, alas, with the decay of the system which produced them, have been obliged to put up big signs of café restaurant upon their historic façades, like so many vulgar, modern eating-houses. the rathhaus, or town hall, too, is charming. it stands, like the wasserkirche, with one side in the water and the other against the quay. the style is a sort of reposeful italian renaissance, that is florid only in the best artistic sense. nor must you miss the so-called "rüden," nearby, for its sloping roof and painted walls give it a very captivating look of alert picturesqueness, and it contains a large collection of pestalozzi souvenirs. zurich has more than one claim to the world's recognition; but no department of its active life, perhaps, merits such unstinted praise as its educational facilities. first and foremost, the university, with four faculties, modeled upon the german system, but retaining certain distinctive traits that are essentially swiss--for instance, the broad and liberal treatment accorded to women students, who are admitted as freely as men, and receive the same instruction. a great number of russian girls are always to be seen in zurich, as at other swiss universities, working unremittingly to acquire the degrees which they are denied at home. not a few american women also have availed themselves of these facilities, especially for the study of medicine.... zurich is, at the present time, undoubtedly the most important commercial city in switzerland, having distanced both basel and geneva in this direction. the manufacturing of silk, woolen, and linen fabrics has flourished here since the end of the thirteenth century. in modern times, however, cotton and machinery have been added as staple articles of manufacture. much of the actual weaving is still done in outlying parts of the canton, in the very cottages of the peasants, so that the click of the loom is heard from open windows in every village and hamlet. but modern industrial processes are tending continually to drive the weavers from their homes into great centralized factories, and every year this inevitable change becomes more apparent. it is certainly remarkable that zurich should succeed in turning out cheap and good machinery, when we remember that every ton of coal and iron has to be imported, since switzerland possesses not a single mine, either of the one or the other. the rigi[ ] by w.d. m'crackan if you really want to know how the swiss confederation came to be, you can not do better than take the train to the top of the rigi. you might stumble through many a volume, and not learn so thoroughly the essential causes of this national birth. of course, the eye rests first upon the phalanx of snow-crests to the south, then down upon the lake, lying outstretched like some wriggling monster, switching its tail, and finally off to the many places where early swiss history was made. in point of fact, you are looking at quite a large slice of switzerland. victor hugo seized the meaning of this view when he wrote: "it is a serious hour, and full of meditations, when one has switzerland thus under the eyes." ... the physical features of a country have their counterparts in its political institutions. in switzerland the great mountain ranges divide the territory into deep valleys, each of which naturally forms a political unit--the commune. here is a miniature world, concentrated into a small space, and representing the sum total of life to its inhabitants. self-government becomes second nature under these conditions. a sort of patriarchal democracy is evolved: that is, certain men and certain families are apt to maintain themselves at the head of public affairs, but with the consent and cooperation of the whole population. there is hardly a spot associated with the rise of the swiss confederation whose position can not be determined from the rigi. the two tell's chapels; the rütli; the villages of schwiz, altdorf, brunnen, beckenried, stans, and sarnen; the battlefields of morgarten and sempach; and on a clear day the ruined castle of hapsburg itself, lie within a mighty circle at one's feet. it was preordained that the three lands of uri, schwiz, and unterwalden should unite for protection of common interests against the encroachment of a common enemy--the ambitious house of hapsburg. the lake formed at once a bond and a highway between them. on the first day of august, , more than six hundred years ago, a group of unpretentious patriots, ignored by the great world, signed a document which formed these lands into a loose confederation. by this act they laid the foundation upon which the swiss state was afterward reared. in their naïve, but prophetic, faith, the contracting parties called this agreement a perpetual pact; and they set forth, in the latin, legal phraseology of the day, that, seeing the malice of the times, they found it necessary to take an oath to defend one another against outsiders, and to keep order within their boundaries; at the same time carefully stating that the object of the league was to maintain lawfully established conditions. from small beginnings, the confederation of uri, schwiz, and unterwalden grew, by the addition of other communities, until it reached its present proportions, of twenty-two cantons, in . lucerne was the first to join; then came zurich, glarus, zug, bern, etc. the early swiss did not set up a sovereign republic, in our acceptation of the word, either in internal or external policy. the class distinctions of the feudal age continued to exist; and they by no means disputed the supreme rule of the head of the german empire over them, but rather gloried in the protection which this direct dependence afforded them against a multitude of intermediate, preying nobles. chamouni--an avalanche[ ] by percy bysshe shelley from servoz three leagues remain to chamouni--mont blanc was before us--the alps, with their innumerable glaciers on high all around, closing in the complicated windings of the single vale--forests inexpressibly beautiful, but majestic in their beauty--intermingled beech and pine, and oak, overshadowed our road, or receded, while lawns of such verdure as i have never seen before occupied these openings, and gradually became darker in their recesses. mont blanc was before us, but it was covered with cloud; its base, furrowed with dreadful gaps, was seen above. pinnacles of snow intolerably bright, part of the chain connected with mont blanc, shone through the clouds at intervals on high. i never knew--i never imagined--what mountains were before. the immensity of these aerial summits excited, when they suddenly burst upon the sight, a sentiment of ecstatic wonder, not unallied to madness. and, remember, this was all one scene, it all prest home to our regard and our imagination. tho' it embraced a vast extent of space, the snowy pyramids which shot into the bright blue sky seemed to overhang our path; the ravine, clothed with gigantic pines, and black with its depth below, so deep that the very roaring of the untameable arve, which rolled through it, could not be heard above--all was as much our own, as if we had been the creators of such impressions in the minds of others as now occupied our own. nature was the poet, whose harmony held our spirits more breathless than that of the divinest. as we entered the valley of the chamouni (which, in fact, may be considered as a continuation of those which we have followed from bonneville and cluses), clouds hung upon the mountains at the distance perhaps of , feet from the earth, but so as effectually to conceal not only mont blanc, but the other "aiguilles," as they call them here, attached and subordinate to it. we were traveling along the valley, when suddenly we heard a sound as the burst of smothered thunder rolling above; yet there was something in the sound that told us it could not be thunder. our guide hastily pointed out to us a part of the mountain opposite, from whence the sound came. it was an avalanche. we saw the smoke of its path among the rocks, and continued to hear at intervals the bursting of its fall. it fell on the bed of a torrent, which it displaced, and presently we saw its tawny-colored waters also spread themselves over the ravine, which was their couch. we did not, as we intended, visit the glacier des bossons to-day, altho it descends within a few minutes' walk of the road, wishing to survey it at least when unfatigued. we saw this glacier, which comes close to the fertile plain, as we passed. its surface was broken into a thousand unaccountable figures; conical and pyramidical crystallizations, more than fifty feet in height, rise from its surface, and precipices of ice, of dazzling splendor, overhang the woods and meadows of the vale. this glacier winds upward from the valley, until it joins the masses of frost from which it was produced above, winding through its own ravine like a bright belt flung over the black region of pines. there is more in all these scenes than mere magnitude of proportion; there is a majesty of outline; there is an awful grace in the very colors which invest these wonderful shapes--a charm which is peculiar to them, quite distinct even from the reality of their unutterable greatness. zermatt[ ] by archibald campbell knowles those who would reach the very heart of the alps and look upon a scene of unparalleled grandeur must go into the valais to zermatt. [illustration: pontresina in the engadine] [illustration: st. moritz in the engadine] [illustration: fribourg] [illustration: berne] [illustration: vivey on lake geneva] [illustration: the turnhalle in zurich courtesy swiss federal railway] [illustration: interlaken] [illustration: lucerne] [illustration: viaducts on the new lötschberg route to the simplon tunnel] [illustration: wolfort viaduct on the pilatus railroad, switzerland] [illustration: the balmat-saussure monument in chamonix (mont blanc in the distance)] [illustration: roofed wooden bridge at lucerne] [illustration: the castle of chillon] [illustration: cloud effect above interlaken courtesy swiss federal railway] [illustration: davos in winter] the way up the valley is that which follows the river visp. it is a delightful journey. the little stream is never still. it will scarcely keep confined to the banks or within the stone walls which in many places protect the shores. the river dances along as if seeking to be free. for the most part it is a torrent, sweeping swiftly past the solid masonry and descending the steep bed in a series of wild leaps or artificial waterfalls, with wonderful effects of sunlight seen in the showers of spray. fed as it is by many mountain streams, the visp is always full, and the more so, when in summer the melting ice adds to its volume. then it is a sight long remembered, as roaring, rollicking, rushing along it is a brawling mass of waters, often working havoc with banks, road, village, and pastures. if one never saw a mountain, the sight of the visp would more than repay, but, as it is, one's attention is taxed to the uttermost not to miss anything of this little rushing river and at the same time get the charming views of the weisshorn, the breithorn, and the other snow summits which appear over the mountain spurs surrounding the head of the valley. the first impression on reaching the zermatt is one of disappointment. maps and pictures generally lead the traveler to think that from the village he will see the great semicircle of snow peaks which surround the valley, but upon arrival he finds that he must go further up to see them, for all of them are hidden from view except the matterhorn. this mountain, however, is seen in all its grandeur, fierce and frowning, and to an imaginative mind bending forward as if threatening and trying to shake off the little snow that appears here and there on its side. it dominates the whole scene and leaves an indelible impress on the mind, so that one can never picture zermatt without the matterhorn. zermatt as a place is a curious combination; a line of hotels in juxtaposition with a village of chalets, unsophisticated peasants shoulder to shoulder with people of fashion! there are funny little shops, here showing only such simple things as are needed by the dwellers in the valais, there exhibiting really beautiful articles in dress and jewelry to attract the summer visitors, while at convenient spots are the inevitable tea-rooms, where "thé, café, limonade, confiserie" minister to the coming crowds of an afternoon.... guides galore wait in front of all the large hotels; ice-axes, ropes, nailed boots, rucksacks, and all the paraphernalia of the mountains are seen on every side, and a walk along the one main thoroughfare introduces one into the life of a climbing center, interesting to a degree and often very amusing from the miscellaneous collection of people there. perhaps the first thing one cares to see at zermatt is the village church, with the adjoining churchyard. the church, dedicated to saint maurice, a favorite saint in the valais and rhône district, is plain but interesting and in parts is quite old. near it is a little mortuary chapel. in most parts of switzerland, it is the custom, after the bodies of the dead have been buried a certain length of time, to remove the remains to the "charnel house," allowing the graves to be used again and thus not encroaching upon the space reserved and consecrated in the churchyard, but we do not think this custom obtains at zermatt. in the churchyard is a monument to michel auguste croz, the guide, and near by are the graves of the reverend charles hudson and mr. hadow. these three, with lord francis douglas were killed in mr. whymper's first ascent of the matterhorn.[ ] the body of lord francis douglas has never been found. it is probably deep in some crevasse or under the snows which surround the base of the matterhorn.... for the more extended climbs or for excursions in the direction of the schwarzsee, the staffel alp or the trift, zermatt is the starting point. the place abounds in walks, most of them being the first part of the routes to the high mountains, so that those who are fond of tramping but not of climbing can reach high elevations with a little hard work, but no great difficulty. some of these "midway" places may be visited on muleback, and with the railway now up to the gorner-grat there are few persons who may not see this wonderful region of snow peaks. the trip to the schwarzsee is the first stage on the matterhorn route. it leads through the village, past the gorner gorges (which one may visit by a slight détour) and then enters some very pretty woods, from which one issues on to the bare green meadows which clothe the upper part of the steep slope of the mountain. as one mounts this zigzag path, it sometimes seems as if it would never end, and for all the magnificent views which it affords, one is always glad that it is over, as it exactly fulfils the conditions of a "grind." from the schwarzsee ( , feet, where there is an excellent hotel), there is a fine survey of the matterhorn, and also a splendid panorama, on three sides, one view up the glaciers toward the monte rosa, another over the valley to the dent blanche and other great peaks, and still another to the far distant bernese oberland. near the hotel is a little lake and a tiny chapel, where mass is sometimes said. the reflection in the still waters of the lake is very lovely. from the schwarzsee, trips are made to the hörnli (another stage on the way to the matterhorn), to the gandegg hut, across moraine and glacier and to the staffel alp, over the green meadows. the hörnli ( , feet high) is the ridge running out from the matterhorn. it is reached by a stiff climb over rocks and a huge heap of fallen stones and debris. from it the view is similar to that from the schwarzsee, but much finer, the théodule glacier being seen to great advantage. above the hörnli towers the matterhorn, huge, fierce, frowning, threatening. every few moments comes a heavy, muffled sound, as new showers of falling stones come down. this is one of the main dangers in climbing the peak itself, for from base to summit, the matterhorn is really a decaying mountain, the stones rolling away through the action of the storms, the frosts, and the sun. pontrÉsina and st. moritz[ ] by victor tissot the night was falling fine as dust, as a black sifted snow-shower, a snow made of shadow; and the melancholy of the landscape, the grand nocturnal solitude of these lofty, unknown regions, had a charm profound and disquieting. i do not know why i fancied myself no longer in switzerland, but in some country near the pole, in sweden or norway. at the foot of these bare mountains i looked for wild fjords, lit up by the moon. nothing can express the profound somberness of these landscapes at nightfall; the long desert road, gray from the reflections of the starry sky, unrolls in an interminable ribbon along the depth of the valley; the treeless mountains, hollowed out like ancient craters, lift their overhanging precipices; lakes sleeping in the midst of the pastures, behind curtains of pines and larches, glitter like drops of quicksilver; and on the horizon the immense glaciers crowd together and overflow like sheets of foam on a frozen sea. the road ascends. from the distance comes a dull noise, the roaring of a torrent. we cross a little cluster of trees, and on issuing from it the superb amphitheater of glaciers shows itself anew, overlooked by one white point glittering like an opal. on the hill a thousand little lights show me that i am at last at pontrésina. i thought i should never have arrived there; nowhere does night deceive more than in the mountains; in proportion as you advance toward a point, it seems to retreat from you. soon the black fantastic lines of the houses show through the darkness. i enter a narrow street, formed of great gloomy buildings, their fronts like a convent or prison. the hamlet is transformed into a little town of hotels, very comfortable, very elegant, very dear, but very stupid and very vulgar, with their laced porter in an admiral's hat, and their whiskered waiters, who have the air of anglican ministers. oh! how i detest them, and flee them, those hotels where the painter, or the tourist who arrives on foot, knapsack on his back and staff in hand, his trousers tucked into his leggings, his flask slung over his shoulder, and his hat awry, is received with less courtesy than a lackey. besides those hotels, some of which are veritable palaces, and where the ladies are almost bound to change their dress three times a day, there is a hotel of the second and third class; and there is the old inn; the comfortable, hospitable, patriarchal inn, with its gothic signboard.... on leaving the village i was again in the open mountain. in the distance the road penetrated into the valley, rising always. the moon had risen. she stood out sharply cut in a cloudless sky, and stars sparkling everywhere in profusion; not like nails of gold, but sown broadcast like a flying dust, a dust of carbuncles and diamonds. to the right, in the depths of the amphitheater of the mountains, an immense glacier looked like a frozen cascade; and above, a perfectly white peak rose draped in snow, like some legendary king in his mantle of silver. bending under my knapsack, and dragging my feet, i arrive at last at the hotel, where i am received, in the kindest manner in the world, by the two mistresses of the establishment, two sisters of open, benevolent countenance and of sweet expression. and the poor little traveler who arrives, his bag on his back and without bustle, who has sent neither letter nor telegram to announce his arrival, is the object of the kindest and most delicate attentions; his clothes are brushed, he gets water for his refreshment, and is then conducted to a table bountifully spread, in a dining-room fragrant with good cookery and bouquets of flowers.... beyond campfer, its houses surrounding a third little lake, we come suddenly on a scene of extraordinary animation. all the cosmopolitan society of st. moritz is there, sauntering, walking, running, in mountain parties, on afternoon excursions. the favorite one is the walk to the pretty lake of campfer, with its shady margin, its resting places hidden among the branches, its châlet-restaurant, from the terrace of which one overlooks the whole valley; and it would be difficult to find near st. moritz a more interesting spot. we meet at every step parties of english ladies, looking like plantations of umbrellas with their covers on and surmounted by immense straw hats; then there are german ladies, massive as citadels, but not impregnable, asking nothing better than to surrender to the young exquisites, with the figure of cuirassiers, who accompany them; further on, lively italian ladies parade themselves in dresses of the carnival, the colors outrageously striking and dazzling to the eyes; with up-turned skirts they cross the inn on great mossy stones, leaping with the grace of birds, and smiling, to show, into the bargain, the whiteness of their teeth. all this crowd passing in procession before us is composed of men and women of every age and condition; some with the grave face of a waxen saint, others beaming with the satisfied smile of rich people; there are also invalids, who go along hobbling and limping, or who are drawn, in little carriages. soon handsome façades, pierced with hundreds of windows, show themselves in the grand and severe setting of mountains and glaciers. it is st. moritz-les-bains. here every house is a hotel, and, as every hotel is a little palace, we do not alight from the diligence; we go a little farther and a little higher, to st. moritz-le-village, which has a much more beautiful situation. it is at the top of a little hill, whose sides slope down to a pretty lake, fresh and green as a lawn. the eye reaches beyond sils, the whole length of the valley, with its mountains like embattled ramparts, its lakes like a great row of pearls, and its glaciers showing their piles of snowy white against the azure depths of the horizon. st. moritz is the center of the valley of the upper engadine, which extends to the length of eighteen or nineteen leagues, and which scarcely possesses a thousand inhabitants. almost all the men emigrate to work for strangers, like their brothers, the mountaineers of savoy and auvergne, and do not return till they have amassed a sufficient fortune to allow them to build a little white house, with gilded window frames, and to die quietly in the spot where they were born.... historians tell us that the first inhabitants of the upper engadine were etruscans and latins chased from italy by the gauls and carthaginians, and taking refuge in these hidden altitudes. after the fall of the empire, the inhabitants of the engadine fell under the dominion of the franks and lombards, then the dukes of swabia; but the blood never mingled--the type remained italian; black hair, the quick eye, the mobile countenance, the expressive features, and the supple figure. geneva[ ] by francis h. gribble straddling the rhone, where it issues from the bluest lake in the world, looking out upon green meadows and wooded hills, backed by the dark ridge of the salève, with the "great white mountain" visible in the distance, geneva has the advantage of an incomparable site; and it is, from a town surveyor's point of view, well built. it has wide thoroughfares, quays, and bridges; gorgeous public monuments and well-kept public gardens; handsome theaters and museums; long rows of palatial hotels; flourishing suburbs; two railway-stations, and a casino. but all this is merely the façade--all of it quite modern; hardly any of it more than half a century old. the real historical geneva--the little of it that remains--is hidden away in the background, where not every tourist troubles to look for it. it is disappearing fast. italian stonemasons are constantly engaged in driving lines through it. they have rebuilt, for instance, the old corraterie, which is now the regent street of geneva, famous for its confectioners' and booksellers' shops; they have destroyed, and are still destroying, other ancient slums, setting up white buildings of uniform ugliness in place of the picturesque but insanitary dwellings of the past. it is, no doubt, a very necessary reform, tho' one may think that it is being executed in too utilitarian a spirit. the old geneva was malodorous, and its death-rate was high. they had more than one great plague there, and their great fires have always left some of the worst of their slums untouched. these could not be allowed to stand in an age which studies the science and practises the art of hygiene. yet the traveler who wants to know what the old geneva was really like must spend a morning or two rambling among them before they are pulled down. the old geneva, like jerusalem, was set upon a hill, and it is toward the top of the hill that the few buildings of historical interest are to be found. there is the cathedral--a striking object from a distance, tho' the interior is hideously bare. there is the town hall, in which, for the convenience of notables carried in litters, the upper stories were reached by an inclined plane instead of a staircase. there is calvin's old academy, bearing more than a slight resemblance to certain of the smaller colleges at oxford and cambridge. there, too, are to be seen a few mural tablets, indicating the residences of past celebrities. in such a house rousseau was born; in such another house or in an older house, now demolished, on the same site--calvin died. and toward these central points the steep and narrow, mean streets--in many cases streets of stairs--converge. as one plunges into these streets one seems to pass back from the twentieth century to the fifteenth, and need not exercise one's imagination very severely in order to picture the town as it appeared in the old days before the reformation. the present writer may claim permission to borrow his own description from the pages of "lake geneva and its literary landmarks:" "narrow streets predominated, tho' there were also a certain number of open spaces--notably at the markets, and in front of the cathedral, where there was a traffic in those relics and rosaries which geneva was presently to repudiate with virtuous indignation. one can form an idea of the appearance of the narrow streets by imagining the oldest houses that one has seen in switzerland all closely packed together--houses at the most three stories high, with gabled roofs, ground-floors a step or two below the level of the roadway, and huge arched doors studded with great iron nails, and looking strong enough to resist a battering-ram. above the doors, in the case of the better houses, were the painted escutcheons of the residents, and crests were also often blazoned on the window-panes. the shops, too, and more especially the inns, flaunted gaudy signboards with ingenious devices. the good vinegar, the hot knife, the crowned ox, were the names of some of these; their tariff is said to have been fivepence a day for man and beast.".... in the first half of the sixteenth century occurred the two events which shaped the future of geneva; reformation theology was accepted; political independence was achieved. geneva it should be explained, was the fief of the duchy of savoy; or so, at all events, the dukes of savoy maintained, tho' the citizens were of the contrary opinion. their view was that they owed allegiance only to their bishops, who were the viceroys of the holy roman emperor; and even that allegiance was limited by the terms of a charter granted in the holy roman emperor's name by bishop adhémar de fabri. all went fairly well until the bishops began to play into the hands of the dukes; but then there was friction, which rapidly became acute. a revolutionary party--the eidgenossen, or confederates--was formed. there was a declaration of independence and a civil war. so long as the genevans stood alone, the duke was too strong for them. he marched into the town in the style of a conqueror, and wreaked his vengeance on as many of his enemies as he could catch. he cut off the head of philibert berthelier, to whom there stands a memorial on the island in the rhone; he caused jean pecolat to be hung up in an absurd posture in his banqueting-hall, in order that he might mock at his discomfort while he dined; he executed, with or without preliminary torture, several less conspicuous patriots. happily, however, some of the patriots--notably besançon hugues--got safely away, and succeeded in concluding treaties of alliance between geneva and the cantons of berne and fribourg. the men of fribourg marched to geneva, and the duke retired. the citizens passed a resolution that he should never be allowed to enter the town again, seeing that he "never came there without playing the citizens some dirty trick or other;" and, the more effectually to prevent him from coming, they pulled down their suburbs and repaired their ramparts, one member of every household being required to lend a hand for the purpose. presently, owing to religious dissensions, fribourg withdrew from the alliance. berne, however, adhered to it, and, in due course, responded to the appeal for help by setting an army of seven thousand men in motion. the route of the seven thousand lay through the canton of vaud, then a portion of the duke's dominions, governed from the castle of chillon. meeting with no resistance save at yverdon, they annexed the territory, placing governors of their own in its various strongholds. the governor of chillon fled, leaving his garrison to surrender; and in its deepest dungeon was found the famous prisoner of chillon, françois de bonivard. from that time forward geneva was a free republic, owing allegiance to no higher power. the castle of chillon[ ] by harriet beecher stowe here i am, sitting at my window, overlooking lake leman. castle chillon, with its old conical towers, is silently pictured in the still waters. it has been a day of a thousand. we took a boat, with two oarsmen, and passed leisurely along the shores, under the cool, drooping branches of trees, to the castle, which is scarce a stone's throw from the hotel. we rowed along, close under the walls, to the ancient moat and drawbridge. there i picked a bunch of blue bells, "les clochettes," which were hanging their aerial pendants from every crevice--some blue, some white.... we rowed along, almost touching the castle rock, where the wall ascends perpendicularly, and the water is said to be a thousand feet deep. we passed the loopholes that illuminate the dungeon vaults, and an old arch, now walled up, where prisoners, after having been strangled, were thrown into the lake. last evening we walked through the castle. an interesting swiss woman, who has taught herself english for the benefit of her visitors, was our "cicerone." she seemed to have all the old swiss vivacity of attachment for "liberté et patrie." she took us first into the dungeon, with the seven pillars, described by byron. there was the pillar to which, for protecting the liberty of geneva, bonivard was chained. there the duke of savoy kept him for six years, confined by a chain four feet long. he could take only three steps, and the stone floor is deeply worn by the prints of those weary steps. six years is so easily said; but to live them, alone, helpless, a man burning with all the fires of manhood, chained to that pillar of stone, and those three unvarying steps! two thousand one hundred and ninety days rose and set the sun, while seed time and harvest, winter and summer, and the whole living world went on over his grave. for him no sun, no moon, no stars, no business, no friendship, no plans--nothing! the great millstone of life emptily grinding itself away! what a power of vitality was there in bonivard, that he did not sink in lethargy, and forget himself to stone! but he did not; it is said that when the victorious swiss army broke in to liberate him, they cried, "bonivard, you are free!" "and geneva?" "geneva is free also!" you ought to have heard the enthusiasm with which our guide told this story! near by are the relics of the cell of a companion of bonivard, who made an ineffectual attempt to liberate him. on the wall are still seen sketches of saints and inscriptions by his hand. this man one day overcame his jailer, locked him in his cell, ran into the hall above, and threw himself from a window into the lake, struck a rock, and was killed instantly. one of the pillars in this vault is covered with names. i think it is bonivard's pillar. there are the names of byron, hunt, schiller, and many other celebrities. after we left the dungeons we went up into the judgment hall, where prisoners were tried, and then into the torture chamber. here are the pulleys by which limbs are broken; the beam, all scorched with the irons by which feet were burned; the oven where the irons were heated; and there was the stone where they were sometimes laid to be strangled, after the torture. on that stone, our guide told us, two thousand jews, men, women, and children, had been put to death. there was also, high up, a strong beam across, where criminals were hung; and a door, now walled up, by which they were thrown into the lake. i shivered. "'twas cruel," she said; "'twas almost as cruel as your slavery in america."[ ] then she took us into a tower where was the "oubliette." here the unfortunate prisoner was made to kneel before an image of the virgin, while the treacherous floor, falling beneath him, precipitated him into a well forty feet deep, where he was left to die of broken limbs and starvation. below this well was still another pit, filled with knives, into which, when they were disposed to a merciful hastening of the torture, they let him fall. the woman has been herself to the bottom of the first dungeon, and found there bones of victims. the second pit is now walled up.... to-night, after sunset, we rowed to byron's "little isle," the only one in the lake. o, the unutterable beauty of these mountains--great, purple waves, as if they had been dashed up by a mighty tempest, crested with snow-like foam! this purple sky, and crescent moon, and the lake gleaming and shimmering, and twinkling stars, while far off up the sides of a snow-topped mountain a light shines like a star--some mountaineer's candle, i suppose. in the dark stillness we rode again over to chillon, and paused under its walls. the frogs were croaking in the moat, and we lay rocking on the wave, and watching the dusky outlines of the towers and turrets. then the spirit of the scene seemed to wrap me round like a cloak. back to geneva again. this lovely place will ever leave its image on my heart. mountains embrace it. by rail up the gorner-grat[ ] by archibald campbell knowles to see the splendid array of snow peaks and glaciers which makes the sky line above zermatt, one must leave the valley and walk or climb to a higher level. an ideal spot for this is the hôtel riffel alp. both the situation and the hôtel outrival and surpass any similar places in the alps. "far from the madding crowd," on a little plateau bounded by pines and pastures stands the hôtel, some two thousand feet above zermatt and at an altitude of over , feet. the outlook is superb, the air splendid, the quiet most restful. two little churches, the one for roman catholics, the other for members of the church of england minister to the spiritual needs of the visitors and stamp religion upon a situation grand and sublime. those who come here are lovers of the mountains who enjoy the open life. it is a place not so much for "les grands excursions" as for long walks, easy climbs and the beginnings of mountaineering. many persons spend the entire day out, preferring to eat their déjeuner "informally," perched above some safe precipice, or on a glacier-bordered rock or in the shade of the cool woods, but there are always some who linger both morning and afternoon on the terrace with its far expanse of view, with the bright sunshine streaming down upon them. one great charm of the riffel alp is the proximity to the snow. an hour will bring one either to the gorner glacier or to the findelen glacier, while a somewhat longer time will lead to other stretches of snow and ice, where the climber may sit and survey the séracs and crevasses or walk about on the great frozen rivers. this is said to be beneficial to the nervous system as many physicians maintain that the glaciers contain a large amount of radium. before essaying any of the longer or harder trips however, the traveler first of all generally goes to the gorner-grat, the rocky ridge that runs up from zermatt to a point , feet high. many people still walk up, but since the railroad was built, even those who feel it to be a matter of conscience to inveigh against any kind of progress which ministers to the pleasures of the masses, are found among those who prefer to ascend by electricity. the trip up is often made very amusing as among the crowds are always some, who knowing really nothing of the place, feel it incumbent upon themselves to point out all of the peaks, in a way quite discomposing to anybody familiar with the locality or versed in geography! quite a luxurious little hôtel now surmounts the top of the gorner-grat. in it, about it and above it, on the walled terrace assembles a motley crowd every clear day in summer, clad in every variety of costume, conventional and unconventional.... an ordinary scene would be ruined by such a crowd, but not so the gorner-grat. the very majesty and magnificence of the view make one forget the vaporings of mere man, and the glory of god, so overpoweringly revealed in those regions of perpetual snow, drives other impressions away. and if one wishes to be alone, it is easily possible by walking a little further along the ridge where some rock will shut out all sight of man and the wind will drive away the sound of voices. it is doubtful if there is any view comparable with that of the gorner-grat. there is what is called a "near view," and there is also what is known as a "distant view," for completely surrounded by snow peak and glacier, the eye passes from valley to summit, resting on that wonderful stretch of shining white which forms the skyline. to say that one can count dozens of glaciers, that he can see fifty summits, that monte rosa, the lyskamm, the twins, the breithorn, the matterhorn, the dent blanche, the weisshorn, with many other mountains of the valais and oberland form a complete circle of snow peaks, may establish the geography of the place but it does not convey any but the faintest picture of the sublime grandeur of the scene.... an exciting experience for novices is to go with a guide from the gorner-grat to the hohtäligrat and thence down to the findelen glacier. it looks dangerous but it is not really so, if the climber is careful, for altho there is a sheer descent on either side of the arête or ridge which leads from the one point to the other, the way is never narrow and only over easy rocks and snow. the hohtäligrat is almost , feet in altitude and has a splendid survey of the sky line. one looks up at snow, one looks down at snow, one looks around at snow! from the beautiful summits of monte rosa, the eye passes in a complete circle, up and down, seeing in succession the white snow peaks, with their great glistening glaciers below, showing in strong contrast the occasional rock pyramids like the matterhorn and the group around the rothhorn. through the st. gothard into italy[ ] by victor tissot this is geschenen, at the entrance of the great tunnel, the meeting place of the upper gorges of the reuss, the valley of urseren, of the oberalp, and of the furka. geschenen has now the calm tranquility of old age. but during the nine years that it took to bore the great tunnel, what juvenile activity there was here, what feverish eagerness in this village, crowded, inundated, overflowed by workmen from italy, from tessin, from germany and france! one would have thought that out of that dark hole, dug out in the mountain, they were bringing nuggets of gold. on all the roads nothing was to be seen but bands of workmen arriving, with miners' lamps hung to their old soldier's knapsacks. nobody could tell how they were all to be lodged. one double bed was occupied in succession by twenty-four men in twenty-four hours. some of the workmen set up their establishments in barns; in all directions movable canteens sprung up, built all awry and hardly holding together, and in mean sheds, doubtful, bad-looking places, the dishonest merchant hastened to sell his adulterated brandy.... the st. gothard tunnel is about one and two-third miles longer than that of mount cenis, and more than three miles longer than that of arlberg. while the train is passing with a dull rumbling sound under these gloomy vaults, let us explain how the great work of boring the alps was accomplished. the mechanical work of perforation was begun simultaneously on the north and south sides of the mountain, working toward the same point, so as to meet toward the middle of the boring. the waters of the reuss and the tessin supplied the necessary motive power for working the screws attached to machinery for compressing the air. the borers applied to the rock the piston of a cylinder made to rotate with great rapidity by the pressure of air reduced to one-twentieth of its ordinary volume; then when they had made holes sufficiently deep, they withdrew the machines and charged the mines with dynamite. immediately after the explosion, streams of wholesome air were liberated which dissipated the smoke; then the débris was cleared away, and the borers returned to their place. the same work was thus carried on day and night, for nine years. on the geschenen side all went well; but on the other side, on the italian slope, unforseen obstacles and difficulties had to be overcome. instead of having to encounter the solid rock, they found themselves among a moving soil formed by the deposit of glaciers and broken by streams of water. springs burst out, like the jet of a fountain, under the stroke of the pick, flooding and driving away the workmen. for twelve months they seemed to be in the midst of a lake. but nothing could damp the ardor of the contractor, favre. his troubles were greater still when the undertaking had almost been suspended for want of money, when the workmen struck in , and, when, two years later, the village of arola was destroyed by fire. and how many times, again and again, the mason-work of the vaulted roof gave way and fell! certain "bad places," as they were called, cost more than nine hundred pounds per yard. in the interior of the mountain the thermometer marked degrees (fahr.), but so long as the tunnel was still not completely bored, the workmen were sustained by a kind of fever, and made redoubled efforts. discouragement and desertion did not appear among them till the goal was almost reached. the great tunnel passed, we find ourselves fairly in italy. the mulberry trees, with silky white bark and delicate, transparent leaves; the chestnuts, with enormous trunks like cathedral columns; the vine, hanging to high trellises supported by granite pillars, its festoons as capricious as the feats of those who partake too freely of its fruits; the white tufty heads of the maize tossing in the breeze; all that strong and luxuriant vegetation through which waves of moist air are passing; those flowers of rare beauty, of a grace and brilliancy that belong only to privileged zones;--all this indicates a more robust and fertile soil, and a more fervid sky than those of the upper villages which we have just left. x alpine mountain climbing first attempts half a century ago[ ] by edward whymper on the d of july, , i started for my first tour of the alps. at zermatt i wandered in many directions, but the weather was bad and my work was much retarded. one day, after spending a long time in attempts to sketch near the hörnli, and in futile endeavors to seize the forms of the peaks as they for a few seconds peered out from above the dense banks of woolly clouds, i determined not to return to zermatt by the usual path, but to cross the görner glacier to the riffel hotel. after a rapid scramble over the polished rocks and snow-beds which skirt the base of the theodule glacier, and wading through some of the streams which flow from it, at that time much swollen by the late rains, the first difficulty was arrived at, in the shape of a precipice about three hundred feet high. it seemed that there would be no difficulty in crossing the glacier if the cliff could be descended, but higher up and lower down the ice appeared, to my inexperienced eyes, to be impassable for a single person. the general contour of the cliff was nearly perpendicular, but it was a good deal broken up, and there was little difficulty in descending by zigzagging from one mass to another. at length there was a long slab, nearly smooth, fixt at an angle of about forty degrees between two wall-sided pieces of rock; nothing, except the glacier, could be seen below. it was a very awkward place, but being doubtful if return were possible, as i had been dropping from one ledge to another, i passed at length by lying across the slab, putting the shoulder stiffly against one side and the feet against the other, and gradually wriggling down, by first moving the legs and then the back. when the bottom of the slab was gained a friendly crack was seen, into which the point of the bâton could be stuck, and i dropt down to the next piece. it took a long time coming down that little bit of cliff, and for a few seconds it was satisfactory to see the ice close at hand. in another moment a second difficulty presented itself. the glacier swept round an angle of the cliff, and as the ice was not of the nature of treacle or thin putty, it kept away from the little bay on the edge of which i stood. we were not widely separated, but the edge of the ice was higher than the opposite edge of rock; and worse, the rock was covered with loose earth and stones which had fallen from above. all along the side of the cliff, as far as could be seen in both directions, the ice did not touch it, but there was this marginal crevasse seven feet wide and of unknown depth. all this was seen at a glance, and almost at once i concluded that i could not jump the crevass and began to try along the cliff lower down, but without success, for the ice rose higher and higher until at last farther progress was stopt by the cliffs becoming perfectly smooth. with an ax it would have been possible to cut up the side of the ice--without one, i saw there was no alternative but to return and face the jump. it was getting toward evening, and the solemn stillness of the high alps was broken only by the sound of rushing water or of falling rocks. if the jump should be successful, well; if not, i fell into the horrible chasm, to be frozen in, or drowned in that gurgling, rushing water. everything depended on that jump. again i asked myself "can it be done?" it must be. so, finding my stick was useless, i threw it and the sketch-book to the ice, and first retreating as far as possible, ran forward with all my might, took the leap, barely reached the other side, and fell awkwardly on my knees. at the same moment a shower of stones fell on the spot from which i had jumped. the glacier was crossed without further trouble, but the riffel, which was then a very small building, was crammed with tourists, and could not take me in. as the way down was unknown to me, some of the people obligingly suggested getting a man at the chalets, otherwise the path would be certainly lost in the forest. on arriving at the chalets no man could be found, and the lights of zermatt, shining through the trees, seemed to say, "never mind a guide, but come along down; we'll show you the way"; so off i went through the forest, going straight toward them. the path was lost in a moment, and was never recovered. i was tript up by pine roots, i tumbled over rhododendron bushes, i fell over rocks. the night was pitch-dark, and after a time the lights of zermatt became obscure or went out altogether. by a series of slides or falls, or evolutions more or less disagreeable, the descent through the forest was at length accomplished, but torrents of a formidable character had still to be passed before one could arrive at zermatt. i felt my way about for hours, almost hopelessly, by an exhaustive process at last discovering a bridge, and about midnight, covered with dirt and scratches, reentered the inn which i had quitted in the morning.... i descended the valley, diverging from the path at randa to mount the slopes of the dom (the highest of the mischabelhörner), in order to see the weisshorn face to face. the latter mountain is the noblest in switzerland, and from this direction it looks especially magnificent. on its north there is a large snowy plateau that feeds the glacier of which a portion is seen from randa, and which on more than one occasion has destroyed that village. from the direction of the dom--that is, immediately opposite--this bies glacier seems to descend nearly vertically; it does not do so, altho it is very steep. its size is much less than formerly and the lower portion, now divided into three tails, clings in a strange, weird-like manner to the cliffs, to which it seems scarcely possible that it can remain attached. unwillingly i parted from the sight of this glorious mountain, and went down to visp. arriving once more in the rhone valley, i proceeded to viesch, and from thence ascended the aeggischhorn, on which unpleasant eminence i lost my way in a fog, and my temper shortly afterward. then, after crossing the grimsel in a severe thunderstorm, i passed on to brienz, interlachen and berne, and thence to fribourg and morat, neuchâtel, martigny and the st. bernard. the massive walls of the convent were a welcome sight as i waded through the snow-beds near the summit of the pass, and pleasant also was the courteous salutation of the brother who bade me enter. instead of descending to aosta, i turned into the val pelline, in order to obtain views of the dent d'erin. the night had come on before biona was gained, and i had to knock long and loud upon the door of the curé's house before it was opened. an old woman with querulous voice and with a large goître answered the summons, and demanded rather sharply what was wanted, but became pacific, almost good-natured, when a five-franc piece was held in her face and she heard that lodging and supper were required in exchange. my directions asserted that a passage existed from prerayen, at the head of this valley, to breuil, in the val tournanche, and the old woman, now convinced of my respectability, busied herself to find a guide. presently she introduced a native picturesquely attired in high-peaked hat, braided jacket, scarlet waistcoat and indigo pantaloons, who agreed to take me to the village of val tournanche. we set off early on the next morning, and got to the summit of the pass without difficulty. it gave me my first experience of considerable slopes of hard, steep snow, and, like all beginners, i endeavored to prop myself up with my stick, and kept it outside, instead of holding it between myself and the slope, and leaning upon it, as should have been done. the man enlightened me, but he had, properly, a very small opinion of his employer, and it is probably on that account that, a few minutes after we had passed the summit, he said he would not go any farther and would return to biona. all argument was useless; he stood still, and to everything that was said answered nothing but that he would go back. being rather nervous about descending some long snow-slopes which still intervened between us and the head of the valley, i offered more pay, and he went on a little way. presently there were some cliffs, down which we had to scramble. he called to me to stop, then shouted that he would go back, and beckoned to me to come up. on the contrary, i waited for him to come down, but instead of doing so, in a second or two he turned round, clambered deliberately up the cliff and vanished. i supposed it was only a ruse to extort offers of more money, and waited for half an hour, but he did not appear again. this was rather embarrassing, for he carried off my knapsack. the choice of action lay between chasing him and going on to breuil, risking the loss of my knapsack. i chose the latter course, and got to breuil the same evening. the landlord of the inn, suspicious of a person entirely innocent of luggage, was doubtful if he could admit me, and eventually thrust me into a kind of loft, which was already occupied by guides and by hay. in later years we became good friends, and he did not hesitate to give credit and even to advance considerable sums. my sketches from breuil were made under difficulties; my materials had been carried off, nothing better than fine sugar-paper could be obtained, and the pencils seemed to contain more silica than plumbago. however, they were made, and the pass was again crossed, this time alone. by the following evening the old woman of biona again produced the faithless guide. the knapsack was recovered after the lapse of several hours, and then i poured forth all the terms of abuse and reproach of which i was master. the man smiled when i called him a liar, and shrugged his shoulders when referred to as a thief, but drew his knife when spoken of as a pig. the following night was spent at cormayeur, and the day after i crossed the col ferrex to orsières, and on the next the tête noir to chamounix. the emperor napoleon arrived the same day, and access to the mer de glace was refused to tourists; but, by scrambling along the plan des aiguilles, i managed to outwit the guards, and to arrive at the montanvert as the imperial party was leaving, failing to get to the jardin the same afternoon, but very nearly succeeding in breaking a leg by dislodging great rocks on the moraine of the glacier. from chamounix i went to geneva, and thence by the mont cenis to turin and to the vaudois valleys. a long and weary day had ended when paesana was reached. the next morning i passed the little lakes which are the sources of the po, on my way into france. the weather was stormy, and misinterpreting the dialect of some natives--who in reality pointed out the right way--i missed the track, and found myself under the cliffs of monte viso. a gap that was occasionally seen in the ridge connecting it with the mountains to the east tempted me up, and after a battle with a snow-slope of excessive steepness, i reached the summit. the scene was extraordinary, and, in my experience, unique. to the north there was not a particle of mist, and the violent wind coming from that direction blew one back staggering. but on the side of italy the valleys were completely filled with dense masses of cloud to a certain level; and here--where they felt the influence of the wind--they were cut off as level as the top of a table, the ridges appearing above them. i raced down to abries, and went on through the gorge of the guil to mont dauphin. the next day found me at la bessée, at the junction of the val louise with the valley of the durance, in full view of mont pelvoux. the same night i slept at briançon, intending to take the courier on the following day to grenoble, but all places had been secured several days beforehand, so i set out at two p.m. on the next day for a seventy-mile walk. the weather was again bad, and on the summit of the col de lautaret i was forced to seek shelter in the wretched little hospice. it was filled with workmen who were employed on the road, and with noxious vapors which proceeded from them. the inclemency of the weather was preferable to the inhospitality of the interior. outside, it was disagreeable, but grand--inside, it was disagreeable and mean. the walk was continued under a deluge of rain, and i felt the way down, so intense was the darkness, to the village of la grave, where the people of the inn detained me forcibly. it was perhaps fortunate that they did so, for during that night blocks of rock fell at several places from the cliffs on to the road with such force that they made large holes in the macadam, which looked as if there had been explosions of gunpowder. i resumed the walk at half-past five next morning, and proceeded, under steady rain, through bourg d'oysans to grenoble, arriving at the latter place soon after seven p.m., having accomplished the entire distance from briançon in about eighteen hours of actual walking. this was the end of the alpine portion of my tour of , on which i was introduced to the great peaks, and acquired the passion for mountain-scrambling. first to the top of the matterhorn[ ] by edward whymper we started from zermatt on the th of july at half-past five, on a brilliant and perfectly cloudless morning. we were eight in number--croz, old peter and his two sons, lord francis douglas, hadow, hudson and i. to ensure steady motion, one tourist and one native walked together. the youngest taugwalder fell to my share, and the lad marched well, proud to be on the expedition and happy to show his powers. the wine-bags also fell to my lot to carry, and throughout the day, after each drink, i replenished them secretly with water, so that at the next halt they were found fuller than before! this was considered a good omen, and little short of miraculous. on the first day we did not intend to ascend to any great height, and we mounted, accordingly, very leisurely, picked up the things which were left in the chapel at the schwarzsee at : , and proceeded thence along the ridge connecting the hörnli with the matterhorn. at half-past eleven we arrived at the base of the actual peak, then quitted the ridge and clambered round some ledges on to the eastern face. we were now fairly upon the mountain, and were astonished to find that places which from the riffel, or even from the furggengletscher, looked entirely impracticable, were so easy that we could run about. before twelve o'clock we had found a good position for the tent, at a height of eleven thousand feet. croz and young peter went on to see what was above, in order to save time on the following morning. they cut across the heads of the snow-slopes which descended toward the furggengletscher, and disappeared round a corner, but shortly afterward we saw them high up on the face, moving quickly. we others made a solid platform for the tent in a well-protected spot, and then watched eagerly for the return of the men. the stones which they upset told that they were very high, and we supposed that the way must be easy. at length, just before p.m., we saw them coming down, evidently much excited. "what are they saying, peter?" "gentlemen, they say it is no good." but when they came near we heard a different story: "nothing but what was good--not a difficulty, not a single difficulty! we could have gone to the summit and returned to-day easily!" we passed the remaining hours of daylight--some basking in the sunshine, some sketching or collecting--and when the sun went down, giving, as it departed, a glorious promise for the morrow, we returned to the tent to arrange for the night. hudson made tea, i coffee, and we then retired each one to his blanket-bag, the taugwalders, lord francis douglas and myself occupying the tent, the others remaining, by preference, outside. long after dusk the cliffs above echoed with our laughter and with the songs of the guides, for we were happy that night in camp, and feared no evil. we assembled together outside the tent before dawn on the morning of the th, and started directly it was light enough to move. young peter came on with us as a guide, and his brother returned to zermatt. we followed the route which had been taken on the previous day, and in a few minutes turned the rib which had intercepted the view of the eastern face from our tent platform. the whole of this great slope was now revealed, rising for three thousand feet like a huge natural staircase. some parts were more and others were less easy, but we were not once brought to a halt by any serious impediment, for when an obstruction was met in front it could always be turned to the right or to the left. for the greater part of the way there was indeed no occasion for the rope, and sometimes hudson led, sometimes myself. at : we had attained a height of twelve thousand eight hundred feet, and halted for half an hour; we then continued the ascent without a break until : , when we stopt for fifty minutes at a height of fourteen thousand feet. twice we struck the northeastern ridge, and followed it for some little distance--to no advantage, for it was usually more rotten and steep, and always more difficult, than the face. still, we kept near to it, lest stones perchance might fall. we had now arrived at the foot of that part which, from the riffelberg or from zermatt, seems perpendicular or overhanging, and could no longer continue upon the eastern side. for a little distance we ascended by snow upon the arête--that is, the ridge--descending toward zermatt, and then by common consent turned over to the right, or to the northern side. before doing so we made a change in the order of ascent. croz went first, i followed, hudson came third; hadow and old peter were last. "now," said croz as he led off--"now for something altogether different." the work became difficult, and required caution. in some places there was little to hold, and it was desirable that those should be in front who were least likely to slip. the general slope of the mountain at this part was less than forty degrees, and snow had accumulated in, and had filled up, the interstices of the rock-face, leaving only occasional fragments projecting here and there. these were at times covered with a thin film of ice, produced from the melting and refreezing of the snow. it was the counterpart, on a small scale, of the upper seven hundred feet of the pointe des Écrins; only there was this material difference--the face of the Écrins was about, or exceeded, an angle of fifty degrees, and the matterhorn face was less than forty degrees. it was a place over which any fair mountaineers might pass in safety, and mr. hudson ascended this part, and, as far as i know, the entire mountain, without having the slightest assistance rendered to him upon any occasion. sometimes, after i had taken a hand from croz or received a pull, i turned to offer the same to hudson, but he invariably declined, saying it was not necessary. mr. hadow, however, was not accustomed to this kind of work, and required continual assistance. it is only fair to say that the difficulty which he found at this part arose simply and entirely from want of experience. this solitary difficult part was of no great extent. we bore away over it at first nearly horizontally, for a distance of about four hundred feet, then ascended directly toward the summit for about sixty feet, and then doubled back to the ridge which descends toward zermatt. a long stride round a rather awkward corner brought us to snow once more. the last doubt vanished! the matterhorn was ours! nothing but two hundred feet of easy snow remained to be surmounted!.... the summit of the matterhorn was formed of a rudely level ridge, about three hundred and fifty feet long. the day was one of those superlatively calm and clear ones which usually precede bad weather. the atmosphere was perfectly still and free from clouds or vapors. mountains fifty--nay, a hundred--miles off looked sharp and near. all their details--ridge and crag, snow and glacier--stood out with faultless definition. pleasant thoughts of happy days in bygone years came up unbidden as we recognized the old, familiar forms. all were revealed--not one of the principal peaks of the alps was hidden. i see them clearly now--the great inner circles of giants, backed by the ranges, chains and "massifs." first came the dent blanche, hoary and grand; the gabelhorn and pointed rothborn, and then the peerless weisshorn; the towering mischabelhörner flanked by the allaleinhorn, strahlhorn and rimpfischhorn; then monte rosa--with its many spitzen--the lyskamm and the breithorn. behind were the bernese oberland, governed by the finsteraarhorn, the simplon and st. gothard groups, the disgrazia and the orteler. toward the south we looked down to chivasso on the plain of piedmont, and far beyond. the viso--one hundred miles away--seemed close upon us; the maritime alps--one hundred and thirty miles distant--were free from haze. then came into view my first love--the pelvoux; the Écrins and the meije; the clusters of the graians; and lastly, in the west, gorgeous in the full sunlight, rose the monarch of all--mont blanc. ten thousand feet beneath us were the green fields of zermatt, dotted with chalets, from which blue smoke rose lazily. eight thousand feet below, on the other side, were the pastures of breuil. there were forests black and gloomy, and meadows bright and lively; bounding waterfalls and tranquil lakes; fertile lands and savage wastes: sunny plains and frigid plateaux. there were the most rugged forms and the most graceful outlines--bold, perpendicular cliffs and gentle, undulating slopes; rocky mountains and snowy mountains, somber and solemn or glittering and white, with walls, turrets, pinnacles, pyramids, domes, cones and spires! there was every combination that the world can give, and every contrast that the heart could desire. we remained on the summit for one hour-- one crowded hour of glorious life. the lord francis douglas tragedy[ ] by edward whymper we began to prepare for the descent. hudson and i again consulted as to the best and safest arrangement of the party. we agreed that it would be best for croz to go first, and hadow second; hudson, who was almost equal to a guide in sureness of foot, wished to be third; lord francis douglas was placed next, and old peter, the strongest of the remainder, after him. i suggested to hudson that we should attach a rope to the rocks on our arrival at the difficult bit, and hold it as we descended, as an additional protection. he approved the idea, but it was not definitely settled that it should be done. the party was being arranged in the above order while i was sketching the summit, and they had finished, and were waiting for me to be tied in line, when some one remembered that our names had not been left in a bottle. they requested me to write them down, and moved off while it was being done. a few minutes afterward i tied myself to young peter, ran down after the others, and caught them just as they were commencing the descent of the difficult part. great care was being taken. only one man was moving at a time; when he was firmly planted, the next advanced, and so on. they had not, however, attached the additional rope to rocks, and nothing was said about it. the suggestion was not made for my own sake, and i am not sure that it even occurred to me again. for some little distance we followed the others, detached from them, and should have continued so had not lord francis douglas asked me, about p.m., to tie on to old peter, as he feared, he said, that taugwalder would not be able to hold his ground if a slip occurred. a few minutes later a sharp-eyed lad ran into the monte rosa hotel to seiler,[ ] saying that he had seen an avalanche fall from the summit of the matterhorn on to the matterhorngletscher. the boy was reproved for telling such idle stories; he was right, nevertheless, and this was what he saw. michael croz had laid aside his ax, and in order to give mr. hadow greater security was absolutely taking hold of his legs and putting his feet, one by one, into their proper positions. as far as i know, no one was actually descending. i can not speak with certainty, because the two leading men were partially hidden from my sight by an intervening mass of rock, but it is my belief, from the movements of their shoulders, that croz, having done as i have said, was in the act of turning round to go down a step or two himself; at the moment mr. hadow slipt, fell against him and knocked him over. i heard one startled exclamation from croz, then saw him and mr. hadow flying downward; in another moment hudson was dragged from his steps, and lord francis douglas immediately after him. all this was the work of a moment. immediately we heard croz's exclamation, old peter and i planted ourselves as firmly as the rocks would permit; the rope was taut between us, and the jerk came on us both as one man. we held, but the rope broke midway between taugwalder and lord francis douglas. for a few seconds we saw our unfortunate companions sliding downward on their backs, and spreading out their hands, endeavoring to save themselves. they passed from our sight uninjured, disappeared one by one, and fell from precipice to precipice on to the matterhorngletscher below, a distance of nearly four thousand feet in height. from the moment the rope broke it was impossible to help them. so perished our comrades! for the space of half an hour we remained on the spot without moving a single step. the two men, paralyzed by terror, cried like infants, and trembled in such a manner as to threaten us with the fate of the others. old peter rent the air with exclamations of "chamounix!--oh, what will chamounix say?" he meant, who would believe that croz could fall? the young man did nothing but scream or sob, "we are lost! we are lost!" fixt between the two, i could move neither up nor down. i begged young peter to descend, but he dared not. unless he did, we could not advance. old peter became alive to the danger, and swelled the cry, "we are lost! we are lost!" the father's fear was natural--he trembled for his son; the young man's fear was cowardly--he thought of self alone. at last old peter summoned up courage, and changed his position to a rock to which he could fix the rope; the young man then descended, and we all stood together. immediately we did so, i asked for the rope which had given way, and found, to my surprise--indeed, to my horror--that it was the weakest of the three ropes. it was not brought, and should not have been employed, for the purpose for which it was used. it was old rope, and, compared with the others, was feeble. it was intended as a reserve, in case we had to leave much rope behind attached to rocks. i saw at once that a serious question was involved, and made them give me the end. it had broken in mid-air, and it did not appear to have sustained previous injury. for more than two hours afterward i thought almost every moment that the next would be my last, for the taugwalders, utterly unnerved, were not only incapable of giving assistance, but were in such a state that a slip might have been expected from them at any moment. after a time we were able to do that which should have been done at first, and fixt rope to firm rocks, in addition to being tied together. these ropes were cut from time to time, and were left behind. even with their assurance the men were afraid to proceed, and several times old peter turned with ashy face and faltering limbs, and said with terrible emphasis, "i can not!" about p.m. we arrived at the snow upon, the ridge descending toward zermatt, and all peril was over. we frequently looked, but in vain, for traces of our unfortunate companions; we bent over the ridge and cried to them, but no sound returned. convinced at last that they were within neither sight nor hearing, we ceased from our useless efforts, and, too cast down for speech, silently gathered up our things, preparatory to continuing the descent. when lo! a mighty arch appeared, rising above the lyskamm high into the sky. pale, colorless and noiseless, but perfectly sharp and defined, except where it was lost in the clouds, this unearthly apparition seemed like a vision from another world, and almost appalled we watched with amazement the gradual development of two vast crosses, one on either side. if the taugwalders had not been the first to perceive it, i should have doubted my senses. they thought it had some connection with the accident, and i, after a while, that it might bear some relations to ourselves. but our movements had no effect upon it. the spectral forms remained motionless. it was a fearful and wonderful sight, unique in my experience, and impressive beyond description, at such a moment.... night fell, and for an hour the descent was continued in the darkness. at half-past nine a resting-place was found, and upon a wretched slab, barely large enough to hold three, we passed six miserable hours. at daybreak the descent was resumed, and from the hornli ridge we ran down to the chalets of buhl and on to zermatt. seiler met me at his door, and followed in silence to my room: "what is the matter?" "the taugwalders and i have returned." he did not need more, and burst into tears, but lost no time in lamentations, and set to work to arouse the village. ere long a score of men had started to ascend the hohlicht heights, above kalbermatt and z'mutt, which commanded the plateau of the matterhorngletscher. they returned after six hours, and reported that they had seen the bodies lying motionless on the snow. this was on saturday, and they proposed that we should leave on sunday evening, so as to arrive upon the plateau at daybreak on monday. we started at a.m. on sunday, the th, and followed the route that we had taken on the previous thursday as far as the hornli. from thence we went down to the right of the ridge, and mounted through the "séracs" of the matterhorngletscher. by : we had got to the plateau at the top of the glacier, and within sight of the corner in which we knew my companions must be. as we saw one weather-beaten man after another raise the telescope, turn deadly pale and pass it on without a word to the next, we knew that all hope was gone. we approached. they had fallen below as they had fallen above--croz a little in advance, hadow near him, and hudson behind, but of lord francis douglas we could see nothing.[ ] we left them where they fell, buried in snow at the base of the grandest cliff of the most majestic mountain of the alps. an ascent of monte rosa[ ] by john tyndall on monday, the th of august, we reached the riffel, and, by good fortune on the evening of the same day, my guide's brother, the well-known ulrich lauener, also arrived at the hotel on his return from monte rosa. from him we obtained all the information possible respecting the ascent, and he kindly agreed to accompany us a little way the next morning, to put us on the right track. at three a.m. the door of my bedroom opened, and christian lauener announced to me that the weather was sufficiently good to justify an attempt. the stars were shining overhead; but ulrich afterward drew our attention to some heavy clouds which clung to the mountains on the other side of the valley of the visp; remarking that the weather might continue fair throughout the day, but that these clouds were ominous. at four o'clock we were on our way, by which time a gray stratus cloud had drawn itself across the neck of the matterhorn, and soon afterward another of the same nature encircled his waist. we proceeded past the riffelhorn to the ridge above the görner glacier, from which monte rosa was visible from top to bottom, and where an animated conversation in swiss dialect commenced. ulrich described the slopes, passes, and precipices, which were to guide us; and christian demanded explanations, until he was finally able to declare to me that his knowledge was sufficient. we then bade ulrich good-by, and went forward. all was clear about monte rosa, and the yellow morning light shone brightly upon its uppermost snows. beside the queen of the alps was the huge mass of the lyskamm, with a saddle stretching from the one to the other; next to the lyskamm came two white, rounded mounds, smooth and pure, the twins castor and pollux, and further to the right again the broad, brown flank of the breithorn. behind us mont cervin[ ] gathered the clouds more thickly round him, until finally his grand obelisk was totally hidden. we went along the mountain side for a time, and then descended to the glacier. the surface was hard frozen, and the ice crunched loudly under our feet. there was a hollowness and volume in the sound which require explanation; and this, i think, is furnished by the remarks of sir john herschel on those hollow sounds at the solfaterra, near naples, from which travelers have inferred the existence of cavities within the mountain. at the place where these sounds are heard the earth is friable, and, when struck, the concussion is reinforced and lengthened by the partial echoes from the surfaces of the fragments. the conditions for a similar effect exist upon the glacier, for the ice is disintegrated to a certain depth, and from the innumerable places of rupture little reverberations are sent, which give a length and hollowness to the sound produced by the crushing of the fragments on the surface. we looked to the sky at intervals, and once a meteor slid across it, leaving a train of sparks behind. the blue firmament, from which the stars shone down so brightly when we rose, was more and more invaded by clouds, which advanced upon us from our rear, while before us the solemn heights of monte rosa were bathed in rich yellow sunlight. as the day advanced the radiance crept down toward the valleys; but still those stealthy clouds advanced like a besieging army, taking deliberate possession of the summits, one after another, while gray skirmishers moved through the air above us. the play of light and shadow upon monte rosa was at times beautiful, bars of gloom and zones of glory shifting and alternating from top to bottom of the mountain. at five o'clock a gray cloud alighted on the shoulder of the lyskamm, which had hitherto been warmed by the lovely yellow light. soon afterward we reached the foot of monte rosa, and passed from the glacier to a slope of rocks, whose rounded forms and furrowed surfaces showed that the ice of former ages had moved over them; the granite was now coated with lichens, and between the bosses where mold could rest were patches of tender moss. as we ascended a peal to the right announced the descent of an avalanche from the twins; it came heralded by clouds of ice-dust, which resembled the sphered masses of condensed vapor which issue from a locomotive. a gentle snow-slope brought us to the base of a precipice of brown rocks, round which we wound; the snow was in excellent order, and the chasms were so firmly bridged by the frozen mass that no caution was necessary in crossing them. surmounting a weathered cliff to our left, we paused upon the summit to look upon the scene around us. the snow gliding insensibly from the mountains, or discharged in avalanches from the precipices which it overhung, filled the higher valleys with pure white glaciers, which were rifted and broken here and there, exposing chasms and precipices from which gleamed the delicate blue of the half-formed ice. sometimes, however, the "névés" spread over wide spaces without a rupture or wrinkle to break the smoothness of the superficial snow. the sky was now, for the most part, overcast, but through the residual blue spaces the sun at intervals poured light over the rounded bosses of the mountain. at half-past seven o'clock we reached another precipice of rock, to the left of which our route lay, and here lauener proposed to have some refreshment; after which we went on again. the clouds spread more and more, leaving at length mere specks and patches of blue between them. passing some high peaks, formed by the dislocation of the ice, we came to a place where the "névé" was rent by crevasses, on the walls of which the stratification, due to successive snowfalls, was thrown with great beauty and definition. between two of these fissures our way now lay; the wall of one of them was hollowed out longitudinally midway down, thus forming a roof above and a ledge below, and from roof to ledge stretched a railing of cylindrical icicles, as if intended to bolt them together. a cloud now for the first time touched the summit of monte rosa, and sought to cling to it, but in a minute it dispersed in shattered fragments, as if dashed to pieces for its presumption. the mountain remained for a time clear and triumphant, but the triumph was shortlived; like suitors that will not be repelled, the dusky vapors came; repulse after repulse took place, and the sunlight gushed down upon the heights, but it was manifest that the clouds gained ground in the conflict. until about a quarter-past nine o'clock our work was mere child's play, a pleasant morning stroll along the flanks of the mountain; but steeper slopes now rose above us, which called for more energy, and more care in the fixing of the feet. looked at from below, some of these slopes appeared precipitous; but we were too well acquainted with the effect of fore-shortening to let this daunt us. at each step we dug our batons into the deep snow. when first driven in, the batons [ ] "dipt" from us, but were brought, as we walked forward, to the vertical, and finally beyond it at the other side. the snow was thus forced aside, a rubbing of the staff against it, and of the snow-particles against each other, being the consequence. we had thus perpetual rupture and regelation; while the little sounds consequent upon rupture reinforced by the partial echoes from the surfaces of the granules, were blended together to a note resembling the lowing of cows. hitherto i had paused at intervals to make notes, or to take an angle; but these operations now ceased, not from want of time, but from pure dislike; for when the eye has to act the part of a sentinel who feels that at any moment the enemy may be upon him; when the body must be balanced with precision, and legs and arms, besides performing actual labor, must be kept in readiness for possible contingencies; above all, when you feel that your safety depends upon yourself alone, and that, if your footing gives way, there is no strong arm behind ready to be thrown between you and destruction; under such circumstances the relish for writing ceases, and you are willing to hand over your impressions to the safekeeping of memory. prom the vast boss which constitutes the lower portion of monte rosa cliffy edges run upward to the summit. were the snow removed from these we should, i doubt not, see them as toothed or serrated crags, justifying the term "kamm," or "comb," applied to such edges by the germans. our way now lay along such a "kamm," the cliffs of which had, however, caught the snow, and been completely covered by it, forming an edge like the ridge of a house-roof, which sloped steeply upward. on the lyskamm side of the edge there was no footing, and if a human body fell over here, it would probably pass through a vertical space of some thousands of feet, falling or rolling, before coming to rest. on the other side the snow-slope was less steep, but excessively perilous-looking, and intersected by precipices of ice. dense clouds now enveloped us, and made our position far uglier than if it had been fairly illuminated. the valley below us was one vast cauldron, filled with precipitated vapor, which came seething at times up the sides of the mountain. sometimes this fog would clear away, and the light would gleam from the dislocated glaciers. my guide continually admonished me to make my footing sure, and to fix at each step my staff firmly in the consolidated snow. at one place, for a short steep ascent, the slope became hard ice, and our position a very ticklish one. we hewed our steps as we moved upward, but were soon glad to deviate from the ice to a position scarcely less awkward. the wind had so acted upon the snow as to fold it over the edge of the kamm, thus causing it to form a kind of cornice, which overhung the precipice on the lyskamm side of the mountain. this cornice now bore our weight; its snow had become somewhat firm, but it was yielding enough to permit the feet to sink in it a little way, and thus secure us at least against the danger of slipping. here, also, at each step we drove our batons firmly into the snow, availing ourselves of whatever help they could render. once, while thus securing my anchorage, the handle of my hatchet went right through the cornice on which we stood, and, on withdrawing it, i could see through the aperture into the cloud-crammed gulf below. we continued ascending until we reached a rock protruding from the snow, and here we halted for a few minutes. lauener looked upward through the fog. "according to all description," he observed, "this ought to be the last kamm of the mountain; but in this obscurity we can see nothing." snow began to fall, and we recommenced our journey, quitting the rocks and climbing again along the edge. another hour brought us to a crest of cliffs, at which, to our comfort, the kamm appeared to cease, and other climbing qualities were demanded of us. on the lyskamm side, as i have said, rescue would be out of the question, should the climber go over the edge. on the other side of the edge rescue seemed possible, tho' the slope, as stated already, was most dangerously steep. i now asked lauener what he would have done, supposing my footing to have failed on the latter slope. he did not seem to like the question, but said that he should have considered well for a moment and then have sprung after me; but he exhorted me to drive all such thoughts away. i laughed at him, and this did more to set his mind at rest than any formal profession of courage could have done. we were now among rocks; we climbed cliffs and descended them, and advanced sometimes with our feet on narrow ledges, holding tightly on to other ledges by our fingers; sometimes, cautiously balanced, we moved along edges of rock with precipices on both sides. once, in getting round a crag, lauener shook a book from his pocket; it was arrested by a rock about sixty or eighty feet below us. he wished to regain it, but i offered to supply its place, if he thought the descent too dangerous. he said he would make the trial, and parted from me. i thought it useless to remain idle. a cleft was before me, through which i must pass; so pressing my knees and back against its opposite sides, i gradually worked myself to the top. i descended the other face of the rock, and then, through a second ragged fissure, to the summit of another pinnacle. the highest point of the mountain was now at hand, separated from me merely by a short saddle, carved by weathering out the crest of the mountain. i could hear lauener clattering after me, through the rocks behind. i dropt down upon the saddle, crossed it, climbed the opposite cliff, and "die höchste spitze" of monte rosa was won. lauener joined me immediately, and we mutually congratulated each other on the success of the ascent. the residue of the bread and meat was produced, and a bottle of tea was also appealed to. mixed with a little cognac, lauener declared that he had never tasted anything like it. snow fell thickly at intervals, and the obscurity was very great; occasionally this would lighten and permit the sun to shed a ghastly dilute light upon us through the gleaming vapor. i put my boiling-water apparatus in order, and fixt it in a corner behind a ledge; the shelter was, however, insufficient, so i placed my hat above the vessel. the boiling-point was . deg. fahr., the ledge on which the instrument stood being five feet below the highest point of the mountain. the ascent from the riffel hotel occupied us about seven hours, nearly two of which were spent upon the kämm and crest. neither of us felt in the least degree fatigued; i, indeed, felt so fresh, that had another monte rosa been planted on the first, i should have continued the climb without hesitation, and with strong hopes of reaching the top. i experienced no trace of mountain sickness, lassitude, shortness of breath, heart-beat, or headache; nevertheless the summit of monte rosa is , feet high, being less than feet lower than mont blanc. it is, i think, perfectly certain, that the rarefaction of the air at this height is not sufficient of itself to produce the symptoms referred to; physical exertion must be superadded. mont blanc ascended, huxley going part way[ ] by john tyndall the way for a time was excessively rough,[ ] our route being overspread with the fragments of peaks which had once reared themselves to our left, but which frost and lightning had shaken to pieces, and poured in granite avalanches down the mountain. we were sometimes among huge, angular boulders, and sometimes amid lighter shingle, which gave way at every step, thus forcing us to shift our footing incessantly. escaping from these we crossed the succession of secondary glaciers which lie at the feet of the aiguilles, and, having secured firewood, found ourselves, after some hours of hard work, at the pierre l'echelle. here we were furnished with leggings of coarse woolen cloth to keep out the snow; they were tied under the knees and quite tightly again over the insteps, so that the legs were effectually protected. we had some refreshment, possest ourselves of the ladder, and entered upon the glacier. the ice was excessively fissured; we crossed crevasses and crept round slippery ridges, cutting steps in the ice wherever climbing was necessary. this rendered our progress very slow. once, with the intention of lending a helping hand, i stept forward upon a block of granite which happened to be poised like a rocking stone upon the ice, tho' i did not know it; it treacherously turned under me; i fell, but my hands were in instant requisition, and i escaped with a bruise, from which, however, the blood oozed angrily. we found the ladder necessary in crossing some of the chasms, the iron spikes at its end being firmly driven into the ice at one side, while the other end rested on the opposite side of the fissure. the middle portion of the glacier was not difficult. mounds of ice rose beside us right and left, which were sometimes split into high towers and gaunt-looking pyramids, while the space between was unbroken. twenty minutes' walking brought us again to a fissured portion of the glacier, and here our porter left the ladder on the ice behind him. for some time i was not aware of this, but we were soon fronted by a chasm to pass which we were in consequence compelled to make a long and dangerous circuit amid crests of crumbling ice. this accomplished, we hoped that no repetition of the process would occur, but we speedily came to a second fissure, where it was necessary to step from a projecting end of ice to a mass of soft snow which overhung the opposite side. simond could reach this snow with his long-handled ax; he beat it down to give it rigidity, but it was exceedingly tender, and as he worked at it he continued to express his fears that it would not bear us. i was the lightest of the party, and therefore tested the passage first; being partially lifted by simond on the end of his ax, i crossed the fissure, obtained some anchorage at the other side, and helped the others over. we afterward ascended until another chasm, deeper and wider than any we had hitherto encountered, arrested us. we walked alongside of it in search of a snow-bridge, which we at length found, but the keystone of the arch had, unfortunately, given way, leaving projecting eaves of snow at both sides, between which we could look into the gulf, till the gloom of its deeper portions cut the vision short. both sides of the crevasse were sounded, but no sure footing was obtained; the snow was beaten and carefully trodden down as near to the edge as possible, but it finally broke away from the foot and fell into the chasm. one of our porters was short-legged and a bad iceman; the other was a daring fellow, and he now threw the knapsack from his shoulders, came to the edge of the crevasse, looked into it, but drew back again. after a pause he repeated the act, testing the snow with his feet and staff. i looked at the man as he stood beside the chasm manifestly undecided as to whether he should take the step upon which his life would hang, and thought it advisable to put a stop to such perilous play. i accordingly interposed, the man withdrew from the crevasse, and he and simond descended to fetch the ladder. while they were away huxley sat down upon the ice, with an expression of fatigue stamped upon his countenance; the spirit and the muscles were evidently at war, and the resolute will mixed itself strangely with the sense of peril and feeling of exhaustion. he had been only two days with us, and, tho' his strength is great, he had had no opportunity of hardening himself by previous exercise upon the ice for the task which he had undertaken. the ladder now arrived, and we crossed the crevasse. i was intentionally the last of the party, huxley being immediately in front of me. the determination of the man disguised his real condition from everybody but himself, but i saw that the exhausting journey over the boulders and débris had been too much for his london limbs. converting my waterproof haversack into a cushion, i made him sit down upon it at intervals, and by thus breaking the steep ascent into short stages we reached the cabin of the grands mulets together. here i spread a rug on the boards, and, placing my bag for a pillow, he lay down, and after an hour's profound sleep he rose refreshed and well; but still he thought it wise not to attempt the ascent farther. our porters left us; a baton was stretched across the room over the stove, and our wet socks and leggings were thrown across it to dry; our boots were placed around the fire, and we set about preparing our evening meal. a pan was placed upon the fire, and filled with snow, which in due time melted and boiled; i ground some chocolate and placed it in the pan, and afterward ladled the beverage into the vessels we possest, which consisted of two earthen dishes and the metal cases of our brandy flasks. after supper simond went out to inspect the glacier, and was observed by huxley, as twilight fell, in a state of deep contemplation beside a crevasse. gradually the stars appeared, but as yet no moon. before lying down we went out to look at the firmament, and noticed, what i supposed has been observed to some extent by everybody, that the stars near the horizon twinkled busily, while those near the zenith shone with a steady light. one large star, in particular, excited our admiration; it flashed intensely, and changed color incessantly, sometimes blushing like a ruby, and again gleaming like an emerald. a determinate color would sometimes remain constant for a sensible time, but usually the flashes followed each other in very quick succession. three planks were now placed across the room near the stove, and upon these, with their rugs folded round them, huxley and hirst stretched themselves, while i nestled on the boards at the most distant end of the room. we rose at eleven o'clock, renewed the fire and warmed ourselves, after which we lay down again. i, at length, observed a patch of pale light upon the wooden wall of the cabin, which had entered through a hole in the end of the edifice, and rising found that it was past one o'clock. the cloudless moon was shining over the wastes of snow, and the scene outside was at once wild, grand, and beautiful. breakfast was soon prepared, tho' not without difficulty; we had no candles, they had been forgotten; but i fortunately possest a box of wax matches, of which huxley took charge, patiently igniting them in succession, and thus giving us a tolerably continuous light. we had some tea, which had been made at the montanvert,[ ] and carried to the grands mulets in a bottle. my memory of that tea is not pleasant; it had been left a whole night in contact with its leaves, and smacked strongly of tannin. the snow-water, moreover, with which we diluted it was not pure, but left a black residuum at the bottom of the dishes in which the beverage was served. the few provisions deemed necessary being placed in simond's knapsack, at twenty minutes past two o'clock we scrambled down the rocks, leaving huxley behind us. the snow was hardened by the night's frost, and we were cheered by the hope of being able to accomplish the ascent with comparatively little labor. we were environed by an atmosphere of perfect purity; the larger stars hung like gems above us, and the moon, about half full, shone with wondrous radiance in the dark firmament. one star in particular, which lay eastward from the moon, suddenly made its appearance above one of the aiguilles, and burned there with unspeakable splendor. we turned once toward the mulets, and saw huxley's form projected against the sky as he stood upon a pinnacle of rock; he gave us a last wave of the hand and descended, while we receded from him into the solitudes. the evening previous our guide had examined the glacier for some distance, his progress having been arrested by a crevasse. beside this we soon halted: it was spanned at one place by a bridge of snow, which was of too light a structure to permit of simond's testing it alone; we therefore paused while our guide uncoiled a rope and tied us all together. the moment was to me a peculiarly solemn one. our little party seemed so lonely and so small amid the silence and the vastness of the surrounding scene. we were about to try our strength under unknown conditions, and as the various possibilities of the enterprise crowded on the imagination, a sense of responsibility for a moment opprest me. but as i looked aloft and saw the glory of the heavens, my heart lightened, and i remarked cheerily to hirst that nature seemed to smile upon our work. "yes," he replied, in a calm and earnest voice, "and, god willing, we shall accomplish it." a pale light now overspread the eastern sky, which increased, as we ascended, to a daffodil tinge; this afterward heightened to orange, deepening at one extremity into red, and fading at the other into a pure, ethereal hue to which it would be difficult to assign a special name. higher up the sky was violet, and this changed by insensible degrees into the darkling blue of the zenith, which had to thank the light of moon and stars alone for its existence. we wound steadily for a time through valleys of ice, climbed white and slippery slopes, crossed a number of crevasses, and after some time found ourselves beside a chasm of great depth and width, which extended right and left as far as we could see. we turned to the left, and marched along its edge in search of a "pont"; but matters became gradually worse; other crevasses joined on to the first one, and the further we proceeded the more riven and dislocated the ice became. at length we reached a place where further advance was impossible. simond, in his difficulty complained of the want of light, and wished us to wait for the advancing day; i, on the contrary, thought that we had light enough and ought to make use of it. here the thought occurred to me that simond, having been only once before to the top of the mountain, might not be quite clear about the route; the glacier, however, changes within certain limits from year to year, so that a general knowledge was all that could be expected, and we trusted to our own muscles to make good any mistake in the way of guidance. we now turned and retraced our steps along the edges of chasms where the ice was disintegrated and insecure, and succeeded at length in finding a bridge which bore us across the crevasse. this error caused us the loss of an hour, and after walking for this time we could cast a stone from the point we had attained to the place whence we had been compelled to return. our way now lay along the face of a steep incline of snow, which was cut by the fissure we had just passed, in a direction parallel to our route. on the heights to our right, loose ice-crags seemed to totter, and we passed two tracks over which the frozen blocks had rushed some short time previously. we were glad to get out of the range of these terrible projectiles, and still more so to escape the vicinity of that ugly crevasse. to be killed in the open air would be a luxury, compared with having the life squeezed out of one in the horrible gloom of these chasms. the blush of the coming day became more and more intense; still the sun himself did not appear, being hidden from us by the peaks of the aiguille du midi, which were drawn clear and sharp against the brightening sky. right under this aiguille were heaps of snow smoothly rounded and constituting a portion of the sources whence the glacier du géant is fed; these, as the day advanced, bloomed with a rosy light. we reached the petit plateau, which we found covered with the remains of ice avalanches; above us upon the crest of the mountain rose three mighty bastions, divided from each other by deep, vertical rents, with clean smooth walls, across which the lines of annual bedding were drawn like courses of masonry. from these, which incessantly renew themselves, and from the loose and broken ice-crags near them, the boulders amid which we now threaded our way had been discharged. when they fall their descent must be sublime. the snow had been gradually getting deeper, and the ascent more wearisome, but superadded to this at the petit plateau was the uncertainty of the footing between the blocks of ice. in many places the space was merely covered by a thin crust, which, when trod upon, instantly yielded and we sank with a shock sometimes to the hips. our way next lay up a steep incline to the grand plateau, the depth and tenderness of the snow augmenting as we ascended. we had not yet seen the sun, but as we attained the brow which forms the entrance to the grand plateau, he hung his disk upon a spike of rock to our left, and, surrounded by a glory of interference spectra of the most gorgeous colors, blazed down upon us. on the grand plateau we halted and had our frugal refreshment. at some distance to our left was the crevasse into which dr. hamel's three guides were precipitated by an avalanche in ; they are still entombed in the ice, and some future explorer may, perhaps, see them disgorged lower down, fresh and undecayed. they can hardly reach the surface until they pass the snow-line of the glacier, for above this line the quantity of snow that annually falls being in excess of the quantity melted, the tendency would be to make the ice-covering above them thicker. but it is also possible that the waste of the ice underneath may have brought the bodies to the bed of the glacier, where their very bones may have been ground to mud by an agency which the hardest rocks can not withstand. as the sun poured his light upon the plateau the little snow-facets sparkled brilliantly, sometimes with a pure white light, and at others with prismatic colors. contrasted with the white spaces above and around us were the dark mountains on the opposite side of the valley of chamouni, around which fantastic masses of cloud were beginning to build themselves. mont buet, with its cone of snow, looked small, and the brevent altogether mean; the limestone bastions of the fys, however, still presented a front of gloom and grandeur. we traversed the grand plateau, and at length reached the base of an extremely steep incline which stretched upward toward the corridor. here, as if produced by a fault, consequent upon the sinking of the ice in front, rose a vertical precipice, from the coping of which vast stalactites of ice depended. previous to reaching this place i had noticed a haggard expression upon the countenance of our guide, which was now intensified by the prospect of the ascent before him. hitherto he had always been in front, which was certainly the most fatiguing position. i felt that i must now take the lead, so i spoke cheerily to the man and placed him behind me. marking a number of points upon the slope as resting places, i went swiftly from one to the other. the surface of the snow had been partially melted by the sun and then refrozen, thus forming a superficial crust, which bore the weight up to a certain point, and then suddenly gave way, permitting the leg to sink to above the knee. the shock consequent on this, and the subsequent effort necessary to extricate the leg, were extremely fatiguing. my motion was complained of as too quick, and my tracks as imperfect; i moderated the former, and to render my footholes broad and sure, i stamped upon the frozen crust, and twisted my legs in the soft mass underneath,--a terribly exhausting process. i thus led the way to the base of the rochers bouges, up to which the fault already referred to had prolonged itself as a crevasse, which was roofed at one place by a most dangerous-looking snow-bridge. simond came to the front; i drew his attention to the state of the snow, and proposed climbing the rochers rouges; but, with a promptness unusual with him, he replied that this was impossible; the bridge was our only means of passing, and we must try it. we grasped our ropes, and dug our feet firmly into the snow to check the man's descent if the "pont" gave way, but to our astonishment it bore him, and bore us safely after him. the slope which we had now to ascend had the snow swept from its surface, and was therefore firm ice. it was most dangerously steep, and, its termination being the fretted coping of the precipice to which i have referred, if we slid downward we should shoot over this and be dashed to pieces upon the ice below.[ ] simond, who had come to the front to cross the crevasse, was now engaged in cutting steps, which he made deep and large, so that they might serve us on our return. but the listless strokes of his ax proclaimed his exhaustion; so i took the implement out of his hands, and changed places with him. step after step was hewn, but the top of the corridor appeared ever to recede from us. hirst was behind, unoccupied, and could thus turn his thoughts to the peril of our position; he "felt" the angle on which we hung, and saw the edge of the precipice, to which less than a quarter of a minute's slide would carry us, and for the first time during the journey he grew giddy. a cigar which he lighted for the purpose tranquilized him. i hewed sixty steps upon this slope, and each step had cost a minute, by hirst's watch. the mur de la côte was still before us, and on this the guide-books informed us two or three hundred steps were sometimes found necessary. if sixty steps cost an hour, what would be the cost of two hundred? the question was disheartening in the extreme, for the time at which we had calculated on reaching the summit was already passed, while the chief difficulties remained unconquered. having hewn our way along the harder ice we reached snow. i again resorted to stamping to secure a footing, and while thus engaged became, for the first time, aware of the drain of force to which i was subjecting myself. the thought of being absolutely exhausted had never occurred to me, and from first to last i had taken no care to husband my strength. i always calculated that the "will" would serve me even should the muscles fail, but i now found that mechanical laws rule man in the long run; that no effort of will, no power of spirit, can draw beyond a certain limit upon muscular force. the soul, it is true, can stir the body to action, but its function is to excite and apply force, and not to create it. while stamping forward through the frozen crust i was compelled to pause at short intervals; then would set out again apparently fresh, to find, however, in a few minutes, that my strength was gone, and that i required to rest once more. in this way i gained the summit of the corridor, when hirst came to the front, and i felt some relief in stepping slowly after him, making use of the holes into which his feet had sunk. he thus led the way to the base of the mur de la côte, the thought of which had so long cast a gloom upon us; here we left our rope behind us, and while pausing i asked simond whether he did not feel a desire to go to the summit. "surely," was his reply, "but!--" our guide's mind was so constituted that the "but" seemed essential to its peace. i stretched my hands toward him, and said: "simond, we must do it." one thing alone i felt could defeat us: the usual time of the ascent had been more than doubled, the day was already far spent, and if the ascent would throw our subsequent descent into night it could not be contemplated. we now faced the mur, which was by no means so bad as we had expected. driving the iron claws of our boots into the scars made by the ax, and the spikes of our batons into the slope above our feet, we ascended steadily until the summit was attained, and the top of the mountain rose clearly above us. we congratulated ourselves upon this; but simond, probably fearing that our joy might become too full, remarked: "but the summit is still far off!" it was, alas! too true. the snow became soft again, and our weary limbs sank in it as before. our guide went on in front, audibly muttering his doubts as to our ability to reach the top, and at length he threw himself upon the snow, and exclaimed, "i give up!" hirst now undertook the task of rekindling the guide's enthusiasm, after which simond rose, exclaiming: "oh, but this makes my knees ache!" and went forward. two rocks break through the snow between the summit of the mur and the top of the mountain; the first is called the petits mulets, and the highest the derniers rochers. at the former of these we paused to rest, and finished our scanty store of wine and provisions. we had not a bit of bread nor a drop of wine left; our brandy flasks were also nearly exhausted, and thus we had to contemplate the journey to the summit, and the subsequent descent to the grands mulets, with out the slightest prospect of physical refreshment. the almost total loss of two nights' sleep, with two days' toil superadded, made me long for a few minutes' doze, so i stretched myself upon a composite couch of snow and granite, and immediately fell asleep. my friend, however, soon aroused me. "you quite frighten me," he said; "i have listened for some minutes, and have not heard you breathe once." i had, in reality, been taking deep draughts of the mountain air, but so silently as not to be heard. i now filled our empty wine-bottle with snow and placed it in the sunshine, that we might have a little water on our return. we then rose; it was half-past two o'clock; we had been upward of twelve hours climbing, and i calculated that, whether we reached the summit or not, we could at all events work "toward" it for another hour. to the sense of fatigue previously experienced, a new phenomenon was now added--the beating of the heart. we were incessantly pulled up by this, which sometimes became so intense as to suggest danger. i counted the number of paces which we were able to accomplish without resting, and found that at the end of every twenty, sometimes at the end of fifteen, we were compelled to pause. at each pause my heart throbbed audibly, as i leaned upon my staff, and the subsidence of this action was always the signal for further advance. my breathing was quick, but light and unimpeded. i endeavored to ascertain whether the hip-joint, on account of the diminished atmospheric pressure, became loosened, so as to throw the weight of the leg upon the surrounding ligaments, but could not be certain about it. i also sought a little aid and encouragement from philosophy, endeavoring to remember what great things had been done by the accumulation of small quantities, and i urged upon myself that the present was a case in point, and that the summation of distances twenty paces each must finally place us at the top. still the question of time left the matter long in doubt, and until we had passed the derniers rochers we worked on with the stern indifference of men who were doing their duty, and did not look to consequences. here, however, a gleam of hope began to brighten our souls: the summit became visible nearer, simond showed more alacrity; at length success became certain, and at half-past three p.m. my friend and i clasped hands upon the top. the summit of the mountain is an elongated ridge, which has been compared to the back of an ass. it was perfectly manifest that we were dominant over all other mountains; as far as the eye could range mont blanc had no competitor. the summits which had looked down upon us in the morning were now far beneath us. the dôme du goûté, which had held its threatening "séracs" above us so long, was now at our feet. the aiguille du midi, mont blanc du tacul, and the monts maudits, the talèfre, with its surrounding peaks, the grand jorasse, mont mallet, and the aiguille du géant, with our own familiar glaciers, were all below us. and as our eye ranged over the broad shoulders of the mountain, over ice hills and valleys, plateaux and far-stretching slopes of snow, the conception of its magnitude grew upon us, and imprest us more and more. the clouds were very grand--grander, indeed, than anything i had ever before seen. some of them seemed to hold thunder in their breasts, they were so dense and dark; others, with their faces turned sunward, shone with the dazzling whiteness of the mountain snow; while others again built themselves into forms resembling gigantic elm trees, loaded with foliage. toward the horizon the luxury of color added itself to the magnificent alternation of light and shade. clear spaces of amber and ethereal green embraced the red and purple cumuli, and seemed to form the cradle in which they swung. closer at hand squally mists, suddenly engendered, were driven hither and thither by local winds; while the clouds at a distance lay "like angels sleeping on the wing," with scarcely visibly motion. mingling with the clouds, and sometimes rising above them, were the highest mountain heads, and as our eyes wandered from peak to peak, onward to the remote horizon, space itself seemed more vast from the manner in which the objects which it held were distributed.... the day was waning, and, urged by the warnings of our ever-prudent guide, we at length began the descent. gravity was in our favor, but gravity could not entirely spare our wearied limbs, and where we sank in the snow we found our downward progress very trying. i suffered from thirst, but after we had divided the liquefied snow at the petits mulets among us we had nothing to drink. i crammed the clean snow into my mouth, but the process of melting was slow and tantalizing to a parched throat, while the chill was painful to the teeth. the jungfrau-joch[ ] by sir leslie stephen i was once more standing upon the wengern alp, and gazing longingly at the jungfrau-joch. surely the wengern alp must be precisely the loveliest place in this world. to hurry past it, and listen to the roar of the avalanches, is a very unsatisfactory mode of enjoyment; it reminds one too much of letting off crackers in a cathedral. the mountains seem to be accomplices of the people who charge fifty centimes for an echo. but it does one's moral nature good to linger there at sunset or in the early morning, when tourists have ceased from traveling; and the jaded cockney may enjoy a kind of spiritual bath in the soothing calmness of scenery.... we, that is a little party of six englishmen with six oberland guides, who left the inn at a.m. on july , , were not, perhaps, in a specially poetical mood. yet as the sun rose while we were climbing the huge buttress of the mönch, the dullest of us--i refer, of course, to myself--felt something of the spirit of the scenery. the day was cloudless, and a vast inverted cone of dazzling rays suddenly struck upward into the sky through the gap between the mönch and the eiger, which, as some effect of perspective shifted its apparent position, looked like a glory streaming from the very summit of the eiger. it was a good omen, if not in any more remote sense, yet as promising a fine day. after a short climb we descended upon the gugg, glacier, most lamentably unpoetical of names, and mounted by it to the great plateau which lies below the cliffs immediately under the col. we reached this at about seven, and, after a short meal, carefully examined the route above us. half way between us and the col lay a small and apparently level plateau of snow. once upon it we felt confident that we could get to the top.... we plunged at once into the maze of crevasses, finding our passage much facilitated by the previous efforts of our guides. we were constantly walking over ground strewed with crumbling blocks of ice, the recent fall of which was proved by their sharp white fractures, and with a thing like an infirm toad stool twenty feet high, towering above our heads. once we passed under a natural arch of ice, built in evident disregard of all principles of architectural stability. hurrying judiciously at such critical points, and creeping slowly round those where the footing was difficult, we manage to thread the labyrinth safely, whilst rubi appeared to think it rather pleasant than otherwise in such places to have his head fixt in a kind of pillory between two rungs of a ladder, with twelve feet of it sticking out behind and twelve feet before him. we reached the gigantic crevasse at . . we passed along it to a point where its two lips nearly joined, and the side furthest from us was considerably higher than that upon which we stood. fixing the foot of the ladder upon this ledge, we swung the top over, and found that it rested satisfactorily against the opposite bank. almer crept up it, and made the top firmer by driving his ax into the snow underneath the highest step. the rest of us followed, carefully roped, and with the caution to rest our knees on the sides of the ladder, as several of the steps were extremely weak--a remark which was equally applicable to one, at least, of the sides. we crept up the rickety old machine, however, looking down between our legs into the blue depths of the crevasse, and at . the whole party found itself satisfactorily perched on the edge of the nearly level snow plateau, looking up at the long slopes of broken névé that led to the col.... when the man behind was also engaged in hauling himself up by the rope attached to your waist, when the two portions of the rope formed an acute angle, when your footing was confined to the insecure grip of one toe on a slippery bit of ice, and when a great hummock of hard sérac was pressing against the pit of your stomach and reducing you to a position of neutral equilibrium, the result was a feeling of qualified acquiescence in michel or almer's lively suggestion of "vorwärts! vorwärts!" somehow or other we did ascend. the excitement made the time seem short; and after what seemed to me to be half an hour, which was in fact nearly two hours, we had crept, crawled, climbed and wormed our way through various obstacles, till we found ourselves brought up by a huge overhanging wall of blue ice. this wall was no doubt the upper side of a crevasse, the lower part of which had been filled by snow-drift. its face was honeycombed by the usual hemispherical chippings, which somehow always reminds me of the fretted walls of the alhambra; and it was actually hollowed out so that its upper edge overhung our heads at a height of some twenty or thirty feet; the long fringe of icicles which adorned it had made a slippery pathway of ice at two or three feet distance from the foot of the wall by the freezing water which dripped from them; and along this we crept, in hopes that none of the icicles would come down bodily. the wall seemed to thin out and become much lower toward our left, and we moved cautiously toward its lowest point. the edge upon which we walked was itself very narrow, and ran down at a steep angle to the top of a lower icefall which repeated the form of the upper. it almost thinned out at the point where the upper wall was lowest. upon this inclined ledge, however, we fixt the foot of our ladder. the difficulty of doing so conveniently was increased by a transverse crevasse which here intersected the other system. the foot, however, was fixt and rendered tolerably safe by driving in firmly several of our alpenstocks and axes under the lowest step. almer, then, amidst great excitement, went forward to mount it. should we still find an impassable system of crevasses above us, or were we close to the top? a gentle breeze which had been playing along the last ledge gave me hope that we were really not far off. as almer reached the top about twelve o'clock, a loud yodel gave notice to all the party that our prospects were good. i soon followed, and saw, to my great delight, a stretch of smooth, white snow, without a single crevasse, rising in a gentle curve from our feet to the top of the col. the people who had been watching us from the wengern alp had been firing salutes all day, whenever the idea struck them, and whenever we surmounted a difficulty, such as the first great crevasse. we heard the faint sound of two or three guns as we reached the final plateau. we should, properly speaking, have been uproariously triumphant over our victory. to say the truth, our party of that summer was only too apt to break out into undignified explosions of animal spirits, bordering at times upon horseplay.... the top of the jungfrau-joch comes rather like a bathos in poetry. it rises so gently above the steep ice wall, and it is so difficult to determine the precise culminating point, that our enthusiasm oozed out gradually instead of producing a sudden explosion; and that instead of giving three cheers, singing "god save the queen," or observing any of the traditional ceremonial of a simpler generation of travelers, we calmly walked forward as tho' we had been crossing westminster bridge, and on catching sight of a small patch of rocks near the foot of the mönch, rushed precipitately down to it and partook of our third breakfast. which things, like most others, might easily be made into an allegory. the great dramatic moments of life are very apt to fall singularly flat. we manage to discount all their interest beforehand; and are amazed to find that the day to which we have looked forward so long--the day, it may be, of our marriage, or ordination, or election to be lord mayor--finds us curiously unconscious of any sudden transformation and as strongly inclined to prosaic eating and drinking as usual. at a later period we may become conscious of its true significance, and perhaps the satisfactory conquest of this new pass has given us more pleasure in later years than it did at the moment. however that may be, we got under way again after a meal and a chat, our friends messrs. george and moore descending the aletsch glacier to the aeggischhorn, whose summit was already in sight, and deceptively near in appearance. the remainder of the party soon turned off to the left, and ascended the snow slopes to the gap between the mönch and trugberg. as we passed these huge masses, rising in solitary grandeur from the center of one of the noblest snowy wastes of the alps, morgan reluctantly confest for the first time that he knew nothing exactly like it in wales. xi other alpine topics the great st. bernard hospice[ ] by archibald campbell knowles the pass of the great st. bernard was a well-known one long before the hospice was built. before the christian era, the romans used it as a highway across the alps, constantly improving the road as travel over it increased. many lives were lost, however, as no material safeguards could obviate the danger from the elements, and no one will ever know the number of souls who met their end in the blinding snows and chilling blasts of those alpine heights. to bernard de menthon is due the credit of the mountain hospice. he was the originator of the idea and the founder of the institution. he has since been canonized as a saint and he well deserved the honor, if it be a virtue to sacrifice oneself, as we believe, and to try and save the lives of one's fellows! it is no easy existence which st. bernard chose for himself and followers. the very aspect of the pass is grand but gloomy. none of the softness of nature is seen. there is no verdure, no beauty of coloring, nothing but bleak, bare rock, great piles of stones, and occasional patches of fallen snow. it is thoroughly exposed, the winds always moaning mournfully around the buildings.... the trip begins at martigny. first there is a level stretch, then a long, steady climb, after which begins the real road to the pass. the views are very lovely, and while quite different in some ways excel all passes except the famous simplon. the scenery is very varied, the mountains are far enough off to give a good perspective, and the villages are most picturesque. the absence of snow peaks in any great number will be felt by some, but even a lover of such soon forgets the lack in the exceeding beauty and loveliness of the valleys. toward the top of the pass there is quite a transformation. both the road and the scenery change, the first becoming more and more steep and stony, the latter showing more and more of savage grandeur, as the green, smiling valleys are no longer seen, but in their place appear barren and rugged rocks and slopes, with the marks of the ravages wrought by storm, landslide and avalanche. the wind has fuller play and seems to moan in a mournful, dirge-like manner, accentuating the characteristics of bleakness and desolation which obtain at the top of the pass, all the more noticeable if the traveler arrives at dusk, just as the sun has disappeared behind the mountains. in this dreary place stands the hospice. the present buildings are not very old, the hospice only dating from the sixteenth century and the church from the seventeenth century, while the other structures, which have been built for the accommodation of strangers are comparatively new. twelve monks of the augustinian order are regularly in residence here. they come when about twenty years of age; but so severe is the climate, so hard the life and so stern the rule that, after a service of about fifteen years, they generally have to seek a lower altitude, often ruined in health, with their powers completely sapped by the rigors and privations which they have endured. altho the hospice and the adjoining hostelry for the travelers are cheerless in the extreme, there is always a warm welcome from the monks. no one, however poor, is refused bed and board for the night, and there is no "distinction of persons." the hospitality is extended to all, free of charge, this being the invariable rule of the institution, but it is expected, and rightly so, that those who can do so will deposit a liberal offering in the box provided for the purpose. the small receipts, however, show what a great abuse there is of this hospitality, for a large number of those who come in the summer could well afford to give and to give largely. we hear much of the courage and perseverance of hannibal and cæsar in leading their armies over the alps! we see pictures of napoleon and his soldiers as they toiled up the pass, dragging along their frozen guns, and perhaps falling into a fatal sleep about their dying camp fires at night! and we rightly admire such bravery, and thrill with admiration at the tale. yet those armies which crossed the alps failed to equal the heroic self-sacrifice of those soldiers of the cross, the monks of the grand st. bernard, who remain for years at their post, unknown and unsung by the wide, wide world, simply to save and shelter the humble travelers who come to grief in their winter journey across the pass, in search of work. avalanches[ ] by victor tissot beside this dazzling, magnificent snow, covering the chain of lofty peaks like an immaculate altar cloth, what a gloomy, dull look there is in the snow of the plains! one might think it was made of sugar or confectionery, that it was false like all the rest. to know what snow really is--to get quit of this feeling of artificial snow that we have when we see the stunted shrubs in our parisian gardens wrapt, as it were, in silk paper like bits of christmas trees--it must be seen here in these far-off, high valleys of the engandine, that lie for eight months dead under their shroud of snow, and often, even in the height of summer, have to shiver anew under some wintry flakes. it is here that snow is truly beautiful! it shines in the sun with a dazzling whiteness; it sparkles with a thousand fires like diamond dust; it shows gleams like the plumage of a white dove, and it is as firm under the foot as a marble pavement. it is so fine-grained, so compact, that it clings like dust to every crevice and bend, to every projecting edge and point, and follows every outline of the mountain, the form of which it leaves as clearly defined as if it were a covering of thin gauze. it sports in the most charming decorations, carves alabaster facings and cornices on the cliffs, wreathes them in delicate lace, covers them with vast canopies of white satin spangled with stars and fringed with silver. and yet this dry, hard snow is extremely susceptible to the slightest shock, and may be set in motion by a very trifling disturbance of the air. the flight of a bird, the cracking of a whip, the tinkling of bells, even the conversation of persons going along sometimes suffices to shake and loosen it from the vertical face of the cliffs to which it is clinging; and it runs down like grains of sand, growing as it falls, by drawing down with it other beds of snow. it is like a torrent, a snowy waterfall, bursting out suddenly from the side of the mountain; it rushes down with a terrible noise, swollen with the snows that it carries down in its furious course; it breaks against the rocks, divides and joins again like an overflowing stream, and with a wild tempest blast resumes its desolating course, filling the echoes with the deafening thunder of battle. you think for a moment that a storm has begun, but looking at the sky you see it serenely blue, smiling, cloudless. the rush becomes more and more violent; it comes nearer, the ground trembles, the trees bend and break with a sharp crack; enormous stones and blocks of ice are carried away like gravel; and the mighty avalanche, with a crash like a train running off the rails over a precipice, drops to the foot of the mountain, destroying, crushing down everything before it, and covering the ground with a bed of snow from thirty to fifty feet deep. when a stream of water wears a passage for itself under this compact mass, it is sometimes hollowed out into an arched way, and the snow becomes so solid that carriages and horses can go through without danger, even in the middle of summer. but often the water does not find a course by which to flow away; and then, when the snow begins to melt, the water seeps into the fissures, loosens the mass that chokes up the valley, and carries it down, rending its banks as it goes, carrying away bridges, mills, and trees, and overthrowing houses. the avalanche has become an inundation. the mountaineers make a distinction between summer and winter avalanches. the former are solid avalanches, formed of old snow that has almost acquired the consistency of ice. the warm breath of spring softens it, loosens it from the rocks on which it hangs, and it slides down into the valleys. these are called "melting avalanches." they regularly follow certain tracks, and these are embanked, like the course of a river, with wood or bundles of branches. it is in order to protect the alpine roads from these avalanches that those long open galleries have been built on the face of the precipice. the most dreaded and most terrible avalanches, those of dry, powdery snow, occur only in winter, when sudden squalls and hurricanes of snow throw the whole atmosphere into chaos. they come down in sudden whirlwinds, with the violence of a waterspout, and in a few minutes whole villages are buried.... here, in the grisons, the whole village of selva was buried under an avalanche. nothing remained visible but the top of the church steeple, looking like a pole planted in the snow. baron munchausen might have tied his horse there without inventing any lie about it. the val verzasca was covered for several months by an avalanche of nearly , feet in length and in depth. all communication through the valley was stopt; it was impossible to organize help; and the alarm-bell was incessantly sounding over the immense white desolation like a knell for the dead. in the narrow defile in which we now are, there are many remains of avalanches that neither the water of the torrent nor the heat of the sun has had power to melt. the bed of the river is strewn with displaced and broken rocks, and great stones bound together by the snow as if with cement; the surges dash against these rocky obstacles, foaming angrily, with the blind fury of a wild beast. and the moan of the powerless water flows on into the depth of the valley, and is lost far off in a hollow murmur. hunting the chamois[ ] by victor tissot schmidt swept with his cap the snow which covered the stones on which we were to seat ourselves for breakfast, then unpacked the provisions; slices of veal and ham, hard-boiled eggs, wine of the valtelline. his knapsack, covered with a napkin, served for our table. while we sat, we devoured the landscape, the twelve glaciers spreading around us their carpet of swansdown and ermine, sinking into crevasses of a magical transparency, and raising their blocks, shaped into needles, or into gothic steeples with pierced arches. the architecture of the glacier is marvelous. its decorations are the decorations of fairyland. quite near us marks of animals in the snow attracted our attention. schmidt said to us: "chamois have been here this morning; the traces are quite fresh. they must have seen us and made off; the chamois are as distrustful, you see, as the marmots, and as wary. at this season they keep on the glaciers by preference. they live on so little! a few herbs, a few mosses, such as grow on isolated rocks like this. i assure you it is very amusing to see a herd of twenty or thirty chamois cross at a headlong pace a vast field of snow, or glacier, where they bound over the crevasses in play. "one would say they were reindeers in a lapland scene. it is only at night that they come down into the valleys. in the moonlight they come out of the moraines, and go to pasture on the grassy slopes or in the forest adjoining the glaciers. during the day they go up again into the snow, for which they have an extraordinary love, and in which they skip and play, amusing themselves like a band of scholars in play hours. they tease one another, butt with their horns in fun, run off, return, pretend new attacks and new flights with charming agility and frolicsomeness. "while the young ones give themselves up to their sports, an old female, posted as sentinel at some yards distance, watches the valley and scents the air. at the slightest indication of danger, she utters a sharp cry; the games cease instantly, and the whole anxious troop assembles round the guardian, then the whole herd sets off at a gallop and disappears in the twinkling of an eye.... "hunting on the névés and the glaciers is very dangerous. when the snow is fresh it is with difficulty one can advance. the hunters use wooden snowshoes, like those of the esquimaux. "one of my comrades, in hunting on the roseg, disappeared in the bottom of a crevasse. it was over thirty feet deep. imagine two perfectly smooth sides; two walls of crystal. to reascend was impossible. it was certain death, either from cold or hunger; for it was known that when he went chamois-hunting he was often absent for several days. he could not therefore count on help being sent; he must resign himself to death. "one thing, however, astonished him; it was to find so little water in the bottom of the crevasse. could there be then an opening at the bottom of the funnel into which he had fallen? he stooped, examined this grave in which he had been buried alive, discovered that the heat of the sun had caused the base of the glacier to melt. a canal drainage had been formed. laying himself flat, he slid into this dark passage, and after a thousand efforts he arrived at the end of the glacier in the moraine, safe and sound." we had finished breakfast. we wanted something warm, a little coffee. schmidt set up our spirit-lamp behind two great stones that protected it from the wind. and while we waited for the water to boil, he related to us the story of colani, the legendary hunter of the upper engandine. "colani, in forty years, killed two thousand seven hundred chamois. this strange man had carved out for himself a little kingdom in the mountain. he claimed to reign there alone, to be absolute master. when a stranger penetrated into his residence, within the domain of 'his reserved hunting-ground,' as he called the regions of the bernina, he treated him as a poacher, and chased him with a gun.... "colani was feared and dreaded as a diabolical and supernatural being; and indeed he took no pains to undeceive the public, for the superstitious terrors inspired by his person served to keep away all the chamois-hunters from his chamois, which he cared for and managed as a great lord cares for the deer in his forests. round the little house which he had built for himself on the col de bernina, and where he passed the summer and autumn, two hundred chamois, almost tame, might be seen wandering about and browsing. every year he killed about fifty old males." the celebrities of geneva[ ] by francis h. gribble it has been remarked as curious that the age of revolution at geneva was also the golden age--if not of genevan literature, which has never really had any golden age, at least of genevan science, which was of world-wide renown. the period is one in which notable names meet us at every turn. there were exiled genevans, like de lolme, holding their own in foreign political and intellectual circles; there were emigrant genevan pastors holding aloft the lamps of culture and piety in many cities of england, france, russia, germany, and denmark; there were genevans, like françois lefort, holding the highest offices in the service of foreign rulers; and there were numbers of genevans at geneva of whom the cultivated grand tourist wrote in the tone of a disciple writing of his master. one can not glance at the history of the period without lighting upon names of note in almost all departments of endeavor. the period is that of de saussure, bourrit, the de lucs, the two hubers, great authorities respectively on bees and birds; le sage, who was one of gibbon's rivals for the heart of mademoiselle suzanne curchod; senebier, the librarian who wrote the first literary history of geneva; st. ours and arlaud, the painters; charles bonnet, the entomologist; bérenger and picot, the historians; tronchin, the physician; trembley and jallabert, the mathematicians; dentan, minister and alpine explorer; pictet, the editor of the "bibliothèque universelle," still the leading swiss literary review; and odier, who taught geneva the virtue of vaccination. it is obviously impossible to dwell at length upon the careers of all these eminent men. as well might one attempt, in a survey on the same scale of english literature, to discuss in detail the careers of all the celebrities of the age of anne. one can do little more than remark that the list is marvelously strong for a town of some , inhabitants, and that many of the names included in it are not only eminent, but interesting. jean andré de luc, for example, has a double claim upon our attention as the inventor of the hygrometer and as the pioneer of the snow-peaks. he climbed the buet as early as , and wrote an account of his adventures on its summit and its slopes which has the true charm of arcadian simplicity. he came to england, was appointed reader to queen charlotte, and lived in the enjoyment of that office, and in the gratifying knowledge that her majesty kept his presentation hygrometer in her private apartments, to the venerable age of ninety. bourrit is another interesting character--being, in fact, the spiritual ancestor of the modern alpine clubman. by profession he was precentor of the cathedral; but his heart was in the mountains. in the summer he climbed them, and in the winter he wrote books about them. one of his books was translated into english; and the list of subscribers, published with the translation, shows that the public which bourrit addrest included edmund burke, sir joseph banks, bartolozzi, fanny burney, angelica kauffman, david garrick, sir joshua reynolds, george augustus selwyn, jonas hanway and dr. johnson. his writings earned him the honorable title of historian (or historiographer) of the alps. men of science wrote him letters; princes engaged upon the grand tour called to see him; princesses sent him presents as tokens of their admiration and regard for the man who had taught them how the contemplation of mountain scenery might exalt the sentiments of the human mind. tronchin, too, is interesting; he was the first physician who recognized the therapeutic use of fresh air and exercise, hygienic boots, and open windows. so is charle bonnet, who was not afraid to stand up for orthodoxy against voltaire; so is mallet, who traveled as far as lapland; and so is that man of whom his contemporaries always spoke, with the reverence of hero-worshipers, as "the illustrious de saussure."... the name of which the genevans are proudest is probably that of rousseau, who has sometimes been spoken of as "the austere citizen of geneva." but "austere" is a strange epithet to apply to the philosopher who endowed the foundling hospital with five illegitimate children; and geneva can not claim a great share in a citizen who ran away from the town of his boyhood to avoid being thrashed for stealing apples. it was, indeed, at geneva that jean jacques received from his aunt the disciplinary chastisement of which he gives such an exciting account in his "confessions"; and he once returned to the city and received the holy communion there in later life. but that is all. jean jacques was not educated at geneva, but in savoy--at annecy, at turin, and at chambéry; his books were not printed at geneva, tho' one of them was publicly burned there, but in paris and amsterdam; it is not to genevan but to french literature that he belongs. we must visit voltaire at ferney, and madame de staël at coppet. let the patriarch come first. voltaire was sixty years of age when he settled on the shores of the lake, where he was to remain for another four-and-twenty years; and he did not go there for his pleasure. he would have preferred to live in paris, but was afraid of being locked up in the bastille. as the great majority of the men of letters of the reign of louis xv. were, at one time or another, locked up in the bastille, his fears were probably well founded. moreover, notes of warning had reached his ears. "i dare not ask you to dine," a relative said to him, "because you are in bad odor at court." so he betook himself to geneva, as so many frenchmen, illustrious and otherwise, had done before, and acquired various properties--at prangins, at lausanne, at saint-jean (near geneva), at ferney, at tournay, and elsewhere. he was welcomed cordially. dr. tronchin, the eminent physician, cooperated in the legal fictions necessary to enable him to become a landowner in the republic. cramer, the publisher, made a proposal for the issue of a complete and authorized edition of his works. all the best people called. "it is very pleasant," he was able to write, "to live in a country where rulers borrow your carriage to come to dinner with you." voltaire corresponded regularly with at least four reigning sovereigns, to say nothing of men of letters, cardinals, and marshals of france; and he kept open house for travelers of mark from every country in the world. those of the travelers who wrote books never failed to devote a chapter to an account of a visit to ferney; and from the mass of such descriptions we may select for quotation that written, in the stately style of the period, by dr. john moore, author of "zeluco," then making the grand tour as tutor to the duke of hamilton. "the most piercing eyes i ever beheld," the doctor writes, "are those of voltaire, now in his eightieth year. his whole countenance is expressive of genius, observation, and extreme sensibility. in the morning he has a look of anxiety and discontent; but this gradually wears off, and after dinner he seems cheerful; yet an air of irony never entirely forsakes his face, but may always be observed lurking in his features whether he frowns or smiles. composition is his principal amusement. no author who writes for daily bread, no young poet ardent for distinction, is more assiduous with his pen, or more anxious for fresh fame, than the wealthy and applauded seigneur of ferney. he lives in a very hospitable manner, and takes care always to have a good cook. he generally has two or three visitors from paris, who stay with him a month or six weeks at a time. when they go, their places are soon supplied, so that there is a constant rotation of society at ferney. these, with voltaire's own family and his visitors from geneva, compose a company of twelve or fourteen people, who dine daily at his table, whether he appears or not. all who bring recommendations from his friends may depend upon being received, if he be not really indisposed. he often presents himself to the strangers who assemble every afternoon in his ante-chamber, altho they bring no particular recommendation." it might have been added that when an interesting stranger who carried no introduction was passing through the town, voltaire sometimes sent for him; but this experiment was not always a success, and failed most ludicrously in the case of claude gay, the philadelphian quaker, author of some theological works now forgotten, but then of note. the meeting was only arranged with difficulty on the philosopher's undertaking to put a bridle on his tongue, and say nothing flippant about holy things. he tried to keep his promise, but the temptation was too strong for him. after a while he entangled his guest in a controversy concerning the proceedings of the patriarchs and the evidences of christianity, and lost his temper on finding that his sarcasms failed to make their usual impression. the member of the society of friends, however, was not disconcerted. he rose from his place at the dinner-table, and replied: "friend voltaire! perhaps thou mayst come to understand these matters rightly; in the meantime, finding i can do thee no good, i leave thee, and so fare thee well." and so saying, he walked out and walked back to geneva, while voltaire retired in dudgeon to his room, and the company sat expecting something terrible to happen. a word, in conclusion, about coppet! necker[ ] bought the property from his old banking partner, thelusson, for , livres in french money, and retired to live there when the french revolution drove him out of politics. his daughter, madame de staël, inherited it from him, and made it famous. not that she loved switzerland; it would be more true to say that she detested switzerland. swiss scenery meant nothing to her. when she was taken for an excursion to the glaciers, she asked what the crime was that she had to expiate by such a punishment; and she could look out on the blue waters of lake leman, and sigh for "the gutter of the rue du bac." even to this day, the swiss have hardly forgiven her for that, or for speaking of the canton of vaud as the country in which she had been "so intensely bored for such a number of years." what she wanted was to live in paris, to be a leader--or, rather, to be "the" leader--of parisian society, to sit in a salon, the admired of all admirers, and to pull the wires of politics to the advantage of her friends. for a while she succeeded in doing this. it was she who persuaded barras to give talleyrand his political start in life. but whereas barras was willing to act on her advice, napoleon was by no means equally amenable to her influence. almost from the first he regarded her as a mischief-maker; and when a spy brought him an intercepted letter in which madame de staël exprest her hope that none of the old aristocracy of france would condescend to accept appointments in the household of "the bourgeois of corsica," he became her personal enemy, and, refusing her permission to live either in the capital or near it, practically compelled her to take refuge in her country seat. her pleasance in that way became her gilded cage. perhaps she was not quite so unhappy there as she sometimes represented. if she could not go to paris, many distinguished and brilliant parisians came to coppet, and met there many brilliant and distinguished germans, genevans, italians, and danes. the parisian salon, reconstituted, flourished on swiss soil. there visited there, at one time or another, madame récamier and madame krüdner; benjamin constant, who was so long madame de staël's lover; bonstetten, the voltairean philosopher; frederika brun, the danish artist; sismondi, the historian; werner, the german poet; karl ritter, the german geographer; baron de voght; monti, the italian poet: madame vigée le brun; cuvier; and oelenschlaeger. from almost every one of them we have some pen-and-ink sketch of the life there. this, for instance, is the scene as it appeared to madame le brun, who came to paint the hostess's portrait: "i paint her in antique costume. she is not beautiful, but the animation of her visage takes the place of beauty. to aid the expression i wished to give her, i entreated her to recite tragic verses while i painted. she declaimed passages from corneille and racine. i find many persons established at coppet: the beautiful madame récamier, the comte de sabran, a young english woman, benjamin constant, etc. its society is continually renewed. they come to visit the illustrious exile who is pursued by the rancor of the emperor. her two sons are now with her, under the instruction of the german scholar schlegel; her daughter is very beautiful, and has a passionate love of study; she leaves her company free all the morning, but they unite in the evening. it is only after dinner that they can converse with her. she then walks in her salon, holding in her hand a little green branch; and her words have an ardor quite peculiar to her; it is impossible to interrupt her. at these times she produces on one the effect of an improvisation." and here is a still more graphic description, taken from a letter written to madame récamier by baron de voght: "it is to you that i owe my most amiable reception at coppet. it is no doubt to the favorable expectations aroused by your friendship that i owe my intimate acquaintance with this remarkable woman. i might have met her without your assistance--some casual acquaintance would no doubt have introduced me--but i should never have penetrated to the intimacy of this sublime and beautiful soul, and should never have known how much better she is than her reputation. she is an angel sent from heaven to reveal the divine goodness upon earth. to make her irresistible, a pure ray of celestial light embellishes her spirit and makes her amiable from every point of view. "at once profound and light, whether she is discovering a mysterious secret of the soul or grasping the lightest shadow of a sentiment, her genius shines without dazzling, and when the orb of light has disappeared, it leaves a pleasant twilight to follow it.... no doubt a few faults, a few weaknesses, occasionally veil this celestial apparition; even the initiated must sometimes be troubled by these eclipses, which the genevan astronomers in vain endeavor to predict. "my travels so far have been limited to journeys to lausanne and coppet, where i often stay three or four days. the life there suits me perfectly; the company is even more to my taste. i like constant's wit, schlegel's learning, sabran's amiability, sismondi's talent and character, the simple truthful disposition and just intellectual perceptions of auguste,[ ] the wit and sweetness of albertine[ ]--i was forgetting bonstetten, an excellent fellow, full of knowledge of all sorts, ready in wit, adaptable in character--in every way inspiring one's respect and confidence. "your sublime friend looks and gives life to everything. she imparts intelligence to those around her. in every corner of the house some one is engaged in composing a great work.... corinne is writing her delightful letters about germany, which will, no doubt, prove to be the best thing she has ever done. "the 'shunamitish widow,' an oriental melodrama which she has just finished, will be played in october; it is charming. coppet will be flooded with tears. constant and auguste are both composing tragedies; sabran is writing a comic opera, and sismondi a history; schlegel is translating something; bonstetten is busy with philosophy, and i am busy with my letter to juliette." then, a month later: "since my last letter, madame de staël has read us several chapters of her work. everywhere it bears the marks of her talent. i wish i could persuade her to cut out everything in it connected with politics, and all the metaphors which interfere with its clarity, simplicity, and accuracy. what she needs to demonstrate is not her republicanism, but her wisdom. mlle. jenner played in one of werner's tragedies which was given, last friday, before an audience of twenty. she, werner, and schlegel played perfectly.... "the arrival in switzerland of m. cuvier has been a happy distraction for madame de staël; they spent two days together at geneva, and were well pleased with each other. on her return to coppet she found middleton there, and in receiving his confidences forgot her troubles. yesterday she resumed her work. "the poet whose mystical and somber genius has caused us such profound emotions starts, in a few days' time, for italy. "i accompanied corinne to massot's. to alleviate the tedium of the sitting, a mlle. romilly played pleasantly on the harp, and the studio was a veritable temple of the muses.... "bonstetten gave us two readings of a memoir on the northern alps. it began very well, but afterward it bored us. madame de staël resumed her reading, and there was no longer any question of being bored. it is marvelous how much she must have read and thought over to be able to find the opportunity of saying so many good things. one may differ from her, but one can not help delighting in her talent.... "and now here we are at geneva, trying to reproduce coppet at the hôtel des balances. i am delightfully situated with a wide view over the valley of savoy, between the alps and the jura. "yesterday evening the illusion of coppet was complete. i had been with madame de staël to call on madame rilliet, who is so charming at her own fireside. on my return i played chess with sismondi. madame de staël, mlle. randall, and mlle. jenner sat on the sofa chatting with bonstetten and young barante. we were as we had always been--as we were in the days that i shall never cease regretting." other descriptions exist in great abundance, but these suffice to serve our purpose. they show us the coppet salon as it was pleasant, brilliant, unconventional; something like holland house, but more bohemian; something like harley street, but more select; something like gad's hill--which it resembled in the fact that the members of the house-parties were expected to spend their mornings at their desks--but on a higher social plane; a center at once of high thinking and frivolous behavior; of hard work and desperate love-making, which sometimes paved the way to trouble. footnotes: [footnote : from "hungary." published by the macmillan co.] [footnote : from "hungary." published by the macmillan co.] [footnote : from "sketches from the subject and neighbour lands of venice." published by the macmillan co.] [footnote : the modern marseilles.] [footnote : an ancient italian town on the adriatic, founded by syracusans about b.c. and still an important seaport.] [footnote : the city in provence where have survived a beautiful roman arch and a stupendous roman theater in which classical plays are still given each year by actors from the theatre français.] [footnote : diocletian.] [footnote : a reference to the exquisite maison carrée of nîmes.] [footnote : that is, of venice.] [footnote : the famous general of the emperor justinian, reputed to have become blind and been neglected in his old age.] [footnote : from "sketches from the subject and neighbour lands of venice." published by the macmillan co.] [footnote : from "through savage europe." published by j.b. lippincott co.] [footnote : from "sketches from the subject and neighbour lands of venice." published by the macmillan co.] [footnote : that is, lands where the greek church prevails.] [footnote : john mason neale, author of "an introduction to the history of the holy eastern church."] [footnote : montenegro.] [footnote : from "a girl in the karpathians." after publishing this book. miss dowie became the wife of henry norman, the author and traveler.] [footnote : one of poland's greatest poets.] [footnote : from "views afoot." published by g.p. putnam's sons.] [footnote : the population now ( ) is , .] [footnote : from "six months in italy." published by houghton, mifflin co.] [footnote : from "a bibliographical, antiquarian and picturesque tour," published in .] [footnote : from "letters of a traveller." the tyrol and the dolomites being mainly austrian territory, are here included under "other austrian scenes." resorts in the swiss alps, including chamouni (which, however, is in france), will be found further on in this volume.] [footnote : an italian poet ( - ), who, banished from venice, settled in new york and became professor of italian at columbia college.] [footnote : from "adventures in the alps." published by george w. jacobs & co.] [footnote : in the village of cadore--hence the name, titian da cadore.] [footnote : from "untrodden peaks and unfrequented valleys: a midsummer ramble in the dolomites." published by e.p. dutton & co.] [footnote : reaumur.--author's note.] [footnote : from "my alpine jubilee." published in .] [footnote : from "adventures in the alps." published by george w. jacobs company, philadelphia.] [footnote : since the above was written, the railway has been extended up the jungfrau itself.] [footnote : from "teutonic switzerland." by special arrangement with, and by permission of, the publishers, l.c. page & co. copyright, .] [footnote : from "unknown switzerland." published by james pott & co.] [footnote : from "teutonic switzerland." by special arrangement with, and by permission of, the publishers, l.c. page & co. copyright, .] [footnote : the population in had risen to , .] [footnote : from "teutonic switzerland." by special arrangement with, and by permission of, the publishers, l.c. page & co. copyright, .] [footnote : from "the letters of percy bysshe shelley." politically, chamouni is in france, but the aim here has been to bring into one volume all the more popular alpine resorts. articles on the tyrol and the dolomites will also be found in this volume--under "other austrian scenes."] [footnote : from "adventures in the alps." published by george w. jacobs & co.] [footnote : for mr. whymper's own account of this famous ascent, see page of this volume.] [footnote : from "unknown switzerland." published by james pott & co.] [footnote : from "geneva."] [footnote : from "sunny memories of foreign lands."] [footnote : mrs. stowe's "uncle tom's cabin" had been published about a year when this remark was made to her.] [footnote : from "adventures in the alps." published by george w. jacobs & co.] [footnote : from "unknown switzerland." published by james pott & co.] [footnote : from "scrambles amongst the alps." mr. whymper's later achievements in the alps are now integral parts of the written history of notable mountain climbing feats the world over.] [footnote : from "scrambles amongst the alps." mr. whymper's ascent of the matterhorn was made in . it was the first ascent ever made so far as known. whymper died at chamouni in .] [footnote : from "scrambles amongst the alps." the loss of douglas and three other men, as here described, occurred during the descent of the matterhorn following the ascent described by mr. whymper in the preceding article.] [footnote : that is, down in the village of zermatt. seiler was a well-known innkeeper of that time. other seilers still keep inns at zermatt.] [footnote : the body of douglas has never been recovered. it is believed to lie buried deep in some crevasse in one of the great glaciers that emerge from the base of the matterhorn.] [footnote : from "the glaciers of the alps." prof. tyndall made this ascent in . monte rosa stands quite near the matterhorn. each is reached from zermatt by the gorner-grat.] [footnote : another name for the matterhorn.] [footnote : my staff was always the handle of an ax an inch or two longer than an ordinary walking-stick.--author's note.] [footnote : from "the glaciers of the alps."] [footnote : that is, after having ascended the mountain to a point some distance beyond the mer de glace, to which the party had ascended from chamouni, huxley and tyndall were both engaged in a study of the causes of the movement of glaciers, but tyndall gave it most attention. one of tyndall's feats in the alps was to make the first recorded ascent of the weisshorn. it is said that "traces of his influence remain in switzerland to this day."] [footnote : a hotel overlooking the mer de glace and a headquarters for mountaineers now as then.] [footnote : those acquainted with the mountain will at once recognize the grave error here committed. in fact, on starting from the grands mulets we had crossed the glacier too far, and throughout were much too close to the dôme du goûté.--author's note.] [footnote : from "the playground of europe." published by longmans, green & co.] [footnote : from "adventures in the alps." published by the george w. jacob co.] [footnote : from "unknown switzerland." published by james pott & co.] [footnote : from "unknown switzerland." published by james pott & co.] [footnote : from "geneva."] [footnote : the french financier and minister of louis xvi., father of madame de staël.] [footnote : madame de staël's son, who afterward edited the works of madame de staël and madame necker.--author's note.] [footnote : madame de staël's daughter, afterward duchesse de broglie.]